title: Plots, plants and paradoxes: contemporary domestic gardens in Aotearoa/New Zealand

authors: Longhurst, Robyn

subjects: domestic gardens

abstract: Currently, gardens, gardening and horticulture—plots and plants—are receiving increasing attention from geographers and others interested in spatial disciplines because they provide a useful lens for understanding the complex politics surrounding social and cultural life. In this paper I aim to add to this literature by examining contemporary domestic gardens as paradoxical spaces. The paper begins by outlining some of the reasons for choosing to examine contemporary domestic gardens. Following this is a brief review of a range of geographical literature on gardens, gardening and horticulture. The paper then presents data collected on domestic gardens and gardening practices in Hamilton and Auckland, Aotearoa/New Zealand to illustrate that domestic gardens are paradoxical spaces where the binaries nature and culture, private and public, individuality and sociality, leisure and work, and colonial and postcolonial are destabilized. The paper concludes that although domestic gardens are paradoxical spaces, this does not necessarily mean that they pose a threat or danger because of their ambiguity, or that they are sites of radical politics. Rather domestic gardens are spaces where it is possible to reinforce hegemonic geographies and/or create alternative ones.
Les jardins, le jardinage et l'horticulture—les parcelles et les plantes—bénéficient présentement d'une attention accrue de la part de géographes et de ceux qui s'intéressent aux disciplines spatiales, car celles-ci fournissent une lentille utile pour saisir les questions politiques complexes entourant la vie sociale et culturelle. Par cet article, je souhaite apporter une contribution à la littérature de ce domaine en considérant les jardins domestiques contemporains comme des espaces paradoxaux. D'entrée de jeu, cet article présente brièvement les raisons pour lesquelles les jardins domestiques contemporains ont fait l'objet d'une étude et passe en revue la littérature géographique sur les jardins, le jardinage et l'horticulture. Par la suite, cet article présente les données recueillies sur les jardins privés et les pratiques de jardinage à Hamilton et à Auckland, en Aotearoa/Nouvelle Zélande dans le but de montrer que les jardins domestiques sont des espaces paradoxaux dans lesquels les couples nature et culture, privé et public, individualité et socialité, loisir et travail, et colonial et postcolonial sont ébranlés. En terminant, bien que les jardins privés soient des espaces paradoxaux, cela ne signifie pas pour autant qu'ils constituent une menace ou un danger en raison de leur ambiguïté, ou qu'ils représentent des lieux de politiques extrémistes. Les jardins domestiques, en fait, sont des espaces o[ugrave] il est envisageable de consolider des géographies hégémoniques et/ou de d'en concevoir d'autres.
Actualmente los jardines, jardinería y horticultura—parcelas y plantas—reciben cada vez mas atención de los geógrafos y otros interesados en las disciplinas espaciales, ya que ofrecen una manera útil de entender la compleja política de la vida social y cultural. En este papel, pretendo ampliar esta literatura por medio de un examen de los jardines domésticos como espacios paradójicos. El papel empieza con una breve descripción de algunos de los motivos por haber elegido estudiar los jardines domésticos contemporáneos. Luego hay un resumen de una variedad de literatura geográfica sobre jardines, jardinería y horticultura. Después el papel presenta datos sobre jardines domésticos y costumbres de jardinería en Hamilton y Aukland, Aotearoa/Nuevo Zelanda para ilustrar que los jardines domésticos son espacios paradójicos donde se ven desestablecidos los binarios naturaleza/cultura, privado/publico, individualidad/socialidad, ocio/trabajo y colonial/poscolonial. El papel concluye por decir que el hecho de que son espacios paradójicos no quiere decir que los jardines domésticos representen una amenaza o peligro por causa de su ambigüedad o que sean sitios de política radical. Más bien los jardines domésticos son espacios donde es posible reforzar geografías hegemónicas y/o crear otras alternativas.

