title: Addressing Canine Separation Anxiety Using Systematic Desensitization and Counter-conditioning

authors: Babington, Ocean Marie

subjects: Behaviour

abstract: A canine’s distress response to the owner’s absence such as vocalisation, destruction and inappropriate elimination is a welfare issue, as ongoing occurrences of the behaviour can lead to a canine being relinquished, re-homed or euthanized. I aimed to identify if systematic desensitization or counter- conditioning were effective interventions at reducing separation-related behaviours when implemented individually without the support of additional behavioural techniques. Five canines that displayed separation-related behaviours were recruited for treatment. Video cameras were used to monitor the latency and frequency of separation-related behaviours for every absence during each condition. Each canine was randomly placed into either treatment Group A, applying systematic desensitization first then counter-conditioning, or Group B (applying counter-conditioning first then systematic desensitization). Treatment was changed if separation-related behaviours did not display evidence of reducing during the first treatment. Implementing systematic desensitization or counter- conditioning independently did not reduce or eliminate separation-related behaviours of canines as a long-term solution. Using a video camera to observe separation-related behaviours was beneficial for identifying if the owner-reported behaviours were occurring, as well as observing additional behaviours elicited by the owner’s absence that did not produce evidence. In this research, owner compliance reduced during systematic desensitization which resulted in an increase in, or no change in separation-related behaviours. However, due to the fixed location of the video camera, separation-related behaviours may have been over- or under-reported during data collection. Further investigation into different combinations of behavioural techniques that are effective and practical to apply for owners is suggested.

text: Addressing Canine Separation Anxiety Using Systematic Desensitization and Counter-conditioning A canine’s distress response to the owner’s absence such as vocalisation, destruction and inappropriate elimination is a welfare issue, as ongoing occurrences of the behaviour can lead to a canine being relinquished, re-homed or euthanized. I aimed to identify if systematic desensitization or counter- conditioning were effective interventions at reducing separation-related behaviours when implemented individually without the support of additional behavioural techniques. Five canines that displayed separation-related behaviours were recruited for treatment. Video cameras were used to monitor the latency and frequency of separation-related behaviours for every absence during each condition. Each canine was randomly placed into either treatment Group A, applying systematic desensitization first then counter-conditioning, or Group B (applying counter-conditioning first then systematic desensitization). Treatment was changed if separation-related behaviours did not display evidence of reducing during the first treatment. Implementing systematic desensitization or counter- conditioning independently did not reduce or eliminate separation-related behaviours of canines as a long-term solution. Using a video camera to observe separation-related behaviours was beneficial for identifying if the owner-reported behaviours were occurring, as well as observing additional behaviours elicited by the owner’s absence that did not produce evidence. In this research, owner compliance reduced during systematic desensitization which resulted in an increase in, or no change in separation-related behaviours. However, due to the fixed location of the video camera, separation-related behaviours may have been over- or under-reported during data collection. Further investigation into different combinations of behavioural techniques that are effective and practical to apply for owners is suggested.

year: 2019

title: Empowering Ni-Vanuatu women: Amplifying Wantok authority and achieving fair market access

authors: Thomas, Andrina Komala Lini

subjects: URBAN WOMEN IN FORMAL AUTHORITY IN VANUATU

abstract: The Republic of Vanuatu (2004) report on Vanuatu’s implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) notes that many urban disenfranchised Ni-Vanuatu women live in poverty and have little access to paid employment. The women who do gain paid employment in formal jobs rarely gain access to positions of authority. The United Nations (UN) offered two strategies to improve the position of Ni-Vanuatu women in Vanuatu. The first is informed by CEDAW in Article Eleven on Employment. The “Equity Desk of the Vanuatu Department of Strategic Management” and the “Vanuatu Department of Women’s Affairs Gender Planner” (The Republic of Vanuatu, 2004, pp. 12-13) have been charged with the responsibility of implementing Article Eleven and developing Equal Employment Opportunities (EEO) programmes for the public sector. This strategy aims to increase women’s access to paid employment in the formal employment sector and encourage women to achieve positions of authority. The second strategy offered by the UN is the establishment of microfinance projects aimed at providing disenfranchised urban women unable to find employment with a means to own and run microfinance businesses to earn a living. Both these strategies have the overarching aim of improving the well-being of Ni-Vanuatu women.

