title: Radiocarbon dating of burials from the Teouma Lapita cemetery, Efate, Vanuatu

authors: Petchey, Fiona

subjects: Calibration

abstract: The discovery of a cemetery at Teouma on the island of Efate in Vanuatu dated to c. 3000 years ago increased the number of early Pacific human remains available for study by nearly an order of magnitude and provided for the first time the ability to study the population dynamics of these early colonizers. The cemetery also provided an opportunity to investigate the chronological development of such a unique site. Although identified short-lived plant materials are favoured for dating archaeological sites, the reality of research in the Pacific region is that such materials are often rare, difficult to identify to species because of an absence of suitable reference collections, and dates on other materials often have greater potential to refine and focus ¹⁴C chronologies that deal with specific research questions. At Teouma, dates on the burial remains themselves are the best means to answer questions about the age and duration of the burial ground. Human bone, however, is one of the most complicated materials to date reliably because of dietary ¹⁴C offsets and bone preservation. One commonly used methodology for calibrating dates on human bone from Pacific human skeletal remains, based on linear interpolation between δ¹³C endpoints and δ¹⁵N values, is complicated by the wide range of foods available (marine, reef, C₄ and C₃), and remains largely untested in Pacific contexts. Radiocarbon dating of the Teouma site, including 36 Lapita-age burials, 5 dates on Conus sp. ring artefacts, and dates from the associated midden deposit, has enabled further evaluation of ¹⁴C dietary offsets and the reliability of calibrated radiocarbon ages on human bone. Bayesian evaluation of the ¹⁴C dates suggests the burial ground was in regular use by c. 2940-2880 cal BP, with the last interments occurring c. 2770-2710 cal BP. A number of burials could indicate possible earlier use, perhaps as early as 3110-2930 cal BP as indicated by the calibrated age range of Burial 57. This cannot be independently substantiated using other radiocarbon dates or context at the present time. Overall, these results suggest the burial ground was in use over a possible 150 to 240 years during the formative phase of Lapita expansion into Remote Oceania.

text: Radiocarbon dating of burials from the Teouma Lapita cemetery, Efate, Vanuatu The discovery of a cemetery at Teouma on the island of Efate in Vanuatu dated to c. 3000 years ago increased the number of early Pacific human remains available for study by nearly an order of magnitude and provided for the first time the ability to study the population dynamics of these early colonizers. The cemetery also provided an opportunity to investigate the chronological development of such a unique site. Although identified short-lived plant materials are favoured for dating archaeological sites, the reality of research in the Pacific region is that such materials are often rare, difficult to identify to species because of an absence of suitable reference collections, and dates on other materials often have greater potential to refine and focus ¹⁴C chronologies that deal with specific research questions. At Teouma, dates on the burial remains themselves are the best means to answer questions about the age and duration of the burial ground. Human bone, however, is one of the most complicated materials to date reliably because of dietary ¹⁴C offsets and bone preservation. One commonly used methodology for calibrating dates on human bone from Pacific human skeletal remains, based on linear interpolation between δ¹³C endpoints and δ¹⁵N values, is complicated by the wide range of foods available (marine, reef, C₄ and C₃), and remains largely untested in Pacific contexts. Radiocarbon dating of the Teouma site, including 36 Lapita-age burials, 5 dates on Conus sp. ring artefacts, and dates from the associated midden deposit, has enabled further evaluation of ¹⁴C dietary offsets and the reliability of calibrated radiocarbon ages on human bone. Bayesian evaluation of the ¹⁴C dates suggests the burial ground was in regular use by c. 2940-2880 cal BP, with the last interments occurring c. 2770-2710 cal BP. A number of burials could indicate possible earlier use, perhaps as early as 3110-2930 cal BP as indicated by the calibrated age range of Burial 57. This cannot be independently substantiated using other radiocarbon dates or context at the present time. Overall, these results suggest the burial ground was in use over a possible 150 to 240 years during the formative phase of Lapita expansion into Remote Oceania.

