title: Phylogeography of six codistributed New Zealand cicadas and their relationship to multiple biogeographical boundaries suggest a re-evaluation of the Taupo Line

authors: Ellis, Emily A.

subjects: biogeography

abstract: Comparative biogeographers question the extent to which codistributed species respond similarly to environmental change. Such responses should create similar, appropriately timed patterns of cladogenesis among codistributed taxa compared to evolutionary independence, which may limit the predictions that can be made for unstudied species. Here, we compare phylogeographical patterns across ecologically divergent, codistributed taxa in the light of New Zealand's palaeohistory. Location: North Island, New Zealand. Methods: Mitochondrial DNA from six codistributed cicada species (Kikihia ochrina, K. cutora, K. laneorum, K. cauta, K. scutellaris and K. dugdalei) was analysed using phylogenetic methods and molecular dating techniques. We analysed phylogeographical distributions using analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) to determine the significance of hypothesized biogeographical boundaries for clade differentiation and spatial distribution of genetic diversity. Results: Five species (Kikihia ochrina, K. cutora, K. laneorum, K. cauta and K. scutellaris) show various degrees of intraspecific concordance with biogeographical boundaries found in previously studied taxa - the Kauri Line, the Northland Line and the newly identified Cockayne's Line. Clade splits of forest species correlate with the Kauri Line and/or Northland Line, whereas splits of scrub/hill species correlate with Cockayne's Line. Four species (Kikihia ochrina, K. cutora, K. laneorum and K. cauta) diversified before the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM, 20 ka), whereas two species (K. scutellaris and K. dugdalei) show only post-LGM diversification. Main conclusions: Despite species idiosyncrasies, we see the imprint of shared palaeoclimatic/geological events. We distinguish between (1) the importance of biogeographical lines as the demarcation between older genetically diverse and newer genetically depauperate populations, and (2) the importance of lines as biogeographical boundaries between sister clades. We also stress the importance of dating clade splits to ensure consistency with explanations for the biogeographical lines in question. We suggest that the Taupo Line has been overemphasized as a biogeographical boundary, whereas the importance of the mountain axis running north-east to south-west ('Cockayne's Line') has been overlooked.

text: Phylogeography of six codistributed New Zealand cicadas and their relationship to multiple biogeographical boundaries suggest a re-evaluation of the Taupo Line Comparative biogeographers question the extent to which codistributed species respond similarly to environmental change. Such responses should create similar, appropriately timed patterns of cladogenesis among codistributed taxa compared to evolutionary independence, which may limit the predictions that can be made for unstudied species. Here, we compare phylogeographical patterns across ecologically divergent, codistributed taxa in the light of New Zealand's palaeohistory. Location: North Island, New Zealand. Methods: Mitochondrial DNA from six codistributed cicada species (Kikihia ochrina, K. cutora, K. laneorum, K. cauta, K. scutellaris and K. dugdalei) was analysed using phylogenetic methods and molecular dating techniques. We analysed phylogeographical distributions using analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) to determine the significance of hypothesized biogeographical boundaries for clade differentiation and spatial distribution of genetic diversity. Results: Five species (Kikihia ochrina, K. cutora, K. laneorum, K. cauta and K. scutellaris) show various degrees of intraspecific concordance with biogeographical boundaries found in previously studied taxa - the Kauri Line, the Northland Line and the newly identified Cockayne's Line. Clade splits of forest species correlate with the Kauri Line and/or Northland Line, whereas splits of scrub/hill species correlate with Cockayne's Line. Four species (Kikihia ochrina, K. cutora, K. laneorum and K. cauta) diversified before the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM, 20 ka), whereas two species (K. scutellaris and K. dugdalei) show only post-LGM diversification. Main conclusions: Despite species idiosyncrasies, we see the imprint of shared palaeoclimatic/geological events. We distinguish between (1) the importance of biogeographical lines as the demarcation between older genetically diverse and newer genetically depauperate populations, and (2) the importance of lines as biogeographical boundaries between sister clades. We also stress the importance of dating clade splits to ensure consistency with explanations for the biogeographical lines in question. We suggest that the Taupo Line has been overemphasized as a biogeographical boundary, whereas the importance of the mountain axis running north-east to south-west ('Cockayne's Line') has been overlooked.