This study has investigated the extent to which access to formal sector jobs and the implementation of microfinance businesses in the informal sector addresses the well-being of Ni-Vanuatu women. These programmes are being implemented within a complex historical, socio-political cultural and economic environment (Van Trease, 1995). This complexity includes the continuance of Wantok systems of governance in the form of matrilineality (predominant in Vanuatu) and patrilineality (adopted from Christian influences in 1800s and colonial legacy in 1906) (Van Trease, 1987; Facey, 1981; Allen, 1981 & Macdonald-Milne & Thomas, 1981). Matrilineal cultural values bequeath patrimony and legacy of lineage and land inheritance from mothers to daughters. Matrilineal women share power with men in community affairs (Maltali, Sandy & Tamashiro, 2009). In patrilineal communities, patrimony and legacy of lineage and land inheritance is passed from fathers to sons (Van Trease, 1987). Patrilineal mothers and daughters have no lineage, land inheritance, or power-sharing rights (Stege, Maetala, Naupa & Simo 2008). Both Wantok systems are based on communal values practised primarily in the rural sector. Urban centres are organised around a modern-cash and market-economy and a governance framework based on the British Westminster model and the French Head of State model (ILO, 2006). This European generated governance system is underpinned by values informed by liberal competitive individualism and an assumed commitment to meritocracy. It is, however, a system of governance steeped in patriarchal nuances as a direct legacy of the colonial regime now adapted and administered by the Vanuatu’s ruling elite, referred as Vanuatu’s urban patriarchy throughout this thesis. 

The theoretical frameworks used in this research draw on both liberal feminist studies and on an adaptation of subaltern scholarship (Thomas & Humphries, 2010 & 2011). The focus is on the legacy of imperialism and colonisation, the politics of power and hegemony, and the expressions of equal rights, emancipation and empowerment as these pertain to the well-being of women in Vanuatu. 

Three sets of qualitative empirical observations were collected: i) a focus group discussion with 20 employer and employee representatives; ii) 36 conversations with women employed in the formal employment sector who held positions of authority within their respective organisations; and iii) 39 conversations with women who owned a microfinance business. My field notes were analysed thematically using a point and counterpoint framework crafted from my interest in the work of Huxley (cf Baker & James, 2000a & 2000b & Dawson, 2009). The point is informed by a liberal feminist lens (Gamble, 1999 & Heywood, 2000). A counterpoint to this liberal feminist interpretation is generated from a post-colonial feminist perspective through an adaptation of subaltern studies (Thomas & Humphries 2010 & 2011; Gamble, 1999 & Spivak, 1988). I draw on my Matrilineal Wantok Feminist Voice (MWFV) to form a standpoint in the discussion and to frame insights drawn from the ideas associated with the solidarity economy (Allard, Davidson & Matthaei, 2009; Harvey, 2006 & Harding, 2004). 
 
Point/counterpoint/standpoint for the research as a whole
Point: Liberal feminist strategies for the emancipation of women (and the intended improvement and well-being of their families associated with this perspective) encourage women to pursue better living standards, achieve empowerment in the home, and seek formal jobs or other market-based income opportunities. If in formal jobs, women are encouraged to seek positions of authority. For these women, the major transition in orientation is the move from Wantok-related patterns of responsibilities and opportunities to those made available in the formal Western-generated economy. These Western ways, with emphasis on individualized opportunity, appear to offer financial gain and familial influences, particularly to women born into patrilineal lineage descent groups. 

Counterpoint: Viewed through the adaptation of subaltern perspectives that I have applied to the liberal feminist remedies for the enhancement of well-being for the women of Vanuatu, it appears that the women of Vanuatu are involved in multiple and simultaneous complex master/slave relationships (Kohn, 2005 & Honderich, 1995). These relationships are exemplified in salaried/professional occupations held by women, between the women and their employers and work-place cultures, between women and rural and urban patriarchal hegemonies, and between women and the cash and market economy. While EEO activities can be seen to make a difference in the lives of some women, taken together, these interventions are reducing the overall well-being for Ni-Vanuatu women more generally. For the Vanwods microfinance women entrepreneurs, master/slave relationships could be discerned between the Vanwods MFI’s social control of the Mamas, the Vanuatu Government’s imposition of high business licence fees to the Mamas, the Mamas and their greater dependence on the cash and market economy, and the Mamas and their relationship with rural and urban patriarchal hegemonies (Thomas & Humphries, 2010 & 2011). These forms of systemic subservience interpreted from the women’s narratives provide a caution against the uncritical adoption of Western liberal feminist ideals (DeVault, 1990). It is matrilineal women; however, who appear to suffer the most from their move into the urban centres as there they must contend with an urban patriarchal hegemony, an impediment which they had not encountered in their former rural communities governed in accordance with matrilineal Wantok values.

Standpoint: The research findings suggest that all women in this study worked long hours, experiencing discrimination and oppression, received low pay, and experienced increased financial obligations as a result of their engagement in formal and informal jobs. As well as being increasingly dependent on inadequate and unsustainable livelihoods in the urban areas, family and Wantok social relations were challenged and diminished as a consequence of their necessary commitment to their jobs and the demands of urban living. Access to traditional forms of authority and sustenance was undermined. 

