title: John Gower and the Apollonius-tradition: including an anonymous Latin prose version, the Latin verse version of Godfrey of Viterbo, and John Gower’s English verse version of the Apollonius story (Confessio amantis, book eight), (together with translations of the Latin, notes, and a glossary of Gower’s Middle-English)

authors: Pickford, T.E.

abstract: My purpose in preparing this work has been to draw attention to the way in which John Gower uses the Apollonius story, and to look at his telling of the tale, not as a mere source of Shakespeare’s Pericles, but as a version in its own right: one version in an ancient tradition which was already more than a thousand years old when Gower drew on it, and which, in the twentieth century, is still alive. 
In order to give some idea of how Gower fitted into the tradition, it was necessary to establish which of the earlier versions of the story he used. He names as his authority, the twelfth century work of Godrey of Viterbo, a book known as the Pantheon. It is clear, however, that he was equally familiar with another version which is thought to have been the anonymous prose work usually known as the Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri. Another possibility is that he knew the somewhat briefer version of the Historia that found its way into the Gesta Romanorum, a medieval collection of ‘moral’ tales. Nevertheless, it needs to be borne in mind that the Historia had been translated into Old English as early as the eleventh century, and that a fragment of an early fourteenth century Middle English verse-version survives, as well as numerous other versions in various European vernaculars, including French, all of which may suggest the possibility of an oral tradition running parallel to the written tradition, and that Gower had heard the Apollonius story related many times “On ember-eves and holy-ales”. The search for a second manuscript ‘source’, then, may prove futile. Nevertheless, the manuscripts of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries point to the type of versions most likely to have been in current use.
Although many printed editions of these works have been made in the past, they are not generally readily available. I have been unable, for instance, to see the most important work of S. Singer, Apollonius von Tyrus (Halle, 1895), which includes a version of Godfrey of Viterbo’s Cronica de Apollonio; and the only complete editions of the Pantheon were printed in 1559 and 1726; neither of them is common. Of the more recent editions of the Historia, none suited my purpose exactly as both Goolden’s and Raith’s are given as ‘parallel’ texts to the Old English translation of the Historia, and their ‘readings’ are preferred accordingly. Rises’s edition of 1893 is useful, but I have traced only one copy in New Zealand.
I therefore decided to edit two manuscripts, one recording Godfrey of Viterbo’s Cronica de Apollonio and the other recording the Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri, and these were to act as a kind of introduction to Gower’s version of the story. Owing to the limited time and money at my disposal, I have been unable to compare all the surviving manuscripts, and was therefore unable to select those versions which most nearly correspond with Gower’s text. The two manuscripts included in this work, therefore, are presented as being no more than probably similar to the versions familiar to Gower. Neither has been previously edited.
