title: Collaboration in family violence intervention: A process evaluation of the hamilton Family Safety Team

authors: Gregg, Lisa

subjects: collaboration

abstract: The Family Safety Team (FST) is a collaborative intervention developed to address family violence in New Zealand. Interagency collaborations are effective at addressing the social supports for battery, improving the systems and responses of agencies that address battery, and improving cohesion and consistency across agencies. The FST has a particular focus on justice system agencies. 

The purpose of this research was to evaluate the Hamilton FST. The research was conducted using in-depth interviews with FST members and others directly involved with the project, archival research using police family violence files, observation of FST meetings, and a focus group with battered women. The evaluation was constructed around four aims: to identify any barriers to establishing the FST, to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the Hamilton FST, to determine the adequacy of the FST structure, and to assess the extent to which the FST has improved the ability of agencies to enhance the safety and autonomy of battered women and hold offenders accountable. 

An overall finding of this evaluation was that people are feeling very positive about the Hamilton FST. The evaluation found that the FST has increased contact and communication between community and government agencies, and there was improvement in each agency's awareness of the policies, processes and protocols of other agencies in the FST. The evaluation found some limitations in the amount of monitoring and measurable outcomes from the FST, but this was understandable considering the infancy of the project and the time taken for members to understand their roles and the function of the FST. However, there were some positive developments in police responsiveness: an improved police attitude towards family violence cases, and an increase in cases coded as family violence. 

An important finding of this evaluation was that the Hamilton FST is functioning as a genuine collaboration. This seemed to be due to: mutual respect and an equal distribution of power among FST members, trusted working relationships, recognising each member for their area of expertise, and the role of the coordinator. There are, however, some limitations of the FST model that FST members need to acknowledge.

text: Collaboration in family violence intervention: A process evaluation of the hamilton Family Safety Team The Family Safety Team (FST) is a collaborative intervention developed to address family violence in New Zealand. Interagency collaborations are effective at addressing the social supports for battery, improving the systems and responses of agencies that address battery, and improving cohesion and consistency across agencies. The FST has a particular focus on justice system agencies. 

The purpose of this research was to evaluate the Hamilton FST. The research was conducted using in-depth interviews with FST members and others directly involved with the project, archival research using police family violence files, observation of FST meetings, and a focus group with battered women. The evaluation was constructed around four aims: to identify any barriers to establishing the FST, to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the Hamilton FST, to determine the adequacy of the FST structure, and to assess the extent to which the FST has improved the ability of agencies to enhance the safety and autonomy of battered women and hold offenders accountable. 

An overall finding of this evaluation was that people are feeling very positive about the Hamilton FST. The evaluation found that the FST has increased contact and communication between community and government agencies, and there was improvement in each agency's awareness of the policies, processes and protocols of other agencies in the FST. The evaluation found some limitations in the amount of monitoring and measurable outcomes from the FST, but this was understandable considering the infancy of the project and the time taken for members to understand their roles and the function of the FST. However, there were some positive developments in police responsiveness: an improved police attitude towards family violence cases, and an increase in cases coded as family violence. 

An important finding of this evaluation was that the Hamilton FST is functioning as a genuine collaboration. This seemed to be due to: mutual respect and an equal distribution of power among FST members, trusted working relationships, recognising each member for their area of expertise, and the role of the coordinator. There are, however, some limitations of the FST model that FST members need to acknowledge.