I conclude that, overall, the implementation of CEDAW-EEO programmes along with the establishment of microfinance projects devised for the emancipation of the disenfranchised women of Vanuatu, while apparently proving beneficial from a liberal feminist interpretation in granting urban women with access to incomes, property and power-sharing, may provide an element of liberation for women of patrilineal descent groups but add new dimensions of patriarchal inhibitors for women of matrilineal descent groups who take up employment under the Westminster rules of governance. The remedies taken as a whole, while promising improved well-being through market-based income generation, remove women from the Wantok kinship social support networks embedded in their indigenous Wantok governance frameworks causing complex problems and hardships for them. Drawing on my Matrilineal Wantok Feminist standpoint position, I suggest that the Solidarity Economy, which combines aspects of market access while still engaging in the traditional systems of social organization, offers an alternative organisational and economic framework for developing and enhancing community well-being in both the rural and urban areas of Vanuatu.

text: Empowering Ni-Vanuatu women: Amplifying Wantok authority and achieving fair market access The Republic of Vanuatu (2004) report on Vanuatu’s implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) notes that many urban disenfranchised Ni-Vanuatu women live in poverty and have little access to paid employment. The women who do gain paid employment in formal jobs rarely gain access to positions of authority. The United Nations (UN) offered two strategies to improve the position of Ni-Vanuatu women in Vanuatu. The first is informed by CEDAW in Article Eleven on Employment. The “Equity Desk of the Vanuatu Department of Strategic Management” and the “Vanuatu Department of Women’s Affairs Gender Planner” (The Republic of Vanuatu, 2004, pp. 12-13) have been charged with the responsibility of implementing Article Eleven and developing Equal Employment Opportunities (EEO) programmes for the public sector. This strategy aims to increase women’s access to paid employment in the formal employment sector and encourage women to achieve positions of authority. The second strategy offered by the UN is the establishment of microfinance projects aimed at providing disenfranchised urban women unable to find employment with a means to own and run microfinance businesses to earn a living. Both these strategies have the overarching aim of improving the well-being of Ni-Vanuatu women.

This study has investigated the extent to which access to formal sector jobs and the implementation of microfinance businesses in the informal sector addresses the well-being of Ni-Vanuatu women. These programmes are being implemented within a complex historical, socio-political cultural and economic environment (Van Trease, 1995). This complexity includes the continuance of Wantok systems of governance in the form of matrilineality (predominant in Vanuatu) and patrilineality (adopted from Christian influences in 1800s and colonial legacy in 1906) (Van Trease, 1987; Facey, 1981; Allen, 1981 & Macdonald-Milne & Thomas, 1981). Matrilineal cultural values bequeath patrimony and legacy of lineage and land inheritance from mothers to daughters. Matrilineal women share power with men in community affairs (Maltali, Sandy & Tamashiro, 2009). In patrilineal communities, patrimony and legacy of lineage and land inheritance is passed from fathers to sons (Van Trease, 1987). Patrilineal mothers and daughters have no lineage, land inheritance, or power-sharing rights (Stege, Maetala, Naupa & Simo 2008). Both Wantok systems are based on communal values practised primarily in the rural sector. Urban centres are organised around a modern-cash and market-economy and a governance framework based on the British Westminster model and the French Head of State model (ILO, 2006). This European generated governance system is underpinned by values informed by liberal competitive individualism and an assumed commitment to meritocracy. It is, however, a system of governance steeped in patriarchal nuances as a direct legacy of the colonial regime now adapted and administered by the Vanuatu’s ruling elite, referred as Vanuatu’s urban patriarchy throughout this thesis. 

The theoretical frameworks used in this research draw on both liberal feminist studies and on an adaptation of subaltern scholarship (Thomas & Humphries, 2010 & 2011). The focus is on the legacy of imperialism and colonisation, the politics of power and hegemony, and the expressions of equal rights, emancipation and empowerment as these pertain to the well-being of women in Vanuatu. 

Three sets of qualitative empirical observations were collected: i) a focus group discussion with 20 employer and employee representatives; ii) 36 conversations with women employed in the formal employment sector who held positions of authority within their respective organisations; and iii) 39 conversations with women who owned a microfinance business. My field notes were analysed thematically using a point and counterpoint framework crafted from my interest in the work of Huxley (cf Baker & James, 2000a & 2000b & Dawson, 2009). The point is informed by a liberal feminist lens (Gamble, 1999 & Heywood, 2000). A counterpoint to this liberal feminist interpretation is generated from a post-colonial feminist perspective through an adaptation of subaltern studies (Thomas & Humphries 2010 & 2011; Gamble, 1999 & Spivak, 1988). I draw on my Matrilineal Wantok Feminist Voice (MWFV) to form a standpoint in the discussion and to frame insights drawn from the ideas associated with the solidarity economy (Allard, Davidson & Matthaei, 2009; Harvey, 2006 & Harding, 2004). 
 
Point/counterpoint/standpoint for the research as a whole
Point: Liberal feminist strategies for the emancipation of women (and the intended improvement and well-being of their families associated with this perspective) encourage women to pursue better living standards, achieve empowerment in the home, and seek formal jobs or other market-based income opportunities. If in formal jobs, women are encouraged to seek positions of authority. For these women, the major transition in orientation is the move from Wantok-related patterns of responsibilities and opportunities to those made available in the formal Western-generated economy. These Western ways, with emphasis on individualized opportunity, appear to offer financial gain and familial influences, particularly to women born into patrilineal lineage descent groups. 