text: Plots, plants and paradoxes: contemporary domestic gardens in Aotearoa/New Zealand Currently, gardens, gardening and horticulture—plots and plants—are receiving increasing attention from geographers and others interested in spatial disciplines because they provide a useful lens for understanding the complex politics surrounding social and cultural life. In this paper I aim to add to this literature by examining contemporary domestic gardens as paradoxical spaces. The paper begins by outlining some of the reasons for choosing to examine contemporary domestic gardens. Following this is a brief review of a range of geographical literature on gardens, gardening and horticulture. The paper then presents data collected on domestic gardens and gardening practices in Hamilton and Auckland, Aotearoa/New Zealand to illustrate that domestic gardens are paradoxical spaces where the binaries nature and culture, private and public, individuality and sociality, leisure and work, and colonial and postcolonial are destabilized. The paper concludes that although domestic gardens are paradoxical spaces, this does not necessarily mean that they pose a threat or danger because of their ambiguity, or that they are sites of radical politics. Rather domestic gardens are spaces where it is possible to reinforce hegemonic geographies and/or create alternative ones.
Les jardins, le jardinage et l'horticulture—les parcelles et les plantes—bénéficient présentement d'une attention accrue de la part de géographes et de ceux qui s'intéressent aux disciplines spatiales, car celles-ci fournissent une lentille utile pour saisir les questions politiques complexes entourant la vie sociale et culturelle. Par cet article, je souhaite apporter une contribution à la littérature de ce domaine en considérant les jardins domestiques contemporains comme des espaces paradoxaux. D'entrée de jeu, cet article présente brièvement les raisons pour lesquelles les jardins domestiques contemporains ont fait l'objet d'une étude et passe en revue la littérature géographique sur les jardins, le jardinage et l'horticulture. Par la suite, cet article présente les données recueillies sur les jardins privés et les pratiques de jardinage à Hamilton et à Auckland, en Aotearoa/Nouvelle Zélande dans le but de montrer que les jardins domestiques sont des espaces paradoxaux dans lesquels les couples nature et culture, privé et public, individualité et socialité, loisir et travail, et colonial et postcolonial sont ébranlés. En terminant, bien que les jardins privés soient des espaces paradoxaux, cela ne signifie pas pour autant qu'ils constituent une menace ou un danger en raison de leur ambiguïté, ou qu'ils représentent des lieux de politiques extrémistes. Les jardins domestiques, en fait, sont des espaces o[ugrave] il est envisageable de consolider des géographies hégémoniques et/ou de d'en concevoir d'autres.
Actualmente los jardines, jardinería y horticultura—parcelas y plantas—reciben cada vez mas atención de los geógrafos y otros interesados en las disciplinas espaciales, ya que ofrecen una manera útil de entender la compleja política de la vida social y cultural. En este papel, pretendo ampliar esta literatura por medio de un examen de los jardines domésticos como espacios paradójicos. El papel empieza con una breve descripción de algunos de los motivos por haber elegido estudiar los jardines domésticos contemporáneos. Luego hay un resumen de una variedad de literatura geográfica sobre jardines, jardinería y horticultura. Después el papel presenta datos sobre jardines domésticos y costumbres de jardinería en Hamilton y Aukland, Aotearoa/Nuevo Zelanda para ilustrar que los jardines domésticos son espacios paradójicos donde se ven desestablecidos los binarios naturaleza/cultura, privado/publico, individualidad/socialidad, ocio/trabajo y colonial/poscolonial. El papel concluye por decir que el hecho de que son espacios paradójicos no quiere decir que los jardines domésticos representen una amenaza o peligro por causa de su ambigüedad o que sean sitios de política radical. Más bien los jardines domésticos son espacios donde es posible reforzar geografías hegemónicas y/o crear otras alternativas.

year: 2006

title: A trajectory of financial inclusion towards economic inclusion: Empirical evidence from LICs-Ghana as a case.