year: 2007

title: Monitoring the Coastal Sand Wedge Outbreak from the Stony River, Taranaki

authors: Cowie, Nicola Anne

subjects: Taranaki

abstract: The Taranaki headland protrudes into a high energy wave climate system with a potential for strong littoral transport.  This shoreline is typically comprised of a narrow cobble to boulder reflective beach, surmounting a rugged wave cut shore platform which is carved into lahar deposits from the nearby andesitic composite cone of Mount Taranaki.  Historically along this coast, pocket sandy beaches have endured within embayments and adjacent to headland features; otherwise the the Taranaki littoral system is sand-starved.  In 1998, persistent heavy rainfall resulted in the collapse of scoriaceous sand and gravel on the side of Mount Taranaki, leading to massive injection of sand and gravel directly into the Stony River, from which the adjacent coastal shoreline has experienced a continuous flux of dense 'black' titanomagnetite-rich volcanic sands.  These sediments are rapidly transported to the north-east by the energetic wave climate, creating sandy beaches on what is normally a rocky boulder coast.
Coastline changes between Cape Egmont and New Plymouth were analysed by the comparison of aerial photographs dated 1995, 2001, and 2007.  These photos illustrated a marked increase in sandy sediment in 2001 which has diminished rapidly by 2007.  Sub-aerial beach profiles were undertaken, over the duration of this study, at 12 locations between Komene Road, just south of the Stony River mouth, and Back Beach in New Plymouth.  The beaches including and south of Ahuahu Beach are characterised by dunes which reach greater elevations than those further north where the dune elevation decreases.  This evidence along with visual observations suggest that the sediment derived from the Stony River sits on the upper beach forming a berm and high dunes.
Sediment textural analysis was conducted on samples collected at the 12 beach profiling locations.  This analysis was undertaken every three months over the course of this study  and showed (1) a decrease in mean grain size with distance north of the Stony River mouth; and (2) sorting generally improves with distance north-east in the direction of the dominant littoral drift.  Mineralogical analysis illustrated that beach sediments are dominated by the heavy mineral titanomagnetite and the opaque minerals of augite, hornblende and plagioclase feldspar.
The longshore sediment transport flux between Rahotu Road, south of Cape Egmont) and Back Beach in New Plymouth was examined.  Wave climate parameters were generated at 55 locations between 1998 and 2007 using the SWAN third generation numerical model.  The CERC (1973) formula was used to calculate the potential longshore sediment transport flux, at each of these locations using the significant wave height and angle of incidence. Analysis of the wave data illustrate a wave energy gradient extends from the Cape toward New Plymouth, caused by: (1) the exposed nature of the coast near Cape Egmont to the dominant south-westerly swells; (2) the greater seabed gradient near Cape Egmont, and (3) the refraction shadowing that occurs with distance to the northeast of the Cape.  The potential longshore sediment transport results indicate low potential sediment transport fluxes south of Cape Egmont, which increase, reaching a maximum potential flux slightly south of the Stony River mouth.  These potential longshore sediment transport fluxes then decrease towards Back Beach as a result of refraction in the vicinity of the Sugar Loaf Islands.  The size of the 'slug' of sand derived from the headwaters of the Stony River is likely to have diminished in size substantially when it has been transported as far north as Back Beach, and these results indicate that there will be insufficient energy for any substantial volumes to be transported around the Paritutu Headland.
A sediment budget has been ascertained from the volume of sediment that has recently been eroded from the scarp on Little Pyramid on Mount Taranaki, and the volume of sediment that can be accounted for today on the beaches, and in the Stony River channel as aggradation deposits.  Up to 14.4 M m3 of sediment was estimated to have been deposited in the Stony River system directly from the scarp.  Of this, ~ 3.5 M m3 has accumulated on the sub-aerial beach over a distance of 14 km to east from just south of the river mouth, and ~3.3 M m3 has been deposited along the Stony River channel.  The remaining ~7.6M m3 of sediment is likely to be deposited offshore, overlying the wave-swept boulder platform and in the interstitial space of the sediments that form these shore platforms.  Significant quantities of this sediment are also likely to have been transported in the north-east directed littoral transport.