The Cronica de Apollonio (MS Cotton Titus D iii) is a fourteenth century manuscript which includes additions not found in the twelfth and thirteenth century editions of the Pantheon, but as the same additions are found in at least two other fourteenth century versions, they may have been known to Gower.
The Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri manuscript dates from the early fifteenth century and represents one among some thirteen manuscripts in England of the so-called ‘C’ group. This latter manuscript represents the kind of version in circulation in England during Gower’s day; it also stands as a direct descendant of the supposed second-century original, the line from which all the various lyrics, epics, dramas and histories of Apollonius have sprung.
I present the texts with all their fourteenth or fifteenth century ‘corruptions’. However, reference to earlier versions is made from time to time in order to give some idea of the extent of the variations that exist between the manuscripts. I have also attempted a translation of both pieces, but these translations are not intended to be used independently of the Latin.
In the “Introduction to the Historia”, I outline the history of the story and suggest some of the reasons why it has proved so continuously popular. In Appendix B, with the examination of some of the Greek myths, especially of Apollo and Orpheus (together with Judeo-Christian myths that parallel these), I point towards the underlying archetypal structures of the Apollonius story as well as to its possible prehistory. In other words, I suggest -- without attempting to prove it -- that Apollonius is descended from Apollo, or a combination of Apollo and his chief disciple, Orpheus.
In the “Introduction to the Cronica”, I look at the way in which Godfrey used the Apollonius story, trying, to determine why he included this piece of romance in what amounts to an historical text book. I also draw attention to some of the strengths of Godfrey’s style in order to counteract the generally hostile criticism that he has so far received. It is hoped that the reasons for Gower’s respect for Godfrey as an authority will become apparent.
With something of the Apollonius-tradition established, I now turn to Gower’s version of the story. I use manuscript Fairfax 3 as my text, this being generally accepted as the best manuscript. I differ from Macaulay mainly in the interpretation of the punctuation; my reasons are given in Appendix A. The “Introduction to Gower’s Apollonius” suggests the role of the story within the Confessio Amantis as a whole, whilst the notes which follow the text attempt to elucidate all difficulties, and to draw attention to the fifteenth century Spanish translation of the Confessio as a useful ‘reading’ of the original.
In the sections on Grammar, Syntax, Orthography, and Prosody, I attempt to use the Apollonius story as a basis for demonstrating the ‘rules’ of Gower's English. I do not attempt to define his English in terms of its provenance or peculiarities -- though such observations that Gower never rhymes open with close ‘e’ (whereas Chaucer does) are not thereby excluded. These sections, then, are to be seen as nothing more than extensions to the Notes, aimed at helping the reader understand the poem.