Counterpoint: Viewed through the adaptation of subaltern perspectives that I have applied to the liberal feminist remedies for the enhancement of well-being for the women of Vanuatu, it appears that the women of Vanuatu are involved in multiple and simultaneous complex master/slave relationships (Kohn, 2005 & Honderich, 1995). These relationships are exemplified in salaried/professional occupations held by women, between the women and their employers and work-place cultures, between women and rural and urban patriarchal hegemonies, and between women and the cash and market economy. While EEO activities can be seen to make a difference in the lives of some women, taken together, these interventions are reducing the overall well-being for Ni-Vanuatu women more generally. For the Vanwods microfinance women entrepreneurs, master/slave relationships could be discerned between the Vanwods MFI’s social control of the Mamas, the Vanuatu Government’s imposition of high business licence fees to the Mamas, the Mamas and their greater dependence on the cash and market economy, and the Mamas and their relationship with rural and urban patriarchal hegemonies (Thomas & Humphries, 2010 & 2011). These forms of systemic subservience interpreted from the women’s narratives provide a caution against the uncritical adoption of Western liberal feminist ideals (DeVault, 1990). It is matrilineal women; however, who appear to suffer the most from their move into the urban centres as there they must contend with an urban patriarchal hegemony, an impediment which they had not encountered in their former rural communities governed in accordance with matrilineal Wantok values.

Standpoint: The research findings suggest that all women in this study worked long hours, experiencing discrimination and oppression, received low pay, and experienced increased financial obligations as a result of their engagement in formal and informal jobs. As well as being increasingly dependent on inadequate and unsustainable livelihoods in the urban areas, family and Wantok social relations were challenged and diminished as a consequence of their necessary commitment to their jobs and the demands of urban living. Access to traditional forms of authority and sustenance was undermined. 

I conclude that, overall, the implementation of CEDAW-EEO programmes along with the establishment of microfinance projects devised for the emancipation of the disenfranchised women of Vanuatu, while apparently proving beneficial from a liberal feminist interpretation in granting urban women with access to incomes, property and power-sharing, may provide an element of liberation for women of patrilineal descent groups but add new dimensions of patriarchal inhibitors for women of matrilineal descent groups who take up employment under the Westminster rules of governance. The remedies taken as a whole, while promising improved well-being through market-based income generation, remove women from the Wantok kinship social support networks embedded in their indigenous Wantok governance frameworks causing complex problems and hardships for them. Drawing on my Matrilineal Wantok Feminist standpoint position, I suggest that the Solidarity Economy, which combines aspects of market access while still engaging in the traditional systems of social organization, offers an alternative organisational and economic framework for developing and enhancing community well-being in both the rural and urban areas of Vanuatu.

