title: Military Regimes, Political Power and Human Rights Violations in Postcolonial Algeria

authors: Belkamel, Yassine

subjects: Algeria

abstract: Following Algeria’s bloody war of independence, a new, revolutionary military establishment gradually formed out of several largely independent revolutionary units, stationed mostly on Algeria’s borders.  It soon expanded with the addition of revolutionary fighters from within Algeria, and from French-trained forces, many of whom had fought against the revolutionary forces during the Revolution, and had deserted late in the war from the French military to join the new Algerian military.  A particularly powerful group of officers emerged from the latter group, the “French Officers,” who apparently engaged in a long-term and ultimately successful bid for national political power.
This thesis, which is concerned with the politics behind the massive human rights violations in Algeria, particularly the periods immediately after Independence, and between 1991 and 2002, the “Algerian Civil War,” seeks to explore a central question: why did the Algerian military turn against its own people?  While not denying the role of other groups (e.g., religious groups, ethnic groups) in the violence, the central focus of this thesis is on the distinctive and effective structure and role of the military, which was apparently the dominant political power in Algeria after Independence, and particularly on the role of the French Officers, who appear to have manipulated the presidency through coups d’état and assassinations, in their struggle to achieve political hegemony in Algeria by the 1990s. Central to this was the role played after Independence by Houari Boumédiène in establishing political and military organisations that were particularly susceptible to the growing influence of the French Officers.
Central topical foci of the thesis include examinations of the possible effects (on the central question, listed above) of: professionalization of the military; civil-military relations; historical influences; ethnic and religious influences; political parties and party formation; corruption and economic opportunism; international relations and continuing French influence; and the unique role of the French Officers in the national politics of Algeria.
Methodologies used in this study included the analysis of elite (non-random) interviews, based upon a questionnaire approved by the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee, which the author conducted in Europe and via “Skype” with nearly two dozen prominent Algerian expatriates, for the most part in exile, including former civilian leaders and military officers. Historical analysis was also a central part of the methodology, as well as discourse analysis applied to significant memoirs and newspaper accounts.
The thesis concludes that the immediate self-interests of the French Officers had a determinate effect on politics in Algeria, and particularly on the way in which the military turned against its own people after 1991. The continuing support that the French Officers apparently received from France, while not unexpected, is surprising in its extent and continuity, particularly after acts of terrorism thought to be linked to the Algerian government occurred in France.  An unexpected finding of this research is the significance of corruption and economic opportunism in the Algerian military regime’s long-term strategy.

text: Military Regimes, Political Power and Human Rights Violations in Postcolonial Algeria Following Algeria’s bloody war of independence, a new, revolutionary military establishment gradually formed out of several largely independent revolutionary units, stationed mostly on Algeria’s borders.  It soon expanded with the addition of revolutionary fighters from within Algeria, and from French-trained forces, many of whom had fought against the revolutionary forces during the Revolution, and had deserted late in the war from the French military to join the new Algerian military.  A particularly powerful group of officers emerged from the latter group, the “French Officers,” who apparently engaged in a long-term and ultimately successful bid for national political power.
This thesis, which is concerned with the politics behind the massive human rights violations in Algeria, particularly the periods immediately after Independence, and between 1991 and 2002, the “Algerian Civil War,” seeks to explore a central question: why did the Algerian military turn against its own people?  While not denying the role of other groups (e.g., religious groups, ethnic groups) in the violence, the central focus of this thesis is on the distinctive and effective structure and role of the military, which was apparently the dominant political power in Algeria after Independence, and particularly on the role of the French Officers, who appear to have manipulated the presidency through coups d’état and assassinations, in their struggle to achieve political hegemony in Algeria by the 1990s. Central to this was the role played after Independence by Houari Boumédiène in establishing political and military organisations that were particularly susceptible to the growing influence of the French Officers.
Central topical foci of the thesis include examinations of the possible effects (on the central question, listed above) of: professionalization of the military; civil-military relations; historical influences; ethnic and religious influences; political parties and party formation; corruption and economic opportunism; international relations and continuing French influence; and the unique role of the French Officers in the national politics of Algeria.
Methodologies used in this study included the analysis of elite (non-random) interviews, based upon a questionnaire approved by the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee, which the author conducted in Europe and via “Skype” with nearly two dozen prominent Algerian expatriates, for the most part in exile, including former civilian leaders and military officers. Historical analysis was also a central part of the methodology, as well as discourse analysis applied to significant memoirs and newspaper accounts.
The thesis concludes that the immediate self-interests of the French Officers had a determinate effect on politics in Algeria, and particularly on the way in which the military turned against its own people after 1991. The continuing support that the French Officers apparently received from France, while not unexpected, is surprising in its extent and continuity, particularly after acts of terrorism thought to be linked to the Algerian government occurred in France.  An unexpected finding of this research is the significance of corruption and economic opportunism in the Algerian military regime’s long-term strategy.

