title: A framework for estimating crime location choice based on awareness space

authors: Curtis-Ham, Sophie

abstract: This paper extends Crime Pattern Theory, proposing a theoretical framework which aims to explain how offenders’ previous routine activity locations influence their future offence locations. The framework draws on studies of individual level crime location choice and location choice in non-criminal contexts, to identify attributes of prior activities associated with the selection of the location for future crime. We group these attributes into two proposed mechanisms: reliability and relevance. Offenders are more likely to commit crime where they have reliable knowledge that is relevant to the particular crime. The perceived reliability of offenders’ knowledge about a potential crime location is affected by the frequency, recency and duration of their prior activities in that location. Relevance reflects knowledge of a potential crime location’s crime opportunities and is affected by the type of behaviour, type of location and timing of prior activities in that location. We apply the framework to generate testable hypotheses to guide future studies of crime location choice and suggest directions for further theoretical and empirical work. Understanding crime location choice using this framework could also help inform policing investigations and crime prevention strategies.</jats:p>

text: A framework for estimating crime location choice based on awareness space This paper extends Crime Pattern Theory, proposing a theoretical framework which aims to explain how offenders’ previous routine activity locations influence their future offence locations. The framework draws on studies of individual level crime location choice and location choice in non-criminal contexts, to identify attributes of prior activities associated with the selection of the location for future crime. We group these attributes into two proposed mechanisms: reliability and relevance. Offenders are more likely to commit crime where they have reliable knowledge that is relevant to the particular crime. The perceived reliability of offenders’ knowledge about a potential crime location is affected by the frequency, recency and duration of their prior activities in that location. Relevance reflects knowledge of a potential crime location’s crime opportunities and is affected by the type of behaviour, type of location and timing of prior activities in that location. We apply the framework to generate testable hypotheses to guide future studies of crime location choice and suggest directions for further theoretical and empirical work. Understanding crime location choice using this framework could also help inform policing investigations and crime prevention strategies.</jats:p>

year: 2020

title: Deoxygenation impacts of lake weed

authors: Gibbs, Max M.

abstract: This talk came about from a series of questions that were asked at a TAG meeting in May 2016. These included:
1) What are the consequences of invasive weed growth?
2) What is the succession of species invasion and will it get worse?
3) What are the risks associated with these invasive weeds spreading?
4) What are native aquatic species of the littoral zone and their values?
5) What are the impacts of the associated water clarity improvements on weed?
6) What are possible control measures/options/experience/typical costs and
challenges?
7) What are the current BOPRC monitoring programmes?
(i) Lakes SPI; what does this mean? Incursion monitoring?
(ii) How do we compare with other regions? Can we improve?
8) What are the agencies involved and their current actions?

text: Deoxygenation impacts of lake weed This talk came about from a series of questions that were asked at a TAG meeting in May 2016. These included:
1) What are the consequences of invasive weed growth?
2) What is the succession of species invasion and will it get worse?
3) What are the risks associated with these invasive weeds spreading?
4) What are native aquatic species of the littoral zone and their values?
5) What are the impacts of the associated water clarity improvements on weed?
6) What are possible control measures/options/experience/typical costs and
challenges?
7) What are the current BOPRC monitoring programmes?
(i) Lakes SPI; what does this mean? Incursion monitoring?
(ii) How do we compare with other regions? Can we improve?
8) What are the agencies involved and their current actions?

year: 2017

title: Cloaked in Life and Death: Tangi and Taonga in a Contemporary Māori Whanau

authors: Malcolm-Buchanan, Vincent Alan

subjects: Aotearoa

abstract: This thesis is an examination of tangihanga (indigenous funerary practices) unique to the lived experience of the Māori of Aotearoa New Zealand, drawing on fieldwork undertaken amongst Māori, by a Māori. The introduction and influence of modern practices, ideologies, and articles of significance are considered, in the context of the ongoing traditions of tangihanga, a unique and critical collective occasion. This research navigates a tribally distinct journey by way of familial experiences of death in the Māori world. In particular, this work discusses and elucidates the select materials, objects and taonga (artefacts) observable during our funerary processes, as they engage the rubric of death, burial and initial mourning. 