text: John Gower and the Apollonius-tradition: including an anonymous Latin prose version, the Latin verse version of Godfrey of Viterbo, and John Gower’s English verse version of the Apollonius story (Confessio amantis, book eight), (together with translations of the Latin, notes, and a glossary of Gower’s Middle-English) My purpose in preparing this work has been to draw attention to the way in which John Gower uses the Apollonius story, and to look at his telling of the tale, not as a mere source of Shakespeare’s Pericles, but as a version in its own right: one version in an ancient tradition which was already more than a thousand years old when Gower drew on it, and which, in the twentieth century, is still alive. 
In order to give some idea of how Gower fitted into the tradition, it was necessary to establish which of the earlier versions of the story he used. He names as his authority, the twelfth century work of Godrey of Viterbo, a book known as the Pantheon. It is clear, however, that he was equally familiar with another version which is thought to have been the anonymous prose work usually known as the Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri. Another possibility is that he knew the somewhat briefer version of the Historia that found its way into the Gesta Romanorum, a medieval collection of ‘moral’ tales. Nevertheless, it needs to be borne in mind that the Historia had been translated into Old English as early as the eleventh century, and that a fragment of an early fourteenth century Middle English verse-version survives, as well as numerous other versions in various European vernaculars, including French, all of which may suggest the possibility of an oral tradition running parallel to the written tradition, and that Gower had heard the Apollonius story related many times “On ember-eves and holy-ales”. The search for a second manuscript ‘source’, then, may prove futile. Nevertheless, the manuscripts of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries point to the type of versions most likely to have been in current use.
Although many printed editions of these works have been made in the past, they are not generally readily available. I have been unable, for instance, to see the most important work of S. Singer, Apollonius von Tyrus (Halle, 1895), which includes a version of Godfrey of Viterbo’s Cronica de Apollonio; and the only complete editions of the Pantheon were printed in 1559 and 1726; neither of them is common. Of the more recent editions of the Historia, none suited my purpose exactly as both Goolden’s and Raith’s are given as ‘parallel’ texts to the Old English translation of the Historia, and their ‘readings’ are preferred accordingly. Rises’s edition of 1893 is useful, but I have traced only one copy in New Zealand.
I therefore decided to edit two manuscripts, one recording Godfrey of Viterbo’s Cronica de Apollonio and the other recording the Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri, and these were to act as a kind of introduction to Gower’s version of the story. Owing to the limited time and money at my disposal, I have been unable to compare all the surviving manuscripts, and was therefore unable to select those versions which most nearly correspond with Gower’s text. The two manuscripts included in this work, therefore, are presented as being no more than probably similar to the versions familiar to Gower. Neither has been previously edited.
The Cronica de Apollonio (MS Cotton Titus D iii) is a fourteenth century manuscript which includes additions not found in the twelfth and thirteenth century editions of the Pantheon, but as the same additions are found in at least two other fourteenth century versions, they may have been known to Gower.
The Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri manuscript dates from the early fifteenth century and represents one among some thirteen manuscripts in England of the so-called ‘C’ group. This latter manuscript represents the kind of version in circulation in England during Gower’s day; it also stands as a direct descendant of the supposed second-century original, the line from which all the various lyrics, epics, dramas and histories of Apollonius have sprung.
I present the texts with all their fourteenth or fifteenth century ‘corruptions’. However, reference to earlier versions is made from time to time in order to give some idea of the extent of the variations that exist between the manuscripts. I have also attempted a translation of both pieces, but these translations are not intended to be used independently of the Latin.
In the “Introduction to the Historia”, I outline the history of the story and suggest some of the reasons why it has proved so continuously popular. In Appendix B, with the examination of some of the Greek myths, especially of Apollo and Orpheus (together with Judeo-Christian myths that parallel these), I point towards the underlying archetypal structures of the Apollonius story as well as to its possible prehistory. In other words, I suggest -- without attempting to prove it -- that Apollonius is descended from Apollo, or a combination of Apollo and his chief disciple, Orpheus.
In the “Introduction to the Cronica”, I look at the way in which Godfrey used the Apollonius story, trying, to determine why he included this piece of romance in what amounts to an historical text book. I also draw attention to some of the strengths of Godfrey’s style in order to counteract the generally hostile criticism that he has so far received. It is hoped that the reasons for Gower’s respect for Godfrey as an authority will become apparent.
With something of the Apollonius-tradition established, I now turn to Gower’s version of the story. I use manuscript Fairfax 3 as my text, this being generally accepted as the best manuscript. I differ from Macaulay mainly in the interpretation of the punctuation; my reasons are given in Appendix A. The “Introduction to Gower’s Apollonius” suggests the role of the story within the Confessio Amantis as a whole, whilst the notes which follow the text attempt to elucidate all difficulties, and to draw attention to the fifteenth century Spanish translation of the Confessio as a useful ‘reading’ of the original.
In the sections on Grammar, Syntax, Orthography, and Prosody, I attempt to use the Apollonius story as a basis for demonstrating the ‘rules’ of Gower's English. I do not attempt to define his English in terms of its provenance or peculiarities -- though such observations that Gower never rhymes open with close ‘e’ (whereas Chaucer does) are not thereby excluded. These sections, then, are to be seen as nothing more than extensions to the Notes, aimed at helping the reader understand the poem.

