title: Quaternary volcanism, tephras, and tephra-derived soils in New Zealand: an introductory review

authors: Lowe, David J.

subjects: volcanoes

abstract: This two-part article comprises brief introductions to (1) volcanism and its products in general and to the broad pattern of Quaternary volcanism and tephrostratigraphy in North Island, and (2) the ensuing tephra-derived soils of North Island. Part 1 derives mainly from Smith et al. (2006), Leonard et al. (2007), and Lowe (2008a). Other useful reviews include those of Neall (2001), Graham (2008: Chapter 7), Wilson et al. (2009), and Cole et al. (2010). Recent reviews on tephras include Shane (2000), Alloway et al. (2007), Lowe (2008b, 2011), and Lowe et al. (2008a, 2008b). A history of tephra studies in New Zealand was reported by Lowe (1990). Part 2 describes the distribution and character of the main tephra-derived soils, these being Entisols and Andisols (mostly Vitrands and Udands) and Ultisols (Lowe and Palmer, 2005). Books on these and other soils in New Zealand include NZ Soil Bureau (1968), Gibbs (1980), McLaren and Cameron (1996), Cornforth (1998), and Molloy and Christie (1998). An excellent overview is the web-based article by Hewitt (2008), and encyclopaedic reviews by Neall (2006) and McDaniel et al. (2011) include New Zealand examples. Tonkin (2007a, 2007b, 2007c) provided a history of soil survey and soil conservation activities in New Zealand. A quantitatively-based classification of New Zealand‟s terrestrial environments was published by Leathwick et al. (2003).

text: Quaternary volcanism, tephras, and tephra-derived soils in New Zealand: an introductory review This two-part article comprises brief introductions to (1) volcanism and its products in general and to the broad pattern of Quaternary volcanism and tephrostratigraphy in North Island, and (2) the ensuing tephra-derived soils of North Island. Part 1 derives mainly from Smith et al. (2006), Leonard et al. (2007), and Lowe (2008a). Other useful reviews include those of Neall (2001), Graham (2008: Chapter 7), Wilson et al. (2009), and Cole et al. (2010). Recent reviews on tephras include Shane (2000), Alloway et al. (2007), Lowe (2008b, 2011), and Lowe et al. (2008a, 2008b). A history of tephra studies in New Zealand was reported by Lowe (1990). Part 2 describes the distribution and character of the main tephra-derived soils, these being Entisols and Andisols (mostly Vitrands and Udands) and Ultisols (Lowe and Palmer, 2005). Books on these and other soils in New Zealand include NZ Soil Bureau (1968), Gibbs (1980), McLaren and Cameron (1996), Cornforth (1998), and Molloy and Christie (1998). An excellent overview is the web-based article by Hewitt (2008), and encyclopaedic reviews by Neall (2006) and McDaniel et al. (2011) include New Zealand examples. Tonkin (2007a, 2007b, 2007c) provided a history of soil survey and soil conservation activities in New Zealand. A quantitatively-based classification of New Zealand‟s terrestrial environments was published by Leathwick et al. (2003).

year: 2010

title: Education outside the classroom in Aotearoa New Zealand - A comprehensive national study: Final Report

authors: Hill, Allen

abstract: Education outside the Classroom (EOTC) has a long and rich history in Aotearoa New Zealand schools (Lynch, 2006), contributing positively to the lives of many young New Zealanders. The purpose of this study was to gain a contemporary and comprehensive understanding of what EOTC is currently occurring in schools across, the value that schools see in/ascribe to EOTC, and the various challenges and factors that influence the provision of EOTC.  
Data for the EOTC Comprehensive National Study was gathered from late 2017 throughout 2018 utilising a multiphase mixed methods research design. Data collection involved a national EOTC questionnaire (NEOTCQ) completed by school leaders and EOTC coordinators’ (n=523), specific EOTC inventories from a small sample of schools (n=23), and individual and focus group interviews with school leaders and teachers (n=28), students (n=140) and LEOTC providers (n=9).
This executive summary provides a succinct overview of the key findings from the comprehensive final report. The summary comprises four key sections addressing: what schools are doing with EOTC, teacher and student perspectives on the value of EOTC, how school leaders and teachers view challenges associated with EOTC provision, and enablers of flourishing EOTC in schools.