year: 2013

title: Ngā kīrehu o Te Arawa ki Rotorua

authors: Morrison, Scott Jeffrey Tipene

subjects: Te reo Māori

abstract: Ko te reo Māori he reo tuauriuri whāioio, ā, he reo i kōhure ake i te whenua e kīa nei ko Aotearoa. Heoi anō, ka tae mai te Pākehā ki konei noho ai, ā, ka whārikihia ko ā rātou ture hei tauira tikanga mō ngā tāngata ki Aotearoa, ā, ko tō rātou reo hei reo whakaata whakaaro hei reo hoko parāoa hoki. I roto i ngā tau maha kua pahemo i raro i ēnei whakarite hou, kua memeha noa te reo Māori. Te mutu, i roto i ngā whakaakoranga hou i mahue ngā ahureitanga ake o te reo hei kawenga i te hihiri o te hinengaro Māori. Koinei ka tahuri ake au ki te whai i tētahi o ngā āhuatanga whakahirahira o te reo e mahue ana i roto i ngā akoranga i te reo hei reo tuarua.
Ko ngā kīrehu tētahi pekanga o te reo Māori kei te kaha te ngaro i te nuinga o ngā kaikōrero o te reo Māori o ēnei rā. Ki te waiho ērā momo kōrero kia moe, e kore e whakaara ake, ā, ko tōna mutunga, kua ngaro mō ake tonu atu. Kātahi tātou te ao Māori ka tangi mō tēnei āhuatanga nui o te reo ka ngaro i a tātou, ā, ko te rere a te ua koia anō kei te wai e riringi tonu nei te utu. Heoi anō, ki te mataara tātou, ki te whakaara ake i ēnei momo kōrero, ka whai kupu te reo Māori, ā, ka hoki mai te reo tuauriuri whāioio ki a tātou o tēnei reanga. Kei roto i ngā kīrehu e pupuri ana te wairua me te hinengaro Māori o ngā tūpuna o mua, arā, ka kite i te āhua o te whakaaro i roto i a rātou.
Ka tahuri ake au ki te whai i tēnei kaupapa kia whakaara ake anō ngā kīrehu kua roa e moe ana, ā, ki te kimi whakautu mō ētahi pātai i toko ake i te wā e whakaarohia ana te kaupapa nei. Tuatahi, i whakawhāiti taku titiro ki ngā kīrehu ake o Te Arawa waka e noho ana ki te rohe o Rotorua-nui-a-Kahumatamomoe. I pērā ai te whānui o taku titiro kia kore ai au e pokea e te kaupapa nei ka tahi, kia whakaara ake anō ai ngā kīrehu tūturu o tērā rohe kua tino roa nei e ngaro ana ka rua, ā, kia whakahoki mai ai ko aua kīrehu hei mahi mā tēnei reanga kōrero Māori kia ea ai te kōrero, "Ko Te Arawa māngai nui" ka toru. Tuarua, i whakawhānui ake taku titiro ki ngā kīrehu kei te mōhiotia e te motu.
Hei whakatutuki i taku kaupapa ka tirohia, ka wānangahia te kaupapa i raro i ngā upoko e whai ake nei. Kei te upoko tuatahi he whakamārama he aha au i whai ai i taku kaupapa mō ngā kīrehu. Kei te upoko tuarua he āta whakamārama i te kīrehu me ōna tikanga katoa, me ngā rerekētanga i waenganui i te kīrehu me ana hoa me te kīwaha, te huahuatau, te kupu whakarite, me te whakataukī. Ka titiro hoki ki ngā wāhi ka rangona, ka whakamahia rānei te kīrehu. Kei te upoko tuatoru ka tirohia ngā kīrehu kua kitea. E rua ngā wāhanga o tēnei upoko. Kei te wāhanga tuatahi ko ngā kīrehu o Te Arawa ki Rotorua me ā rātou whakamārama, kei te wāhanga tuarua ko ngā kīrehu o te motu whānui kua whakaraupapahia i raro anō i ngā upoko e whakaatu ana i te tikanga o ia kīrehu, me ā rātou whakamārama. Kei te whakamutunga ko te whakarārangi me te tūhonohono ake i ngā kitenga katoa i roto i aku rangahau, i aku wherawheratanga i te kaupapa nei me ngā hua ka puta ki te whāia ngā kīrehu i roto i ngā akoranga ki te hunga kātahi anō ka tahuri mai ki te whai i te reo Māori hei reo tuarua.
Kei konei ka whai wāhi ki te whakamārama i te huarahi i whāia e tutuki ai te kaupapa o tēnei mahi rangahau. I te wā e whakaarohia ana te kaupapa nei ka puta te whakaaro ki roto i a au kia kōrero tahi me ngā koroheke nō roto o Te Arawa waka, kia pātaihia rātou ki ō rātou mōhiotanga e pā ana ki tēnei kaupapa, me ngā kīrehu e mōhio ana rātou, kei te whakamahia rānei e rātou. Ka mutu, kia kōrero hoki ki ngā tāngata wetewete reo, ki ngā tāngata matatau, ki te rangatahi, me ngā koroheke o ngā iwi i waho atu o Te Arawa. Ehara i te mea he aha, heoi anō ki a au kāore kē he huarahi i tua atu i te kōrerorero-ā-tangata hei awhi i te rangahau o tēnei kaupapa. I pēnā ai te whakaaro nā te mea, ki a au ko te kīrehu he mea ka rangona i roto i ngā kōrerorero a te tangata, ā, he mea kāore e tino tuhituhi ana. Nā reira, i āta whakaaro au ko ngā wāhi kōrerorero noa a te tangata pea, ngā wāhi pai kia rapu mai i ēnei tūmomo kōrero. Nā, i whāia tēnei huarahi e au, ā, i tino whai hua tēnei o ngā huarahi. I kitea, i rangona ētahi kōrero whakamārama me ētahi o ngā kīrehu o Te Arawa i konei. Tāpiri atu ki tēnā, i rangona ngā whakaaro me ngā kōrero a ngā momo tāngata katoa, rangatahi mai, koroheke mai.