text: Monitoring the Coastal Sand Wedge Outbreak from the Stony River, Taranaki The Taranaki headland protrudes into a high energy wave climate system with a potential for strong littoral transport.  This shoreline is typically comprised of a narrow cobble to boulder reflective beach, surmounting a rugged wave cut shore platform which is carved into lahar deposits from the nearby andesitic composite cone of Mount Taranaki.  Historically along this coast, pocket sandy beaches have endured within embayments and adjacent to headland features; otherwise the the Taranaki littoral system is sand-starved.  In 1998, persistent heavy rainfall resulted in the collapse of scoriaceous sand and gravel on the side of Mount Taranaki, leading to massive injection of sand and gravel directly into the Stony River, from which the adjacent coastal shoreline has experienced a continuous flux of dense 'black' titanomagnetite-rich volcanic sands.  These sediments are rapidly transported to the north-east by the energetic wave climate, creating sandy beaches on what is normally a rocky boulder coast.
Coastline changes between Cape Egmont and New Plymouth were analysed by the comparison of aerial photographs dated 1995, 2001, and 2007.  These photos illustrated a marked increase in sandy sediment in 2001 which has diminished rapidly by 2007.  Sub-aerial beach profiles were undertaken, over the duration of this study, at 12 locations between Komene Road, just south of the Stony River mouth, and Back Beach in New Plymouth.  The beaches including and south of Ahuahu Beach are characterised by dunes which reach greater elevations than those further north where the dune elevation decreases.  This evidence along with visual observations suggest that the sediment derived from the Stony River sits on the upper beach forming a berm and high dunes.
Sediment textural analysis was conducted on samples collected at the 12 beach profiling locations.  This analysis was undertaken every three months over the course of this study  and showed (1) a decrease in mean grain size with distance north of the Stony River mouth; and (2) sorting generally improves with distance north-east in the direction of the dominant littoral drift.  Mineralogical analysis illustrated that beach sediments are dominated by the heavy mineral titanomagnetite and the opaque minerals of augite, hornblende and plagioclase feldspar.
The longshore sediment transport flux between Rahotu Road, south of Cape Egmont) and Back Beach in New Plymouth was examined.  Wave climate parameters were generated at 55 locations between 1998 and 2007 using the SWAN third generation numerical model.  The CERC (1973) formula was used to calculate the potential longshore sediment transport flux, at each of these locations using the significant wave height and angle of incidence. Analysis of the wave data illustrate a wave energy gradient extends from the Cape toward New Plymouth, caused by: (1) the exposed nature of the coast near Cape Egmont to the dominant south-westerly swells; (2) the greater seabed gradient near Cape Egmont, and (3) the refraction shadowing that occurs with distance to the northeast of the Cape.  The potential longshore sediment transport results indicate low potential sediment transport fluxes south of Cape Egmont, which increase, reaching a maximum potential flux slightly south of the Stony River mouth.  These potential longshore sediment transport fluxes then decrease towards Back Beach as a result of refraction in the vicinity of the Sugar Loaf Islands.  The size of the 'slug' of sand derived from the headwaters of the Stony River is likely to have diminished in size substantially when it has been transported as far north as Back Beach, and these results indicate that there will be insufficient energy for any substantial volumes to be transported around the Paritutu Headland.
A sediment budget has been ascertained from the volume of sediment that has recently been eroded from the scarp on Little Pyramid on Mount Taranaki, and the volume of sediment that can be accounted for today on the beaches, and in the Stony River channel as aggradation deposits.  Up to 14.4 M m3 of sediment was estimated to have been deposited in the Stony River system directly from the scarp.  Of this, ~ 3.5 M m3 has accumulated on the sub-aerial beach over a distance of 14 km to east from just south of the river mouth, and ~3.3 M m3 has been deposited along the Stony River channel.  The remaining ~7.6M m3 of sediment is likely to be deposited offshore, overlying the wave-swept boulder platform and in the interstitial space of the sediments that form these shore platforms.  Significant quantities of this sediment are also likely to have been transported in the north-east directed littoral transport.