year: 2014

title: A generalisability theory approach to quantifying changes in psychopathology among ultra-high-risk individuals for psychosis

authors: Doborjeh, Zohreh

abstract: Distinguishing stable and fluctuating psychopathological features in young individuals at Ultra High Risk (UHR) for psychosis is challenging, but critical for building robust, accurate, early clinical detection and prevention capabilities. Over a 24-month period, 159 UHR individuals were assessed using the Positive and Negative Symptom Scale (PANSS). Generalisability Theory was used to validate the PANSS with this population and to investigate stable and fluctuating features, by estimating the reliability and generalisability of three factor (Positive, Negative, and General) and five factor (Positive, Negative, Cognitive, Depression, and Hostility) symptom models. Acceptable reliability and generalisability of scores across occasions and sample population were demonstrated by the total PANSS scale (Gr = 0.85). Fluctuating symptoms (delusions, hallucinatory behaviour, lack of spontaneity, flow in conversation, emotional withdrawal, and somatic concern) showed high variability over time, with 50–68% of the variance explained by individual transient states. In contrast, more stable symptoms included excitement, poor rapport, anxiety, guilt feeling, uncooperativeness, and poor impulse control. The 3-factor model of PANSS and its subscales showed robust reliability and generalisability of their assessment scores across the UHR population and evaluation periods (G = 0.77–0.93), offering a suitable means to assess psychosis risk. Certain subscales within the 5-factor PANSS model showed comparatively lower reliability and generalisability (G = 0.33–0.66). The identified and investigated fluctuating symptoms in UHR individuals are more amendable by means of intervention, which could have significant implications for preventing and addressing psychosis. Prioritising the treatment of fluctuating symptoms could enhance intervention efficacy, offering a sharper focus in clinical trials. At the same time, using more reliable total scale and 3 subscales can contribute to more accurate assessment of enduring psychosis patterns in clinical and experimental settings.

text: A generalisability theory approach to quantifying changes in psychopathology among ultra-high-risk individuals for psychosis Distinguishing stable and fluctuating psychopathological features in young individuals at Ultra High Risk (UHR) for psychosis is challenging, but critical for building robust, accurate, early clinical detection and prevention capabilities. Over a 24-month period, 159 UHR individuals were assessed using the Positive and Negative Symptom Scale (PANSS). Generalisability Theory was used to validate the PANSS with this population and to investigate stable and fluctuating features, by estimating the reliability and generalisability of three factor (Positive, Negative, and General) and five factor (Positive, Negative, Cognitive, Depression, and Hostility) symptom models. Acceptable reliability and generalisability of scores across occasions and sample population were demonstrated by the total PANSS scale (Gr = 0.85). Fluctuating symptoms (delusions, hallucinatory behaviour, lack of spontaneity, flow in conversation, emotional withdrawal, and somatic concern) showed high variability over time, with 50–68% of the variance explained by individual transient states. In contrast, more stable symptoms included excitement, poor rapport, anxiety, guilt feeling, uncooperativeness, and poor impulse control. The 3-factor model of PANSS and its subscales showed robust reliability and generalisability of their assessment scores across the UHR population and evaluation periods (G = 0.77–0.93), offering a suitable means to assess psychosis risk. Certain subscales within the 5-factor PANSS model showed comparatively lower reliability and generalisability (G = 0.33–0.66). The identified and investigated fluctuating symptoms in UHR individuals are more amendable by means of intervention, which could have significant implications for preventing and addressing psychosis. Prioritising the treatment of fluctuating symptoms could enhance intervention efficacy, offering a sharper focus in clinical trials. At the same time, using more reliable total scale and 3 subscales can contribute to more accurate assessment of enduring psychosis patterns in clinical and experimental settings.

year: 2024

title: Cloaked in Life and Death: Tangi and Taonga in a Contemporary Māori Whanau

authors: Malcolm-Buchanan, Vincent Alan

subjects: Aotearoa

abstract: This thesis is an examination of tangihanga (indigenous funerary practices) unique to the lived experience of the Māori of Aotearoa New Zealand, drawing on fieldwork undertaken amongst Māori, by a Māori. The introduction and influence of modern practices, ideologies, and articles of significance are considered, in the context of the ongoing traditions of tangihanga, a unique and critical collective occasion. This research navigates a tribally distinct journey by way of familial experiences of death in the Māori world. In particular, this work discusses and elucidates the select materials, objects and taonga (artefacts) observable during our funerary processes, as they engage the rubric of death, burial and initial mourning. 