I tua atu i te kōrero tahi, arā anō ngā huarahi i whāia. I pūhia au e ngā hau kōhengihengi a Tāwhirimātea kia tae atu ki ngā tōpito katoa o Te Ika Roa a Māui; ki ngā whare pukapuka i Tāmaki, i Te Whanganui a Tara, i Kirikiriroa, i Pāmutana, i Rotorua. Hei aha? Hei āta rangahau i ngā kōrero e pā ana ki tēnei kaupapa. I reira i kitea ngā rīpoata tawhito me ngā rīpoata hou, ngā kohinga kōrero o namata, o nāianei hoki, me ngā reta i tuhia e ngā rangatira i tērā rautau, me ngā rārangi pukapuka e pupuri ana ngā kōrero o mua. I haere au ki Te Kōti Whenua Māori i Rotorua ki te pānui ngā kōrero e whakaatu ana i te noho a te Māori i ngā rā o nehe, me ngā kōrero i whakatakotohia e rātou ki mua i te aroaro o te kōti. I roto i ēnei tuhinga e mau ana ētahi kīrehu i whakahua ake i te wā i hui ai ngā tūpuna mō te whenua te kaupapa. Kei aua wāhi nui anō, arā, kei Tāmaki me Te Whanga Nui a Tara, e puritia ana ētahi tēpa kei runga nei ngā kōrero a ngā rangatira kua whetūrangitia. I tonoa kia whakarongo pīkari aku taringa ki ēnei tēpa, ā, i puta mai ētahi kīrehu i aua tēpa rā.
Nā ēnei momo huarahi i taea ai te whakaemi me te whakakao i ngā whakaaro me ngā kōrero katoa o tēnei tuhinga, ā, te putanga atu, kua whakarārangihia ngā kōrero, ngā whakaaro me ngā kīrehu i kitea mai, i rangona mai, i puta mai. 
Heoi anō, kāore te wai i marino i ngā wā katoa. I ētahi wā ka tae mai he raruraru, he uauatanga hei whakapakeke i te ara, he ngārara rānei hei whakapae i te huarahi. Ka pōuri te manawa nā te mea kāore au i whai wāhi ki te kōrero ki a Irirangi Tiakiawa rāua ko Tāmati Wharehuia i mua i tō rāua wehenga. I te whakatikatika au i a au anō ki te kōrero ki a Irirangi kātahi ia ka mate. Ka whakatika anō au ki te kōrero ki a Tāmati, ā, ka mate hoki tērā. Kāore e kore he kōrero, he mōhiotanga ā rāua hei whakamōmona i te tuhinga nei, engari e taea te pēhea? Ko tēnei mea te mate e kore e taea te karo, engari, i runga i tēnā āhua, kei te tangi tonu te mapu, kei te pōuri tonu te manawa.
I tua atu i tēnā, ka raruraru au i te korenga ōku e tino kite ngā kīrehu i roto i ngā tuhinga a te tangata. E tika ana te whakaaro, kāore ngā kīrehu e tino tuhituhi ana. I kitea ētahi i roto i ngā tuhinga, engari me uaua ka kitea mai ērā. E hia kē ngā hāora i whakapaua e au kia rapua mai ngā kīrehu e huna ana i roto i ngā pukapuka, i ngā reta, otirā i ngā momo tuhinga katoa a te tangata.
Ahakoa ēnei, he nui ngā painga i puta mai ki a au i roto i tēnei mahi rangahau. Ka mīharo katoa te kōrero tahi me ngā koroheke, i reira i āta rangona te reo o ngā mata o te ao kōhatu, me kī, te reo tuauriuri whāioio. I puta mai i a rātou ngā whakaaro tūturu o te hinengaro Māori tūturu hei awhi i te hanga o tēnei mahi rangahau. I pai anō rā taku haere ki te Whare Pukapuka o Turnbull i reira e pupuri ana ngā kōrero me ngā whakaahua a tua whakarere. I ētahi wā, nā te nui o ngā momo tuhinga Māori ātaahua i roto i taua whare pukapuka, ka titi taku haere ki kaupapa kē. Ahakoa i reira au mō te wiki kotahi, kāore rawa i oti i a au ngā tuhinga i hiahia au ki te pānui. Ko tētahi atu mea pai i puta mai ki a au i roto i tēnei mahi rangahau, ko te akoako i ētahi kīrehu, i ētahi kīwaha me ētahi whakataukī hou hei whakamahi māku i ngā wā e kōrero Māori ana au, me te whēkite o ētahi tuhinga Māori kāore anō au kia kite noa.
Heoi anō hei whakakapi i tēnei wāhanga, i hangaia mai tēnei pūtoi kīrehu hei whakaara ake i ngā kīrehu o Te Arawa ki Rotorua ka tahi, hei hua mā te hunga e ako ana i te reo Māori hei reo tuarua kia whai kupu tō rātou reo ka rua, hei whakahoki i ngā pātai i toko ake ai i te wā e whakaaroarohia ana tēnei kaupapa ka toru. Ināianei ka riro mā ngā kōrero, mā ngā tuhinga me ngā whakaaro kei te whai mai e whakatinana te kaupapa o tēnei mahi rangahau.