year: 1972

title: Enhancing rainfall measurement using microwave links at three scales

authors: Esmaeil Nia, Saeid

abstract: The application of microwave signals in telecommunication has advanced in recent decades. Hence the CMLs (Commercial Microwave Links) have been spread all over the lands. Meanwhile, the decrease in power of the signal due to rainfall has raised the idea of measuring rainfall with microwave attenuation. This PhD research delves into the challenges of these techniques and investigates potential solutions to enhance the accuracy of measuring rainfall. The objectives of the study set to three levels of raindrops’ impact, signal characteristics, and catchment evaluations.  

In the first stage, the cross-sections of different sizes of raindrops are calculated by solving Maxwell’s differential equations in COMSOL software. Rainfall is calculated from different Drop Size Distribution (DSD) models. Then, the correlation between the resulting attenuation and rainfall provided different coefficients for the power correlation between rainfall and attenuation. Regarding the variability in DSD with rainfall intensity, alterations in extinction cross-section play a role in establishing a fluid relationship between attenuation and rainfall. This necessitates adjusting constants for the correlation across different rainfall intensities. 

The results support the idea of having varying coefficients for different rainfall intensities.  At the second level, the signal characteristics were investigated to find a robust method for extracting attenuation from the received power. The study led to defining a reference signal level through signal denoising methods of moving average, Butterworth, and Chebyshev methods. The study showed the superior performance of the moving average in predicting rainfall, especially in 38 GHz links (H and V) indicated by NSE and KGE. Overall, the moving average also resulted in 2%, 16%, and 14% lower RMSE than the conventional method in microwave links 26H, 38H, and 38V, respectively. Butterworth and Chebyshev filters exhibited higher NSE and lower RMSE in 38 GHz links, with competitive accuracy in the 26 GHz link compared to conventional methods.  The effect of wet antenna also decreased and even vanished in some cases. 

At last, the catchment runoff was used to calibrate the relationship between rainfall and attenuation. In a study in 15 catchments in Melbourne, the suggested method established a relation between attenuation and the quick flow of 15 flow stations. Meanwhile, the coefficients of the rainfall-attenuation formula were calibrated to reach the highest accuracy of runoff prediction. The results indicate a more robust connection between attenuation and quick flow in contrast to conventional rain gauge data. The new suggested method achieved a maximum NSE of 0.78 and KGE of 0.86. Compared to rain gauges, the conventional CML model improved NSE by an average of 197%, while the new model showed an additional 50% enhancement. RMSE optimisation also demonstrated improvement, with a 15% enhancement using the conventional CML model and an additional 4% on average with the new model. Moreover, the revised flow calibration technique reduces the wet antenna effect by an average of 49%.

text: Enhancing rainfall measurement using microwave links at three scales The application of microwave signals in telecommunication has advanced in recent decades. Hence the CMLs (Commercial Microwave Links) have been spread all over the lands. Meanwhile, the decrease in power of the signal due to rainfall has raised the idea of measuring rainfall with microwave attenuation. This PhD research delves into the challenges of these techniques and investigates potential solutions to enhance the accuracy of measuring rainfall. The objectives of the study set to three levels of raindrops’ impact, signal characteristics, and catchment evaluations.  

In the first stage, the cross-sections of different sizes of raindrops are calculated by solving Maxwell’s differential equations in COMSOL software. Rainfall is calculated from different Drop Size Distribution (DSD) models. Then, the correlation between the resulting attenuation and rainfall provided different coefficients for the power correlation between rainfall and attenuation. Regarding the variability in DSD with rainfall intensity, alterations in extinction cross-section play a role in establishing a fluid relationship between attenuation and rainfall. This necessitates adjusting constants for the correlation across different rainfall intensities. 

The results support the idea of having varying coefficients for different rainfall intensities.  At the second level, the signal characteristics were investigated to find a robust method for extracting attenuation from the received power. The study led to defining a reference signal level through signal denoising methods of moving average, Butterworth, and Chebyshev methods. The study showed the superior performance of the moving average in predicting rainfall, especially in 38 GHz links (H and V) indicated by NSE and KGE. Overall, the moving average also resulted in 2%, 16%, and 14% lower RMSE than the conventional method in microwave links 26H, 38H, and 38V, respectively. Butterworth and Chebyshev filters exhibited higher NSE and lower RMSE in 38 GHz links, with competitive accuracy in the 26 GHz link compared to conventional methods.  The effect of wet antenna also decreased and even vanished in some cases. 

At last, the catchment runoff was used to calibrate the relationship between rainfall and attenuation. In a study in 15 catchments in Melbourne, the suggested method established a relation between attenuation and the quick flow of 15 flow stations. Meanwhile, the coefficients of the rainfall-attenuation formula were calibrated to reach the highest accuracy of runoff prediction. The results indicate a more robust connection between attenuation and quick flow in contrast to conventional rain gauge data. The new suggested method achieved a maximum NSE of 0.78 and KGE of 0.86. Compared to rain gauges, the conventional CML model improved NSE by an average of 197%, while the new model showed an additional 50% enhancement. RMSE optimisation also demonstrated improvement, with a 15% enhancement using the conventional CML model and an additional 4% on average with the new model. Moreover, the revised flow calibration technique reduces the wet antenna effect by an average of 49%.

year: 2024

title: Ka moemoeā o koutou kaumatua...