Part I: speaks to theoretical and methodological aspects pertinent to the scope of the interdisciplinary work undertaken, and intellectually framed, by the disciplines of Anthropology and Tikanga Māori Cultural Studies. This includes participant observation fieldwork; death, ritual, liminality and oral traditions; the marae context; western and indigenous worldviews and epistemologies; as well as compositional mechanisms and tensions. 

Part II: addresses some logistics of tangihanga, and introduces key ethnohistoric and ethnographic reflexions, which lead into select participant interviews that act to inform the work. These provide the anthropological other voice, and explore realities and concepts which are at the same time distinct from, yet similar to, my own.

Part III: relates five brief tangihanga narratives which present genealogically-inflected ethnographies of death, and facilitate discussions pertaining to the core focus of the thesis. Thereafter the substantive chapter material deliberates upon processes and experiences of the arrival of death in the Māori world, as we return to the marae and eventually embrace the final moments of closing the lid of the casket in preparation for interment.

With time, we can see different, innovative ideas and practices being introduced as each new generation, with their respective priorities, subsequently metamorphose the complex rubric of tangihanga. For example, transnational Māori must find new ways to cope with tūpāpaku on foreign shores, and they can also be seen to introduce non-traditional elements when returning tūpāpaku home to Aotearoa. Concern regarding the dietary health of many Māori means we are more aware of the need to reduce fat, salt and sugar intakes, so on many marae meat is becoming leaner, whilst vegetarian and gluten free options are being increasingly considered. Also, premium wall space is diminishing as growing numbers of images arrive with the passing of kin members, so the likes of digital photo albums are being introduced; reflecting increasing new technologies on marae that also includes mobile phones, iPads, laptop computers and so forth. Change seems inevitable and change, in many forms, will continue to encroach on our cultural sensibilities and abodes.

As older generations perpetuate age-old traditions, and younger generations acculturate new priorities, change is no longer on the horizon of our marae, but has arrived to affect tangihanga and marae practices. This said, the Māori remain pragmatic and resilient to the winds of change, and this study shows our ability to adapt, as and where need be, whilst also foreboding future generations be as adaptable and ready to change; at the same time as maintaining core cultural traditions and practices. In its most basic form this thesis shows that whilst it matters what clothes we dress our tūpāpaku in, the taonga displayed, the form of burial vessel chosen, mode of disposal and so forth, the rubric of tangihanga nonetheless prioritises the interests of Maori as a collective, communally sharing the complex logistics and burdens of death, as we celebrate a life lived, and lost, collectively.

This research will primarily consider the use of tangible materials, objects, and artefacts observable in contemporary tangihanga experiences and question how modernising or secular ideologies have impacted funerary practices for 21st century Māori. Throughout the course of this research I also intend to look into:

•	What taonga, materials, and objects are observable at tangihanga and why?
•	Are these items deemed ritually symbolic, and if so how and why?
•	What is the familial and cultural relevance and significance of such items?
•	What (if any) values and ideologies do these items express, transpose and/or communicate?
•	What garments and or taonga are permitted (or not) to adorn the tūpāpaku? Why or why not?
•	Are all types of photographs and/or images permitted to be displayed, if so where, are there restrictions, and if so then what and why?
•	Does the immediate physical environment make any difference to the use of materials, objects and artefacts in funerary practices, and if so how and why?

Twenty-first century Māori continue to hold fast to age-old traditions, at the same time as being flexible and adapting with changing times. This body of work considers aspects of our earlier funerary traditions, and discusses current traditions, before concluding with postulations regarding potential new practices. As Māori and Pākehā of Aotearoa NZ there is much we have yet to learn from each other, and still much more we might share with our other global contemporaries.

Moe mai ra koutou i te moengaroa o te Ariki
He tohu aroha tēnei mō koutou katoa

text: Cloaked in Life and Death: Tangi and Taonga in a Contemporary Māori Whanau This thesis is an examination of tangihanga (indigenous funerary practices) unique to the lived experience of the Māori of Aotearoa New Zealand, drawing on fieldwork undertaken amongst Māori, by a Māori. The introduction and influence of modern practices, ideologies, and articles of significance are considered, in the context of the ongoing traditions of tangihanga, a unique and critical collective occasion. This research navigates a tribally distinct journey by way of familial experiences of death in the Māori world. In particular, this work discusses and elucidates the select materials, objects and taonga (artefacts) observable during our funerary processes, as they engage the rubric of death, burial and initial mourning. 

