title: Te Papa-o-Rotu Marae Management and Administration at the End of the Twentieth Century: Negotiating Bureaucratisation

authors: Collins, Adelaide

subjects: informal organising

abstract: Te Papa-o-Rotu Marae is a Māori community settlement located in the Waikato region of New Zealand. Its hapu (sub-tribe) community was one of 33 hapu that formed the Tainui confederation claiming compensation from the Crown for land confiscated in the nineteenth century.  The claim was settled in 1995 and it was within this context that research for this study was conducted at the marae from August 1997 to December 1999.  

This ethnographic study examines the way that the community at Te Papa-o-Rotu Marae managed its affairs through its two management bodies, the Marae Committee and the Trustees.  It is argued in this thesis that the marae's mode of management is in transition from an informal to formal mode, and from an inward to outward looking focus.  Bureaucratic administration, it is argued, has been the major catalyst for the transition and has been introduced into marae operations through an accumulation of state legislation affecting Māori land and communities. Furthermore, some aspects of bureaucratic administration have been legitimated and appropriated by the iwi authority, which has passed this on to the Marae Committee.  The community have been complicit in the adoption of bureaucratic administration by accommodating the requirements of both the state and the iwi authority.  However, a persistent question was whether the marae could maintain its own rangatiratanga (authority, self-determination, control) and separate identity in the face of increasing pressure to conform to a bureaucratic management style.

The community managed the marae communally by way of hui (gatherings) and meetings, which were observed using a combined methodological approach of Kaupapa Māori research and ethnography, as described in Chapter 2.  The philosophy of kotahitanga (solidarity) underpinned the social organisation of the Tainui tribal confederation, so understanding the place of the marae in its wider socio-political environment has helped in comprehending the nature of the pressure on the community to increase its scale of operations and is explained in Chapter 3. 

Chapter 4 introduces the accumulation of influences that have brought about a change of managerial style from informal to formal organising.  The practical effect of these influences are demonstrated in the management structure and administrative systems that the community used. These are described phenomenologically in Chapters 5 and 6 respectively.  The management plan, compiled since 1995, had a strong emphasis on management structural review and participation in tribal development initiatives and is discussed in Chapter 7. The implementation of a collaborative development project between the iwi authority and Marae Committee is described in Chapter 8.  The final chapter reflects on the impact of bureaucratic administration on marae management as well as the dynamism of the community and how the rangatiratanga of the marae has thus far been maintained.

text: Te Papa-o-Rotu Marae Management and Administration at the End of the Twentieth Century: Negotiating Bureaucratisation Te Papa-o-Rotu Marae is a Māori community settlement located in the Waikato region of New Zealand. Its hapu (sub-tribe) community was one of 33 hapu that formed the Tainui confederation claiming compensation from the Crown for land confiscated in the nineteenth century.  The claim was settled in 1995 and it was within this context that research for this study was conducted at the marae from August 1997 to December 1999.  

This ethnographic study examines the way that the community at Te Papa-o-Rotu Marae managed its affairs through its two management bodies, the Marae Committee and the Trustees.  It is argued in this thesis that the marae's mode of management is in transition from an informal to formal mode, and from an inward to outward looking focus.  Bureaucratic administration, it is argued, has been the major catalyst for the transition and has been introduced into marae operations through an accumulation of state legislation affecting Māori land and communities. Furthermore, some aspects of bureaucratic administration have been legitimated and appropriated by the iwi authority, which has passed this on to the Marae Committee.  The community have been complicit in the adoption of bureaucratic administration by accommodating the requirements of both the state and the iwi authority.  However, a persistent question was whether the marae could maintain its own rangatiratanga (authority, self-determination, control) and separate identity in the face of increasing pressure to conform to a bureaucratic management style.

The community managed the marae communally by way of hui (gatherings) and meetings, which were observed using a combined methodological approach of Kaupapa Māori research and ethnography, as described in Chapter 2.  The philosophy of kotahitanga (solidarity) underpinned the social organisation of the Tainui tribal confederation, so understanding the place of the marae in its wider socio-political environment has helped in comprehending the nature of the pressure on the community to increase its scale of operations and is explained in Chapter 3. 

