title: Defining a US defence diplomacy for Brazil at the beginning of the century

authors: Zirker, Daniel

subjects: diplomacy

abstract: At the beginning of the 1990s, the US military was apparently considered to be a significant threat by the Brazilian Armed Forces. Other military establishments in the Hemisphere likewise expressed a lack of confidence, and even a sense of fear, regarding the North Americans. After an ‘opening’ in military relations between Brazil and the United States, directed by General Barry McAfree, commander-in-chief of the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) in the mid 1990s, Brazilian military sentiment regarding the US marginally improved. Nevertheless, by the end of the 1990s and the beginning of this Century, the Brazilian Armed Forces again felt threatened by the unilateralism of the US military.
This work examines the the concept of ‘defense diplomacy’ and the process by which the Clinton Administration initiated an experiment in conjunction with the National Defense University (Fort Leslie McNair, Washington, DC), at the request of the Deputy Assitant Secretary of Defense for Western Hemisphere Affairs, that established between 1999 and 2001 a broader understanding of possible US defense diplomacy for the subsequent seven years. I was an invited participant in this experiment, along with more than two dozen North American and Latin American academics, including Brazilians, the aim of which was to complete a proposal under contract with the Defense Department. Although it was ended soon after the Bush Administration began, this experiment, and the broader concept of ‘defense diplomacy,’ may well have represented an important option for future hemispheric military relations.

text: Defining a US defence diplomacy for Brazil at the beginning of the century At the beginning of the 1990s, the US military was apparently considered to be a significant threat by the Brazilian Armed Forces. Other military establishments in the Hemisphere likewise expressed a lack of confidence, and even a sense of fear, regarding the North Americans. After an ‘opening’ in military relations between Brazil and the United States, directed by General Barry McAfree, commander-in-chief of the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) in the mid 1990s, Brazilian military sentiment regarding the US marginally improved. Nevertheless, by the end of the 1990s and the beginning of this Century, the Brazilian Armed Forces again felt threatened by the unilateralism of the US military.
This work examines the the concept of ‘defense diplomacy’ and the process by which the Clinton Administration initiated an experiment in conjunction with the National Defense University (Fort Leslie McNair, Washington, DC), at the request of the Deputy Assitant Secretary of Defense for Western Hemisphere Affairs, that established between 1999 and 2001 a broader understanding of possible US defense diplomacy for the subsequent seven years. I was an invited participant in this experiment, along with more than two dozen North American and Latin American academics, including Brazilians, the aim of which was to complete a proposal under contract with the Defense Department. Although it was ended soon after the Bush Administration began, this experiment, and the broader concept of ‘defense diplomacy,’ may well have represented an important option for future hemispheric military relations.

year: 2009

title: An Elusive Dream: Multiracial Harmony in Fiji 1970-2000.

authors: Gaunder, Padmini

subjects: Fiji

abstract: The common perception of Fiji, which is unique in the South Pacific, is that of an ethnically divided society with the indigenous and immigrant communities often at loggerheads. This perception was heightened by the military coups of 1987, which overthrew the democratically elected government of Dr. Timoci Bavadra because it was perceived as Indian-dominated. Again in 2000, the People's Coalition Government headed by an Indian, Mahendra Chaudhry, was ousted in a civilian coup.

Yet Fiji had been genuinely multiethnic for several decades (even centuries) before it became a colony in 1874. From then onwards, however, because of the policies of the colonial government, the society slowly became plural (in Furnivall's classic sense) as the different races were separated in almost every walk of life. Until the 1920s there were hardly any conflicts between Fijians and Indians.  From the 1920s, however, the Fijians were taught to be wary of the Indians.

After independence in 1970, the Alliance government under Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara followed a policy of  multiracialism  with the stated aim of bringing the different ethnic groups together in a society where people achieved some degree of integration in terms of a common national identity, while retaining their own separate traditions.  But, more than thirty years later, Fiji still remains an ethnically divided society with hardly any integration. My research explores the reason for this failure.