text: Ngā kīrehu o Te Arawa ki Rotorua Ko te reo Māori he reo tuauriuri whāioio, ā, he reo i kōhure ake i te whenua e kīa nei ko Aotearoa. Heoi anō, ka tae mai te Pākehā ki konei noho ai, ā, ka whārikihia ko ā rātou ture hei tauira tikanga mō ngā tāngata ki Aotearoa, ā, ko tō rātou reo hei reo whakaata whakaaro hei reo hoko parāoa hoki. I roto i ngā tau maha kua pahemo i raro i ēnei whakarite hou, kua memeha noa te reo Māori. Te mutu, i roto i ngā whakaakoranga hou i mahue ngā ahureitanga ake o te reo hei kawenga i te hihiri o te hinengaro Māori. Koinei ka tahuri ake au ki te whai i tētahi o ngā āhuatanga whakahirahira o te reo e mahue ana i roto i ngā akoranga i te reo hei reo tuarua.
Ko ngā kīrehu tētahi pekanga o te reo Māori kei te kaha te ngaro i te nuinga o ngā kaikōrero o te reo Māori o ēnei rā. Ki te waiho ērā momo kōrero kia moe, e kore e whakaara ake, ā, ko tōna mutunga, kua ngaro mō ake tonu atu. Kātahi tātou te ao Māori ka tangi mō tēnei āhuatanga nui o te reo ka ngaro i a tātou, ā, ko te rere a te ua koia anō kei te wai e riringi tonu nei te utu. Heoi anō, ki te mataara tātou, ki te whakaara ake i ēnei momo kōrero, ka whai kupu te reo Māori, ā, ka hoki mai te reo tuauriuri whāioio ki a tātou o tēnei reanga. Kei roto i ngā kīrehu e pupuri ana te wairua me te hinengaro Māori o ngā tūpuna o mua, arā, ka kite i te āhua o te whakaaro i roto i a rātou.
Ka tahuri ake au ki te whai i tēnei kaupapa kia whakaara ake anō ngā kīrehu kua roa e moe ana, ā, ki te kimi whakautu mō ētahi pātai i toko ake i te wā e whakaarohia ana te kaupapa nei. Tuatahi, i whakawhāiti taku titiro ki ngā kīrehu ake o Te Arawa waka e noho ana ki te rohe o Rotorua-nui-a-Kahumatamomoe. I pērā ai te whānui o taku titiro kia kore ai au e pokea e te kaupapa nei ka tahi, kia whakaara ake anō ai ngā kīrehu tūturu o tērā rohe kua tino roa nei e ngaro ana ka rua, ā, kia whakahoki mai ai ko aua kīrehu hei mahi mā tēnei reanga kōrero Māori kia ea ai te kōrero, "Ko Te Arawa māngai nui" ka toru. Tuarua, i whakawhānui ake taku titiro ki ngā kīrehu kei te mōhiotia e te motu.
Hei whakatutuki i taku kaupapa ka tirohia, ka wānangahia te kaupapa i raro i ngā upoko e whai ake nei. Kei te upoko tuatahi he whakamārama he aha au i whai ai i taku kaupapa mō ngā kīrehu. Kei te upoko tuarua he āta whakamārama i te kīrehu me ōna tikanga katoa, me ngā rerekētanga i waenganui i te kīrehu me ana hoa me te kīwaha, te huahuatau, te kupu whakarite, me te whakataukī. Ka titiro hoki ki ngā wāhi ka rangona, ka whakamahia rānei te kīrehu. Kei te upoko tuatoru ka tirohia ngā kīrehu kua kitea. E rua ngā wāhanga o tēnei upoko. Kei te wāhanga tuatahi ko ngā kīrehu o Te Arawa ki Rotorua me ā rātou whakamārama, kei te wāhanga tuarua ko ngā kīrehu o te motu whānui kua whakaraupapahia i raro anō i ngā upoko e whakaatu ana i te tikanga o ia kīrehu, me ā rātou whakamārama. Kei te whakamutunga ko te whakarārangi me te tūhonohono ake i ngā kitenga katoa i roto i aku rangahau, i aku wherawheratanga i te kaupapa nei me ngā hua ka puta ki te whāia ngā kīrehu i roto i ngā akoranga ki te hunga kātahi anō ka tahuri mai ki te whai i te reo Māori hei reo tuarua.
Kei konei ka whai wāhi ki te whakamārama i te huarahi i whāia e tutuki ai te kaupapa o tēnei mahi rangahau. I te wā e whakaarohia ana te kaupapa nei ka puta te whakaaro ki roto i a au kia kōrero tahi me ngā koroheke nō roto o Te Arawa waka, kia pātaihia rātou ki ō rātou mōhiotanga e pā ana ki tēnei kaupapa, me ngā kīrehu e mōhio ana rātou, kei te whakamahia rānei e rātou. Ka mutu, kia kōrero hoki ki ngā tāngata wetewete reo, ki ngā tāngata matatau, ki te rangatahi, me ngā koroheke o ngā iwi i waho atu o Te Arawa. Ehara i te mea he aha, heoi anō ki a au kāore kē he huarahi i tua atu i te kōrerorero-ā-tangata hei awhi i te rangahau o tēnei kaupapa. I pēnā ai te whakaaro nā te mea, ki a au ko te kīrehu he mea ka rangona i roto i ngā kōrerorero a te tangata, ā, he mea kāore e tino tuhituhi ana. Nā reira, i āta whakaaro au ko ngā wāhi kōrerorero noa a te tangata pea, ngā wāhi pai kia rapu mai i ēnei tūmomo kōrero. Nā, i whāia tēnei huarahi e au, ā, i tino whai hua tēnei o ngā huarahi. I kitea, i rangona ētahi kōrero whakamārama me ētahi o ngā kīrehu o Te Arawa i konei. Tāpiri atu ki tēnā, i rangona ngā whakaaro me ngā kōrero a ngā momo tāngata katoa, rangatahi mai, koroheke mai.