text: Education outside the classroom in Aotearoa New Zealand - A comprehensive national study: Final Report Education outside the Classroom (EOTC) has a long and rich history in Aotearoa New Zealand schools (Lynch, 2006), contributing positively to the lives of many young New Zealanders. The purpose of this study was to gain a contemporary and comprehensive understanding of what EOTC is currently occurring in schools across, the value that schools see in/ascribe to EOTC, and the various challenges and factors that influence the provision of EOTC.  
Data for the EOTC Comprehensive National Study was gathered from late 2017 throughout 2018 utilising a multiphase mixed methods research design. Data collection involved a national EOTC questionnaire (NEOTCQ) completed by school leaders and EOTC coordinators’ (n=523), specific EOTC inventories from a small sample of schools (n=23), and individual and focus group interviews with school leaders and teachers (n=28), students (n=140) and LEOTC providers (n=9).
This executive summary provides a succinct overview of the key findings from the comprehensive final report. The summary comprises four key sections addressing: what schools are doing with EOTC, teacher and student perspectives on the value of EOTC, how school leaders and teachers view challenges associated with EOTC provision, and enablers of flourishing EOTC in schools.

year: 2020

title: Maori land in Hauraki

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Imagining the Hauraki Peninsula to contain payable goldfields and knowing that land to the south of Thames had great agricultural potential, Pakeha were determined to acquire it, and were frustrated by what was considered to be ‘Maori intransigence’. For their part, Maori landowners were justifiably concerned about losing their land, and hindered and delayed opening it to settlement for as long as possible. A major difficulty for officials seeking to acquire land was how to determine boundaries between different blocks and how to identify the true owners when there were rival claims put forward by hapu and individuals. Land purchase agents used a variety of means to get blocks through the land court and then to individualize the title, notably the controversial ‘raihana’ policy, which benefited some landowners at the expense of others. The expensive legal process involved often forced those who had proved their ownership to sell land to pay for their success, a success which resulted in grantees treating the land as their personal property rather than tribal property. Some Pakeha as well as many Maori protested at the unfair process; even James Mackay, the most effective practitioner of raihana, came to lament his success and its consequences for the younger generation of Maori (he blamed the system, not himself). When far too late, it was urged that land should have been leased rather than sold and that proceeds from sales should not have been squandered.
Instead of having commissions of enquiry, as some suggested, the land court system meant that judges determined ownership on the evidence presented to them, even though some owners were not present nor had their interests represented. Sometimes the evidence was false, as was admitted by some witnesses when their perjury was exposed. And in the case of the Ohinemuri district, for which the records survive, when the land was sold to the Crown some Maori received too much money, some too little, and some missed out altogether. The struggles to open Ohinemuri to miners and settlers is examined in detail, revealing that some rangatira expected economic gain and that Te Hira’s party, who opposed the opening, were undermined by some of Te Hira’s followers: being ‘Hauhau’, they refused to take money from the Crown but instead took raihana, meaning goods which were charged against their land in a way they did not understand. Nor did anyone fully understand the system apart from Mackay, whose policy was eventually repudiated by the politicians who had encouraged it previously. Not all land was lost, but because the government did not assist landowners with advice and finance until well into the twentieth century what land that was retained could not be developed adequately.

text: Maori land in Hauraki Imagining the Hauraki Peninsula to contain payable goldfields and knowing that land to the south of Thames had great agricultural potential, Pakeha were determined to acquire it, and were frustrated by what was considered to be ‘Maori intransigence’. For their part, Maori landowners were justifiably concerned about losing their land, and hindered and delayed opening it to settlement for as long as possible. A major difficulty for officials seeking to acquire land was how to determine boundaries between different blocks and how to identify the true owners when there were rival claims put forward by hapu and individuals. Land purchase agents used a variety of means to get blocks through the land court and then to individualize the title, notably the controversial ‘raihana’ policy, which benefited some landowners at the expense of others. The expensive legal process involved often forced those who had proved their ownership to sell land to pay for their success, a success which resulted in grantees treating the land as their personal property rather than tribal property. Some Pakeha as well as many Maori protested at the unfair process; even James Mackay, the most effective practitioner of raihana, came to lament his success and its consequences for the younger generation of Maori (he blamed the system, not himself). When far too late, it was urged that land should have been leased rather than sold and that proceeds from sales should not have been squandered.
Instead of having commissions of enquiry, as some suggested, the land court system meant that judges determined ownership on the evidence presented to them, even though some owners were not present nor had their interests represented. Sometimes the evidence was false, as was admitted by some witnesses when their perjury was exposed. And in the case of the Ohinemuri district, for which the records survive, when the land was sold to the Crown some Maori received too much money, some too little, and some missed out altogether. The struggles to open Ohinemuri to miners and settlers is examined in detail, revealing that some rangatira expected economic gain and that Te Hira’s party, who opposed the opening, were undermined by some of Te Hira’s followers: being ‘Hauhau’, they refused to take money from the Crown but instead took raihana, meaning goods which were charged against their land in a way they did not understand. Nor did anyone fully understand the system apart from Mackay, whose policy was eventually repudiated by the politicians who had encouraged it previously. Not all land was lost, but because the government did not assist landowners with advice and finance until well into the twentieth century what land that was retained could not be developed adequately.

year: 2016