authors: Agyekum, Kwame Francis

subjects: Financial inclusion

abstract: This study investigates the trajectory of financial inclusion towards economic inclusion in Ghana. The aim is to track the dynamisms and the conduits through which financial inclusion translates into an inclusive-economic system in a way that becomes pro-poor and growth engendering. Specifically, the study  i) examines the role that regulatory and institutional factors play in the attainment of broader inclusion in lower-income countries (LICs), with Ghana as reference case; ii) examines the means by which technological deepening contributes to drive towards an inclusive financial system in Ghana; iii) identifies firm attributes that are most significantly predisposed to the risk of exclusion from the use of formal financial services; iv) ascertains the most efficient means through which financial inclusion can impact on economic growth in Ghana; and v) scientifically assesses the means through which financial inclusion translates into economic inclusion at the household level.
The raison d'être of financial intermediaries (FIs), is fundamental to our understanding of why financial exclusion exists and appears endemic in LICs. Past studies have failed to link the two. The complete understanding of why financial exclusion exists and appears dominant in LICs is embedded in the understanding of why financial intermediaries exist and operate. It becomes difficult to explain why exclusion exists if FIs are merely perceived as delegated monitors, risk managers and a coalition of information sharers. Profit-maximisation, which implies cost minimisation, suggests that intermediaries will refrain from serving those economic agents perceived to be associated with significant information asymmetry and transaction costs that characterise imperfect financial markets. 
This thesis, therefore, contributes to illuminating an understanding of why financial exclusion appears prevalent in LICs and demonstrates a means through which economic inclusion can emerge out of an inclusive financial system. Failure to establish these linkages tends to lead to financial policies that either lack theoretic groundings or miss the intended outcomes.
Using multi-sourced datasets from reliable domains such as the World Bank (World Development Indicators, Gallup Poll Global Findex and Enterprise Surveys), World Governance Index, Transparency International, Heritage Foundation/Wall Street and the ICPSR (via Princeton University database) allows the underlying relationships to be investigated. The empirical investigations are based on the four key pillars/dimensions of financial inclusion (impact, quality, usage and access-IQUA). Econometric models are estimated using multiple regression analysis. Maximum likelihood estimation (MLE) process, Instrumental Variable Estimation (IVE) and Linear but semi-parametric models are employed in empirical estimations that lead to robust outcomes.
The use of logistic regression, which is a family of binary models based on MLE process, underscores the concept of financial inclusion/exclusion itself being dichotomous in nature. That is, either an agent is included financially or otherwise. Again, the adoption of the generalised method of moment (GMM) model which is part of the IV estimation process recognises the problem of endogeneity and simultaneity that often characterise household-level data on financial accessibility and its impact. 
The findings indicate that financial inclusion does not occur in a vacuum, and the impact of institutional and infrastructural factors on a broader inclusion is critical. The study identifies key institutional factors, such as national-level governance, corruption perceptions, economic freedom, and economic and technological deepening, as playing crucial roles. The findings further suggest that rule of law (which ensures contract enforceability), political stability, regulatory quality, voice and accountability, all significantly influence financial inclusion positively.
The study finds a positive impact of technology on financial inclusion. Specifically, the use of modern technological amenities, such as mobile phone and internet, can offer digitalised-based, branchless financial services which help reduce both information asymmetry and transaction costs for providing financial services. The findings further suggest that nonbank-based digitalised-financial services (DFS) provision appears non-discriminatory, compared with bank-based DFS. Again, the inclusion driven by bank-based DFS reduces over time, while nonbank-based DFS rises. This substitutability trend observed in this study defines the contemporaneous trade-off of bank-based DFS and nonbank-based DFS over time. 
