title: Extending randles’s battery model to predict impedance, charge-voltage, and runtime characteristics

authors: Hasan, Rahat

abstract: The impedance of a battery can be modelled with an elegant fractional-capacitor or “constant phase element” (CPE) equivalent circuit and a series resistor. In this manuscript, we present new evidence that suggests that a linear model similar to Randles’ comprised solely of this impedance network is able to predict both the charge-voltage relationship epitomised by the familiar hysteresis curve of voltage as a function of charge as a battery charges and discharges through its linear region, and the recovery or “equilibration” transient that results from a step change in load current. The proposed model is unique in that it does not contain a source, either voltage or current, nor any purely reactive elements. There are important potential advantages of a passive battery model.

text: Extending randles’s battery model to predict impedance, charge-voltage, and runtime characteristics The impedance of a battery can be modelled with an elegant fractional-capacitor or “constant phase element” (CPE) equivalent circuit and a series resistor. In this manuscript, we present new evidence that suggests that a linear model similar to Randles’ comprised solely of this impedance network is able to predict both the charge-voltage relationship epitomised by the familiar hysteresis curve of voltage as a function of charge as a battery charges and discharges through its linear region, and the recovery or “equilibration” transient that results from a step change in load current. The proposed model is unique in that it does not contain a source, either voltage or current, nor any purely reactive elements. There are important potential advantages of a passive battery model.

year: 2020

title: Contemporary form and dynamic of the international division of labour

authors: O'Neil, Paul James

subjects: international division of labour

abstract: With increasing global capitalist structures there is a need to advance understanding of the structure and dynamic of the contemporary international division of labour. This can be approached through a critical enquiry: first to define and identify key aspects of the nature and dynamic of the international division of labour out of existing discourses and second to develop and modify the conceptualisation by the Regulation Approach theorist, Lipietz of a 'third' international division of labour in the light of contemporary developments since the early 1990s. 
Lipietz' third international division of labour supposes a co-existence of diverse national models of development in an international trading space where diversity arises from the different pathways states take to re-regulate the crisis form of the Fordist capital-labour relation. In contrast, the critique of the third international division of labour developed here argues for converging counter-tendencies, particularly among advanced capitalist states towards a Toyotist technological paradigm - a term used to encompass both the form of the new international best practice production system and the corresponding segmented form of national labour markets. These counter-tendencies are driven by a neo-liberalised international mode of regulation constraining states towards neo-liberal competition states. The mode of neo-liberal labour market regulation in turn flexibilises labour markets. Neo-liberal labour market regulations permissive of labour market flexibility re-segment existing labour market segments established in the Fordist capital-labour relation. This re-segmentation broadens and deepens existing labour market segments and incorporates both involvement and flexibility in the labour relation and flexibility in the wage relation by treating different labour market segments in different ways. This ability to re-segment labour market segments enables multinationals to reproduce the technological paradigm of economies of scale and scope in international production systems. This capitallabour relation is termed the 'inconsistent hybrid' because it succeeds in reproducing production relations of worker involvement in the labour process with externalised wage relations within the same social formation. 
The central argument of the thesis is that at the national level, among developed nation states at least, there is a converging tendency towards national models of production in which the inconsistent hybrid capital-labour relation is dominant. More exactly, each national trajectory increasingly reflects different sides of the same tendency which could be termed Toyotism. Lipietz' third international division of labour is thus identified as less profound and closing towards functionally equivalent versions of the inconsistent hybrid.

text: Contemporary form and dynamic of the international division of labour With increasing global capitalist structures there is a need to advance understanding of the structure and dynamic of the contemporary international division of labour. This can be approached through a critical enquiry: first to define and identify key aspects of the nature and dynamic of the international division of labour out of existing discourses and second to develop and modify the conceptualisation by the Regulation Approach theorist, Lipietz of a 'third' international division of labour in the light of contemporary developments since the early 1990s. 
Lipietz' third international division of labour supposes a co-existence of diverse national models of development in an international trading space where diversity arises from the different pathways states take to re-regulate the crisis form of the Fordist capital-labour relation. In contrast, the critique of the third international division of labour developed here argues for converging counter-tendencies, particularly among advanced capitalist states towards a Toyotist technological paradigm - a term used to encompass both the form of the new international best practice production system and the corresponding segmented form of national labour markets. These counter-tendencies are driven by a neo-liberalised international mode of regulation constraining states towards neo-liberal competition states. The mode of neo-liberal labour market regulation in turn flexibilises labour markets. Neo-liberal labour market regulations permissive of labour market flexibility re-segment existing labour market segments established in the Fordist capital-labour relation. This re-segmentation broadens and deepens existing labour market segments and incorporates both involvement and flexibility in the labour relation and flexibility in the wage relation by treating different labour market segments in different ways. This ability to re-segment labour market segments enables multinationals to reproduce the technological paradigm of economies of scale and scope in international production systems. This capitallabour relation is termed the 'inconsistent hybrid' because it succeeds in reproducing production relations of worker involvement in the labour process with externalised wage relations within the same social formation. 
The central argument of the thesis is that at the national level, among developed nation states at least, there is a converging tendency towards national models of production in which the inconsistent hybrid capital-labour relation is dominant. More exactly, each national trajectory increasingly reflects different sides of the same tendency which could be termed Toyotism. Lipietz' third international division of labour is thus identified as less profound and closing towards functionally equivalent versions of the inconsistent hybrid.