Chapter 4 introduces the accumulation of influences that have brought about a change of managerial style from informal to formal organising.  The practical effect of these influences are demonstrated in the management structure and administrative systems that the community used. These are described phenomenologically in Chapters 5 and 6 respectively.  The management plan, compiled since 1995, had a strong emphasis on management structural review and participation in tribal development initiatives and is discussed in Chapter 7. The implementation of a collaborative development project between the iwi authority and Marae Committee is described in Chapter 8.  The final chapter reflects on the impact of bureaucratic administration on marae management as well as the dynamism of the community and how the rangatiratanga of the marae has thus far been maintained.

year: 2005

title: Ngā Hua a Tāne Rore: The Benefits of Kapa Haka.

authors: Pihama, Leonie

abstract: This report presentsthe findings of scoping research that is focused on developing a research agenda that will enable a greater understanding of the value and contribution of kapa haka to Aotearoa New Zealand society, and which explores the multiple ways in which we may view the value and contribution of kapa haka within cultural, social and economic contexts.
• There was a unanimous and resounding view that kapa haka does indeed make a valuable contribution to Aotearoa New Zealand society, but that its value is not fully understood or acknowledged within Aotearoa New Zealand.
• The most important components of kapa haka are its intrinsic link to culture and Māori identity, and the essential element of whanaungatanga, the importance of people and connectedness.
• Kapa haka has a dynamic role as a vehicle for the revitalisation and retention of te reo, tikanga, ritual processes and histories.
• It is perceived as a gateway into the culture for Māori who are disengaged from their marae/hapū/iwi, as well as as a safe, inclusive activity through which all New Zealanders can engage with Māori culture.
• Kapa haka is seen as a medium for fostering a richer, more cohesive and inclusive society in Aotearoa New Zealand. As such, it makes a major contribution to building and strengthening New Zealand’s nationhood.
• Kapa haka makes a significant contribution to New Zealand’s national identity and how we are represented and viewed internationally. It provides an effective platform for creating meaningful connections with other nations and peoples.
• Māori culture/kapa haka is increasingly utilised to add value to many forums, both formal and informal, within the public and government sectors. This was seen by some to reflect a more embracing attitude toward Māori cultural protocols as a normal part of New Zealand’s social fabric.
• Kapa haka is not, however, being given the status or respect it deserves as a cultural icon. Because its significance is not well understood by non-Māori, particularly at the level of government, it is often treated in a tokenistic way.
• A major component of kapa haka is its power to effect wellbeing, and to positively transform the lives of individuals and communities. A strength of the movement towards increased health and fitness within kapa haka is that it is achieved collectively.
• An important social benefit of kapa haka is that it provides a positive, disciplined, strength-based environment for rangatahi.
• Kapa haka is having a powerful, transformative impact on social outcomes through the BMPA (Māori performing arts degree), which enables people involved in kapa haka who would otherwise never have considered tertiary education as an option, to embark on that journey and exceed their
own expectations.
• An overall feeling of optimism about the future of kapa haka was tempered by the conviction that there was much more potential to be explored within the realm of kapa haka, particularly in terms of its social benefits.
• The myriad benefits of kapa haka within school environments, including improved learning outcomes, were clearly attested to. However, some barriers to realising those improved outcomes were also identified.
• Some participants were very sure ofthe economic value of kapa haka to Aotearoa. Whilemost of them were less able to articulate specific economic outcomes, they nonetheless had a definite sense of the link between the cultural, social and economic, and that that was ofsignificant value.
• The immense value of ‘culture-to-culture’ relationships was identified, with Maōri culture, including kapa haka, playing a significant role in laying the foundations for lasting trade relationships with other nations, and other cultures.
• Two significant and largely unacknowledged areas of economic contribution were identified: the ‘silent’ economy generated by kapa haka activities; and the extensive ‘productivity’ activity around voluntary workers involved in kapa haka.
• There was an overall view that the economic potential of kapa haka is underestimated and needs to be explored more fully, including the potential for engagement with New Zealand’s private sector.
• A recurrent theme that emerged around the value of kapa haka was to do with how we should go about measuring the value of culture, knowledge and art, and how ‘value’ itselfshould be defined and measured.
• Economic challenges were identified, especially in terms of financial hardship for those involved in kapa haka at the competitive level. It was also noted, however, that kapa haka communities are naturally adept and endlessly resourceful at generating funds.
• The issue of sustainability was raised by some participants who were concerned that kapa haka should be supported at every level into the future, and not just at the high-end competitive level.
• Of fundamental importance was that the growth and development of kapa haka should take place within the context of the acceptance and embracing of Māori culture as an integral component of New Zealand identity and nationhood.