Identification of the firm-level characteristics that either contribute to, or reduce their predisposition to risk of being excluded from the use of financial services is one of the key objectives that motivated this study. Using a logistic regression model as a link function and with a rich dataset from the World Bank Enterprise Survey on Ghana, the results suggest that firm age, size, sector of operation and ownership of website are key determinants of financial inclusion. The likelihood of exclusion among firms reduces with website ownership that helps reduce information and transaction costs associated with lending to information-opaque sectors such as SMEs. Similarly, the findings suggest that the retailing, matured and high-sales firms have a better chance of accessing lines of credit from financial intermediaries. Consistent with prior studies, risk of financial exclusion is found to be higher among SMEs than larger firms.  Again, sole-proprietorship and partnership firms are found to have high-risk dispositions when it comes to credit constraints, compared with publicly listed companies.
The study further reveals that certain key structural changes at national level that occurred specifically within the follow-up data collection period, account for the observed differences in the results of the two datasets used. The political change from the private sector-led administration (baseline) to the social democratic regime (follow-up), the discovery of oil in commercial quantities and the eight-month post-election hearing by the country’s Supreme Court were identified as having played a part in exerting latent impacts on financial exclusion/inclusion, especially among SMEs.
Using a quantile regression model, the study contributes significantly to our understanding on the role financial development, inclusion and structure play in economic growth of developing economies. The results suggest that the banks’ growth-facilitating role is much stronger than that of the financial markets. Depth of financial inclusion (proxied by the amount of credit to the private sector), is found to be positively related to economic growth. This suggests that, for LICs, the growth-enhancing effect of finance thrives on the strength of financial institutions as it engenders wider inclusion.
The results further suggest that the impact of a financial inclusion programme at household level depends largely on the quality of the process leading to its implementation.  It reveals that donor- funded programmes implemented via donor-agencies have more positive poverty-reducing impacts on the beneficiaries than those implemented by government agencies.
These findings have policy ramifications for LICs aiming for a broader and more inclusive financial system. That technological infrastructure and amenities significantly influence financial inclusion, suggests that developing countries aiming to achieve a financially inclusive society must pay attention to these institutional contexts with more emphasis on technological infrastructure.
At the firm level, policy attention of donors, sector players and regulators needs to focus on the firm’s attributes that are predisposed to their exclusion from the formal financial sector, while strengthening policies for those that are inclusive-inducing. Policy and capacity building on enterprise growth and sustainability will be strategic in targeting the inclusion-inhibiting factors. Firm-level constraints that confront small, individually owned businesses when addressed will both ensure their inclusion in the formal financial system and, most importantly, their growth and sustainability. Tracking potential externalities that originate from structural changes and how that affects other sectors at the micro-level, must not elude policy attention. This way, mitigation measures will be fashioned to address any negative confounders while any unintended gains are consolidated. 
For donor agencies, a clear signal is given: channel pro-growth and poverty-reducing financial inclusion funds through financial intermediaries where wider inclusion can be guaranteed. The synergistic role of the implementation quality of a financial inclusion programme/policy is very important to ensure the desired impact at the household level. This is particularly important to the understanding of how access and utilisation, which define broader financial inclusion, would be incentivised.
Policymakers, donors and researchers pursuing the agenda of financial inclusion need to pay attention to the wider institutional and environmental context within which broader inclusion is expected, as they do interact pari-pasu in creating a harmonized developmental trajectory. Poverty-reducing impacts of financial inclusion will then be guaranteed as financial inclusion translates into broader economic inclusion. This way, the trajectory of financial inclusion leading to economic inclusion is trackable to serves as a basis for inclusion policy formulation in LICs.