year: 2015-01-01

title: The Role of Medicinal Plants in New Zealand's Settler Medical Culture, 1850s-1920s

authors: Bishop, Joanna Lisa

subjects: Medicinal plants, medical history, settler culture

abstract: Throughout history, medicinal plants have been important components of medical practices in almost all cultures of the world. This thesis focuses specifically on the changing uses and understandings of medicinal plants in New Zealand‘s settler medical culture from 1850 to 1920. Using a wide range of source material, and both qualitative and quantitative methodologies, it examines the plant species most popular in New Zealand, the reasons for their popularity, the introduction of these into the Colony, and their use and interpretation by three groups of healers: domestic healers, herbalists and doctors.
This thesis deploys the concept of translation to argue that different qualities were attributed to the same plant in response to the needs and approaches of domestic healers, herbalists and doctors, each of whom had different ways of gathering, collating and assessing medico-botanical information. While British understandings of botany and medicine introduced during the course of colonisation guided healers and their use of plants in New Zealand significantly, this thesis posits that the flow of medico-botanical knowledge was more diffuse and highly complex, moving in multiple directions, and adapting and incorporating multiple meanings

text: The Role of Medicinal Plants in New Zealand's Settler Medical Culture, 1850s-1920s Throughout history, medicinal plants have been important components of medical practices in almost all cultures of the world. This thesis focuses specifically on the changing uses and understandings of medicinal plants in New Zealand‘s settler medical culture from 1850 to 1920. Using a wide range of source material, and both qualitative and quantitative methodologies, it examines the plant species most popular in New Zealand, the reasons for their popularity, the introduction of these into the Colony, and their use and interpretation by three groups of healers: domestic healers, herbalists and doctors.
This thesis deploys the concept of translation to argue that different qualities were attributed to the same plant in response to the needs and approaches of domestic healers, herbalists and doctors, each of whom had different ways of gathering, collating and assessing medico-botanical information. While British understandings of botany and medicine introduced during the course of colonisation guided healers and their use of plants in New Zealand significantly, this thesis posits that the flow of medico-botanical knowledge was more diffuse and highly complex, moving in multiple directions, and adapting and incorporating multiple meanings

year: 2014

title: Maori and mining at Te Aroha

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Before the existence of gold was confirmed at Te Aroha, the Ngati Rahiri reserves were finally delineated. For long there had been rumours of gold, but prospecting was not permitted until 1880. Once Hone Werahiko found what might be a payable goldfield on Maori land, one could not be proclaimed until an agreement was reached with the landowners. To prevent confusion, and to be fair to Ngati Rahiri, it was decided to create a separate mining district. 
Members of Ngati Rahiri were divided over the terms of an agreement, with some (possibly prompted by Pakeha) demanding a bonus of £1,000. Rangatira who had received income from the Thames field ignored this demand and agreed to open their land in the expectation of receiving a steady supply of money from mining plus timber cutting rights and residence and business site licenses. Mokena Hou was especially supportive of prospecting and opening his land, and had a township, known as Morgantown, surveyed (his daughter Ema, wife of George Lipsey, owned the adjacent Lipseytown). The agreement specified all the fees to be paid, and permitted Maori to withdraw their land from the goldfield.
Right up to opening day, demands were made for a bonus, but the opening went smoothly, with Mokena and another rangatira participating in the ceremony and many Maori marking out claims. Maori from many hapu were shareholders in all parts of the goldfield, and some actively worked their claims, usually guided by an experienced Pakeha miner. Encouraged by the Te Aroha rush, some Maori prospected elsewhere.
Revenue from the new field soon declined as it faded, prompting complaints and officials requiring all those working on Maori land to hold a miner’s right. Although most Ngati Rahiri did not benefit, the Mokena family most certainly did, and treated the revenue they received as their own personal income.

text: Maori and mining at Te Aroha Before the existence of gold was confirmed at Te Aroha, the Ngati Rahiri reserves were finally delineated. For long there had been rumours of gold, but prospecting was not permitted until 1880. Once Hone Werahiko found what might be a payable goldfield on Maori land, one could not be proclaimed until an agreement was reached with the landowners. To prevent confusion, and to be fair to Ngati Rahiri, it was decided to create a separate mining district. 
Members of Ngati Rahiri were divided over the terms of an agreement, with some (possibly prompted by Pakeha) demanding a bonus of £1,000. Rangatira who had received income from the Thames field ignored this demand and agreed to open their land in the expectation of receiving a steady supply of money from mining plus timber cutting rights and residence and business site licenses. Mokena Hou was especially supportive of prospecting and opening his land, and had a township, known as Morgantown, surveyed (his daughter Ema, wife of George Lipsey, owned the adjacent Lipseytown). The agreement specified all the fees to be paid, and permitted Maori to withdraw their land from the goldfield.
Right up to opening day, demands were made for a bonus, but the opening went smoothly, with Mokena and another rangatira participating in the ceremony and many Maori marking out claims. Maori from many hapu were shareholders in all parts of the goldfield, and some actively worked their claims, usually guided by an experienced Pakeha miner. Encouraged by the Te Aroha rush, some Maori prospected elsewhere.
Revenue from the new field soon declined as it faded, prompting complaints and officials requiring all those working on Maori land to hold a miner’s right. Although most Ngati Rahiri did not benefit, the Mokena family most certainly did, and treated the revenue they received as their own personal income.

year: 2016