I tua atu i te kōrero tahi, arā anō ngā huarahi i whāia. I pūhia au e ngā hau kōhengihengi a Tāwhirimātea kia tae atu ki ngā tōpito katoa o Te Ika Roa a Māui; ki ngā whare pukapuka i Tāmaki, i Te Whanganui a Tara, i Kirikiriroa, i Pāmutana, i Rotorua. Hei aha? Hei āta rangahau i ngā kōrero e pā ana ki tēnei kaupapa. I reira i kitea ngā rīpoata tawhito me ngā rīpoata hou, ngā kohinga kōrero o namata, o nāianei hoki, me ngā reta i tuhia e ngā rangatira i tērā rautau, me ngā rārangi pukapuka e pupuri ana ngā kōrero o mua. I haere au ki Te Kōti Whenua Māori i Rotorua ki te pānui ngā kōrero e whakaatu ana i te noho a te Māori i ngā rā o nehe, me ngā kōrero i whakatakotohia e rātou ki mua i te aroaro o te kōti. I roto i ēnei tuhinga e mau ana ētahi kīrehu i whakahua ake i te wā i hui ai ngā tūpuna mō te whenua te kaupapa. Kei aua wāhi nui anō, arā, kei Tāmaki me Te Whanga Nui a Tara, e puritia ana ētahi tēpa kei runga nei ngā kōrero a ngā rangatira kua whetūrangitia. I tonoa kia whakarongo pīkari aku taringa ki ēnei tēpa, ā, i puta mai ētahi kīrehu i aua tēpa rā.
Nā ēnei momo huarahi i taea ai te whakaemi me te whakakao i ngā whakaaro me ngā kōrero katoa o tēnei tuhinga, ā, te putanga atu, kua whakarārangihia ngā kōrero, ngā whakaaro me ngā kīrehu i kitea mai, i rangona mai, i puta mai. 
Heoi anō, kāore te wai i marino i ngā wā katoa. I ētahi wā ka tae mai he raruraru, he uauatanga hei whakapakeke i te ara, he ngārara rānei hei whakapae i te huarahi. Ka pōuri te manawa nā te mea kāore au i whai wāhi ki te kōrero ki a Irirangi Tiakiawa rāua ko Tāmati Wharehuia i mua i tō rāua wehenga. I te whakatikatika au i a au anō ki te kōrero ki a Irirangi kātahi ia ka mate. Ka whakatika anō au ki te kōrero ki a Tāmati, ā, ka mate hoki tērā. Kāore e kore he kōrero, he mōhiotanga ā rāua hei whakamōmona i te tuhinga nei, engari e taea te pēhea? Ko tēnei mea te mate e kore e taea te karo, engari, i runga i tēnā āhua, kei te tangi tonu te mapu, kei te pōuri tonu te manawa.
I tua atu i tēnā, ka raruraru au i te korenga ōku e tino kite ngā kīrehu i roto i ngā tuhinga a te tangata. E tika ana te whakaaro, kāore ngā kīrehu e tino tuhituhi ana. I kitea ētahi i roto i ngā tuhinga, engari me uaua ka kitea mai ērā. E hia kē ngā hāora i whakapaua e au kia rapua mai ngā kīrehu e huna ana i roto i ngā pukapuka, i ngā reta, otirā i ngā momo tuhinga katoa a te tangata.
Ahakoa ēnei, he nui ngā painga i puta mai ki a au i roto i tēnei mahi rangahau. Ka mīharo katoa te kōrero tahi me ngā koroheke, i reira i āta rangona te reo o ngā mata o te ao kōhatu, me kī, te reo tuauriuri whāioio. I puta mai i a rātou ngā whakaaro tūturu o te hinengaro Māori tūturu hei awhi i te hanga o tēnei mahi rangahau. I pai anō rā taku haere ki te Whare Pukapuka o Turnbull i reira e pupuri ana ngā kōrero me ngā whakaahua a tua whakarere. I ētahi wā, nā te nui o ngā momo tuhinga Māori ātaahua i roto i taua whare pukapuka, ka titi taku haere ki kaupapa kē. Ahakoa i reira au mō te wiki kotahi, kāore rawa i oti i a au ngā tuhinga i hiahia au ki te pānui. Ko tētahi atu mea pai i puta mai ki a au i roto i tēnei mahi rangahau, ko te akoako i ētahi kīrehu, i ētahi kīwaha me ētahi whakataukī hou hei whakamahi māku i ngā wā e kōrero Māori ana au, me te whēkite o ētahi tuhinga Māori kāore anō au kia kite noa.
Heoi anō hei whakakapi i tēnei wāhanga, i hangaia mai tēnei pūtoi kīrehu hei whakaara ake i ngā kīrehu o Te Arawa ki Rotorua ka tahi, hei hua mā te hunga e ako ana i te reo Māori hei reo tuarua kia whai kupu tō rātou reo ka rua, hei whakahoki i ngā pātai i toko ake ai i te wā e whakaaroarohia ana tēnei kaupapa ka toru. Ināianei ka riro mā ngā kōrero, mā ngā tuhinga me ngā whakaaro kei te whai mai e whakatinana te kaupapa o tēnei mahi rangahau.

year: 1999