text: A trajectory of financial inclusion towards economic inclusion: Empirical evidence from LICs-Ghana as a case. This study investigates the trajectory of financial inclusion towards economic inclusion in Ghana. The aim is to track the dynamisms and the conduits through which financial inclusion translates into an inclusive-economic system in a way that becomes pro-poor and growth engendering. Specifically, the study  i) examines the role that regulatory and institutional factors play in the attainment of broader inclusion in lower-income countries (LICs), with Ghana as reference case; ii) examines the means by which technological deepening contributes to drive towards an inclusive financial system in Ghana; iii) identifies firm attributes that are most significantly predisposed to the risk of exclusion from the use of formal financial services; iv) ascertains the most efficient means through which financial inclusion can impact on economic growth in Ghana; and v) scientifically assesses the means through which financial inclusion translates into economic inclusion at the household level.
The raison d'être of financial intermediaries (FIs), is fundamental to our understanding of why financial exclusion exists and appears endemic in LICs. Past studies have failed to link the two. The complete understanding of why financial exclusion exists and appears dominant in LICs is embedded in the understanding of why financial intermediaries exist and operate. It becomes difficult to explain why exclusion exists if FIs are merely perceived as delegated monitors, risk managers and a coalition of information sharers. Profit-maximisation, which implies cost minimisation, suggests that intermediaries will refrain from serving those economic agents perceived to be associated with significant information asymmetry and transaction costs that characterise imperfect financial markets. 
This thesis, therefore, contributes to illuminating an understanding of why financial exclusion appears prevalent in LICs and demonstrates a means through which economic inclusion can emerge out of an inclusive financial system. Failure to establish these linkages tends to lead to financial policies that either lack theoretic groundings or miss the intended outcomes.
Using multi-sourced datasets from reliable domains such as the World Bank (World Development Indicators, Gallup Poll Global Findex and Enterprise Surveys), World Governance Index, Transparency International, Heritage Foundation/Wall Street and the ICPSR (via Princeton University database) allows the underlying relationships to be investigated. The empirical investigations are based on the four key pillars/dimensions of financial inclusion (impact, quality, usage and access-IQUA). Econometric models are estimated using multiple regression analysis. Maximum likelihood estimation (MLE) process, Instrumental Variable Estimation (IVE) and Linear but semi-parametric models are employed in empirical estimations that lead to robust outcomes.
The use of logistic regression, which is a family of binary models based on MLE process, underscores the concept of financial inclusion/exclusion itself being dichotomous in nature. That is, either an agent is included financially or otherwise. Again, the adoption of the generalised method of moment (GMM) model which is part of the IV estimation process recognises the problem of endogeneity and simultaneity that often characterise household-level data on financial accessibility and its impact. 
The findings indicate that financial inclusion does not occur in a vacuum, and the impact of institutional and infrastructural factors on a broader inclusion is critical. The study identifies key institutional factors, such as national-level governance, corruption perceptions, economic freedom, and economic and technological deepening, as playing crucial roles. The findings further suggest that rule of law (which ensures contract enforceability), political stability, regulatory quality, voice and accountability, all significantly influence financial inclusion positively.
The study finds a positive impact of technology on financial inclusion. Specifically, the use of modern technological amenities, such as mobile phone and internet, can offer digitalised-based, branchless financial services which help reduce both information asymmetry and transaction costs for providing financial services. The findings further suggest that nonbank-based digitalised-financial services (DFS) provision appears non-discriminatory, compared with bank-based DFS. Again, the inclusion driven by bank-based DFS reduces over time, while nonbank-based DFS rises. This substitutability trend observed in this study defines the contemporaneous trade-off of bank-based DFS and nonbank-based DFS over time. 