My thesis is that the failure arose from the kind of democratic system that the country adopted at independence. That is, the Westminster concept of government and opposition can be problematic in a multiethnic society if political parties are divided on ethnic lines rather than based on political ideologies. Ratu Mara was one Fiji leader who recognized this problem and had said that the confrontational Westminster system is not appropriate in a South Pacific island with a multiracial population.

While Stephanie Lawson, Peter Larmour, Futa Helu and others have made some important contribution to this debate, my thesis will focus on an argument put forward by  Michael Goldsmith on the role of the opposition, making a distinction between two kinds of pposition,  confrontational  and  thoughtful . This thesis contends that the Westminster system that Fiji adopted at independence failed to bring integration in part because the National Federation Party (NFP) degenerated over the years from a 'thoughtful' and effective opposition to a 'confrontational', ethnic opposition.

text: An Elusive Dream: Multiracial Harmony in Fiji 1970-2000. The common perception of Fiji, which is unique in the South Pacific, is that of an ethnically divided society with the indigenous and immigrant communities often at loggerheads. This perception was heightened by the military coups of 1987, which overthrew the democratically elected government of Dr. Timoci Bavadra because it was perceived as Indian-dominated. Again in 2000, the People's Coalition Government headed by an Indian, Mahendra Chaudhry, was ousted in a civilian coup.

Yet Fiji had been genuinely multiethnic for several decades (even centuries) before it became a colony in 1874. From then onwards, however, because of the policies of the colonial government, the society slowly became plural (in Furnivall's classic sense) as the different races were separated in almost every walk of life. Until the 1920s there were hardly any conflicts between Fijians and Indians.  From the 1920s, however, the Fijians were taught to be wary of the Indians.

After independence in 1970, the Alliance government under Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara followed a policy of  multiracialism  with the stated aim of bringing the different ethnic groups together in a society where people achieved some degree of integration in terms of a common national identity, while retaining their own separate traditions.  But, more than thirty years later, Fiji still remains an ethnically divided society with hardly any integration. My research explores the reason for this failure.

My thesis is that the failure arose from the kind of democratic system that the country adopted at independence. That is, the Westminster concept of government and opposition can be problematic in a multiethnic society if political parties are divided on ethnic lines rather than based on political ideologies. Ratu Mara was one Fiji leader who recognized this problem and had said that the confrontational Westminster system is not appropriate in a South Pacific island with a multiracial population.

While Stephanie Lawson, Peter Larmour, Futa Helu and others have made some important contribution to this debate, my thesis will focus on an argument put forward by  Michael Goldsmith on the role of the opposition, making a distinction between two kinds of pposition,  confrontational  and  thoughtful . This thesis contends that the Westminster system that Fiji adopted at independence failed to bring integration in part because the National Federation Party (NFP) degenerated over the years from a 'thoughtful' and effective opposition to a 'confrontational', ethnic opposition.

year: 2007

title: Rejoinder

authors: Kelly, Martin

abstract: Our paper (Kelly et al., 1999) set out to have points recognized as ‘needing to be addressed’ on the agendas of institutions currently providing accounting education. We believe that many institutions are continuing to fail to respond to recognized problems. We are grateful to the Commentators for recognizing our purpose. They note that our paper:
1. raises some important issues which need to be urgently addressed (Commentator 1);
2. illuminates why it is dif  cult to implement change even when there is a consensus to do so (Commentator 2);
3. provides a very important theme which has been neglected by many accounting educators (Commentator 3).

text: Rejoinder Our paper (Kelly et al., 1999) set out to have points recognized as ‘needing to be addressed’ on the agendas of institutions currently providing accounting education. We believe that many institutions are continuing to fail to respond to recognized problems. We are grateful to the Commentators for recognizing our purpose. They note that our paper:
1. raises some important issues which need to be urgently addressed (Commentator 1);
2. illuminates why it is dif  cult to implement change even when there is a consensus to do so (Commentator 2);
3. provides a very important theme which has been neglected by many accounting educators (Commentator 3).

year: 2000