Part I: speaks to theoretical and methodological aspects pertinent to the scope of the interdisciplinary work undertaken, and intellectually framed, by the disciplines of Anthropology and Tikanga Māori Cultural Studies. This includes participant observation fieldwork; death, ritual, liminality and oral traditions; the marae context; western and indigenous worldviews and epistemologies; as well as compositional mechanisms and tensions. 

Part II: addresses some logistics of tangihanga, and introduces key ethnohistoric and ethnographic reflexions, which lead into select participant interviews that act to inform the work. These provide the anthropological other voice, and explore realities and concepts which are at the same time distinct from, yet similar to, my own.

Part III: relates five brief tangihanga narratives which present genealogically-inflected ethnographies of death, and facilitate discussions pertaining to the core focus of the thesis. Thereafter the substantive chapter material deliberates upon processes and experiences of the arrival of death in the Māori world, as we return to the marae and eventually embrace the final moments of closing the lid of the casket in preparation for interment.

With time, we can see different, innovative ideas and practices being introduced as each new generation, with their respective priorities, subsequently metamorphose the complex rubric of tangihanga. For example, transnational Māori must find new ways to cope with tūpāpaku on foreign shores, and they can also be seen to introduce non-traditional elements when returning tūpāpaku home to Aotearoa. Concern regarding the dietary health of many Māori means we are more aware of the need to reduce fat, salt and sugar intakes, so on many marae meat is becoming leaner, whilst vegetarian and gluten free options are being increasingly considered. Also, premium wall space is diminishing as growing numbers of images arrive with the passing of kin members, so the likes of digital photo albums are being introduced; reflecting increasing new technologies on marae that also includes mobile phones, iPads, laptop computers and so forth. Change seems inevitable and change, in many forms, will continue to encroach on our cultural sensibilities and abodes.

As older generations perpetuate age-old traditions, and younger generations acculturate new priorities, change is no longer on the horizon of our marae, but has arrived to affect tangihanga and marae practices. This said, the Māori remain pragmatic and resilient to the winds of change, and this study shows our ability to adapt, as and where need be, whilst also foreboding future generations be as adaptable and ready to change; at the same time as maintaining core cultural traditions and practices. In its most basic form this thesis shows that whilst it matters what clothes we dress our tūpāpaku in, the taonga displayed, the form of burial vessel chosen, mode of disposal and so forth, the rubric of tangihanga nonetheless prioritises the interests of Maori as a collective, communally sharing the complex logistics and burdens of death, as we celebrate a life lived, and lost, collectively.

This research will primarily consider the use of tangible materials, objects, and artefacts observable in contemporary tangihanga experiences and question how modernising or secular ideologies have impacted funerary practices for 21st century Māori. Throughout the course of this research I also intend to look into:

•	What taonga, materials, and objects are observable at tangihanga and why?
•	Are these items deemed ritually symbolic, and if so how and why?
•	What is the familial and cultural relevance and significance of such items?
•	What (if any) values and ideologies do these items express, transpose and/or communicate?
•	What garments and or taonga are permitted (or not) to adorn the tūpāpaku? Why or why not?
•	Are all types of photographs and/or images permitted to be displayed, if so where, are there restrictions, and if so then what and why?
•	Does the immediate physical environment make any difference to the use of materials, objects and artefacts in funerary practices, and if so how and why?

Twenty-first century Māori continue to hold fast to age-old traditions, at the same time as being flexible and adapting with changing times. This body of work considers aspects of our earlier funerary traditions, and discusses current traditions, before concluding with postulations regarding potential new practices. As Māori and Pākehā of Aotearoa NZ there is much we have yet to learn from each other, and still much more we might share with our other global contemporaries.

Moe mai ra koutou i te moengaroa o te Ariki
He tohu aroha tēnei mō koutou katoa

text: Cloaked in Life and Death: Tangi and Taonga in a Contemporary Māori Whanau This thesis is an examination of tangihanga (indigenous funerary practices) unique to the lived experience of the Māori of Aotearoa New Zealand, drawing on fieldwork undertaken amongst Māori, by a Māori. The introduction and influence of modern practices, ideologies, and articles of significance are considered, in the context of the ongoing traditions of tangihanga, a unique and critical collective occasion. This research navigates a tribally distinct journey by way of familial experiences of death in the Māori world. In particular, this work discusses and elucidates the select materials, objects and taonga (artefacts) observable during our funerary processes, as they engage the rubric of death, burial and initial mourning. 