Identification of the firm-level characteristics that either contribute to, or reduce their predisposition to risk of being excluded from the use of financial services is one of the key objectives that motivated this study. Using a logistic regression model as a link function and with a rich dataset from the World Bank Enterprise Survey on Ghana, the results suggest that firm age, size, sector of operation and ownership of website are key determinants of financial inclusion. The likelihood of exclusion among firms reduces with website ownership that helps reduce information and transaction costs associated with lending to information-opaque sectors such as SMEs. Similarly, the findings suggest that the retailing, matured and high-sales firms have a better chance of accessing lines of credit from financial intermediaries. Consistent with prior studies, risk of financial exclusion is found to be higher among SMEs than larger firms.  Again, sole-proprietorship and partnership firms are found to have high-risk dispositions when it comes to credit constraints, compared with publicly listed companies.
The study further reveals that certain key structural changes at national level that occurred specifically within the follow-up data collection period, account for the observed differences in the results of the two datasets used. The political change from the private sector-led administration (baseline) to the social democratic regime (follow-up), the discovery of oil in commercial quantities and the eight-month post-election hearing by the country’s Supreme Court were identified as having played a part in exerting latent impacts on financial exclusion/inclusion, especially among SMEs.
Using a quantile regression model, the study contributes significantly to our understanding on the role financial development, inclusion and structure play in economic growth of developing economies. The results suggest that the banks’ growth-facilitating role is much stronger than that of the financial markets. Depth of financial inclusion (proxied by the amount of credit to the private sector), is found to be positively related to economic growth. This suggests that, for LICs, the growth-enhancing effect of finance thrives on the strength of financial institutions as it engenders wider inclusion.
The results further suggest that the impact of a financial inclusion programme at household level depends largely on the quality of the process leading to its implementation.  It reveals that donor- funded programmes implemented via donor-agencies have more positive poverty-reducing impacts on the beneficiaries than those implemented by government agencies.
These findings have policy ramifications for LICs aiming for a broader and more inclusive financial system. That technological infrastructure and amenities significantly influence financial inclusion, suggests that developing countries aiming to achieve a financially inclusive society must pay attention to these institutional contexts with more emphasis on technological infrastructure.
At the firm level, policy attention of donors, sector players and regulators needs to focus on the firm’s attributes that are predisposed to their exclusion from the formal financial sector, while strengthening policies for those that are inclusive-inducing. Policy and capacity building on enterprise growth and sustainability will be strategic in targeting the inclusion-inhibiting factors. Firm-level constraints that confront small, individually owned businesses when addressed will both ensure their inclusion in the formal financial system and, most importantly, their growth and sustainability. Tracking potential externalities that originate from structural changes and how that affects other sectors at the micro-level, must not elude policy attention. This way, mitigation measures will be fashioned to address any negative confounders while any unintended gains are consolidated. 
For donor agencies, a clear signal is given: channel pro-growth and poverty-reducing financial inclusion funds through financial intermediaries where wider inclusion can be guaranteed. The synergistic role of the implementation quality of a financial inclusion programme/policy is very important to ensure the desired impact at the household level. This is particularly important to the understanding of how access and utilisation, which define broader financial inclusion, would be incentivised.
Policymakers, donors and researchers pursuing the agenda of financial inclusion need to pay attention to the wider institutional and environmental context within which broader inclusion is expected, as they do interact pari-pasu in creating a harmonized developmental trajectory. Poverty-reducing impacts of financial inclusion will then be guaranteed as financial inclusion translates into broader economic inclusion. This way, the trajectory of financial inclusion leading to economic inclusion is trackable to serves as a basis for inclusion policy formulation in LICs.