year: 2006

title: Maori and Pakeha at Te Aroha: the context: 2: Maori in Hauraki in the nineteenth century

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: After the arrival of Europeans, the Maori population of Hauraki suffered a rapid decline. Some rangatira opposed Pakeha ways, whereas others adopted these for their personal benefit. Keeping ‘the peace of Hauraki’ required government agents to intervene in various disputes between hapu (Ngati Hako in particular causing concern in the 1870s and early 1880s). Although rangatira had links to both Queen Victoria and King Tawhiao, the government was relieved that most remained ‘loyal’ to the new order, and only an intransigent minority opposed the spread of ‘civilisation’ through its roads, telegraph, and the snagging of the Waihou River. A liking for Pakeha goods encouraged collaboration, with Maori joining the cash economy through their involvement in road making, gum digging, and European agriculture to raise money for, in part, traditional gatherings that for a while were more lavish than earlier possible.
Maori of all ranks were quick to stand up for their rights by using the court system, reminding Pakeha of the Treaty of Waitangi, and, in some cases, violence. Tensions were eased by Maori socializing with Pakeha in sport, horse racing, and even the Volunteers, but drinking together in hotels could result in fights, and the lure of alcohol had to be countered by temperance movements. A few Maori children attended school, with Pakeha, and for a time the government provided a (free) doctor and vaccinated them against smallpox (though some preferred traditional ‘cures’ for other ailments). For most, living conditions remained poor. Criminal behaviour was of a minor nature. Christianity had to compete with old beliefs (notably in maketu), newer ones such as ‘Hauhauism’, and by the later years of the century the popularity of the Mormons.
Examples are included of intermarriage, ‘half-castes’, and Pakeha Maori, all being notable features of the time. In a variety of ways, Maori society was sufficiently resilient to adapt and thereby to survive the impact of Pakeha settlement, which produced massive changes and dominated the region well before the end of the century.

text: Maori and Pakeha at Te Aroha: the context: 2: Maori in Hauraki in the nineteenth century After the arrival of Europeans, the Maori population of Hauraki suffered a rapid decline. Some rangatira opposed Pakeha ways, whereas others adopted these for their personal benefit. Keeping ‘the peace of Hauraki’ required government agents to intervene in various disputes between hapu (Ngati Hako in particular causing concern in the 1870s and early 1880s). Although rangatira had links to both Queen Victoria and King Tawhiao, the government was relieved that most remained ‘loyal’ to the new order, and only an intransigent minority opposed the spread of ‘civilisation’ through its roads, telegraph, and the snagging of the Waihou River. A liking for Pakeha goods encouraged collaboration, with Maori joining the cash economy through their involvement in road making, gum digging, and European agriculture to raise money for, in part, traditional gatherings that for a while were more lavish than earlier possible.
Maori of all ranks were quick to stand up for their rights by using the court system, reminding Pakeha of the Treaty of Waitangi, and, in some cases, violence. Tensions were eased by Maori socializing with Pakeha in sport, horse racing, and even the Volunteers, but drinking together in hotels could result in fights, and the lure of alcohol had to be countered by temperance movements. A few Maori children attended school, with Pakeha, and for a time the government provided a (free) doctor and vaccinated them against smallpox (though some preferred traditional ‘cures’ for other ailments). For most, living conditions remained poor. Criminal behaviour was of a minor nature. Christianity had to compete with old beliefs (notably in maketu), newer ones such as ‘Hauhauism’, and by the later years of the century the popularity of the Mormons.
Examples are included of intermarriage, ‘half-castes’, and Pakeha Maori, all being notable features of the time. In a variety of ways, Maori society was sufficiently resilient to adapt and thereby to survive the impact of Pakeha settlement, which produced massive changes and dominated the region well before the end of the century.

year: 2016