Part I: speaks to theoretical and methodological aspects pertinent to the scope of the interdisciplinary work undertaken, and intellectually framed, by the disciplines of Anthropology and Tikanga Māori Cultural Studies. This includes participant observation fieldwork; death, ritual, liminality and oral traditions; the marae context; western and indigenous worldviews and epistemologies; as well as compositional mechanisms and tensions. 

Part II: addresses some logistics of tangihanga, and introduces key ethnohistoric and ethnographic reflexions, which lead into select participant interviews that act to inform the work. These provide the anthropological other voice, and explore realities and concepts which are at the same time distinct from, yet similar to, my own.

Part III: relates five brief tangihanga narratives which present genealogically-inflected ethnographies of death, and facilitate discussions pertaining to the core focus of the thesis. Thereafter the substantive chapter material deliberates upon processes and experiences of the arrival of death in the Māori world, as we return to the marae and eventually embrace the final moments of closing the lid of the casket in preparation for interment.

With time, we can see different, innovative ideas and practices being introduced as each new generation, with their respective priorities, subsequently metamorphose the complex rubric of tangihanga. For example, transnational Māori must find new ways to cope with tūpāpaku on foreign shores, and they can also be seen to introduce non-traditional elements when returning tūpāpaku home to Aotearoa. Concern regarding the dietary health of many Māori means we are more aware of the need to reduce fat, salt and sugar intakes, so on many marae meat is becoming leaner, whilst vegetarian and gluten free options are being increasingly considered. Also, premium wall space is diminishing as growing numbers of images arrive with the passing of kin members, so the likes of digital photo albums are being introduced; reflecting increasing new technologies on marae that also includes mobile phones, iPads, laptop computers and so forth. Change seems inevitable and change, in many forms, will continue to encroach on our cultural sensibilities and abodes.

As older generations perpetuate age-old traditions, and younger generations acculturate new priorities, change is no longer on the horizon of our marae, but has arrived to affect tangihanga and marae practices. This said, the Māori remain pragmatic and resilient to the winds of change, and this study shows our ability to adapt, as and where need be, whilst also foreboding future generations be as adaptable and ready to change; at the same time as maintaining core cultural traditions and practices. In its most basic form this thesis shows that whilst it matters what clothes we dress our tūpāpaku in, the taonga displayed, the form of burial vessel chosen, mode of disposal and so forth, the rubric of tangihanga nonetheless prioritises the interests of Maori as a collective, communally sharing the complex logistics and burdens of death, as we celebrate a life lived, and lost, collectively.

This research will primarily consider the use of tangible materials, objects, and artefacts observable in contemporary tangihanga experiences and question how modernising or secular ideologies have impacted funerary practices for 21st century Māori. Throughout the course of this research I also intend to look into:

•	What taonga, materials, and objects are observable at tangihanga and why?
•	Are these items deemed ritually symbolic, and if so how and why?
•	What is the familial and cultural relevance and significance of such items?
•	What (if any) values and ideologies do these items express, transpose and/or communicate?
•	What garments and or taonga are permitted (or not) to adorn the tūpāpaku? Why or why not?
•	Are all types of photographs and/or images permitted to be displayed, if so where, are there restrictions, and if so then what and why?
•	Does the immediate physical environment make any difference to the use of materials, objects and artefacts in funerary practices, and if so how and why?

Twenty-first century Māori continue to hold fast to age-old traditions, at the same time as being flexible and adapting with changing times. This body of work considers aspects of our earlier funerary traditions, and discusses current traditions, before concluding with postulations regarding potential new practices. As Māori and Pākehā of Aotearoa NZ there is much we have yet to learn from each other, and still much more we might share with our other global contemporaries.

Moe mai ra koutou i te moengaroa o te Ariki
He tohu aroha tēnei mō koutou katoa

year: 2014