authors: Whitiaua, Ropitini

subjects: Ruatāhuna

abstract: Founded by the spiritual leader and prophet Te Kooti Te Turuki Arikirangi, the Ringatū faith came into existence in the 1870s during a very turbulent time for Māori. Struggling for survival many Māori tribes and communities accepted the teachings of Te Kooti and the principles of the Ringatū church as a means of maintaining their independence, beliefs and culture. A truly syncretic religion, the Ringatū church combines traditional Māori customs and beliefs with Christian scriptures forming a religious institution that fits within Christian doctrine while maintaining many important Māori philosophies. 
Throughout the latter stages of the 19th century and into the 20th century the Ringatū faith found fertile soil in many regions and grew in popularity and strength. Areas like the Bay of Plenty and sections of the East Coast became strongholds of the church and to this present day the Ringatū faith still functions within these areas. Therefore it is not surprising that Ruatāhuna, a small and isolated community located in the centre of Te Urewera has been part of the Ringatū movement since its inception. This community sheltered Te Kooti while he was being hunted by government forces, and the people became devout followers of the Ringatū faith. Therefore the proficies of Te Kooti and the principles of the church have become central in the identity and cultural practises of Tūhoe and the community of Ruatāhuna. 
For generations the Ringatū church has been the main spiritual institution within Ruatāhuna, with its gatherings being attended by the vast majority of the community. Its influence has permeated throughout every facet of Ruatāhuna life including spirituality, politics, social controls and even cultural practise. However in the past 30 years there has been a significant decline in the influence and popularity of the Ringatū church, and its tenants are now maintained by just a few families. This decline is most evident during the monthly gatherings of the Ringatū community in Ruatāhuna on the 12 of each month, ‘tekau-mā-rua’, where there are now only about 20 regular attendees. 

This thesis explores the Ringatū faith within Ruatāhuna from its origin, its development through the decades and current position. It examines the changing dynamics of the church in recent times in order to understand why its popularity and influence has shifted. Finally this study seeks a path forward for the Ringatū church in a modern world, looking at how the faith can respond to the needs of a new generation and to find a purpose in a new age.

text: Ka moemoeā o koutou kaumatua... Founded by the spiritual leader and prophet Te Kooti Te Turuki Arikirangi, the Ringatū faith came into existence in the 1870s during a very turbulent time for Māori. Struggling for survival many Māori tribes and communities accepted the teachings of Te Kooti and the principles of the Ringatū church as a means of maintaining their independence, beliefs and culture. A truly syncretic religion, the Ringatū church combines traditional Māori customs and beliefs with Christian scriptures forming a religious institution that fits within Christian doctrine while maintaining many important Māori philosophies. 
Throughout the latter stages of the 19th century and into the 20th century the Ringatū faith found fertile soil in many regions and grew in popularity and strength. Areas like the Bay of Plenty and sections of the East Coast became strongholds of the church and to this present day the Ringatū faith still functions within these areas. Therefore it is not surprising that Ruatāhuna, a small and isolated community located in the centre of Te Urewera has been part of the Ringatū movement since its inception. This community sheltered Te Kooti while he was being hunted by government forces, and the people became devout followers of the Ringatū faith. Therefore the proficies of Te Kooti and the principles of the church have become central in the identity and cultural practises of Tūhoe and the community of Ruatāhuna. 
For generations the Ringatū church has been the main spiritual institution within Ruatāhuna, with its gatherings being attended by the vast majority of the community. Its influence has permeated throughout every facet of Ruatāhuna life including spirituality, politics, social controls and even cultural practise. However in the past 30 years there has been a significant decline in the influence and popularity of the Ringatū church, and its tenants are now maintained by just a few families. This decline is most evident during the monthly gatherings of the Ringatū community in Ruatāhuna on the 12 of each month, ‘tekau-mā-rua’, where there are now only about 20 regular attendees. 

This thesis explores the Ringatū faith within Ruatāhuna from its origin, its development through the decades and current position. It examines the changing dynamics of the church in recent times in order to understand why its popularity and influence has shifted. Finally this study seeks a path forward for the Ringatū church in a modern world, looking at how the faith can respond to the needs of a new generation and to find a purpose in a new age.

year: 2015