year: 2017

title: Te Tarata

authors: Maxwell, Te Kahautu

subjects: Haka

abstract: He whakamārama mō te haka 
Ko tēnei haka he whakamauharatanga ki te riri whenua i waenganui i Te Whakatōhea me te Karauna i te 23 o Poutūterangi 1865. Ko te ingoa o te pakanga nei ko Te Tarata. Hai tēnei marama kua eke ki te kotahi rau e rima tekau tau mai i tēnei pakanga. Ka kōrerotia te patunga i te mihinare a Te Wākana i te 2 o Poutūterangi i te tau kotahi mano e waru rau e ono tekau mā rima (1865). Nā Kereopa o Ngāti Rangiwewehi i patu a Te Wākana. I haramai a Te Kereopa i raro i te Paimārire (Hauhau) ki Ōpōtiki. Ko tā Te Paimārire kaupapa i tae atu ai ko te kauhau i te whakapono hou a Te Ua Haumēne o Taranaki. Ko ngā āpōtoro i tukuna atu e Te Ua Haumēne ko Pātara Rakataura me Te Kereopa, hoi anō ko te kauhau i te rongopai tā Te Ua Haumēne i whakahau ai. Hoi anō he take tā Te Kereopa, tā te mea i kōhurutia tana wahine me āna tamāhine tokorua ki te whare karakia i Rangiaowhia ki roto o Tainui. Nara i pau a Ngāti Apakura ki te mate ki roto i te ahi, i tahuna te whare karakia e ngā hoia me te iwi o Ngāti Apakura ki roto. Ā i patua anō tana tamāhine hoki ki te pakanga i Hairini. Koiarā tā Kereopa he rānaki i te mate o tana whānau i pau i te ahi nukarau a te Karauna. Nā tēnei patunga i a Te Wākana i riro ai te 250,000 eka o Te Whakatōhea. I tēnei rā tonu o Te Matatini i tēnei tau 2015 kua eke ki te kotahi rau e rima tekau (150) tau o te parekuranui o Te Whakatōhea mō te patunga i te tangata kotahi nā tētahi atu ko Te Kereopa o Ngāti Rangiwewehi. Ko te kōhuru i a Te Whakatōhea me āna tamariki, āna mokopuna, ko te tāwharona i ngā tāne, i ngā wāhine, ko te ekeeke kino te rarahu i ngā wāhine me ngā tamariki kōtiro, tāne hoki. Mutu ana te rarahu ko te kōhuru i a rātou ki te pū, ki te mata o te pēneti ko te tahu rānei. Ko te urupatu anō tērā ko te tahu i ngā pā, i ngā whare tīpuna, i ngā māra, i ngā mira mahi paura, i ngā kaipuke tauhokohoko ki Tāmaki, ki Poihākena, ki Ingarangi. Ko te parekura nui tēnei o Te Whakatōhea, ko te kōhuru i tō mātou katoa, tō mātou ao, tō mātou wairua, tō mātou hinengaro, tō mātou tinana o Te Whakatōhea mō te mate kotahi a te tangata kotahi. Ahakoa he mihingare, he pūrahorua hoki he kawe o kōrero nōna ki a Kāwana Kerei mō ngā nekeneke a Te Whakatōhea ki te tautoko i a Kīngi Tāwhiao me ngā pakanga whenua i Rangiriri, i Ōrakau i te tau kotahi mano e waru rau e ono tekau mā whā (1864). Ki te pakanga o Te Tarata, 14 ngā Māori i mate i tēnei pakanga me ngā hoia pākeha, ngā maemanerau 26. E 500 ngā manemanerau i roto i te ope taua a Kuini Wikitōria. I tēnei pakanga nā Hira Te Popo te rangatira o Ngāti Ira, hapū o Te Whakatōhea i herehangaia ngā tīkouka me ōna rau ki ngā pou o te tūwatawata. Nara i pupuhi ngā pūrepō ngā ki te pā o Te Tarata i hinga ngā tūwatawata me te tū anō. Koirā te mahi a te tīkouka he rākau māmā kāore i whati pēnei i te mānuka me ngā rākau mārō ehara ko tāna he tiaki i te tūwatawata ka tūohu ka tū anō me te maka anō i ngā kariri o te pūrepō ki ngā hōia a te Karauna. Ana nā te tīkouka i āhei a Te Whakatōhea me ōna haumi te rere whakauta ki te tuawhenua. I huihui rātou ki tētahi pā anō ki Kohipawa kīhai i tareka e te Karauna.