year: 2014

title: From competition and conversion to co-operation and conversation: Dynamics of Christian-Muslim engagement

authors: Pratt, Douglas

subjects: religion

abstract: Two books, Islam & the West Post 9/11 and Islam and the West: reflections from Australia, cover a range of theoretical issues, regional-specific topics and case studies that explore issues related to the theme of Islam and the West. These are but two in a great flood of publications. Interest in contemporary Islam is high. The stakes are high. If global warming is a cause for concern, the idea of an interreligious meltdown between Islam and Christianity – which between them encompass the majority of the entire population of the globe – cannot be lightly brushed aside, given today the upsurge in ‘fundamentalist’ (I use this expression cautiously) ideologies and related assertive, even terrorist, activities. But there are two other recent books which argue, in effect, that a meltdown is by no means inevitable, and that, indeed, the prospect for friendship between the peoples of these two great religions is eminently possible and supremely to be desired.

text: From competition and conversion to co-operation and conversation: Dynamics of Christian-Muslim engagement Two books, Islam & the West Post 9/11 and Islam and the West: reflections from Australia, cover a range of theoretical issues, regional-specific topics and case studies that explore issues related to the theme of Islam and the West. These are but two in a great flood of publications. Interest in contemporary Islam is high. The stakes are high. If global warming is a cause for concern, the idea of an interreligious meltdown between Islam and Christianity – which between them encompass the majority of the entire population of the globe – cannot be lightly brushed aside, given today the upsurge in ‘fundamentalist’ (I use this expression cautiously) ideologies and related assertive, even terrorist, activities. But there are two other recent books which argue, in effect, that a meltdown is by no means inevitable, and that, indeed, the prospect for friendship between the peoples of these two great religions is eminently possible and supremely to be desired.

year: 2006-12

title: Ethnic disparities in breast cancer survival in New Zealand: which factors contribute?

authors: Tin Tin, Sandar

subjects: Breast cancer

abstract: Background: New Zealand has major ethnic disparities in breast cancer survival with Maori (indigenous people) and Pacific women (immigrants or descended from immigrants from Pacific Islands) faring much worse than other ethnic groups. This paper identified underlying factors and assessed their relative contribution to this risk differential. 
Methods: This study involved all women who were diagnosed with primary invasive breast cancer in two health regions, covering about 40% of the national population, between January 2000 and June 2014. Maori and Pacific patients were compared with other ethnic groups in terms of demographics, mode of diagnosis, disease factors and treatment factors. Cox regression modelling was performed with stepwise adjustments, and hazards of excess mortality from breast cancer for Maori and Pacific patients were assessed. 
Results: Of the 13,657 patients who were included in this analysis, 1281 (9.4%) were Maori, and 897 (6.6%) were Pacific women. Compared to other ethnic groups, they were younger, more likely to reside in deprived neighbourhoods and to have co-morbidities, and less likely to be diagnosed through screening and with early stage cancer, to be treated in a private care facility, to receive timely cancer treatment, and to receive breast conserving surgery. They had a higher risk of excess mortality from breast cancer (age and year of diagnosis adjusted hazard ratio: 1.76; 95% CI: 1.51-2.04 for Maori and 1.97; 95% CI: 1.67-2.32 for Pacific women), of which 75% and 99% respectively were explained by baseline differences. The most important contributor was late stage at diagnosis. Other contributors included neighbourhood deprivation, mode of diagnosis, type of health care facility where primary cancer treatment was undertaken and type of loco-regional therapy. 
Conclusions: Late diagnosis, deprivation and differential access to and quality of cancer care services were the key contributors to ethnic disparities in breast cancer survival in New Zealand. Our findings underscore the need for a greater equity focus along the breast cancer care pathway, with an emphasis on improving access to early diagnosis for Maori and Pacific women.

text: Ethnic disparities in breast cancer survival in New Zealand: which factors contribute? Background: New Zealand has major ethnic disparities in breast cancer survival with Maori (indigenous people) and Pacific women (immigrants or descended from immigrants from Pacific Islands) faring much worse than other ethnic groups. This paper identified underlying factors and assessed their relative contribution to this risk differential. 
Methods: This study involved all women who were diagnosed with primary invasive breast cancer in two health regions, covering about 40% of the national population, between January 2000 and June 2014. Maori and Pacific patients were compared with other ethnic groups in terms of demographics, mode of diagnosis, disease factors and treatment factors. Cox regression modelling was performed with stepwise adjustments, and hazards of excess mortality from breast cancer for Maori and Pacific patients were assessed. 
Results: Of the 13,657 patients who were included in this analysis, 1281 (9.4%) were Maori, and 897 (6.6%) were Pacific women. Compared to other ethnic groups, they were younger, more likely to reside in deprived neighbourhoods and to have co-morbidities, and less likely to be diagnosed through screening and with early stage cancer, to be treated in a private care facility, to receive timely cancer treatment, and to receive breast conserving surgery. They had a higher risk of excess mortality from breast cancer (age and year of diagnosis adjusted hazard ratio: 1.76; 95% CI: 1.51-2.04 for Maori and 1.97; 95% CI: 1.67-2.32 for Pacific women), of which 75% and 99% respectively were explained by baseline differences. The most important contributor was late stage at diagnosis. Other contributors included neighbourhood deprivation, mode of diagnosis, type of health care facility where primary cancer treatment was undertaken and type of loco-regional therapy. 
Conclusions: Late diagnosis, deprivation and differential access to and quality of cancer care services were the key contributors to ethnic disparities in breast cancer survival in New Zealand. Our findings underscore the need for a greater equity focus along the breast cancer care pathway, with an emphasis on improving access to early diagnosis for Maori and Pacific women.

year: 2018