Part I: speaks to theoretical and methodological aspects pertinent to the scope of the interdisciplinary work undertaken, and intellectually framed, by the disciplines of Anthropology and Tikanga Māori Cultural Studies. This includes participant observation fieldwork; death, ritual, liminality and oral traditions; the marae context; western and indigenous worldviews and epistemologies; as well as compositional mechanisms and tensions. 

Part II: addresses some logistics of tangihanga, and introduces key ethnohistoric and ethnographic reflexions, which lead into select participant interviews that act to inform the work. These provide the anthropological other voice, and explore realities and concepts which are at the same time distinct from, yet similar to, my own.

Part III: relates five brief tangihanga narratives which present genealogically-inflected ethnographies of death, and facilitate discussions pertaining to the core focus of the thesis. Thereafter the substantive chapter material deliberates upon processes and experiences of the arrival of death in the Māori world, as we return to the marae and eventually embrace the final moments of closing the lid of the casket in preparation for interment.

With time, we can see different, innovative ideas and practices being introduced as each new generation, with their respective priorities, subsequently metamorphose the complex rubric of tangihanga. For example, transnational Māori must find new ways to cope with tūpāpaku on foreign shores, and they can also be seen to introduce non-traditional elements when returning tūpāpaku home to Aotearoa. Concern regarding the dietary health of many Māori means we are more aware of the need to reduce fat, salt and sugar intakes, so on many marae meat is becoming leaner, whilst vegetarian and gluten free options are being increasingly considered. Also, premium wall space is diminishing as growing numbers of images arrive with the passing of kin members, so the likes of digital photo albums are being introduced; reflecting increasing new technologies on marae that also includes mobile phones, iPads, laptop computers and so forth. Change seems inevitable and change, in many forms, will continue to encroach on our cultural sensibilities and abodes.

As older generations perpetuate age-old traditions, and younger generations acculturate new priorities, change is no longer on the horizon of our marae, but has arrived to affect tangihanga and marae practices. This said, the Māori remain pragmatic and resilient to the winds of change, and this study shows our ability to adapt, as and where need be, whilst also foreboding future generations be as adaptable and ready to change; at the same time as maintaining core cultural traditions and practices. In its most basic form this thesis shows that whilst it matters what clothes we dress our tūpāpaku in, the taonga displayed, the form of burial vessel chosen, mode of disposal and so forth, the rubric of tangihanga nonetheless prioritises the interests of Maori as a collective, communally sharing the complex logistics and burdens of death, as we celebrate a life lived, and lost, collectively.

This research will primarily consider the use of tangible materials, objects, and artefacts observable in contemporary tangihanga experiences and question how modernising or secular ideologies have impacted funerary practices for 21st century Māori. Throughout the course of this research I also intend to look into:

•	What taonga, materials, and objects are observable at tangihanga and why?
•	Are these items deemed ritually symbolic, and if so how and why?
•	What is the familial and cultural relevance and significance of such items?
•	What (if any) values and ideologies do these items express, transpose and/or communicate?
•	What garments and or taonga are permitted (or not) to adorn the tūpāpaku? Why or why not?
•	Are all types of photographs and/or images permitted to be displayed, if so where, are there restrictions, and if so then what and why?
•	Does the immediate physical environment make any difference to the use of materials, objects and artefacts in funerary practices, and if so how and why?

Twenty-first century Māori continue to hold fast to age-old traditions, at the same time as being flexible and adapting with changing times. This body of work considers aspects of our earlier funerary traditions, and discusses current traditions, before concluding with postulations regarding potential new practices. As Māori and Pākehā of Aotearoa NZ there is much we have yet to learn from each other, and still much more we might share with our other global contemporaries.

Moe mai ra koutou i te moengaroa o te Ariki
He tohu aroha tēnei mō koutou katoa

year: 2014