text: Te Tarata He whakamārama mō te haka 
Ko tēnei haka he whakamauharatanga ki te riri whenua i waenganui i Te Whakatōhea me te Karauna i te 23 o Poutūterangi 1865. Ko te ingoa o te pakanga nei ko Te Tarata. Hai tēnei marama kua eke ki te kotahi rau e rima tekau tau mai i tēnei pakanga. Ka kōrerotia te patunga i te mihinare a Te Wākana i te 2 o Poutūterangi i te tau kotahi mano e waru rau e ono tekau mā rima (1865). Nā Kereopa o Ngāti Rangiwewehi i patu a Te Wākana. I haramai a Te Kereopa i raro i te Paimārire (Hauhau) ki Ōpōtiki. Ko tā Te Paimārire kaupapa i tae atu ai ko te kauhau i te whakapono hou a Te Ua Haumēne o Taranaki. Ko ngā āpōtoro i tukuna atu e Te Ua Haumēne ko Pātara Rakataura me Te Kereopa, hoi anō ko te kauhau i te rongopai tā Te Ua Haumēne i whakahau ai. Hoi anō he take tā Te Kereopa, tā te mea i kōhurutia tana wahine me āna tamāhine tokorua ki te whare karakia i Rangiaowhia ki roto o Tainui. Nara i pau a Ngāti Apakura ki te mate ki roto i te ahi, i tahuna te whare karakia e ngā hoia me te iwi o Ngāti Apakura ki roto. Ā i patua anō tana tamāhine hoki ki te pakanga i Hairini. Koiarā tā Kereopa he rānaki i te mate o tana whānau i pau i te ahi nukarau a te Karauna. Nā tēnei patunga i a Te Wākana i riro ai te 250,000 eka o Te Whakatōhea. I tēnei rā tonu o Te Matatini i tēnei tau 2015 kua eke ki te kotahi rau e rima tekau (150) tau o te parekuranui o Te Whakatōhea mō te patunga i te tangata kotahi nā tētahi atu ko Te Kereopa o Ngāti Rangiwewehi. Ko te kōhuru i a Te Whakatōhea me āna tamariki, āna mokopuna, ko te tāwharona i ngā tāne, i ngā wāhine, ko te ekeeke kino te rarahu i ngā wāhine me ngā tamariki kōtiro, tāne hoki. Mutu ana te rarahu ko te kōhuru i a rātou ki te pū, ki te mata o te pēneti ko te tahu rānei. Ko te urupatu anō tērā ko te tahu i ngā pā, i ngā whare tīpuna, i ngā māra, i ngā mira mahi paura, i ngā kaipuke tauhokohoko ki Tāmaki, ki Poihākena, ki Ingarangi. Ko te parekura nui tēnei o Te Whakatōhea, ko te kōhuru i tō mātou katoa, tō mātou ao, tō mātou wairua, tō mātou hinengaro, tō mātou tinana o Te Whakatōhea mō te mate kotahi a te tangata kotahi. Ahakoa he mihingare, he pūrahorua hoki he kawe o kōrero nōna ki a Kāwana Kerei mō ngā nekeneke a Te Whakatōhea ki te tautoko i a Kīngi Tāwhiao me ngā pakanga whenua i Rangiriri, i Ōrakau i te tau kotahi mano e waru rau e ono tekau mā whā (1864). Ki te pakanga o Te Tarata, 14 ngā Māori i mate i tēnei pakanga me ngā hoia pākeha, ngā maemanerau 26. E 500 ngā manemanerau i roto i te ope taua a Kuini Wikitōria. I tēnei pakanga nā Hira Te Popo te rangatira o Ngāti Ira, hapū o Te Whakatōhea i herehangaia ngā tīkouka me ōna rau ki ngā pou o te tūwatawata. Nara i pupuhi ngā pūrepō ngā ki te pā o Te Tarata i hinga ngā tūwatawata me te tū anō. Koirā te mahi a te tīkouka he rākau māmā kāore i whati pēnei i te mānuka me ngā rākau mārō ehara ko tāna he tiaki i te tūwatawata ka tūohu ka tū anō me te maka anō i ngā kariri o te pūrepō ki ngā hōia a te Karauna. Ana nā te tīkouka i āhei a Te Whakatōhea me ōna haumi te rere whakauta ki te tuawhenua. I huihui rātou ki tētahi pā anō ki Kohipawa kīhai i tareka e te Karauna.

year: 2017