year: 2009

title: Maori land in Hauraki

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Imagining the Hauraki Peninsula to contain payable goldfields and knowing that land to the south of Thames had great agricultural potential, Pakeha were determined to acquire it, and were frustrated by what was considered to be ‘Maori intransigence’. For their part, Maori landowners were justifiably concerned about losing their land, and hindered and delayed opening it to settlement for as long as possible. A major difficulty for officials seeking to acquire land was how to determine boundaries between different blocks and how to identify the true owners when there were rival claims put forward by hapu and individuals. Land purchase agents used a variety of means to get blocks through the land court and then to individualize the title, notably the controversial ‘raihana’ policy, which benefited some landowners at the expense of others. The expensive legal process involved often forced those who had proved their ownership to sell land to pay for their success, a success which resulted in grantees treating the land as their personal property rather than tribal property. Some Pakeha as well as many Maori protested at the unfair process; even James Mackay, the most effective practitioner of raihana, came to lament his success and its consequences for the younger generation of Maori (he blamed the system, not himself). When far too late, it was urged that land should have been leased rather than sold and that proceeds from sales should not have been squandered.
Instead of having commissions of enquiry, as some suggested, the land court system meant that judges determined ownership on the evidence presented to them, even though some owners were not present nor had their interests represented. Sometimes the evidence was false, as was admitted by some witnesses when their perjury was exposed. And in the case of the Ohinemuri district, for which the records survive, when the land was sold to the Crown some Maori received too much money, some too little, and some missed out altogether. The struggles to open Ohinemuri to miners and settlers is examined in detail, revealing that some rangatira expected economic gain and that Te Hira’s party, who opposed the opening, were undermined by some of Te Hira’s followers: being ‘Hauhau’, they refused to take money from the Crown but instead took raihana, meaning goods which were charged against their land in a way they did not understand. Nor did anyone fully understand the system apart from Mackay, whose policy was eventually repudiated by the politicians who had encouraged it previously. Not all land was lost, but because the government did not assist landowners with advice and finance until well into the twentieth century what land that was retained could not be developed adequately.

text: Maori land in Hauraki Imagining the Hauraki Peninsula to contain payable goldfields and knowing that land to the south of Thames had great agricultural potential, Pakeha were determined to acquire it, and were frustrated by what was considered to be ‘Maori intransigence’. For their part, Maori landowners were justifiably concerned about losing their land, and hindered and delayed opening it to settlement for as long as possible. A major difficulty for officials seeking to acquire land was how to determine boundaries between different blocks and how to identify the true owners when there were rival claims put forward by hapu and individuals. Land purchase agents used a variety of means to get blocks through the land court and then to individualize the title, notably the controversial ‘raihana’ policy, which benefited some landowners at the expense of others. The expensive legal process involved often forced those who had proved their ownership to sell land to pay for their success, a success which resulted in grantees treating the land as their personal property rather than tribal property. Some Pakeha as well as many Maori protested at the unfair process; even James Mackay, the most effective practitioner of raihana, came to lament his success and its consequences for the younger generation of Maori (he blamed the system, not himself). When far too late, it was urged that land should have been leased rather than sold and that proceeds from sales should not have been squandered.
Instead of having commissions of enquiry, as some suggested, the land court system meant that judges determined ownership on the evidence presented to them, even though some owners were not present nor had their interests represented. Sometimes the evidence was false, as was admitted by some witnesses when their perjury was exposed. And in the case of the Ohinemuri district, for which the records survive, when the land was sold to the Crown some Maori received too much money, some too little, and some missed out altogether. The struggles to open Ohinemuri to miners and settlers is examined in detail, revealing that some rangatira expected economic gain and that Te Hira’s party, who opposed the opening, were undermined by some of Te Hira’s followers: being ‘Hauhau’, they refused to take money from the Crown but instead took raihana, meaning goods which were charged against their land in a way they did not understand. Nor did anyone fully understand the system apart from Mackay, whose policy was eventually repudiated by the politicians who had encouraged it previously. Not all land was lost, but because the government did not assist landowners with advice and finance until well into the twentieth century what land that was retained could not be developed adequately.

year: 2016