text: Ngā Hua a Tāne Rore: The Benefits of Kapa Haka. This report presentsthe findings of scoping research that is focused on developing a research agenda that will enable a greater understanding of the value and contribution of kapa haka to Aotearoa New Zealand society, and which explores the multiple ways in which we may view the value and contribution of kapa haka within cultural, social and economic contexts.
• There was a unanimous and resounding view that kapa haka does indeed make a valuable contribution to Aotearoa New Zealand society, but that its value is not fully understood or acknowledged within Aotearoa New Zealand.
• The most important components of kapa haka are its intrinsic link to culture and Māori identity, and the essential element of whanaungatanga, the importance of people and connectedness.
• Kapa haka has a dynamic role as a vehicle for the revitalisation and retention of te reo, tikanga, ritual processes and histories.
• It is perceived as a gateway into the culture for Māori who are disengaged from their marae/hapū/iwi, as well as as a safe, inclusive activity through which all New Zealanders can engage with Māori culture.
• Kapa haka is seen as a medium for fostering a richer, more cohesive and inclusive society in Aotearoa New Zealand. As such, it makes a major contribution to building and strengthening New Zealand’s nationhood.
• Kapa haka makes a significant contribution to New Zealand’s national identity and how we are represented and viewed internationally. It provides an effective platform for creating meaningful connections with other nations and peoples.
• Māori culture/kapa haka is increasingly utilised to add value to many forums, both formal and informal, within the public and government sectors. This was seen by some to reflect a more embracing attitude toward Māori cultural protocols as a normal part of New Zealand’s social fabric.
• Kapa haka is not, however, being given the status or respect it deserves as a cultural icon. Because its significance is not well understood by non-Māori, particularly at the level of government, it is often treated in a tokenistic way.
• A major component of kapa haka is its power to effect wellbeing, and to positively transform the lives of individuals and communities. A strength of the movement towards increased health and fitness within kapa haka is that it is achieved collectively.
• An important social benefit of kapa haka is that it provides a positive, disciplined, strength-based environment for rangatahi.
• Kapa haka is having a powerful, transformative impact on social outcomes through the BMPA (Māori performing arts degree), which enables people involved in kapa haka who would otherwise never have considered tertiary education as an option, to embark on that journey and exceed their
own expectations.
• An overall feeling of optimism about the future of kapa haka was tempered by the conviction that there was much more potential to be explored within the realm of kapa haka, particularly in terms of its social benefits.
• The myriad benefits of kapa haka within school environments, including improved learning outcomes, were clearly attested to. However, some barriers to realising those improved outcomes were also identified.
• Some participants were very sure ofthe economic value of kapa haka to Aotearoa. Whilemost of them were less able to articulate specific economic outcomes, they nonetheless had a definite sense of the link between the cultural, social and economic, and that that was ofsignificant value.
• The immense value of ‘culture-to-culture’ relationships was identified, with Maōri culture, including kapa haka, playing a significant role in laying the foundations for lasting trade relationships with other nations, and other cultures.
• Two significant and largely unacknowledged areas of economic contribution were identified: the ‘silent’ economy generated by kapa haka activities; and the extensive ‘productivity’ activity around voluntary workers involved in kapa haka.
• There was an overall view that the economic potential of kapa haka is underestimated and needs to be explored more fully, including the potential for engagement with New Zealand’s private sector.
• A recurrent theme that emerged around the value of kapa haka was to do with how we should go about measuring the value of culture, knowledge and art, and how ‘value’ itselfshould be defined and measured.
• Economic challenges were identified, especially in terms of financial hardship for those involved in kapa haka at the competitive level. It was also noted, however, that kapa haka communities are naturally adept and endlessly resourceful at generating funds.
• The issue of sustainability was raised by some participants who were concerned that kapa haka should be supported at every level into the future, and not just at the high-end competitive level.
• Of fundamental importance was that the growth and development of kapa haka should take place within the context of the acceptance and embracing of Māori culture as an integral component of New Zealand identity and nationhood.

year: 2014

title: Analysis of ICMP Quotations

authors: Malone, David

subjects: computer science

abstract: RFC 792 requires most ICMP error messages to quote the IP header and the next eight bytes of the packet to which the ICMP error message applies. The quoted packet is used by the receiver to match the ICMP message to an appropriate process. An operating system may examine the quoted source and destination IP addresses, IP protocol, and source and destination port numbers to determine the socket or process corresponding to the ICMP message. In an idealised end-to-end Internet, the portion of the packet quoted should be the same as that which was sent, except for the IP TTL, DSCP, ECN bits, and checksum fields. In the modern Internet, this may not always be the case. This paper presents an analysis of ICMP quotations where the quote does not match the probe.

text: Analysis of ICMP Quotations RFC 792 requires most ICMP error messages to quote the IP header and the next eight bytes of the packet to which the ICMP error message applies. The quoted packet is used by the receiver to match the ICMP message to an appropriate process. An operating system may examine the quoted source and destination IP addresses, IP protocol, and source and destination port numbers to determine the socket or process corresponding to the ICMP message. In an idealised end-to-end Internet, the portion of the packet quoted should be the same as that which was sent, except for the IP TTL, DSCP, ECN bits, and checksum fields. In the modern Internet, this may not always be the case. This paper presents an analysis of ICMP quotations where the quote does not match the probe.

year: 2007