title: How cost elastic are remittances? Estimates from Tongan migrants in New Zealand

authors: Gibson, John

subjects: remittances

abstract: Pacific Island economies are some of the most remittance- dependent in the world. Proposals to lower the costs of sending money across borders are a core recommendation of recent international studies that aim to enhance the development impact of remittances. The potential increase in remittances that recipient countries can expect from such policies depends critically on the sensitivity of remittance transfers to the costs of remitting. This paper provides the first estimates of the cost-elasticity of remittances, using data from a survey of Tongan migrants in New Zealand. The costs of remitting to Tonga are high by international standards and remittances are found to have a negative cost-elasticity with respect to the fixed fee component of money transfer costs. These findings suggest that Pacific Island countries can expect a more than proportionate increase in remittances from a reduction in costs.

text: How cost elastic are remittances? Estimates from Tongan migrants in New Zealand Pacific Island economies are some of the most remittance- dependent in the world. Proposals to lower the costs of sending money across borders are a core recommendation of recent international studies that aim to enhance the development impact of remittances. The potential increase in remittances that recipient countries can expect from such policies depends critically on the sensitivity of remittance transfers to the costs of remitting. This paper provides the first estimates of the cost-elasticity of remittances, using data from a survey of Tongan migrants in New Zealand. The costs of remitting to Tonga are high by international standards and remittances are found to have a negative cost-elasticity with respect to the fixed fee component of money transfer costs. These findings suggest that Pacific Island countries can expect a more than proportionate increase in remittances from a reduction in costs.

year: 2006-03

title: Adaptation from Novels into Films: A Study of Six Examples, with an Accompanying Screenplay and Self-analysis.

authors: Shepherd, Barrett James

subjects: Adaptation

abstract: This thesis consists of two primary components: a study of six novels and their respective adaptations into popular commercial films, and my attempt at writing a partial screenplay adaptation of my own previously written novel fragment. I have intentionally chosen to focus upon literary works written in English in the latter half of the twentieth century: they range from the middle 1950s (Vladimir Nabokov's Lolita) to the early 1990s (Bret Easton Ellis' American Psycho). Their filmic adaptations range from the late 1960s (John Frankenheimer's The Fixer) to the early twenty first century (Mary Harron's American Psycho). I have specifically focused upon relatively recent works - both literary and filmic - so as to attain some degree of chronological, and thus aesthetic, homogeny in the examples I have studied. Otherwise, the thesis would have been too unwieldy and disparate if I had of included both Classical and Postmodern prose works, or films from both the early twentieth century and early twenty first century. 
	I believe my own screenplay fragment, Eleven A'Bier Place, and the novel fragment from which it is adapted, share some thematic concerns with at least some of the novels and films which I have studied in the thesis. The partial screenplay adaptation I have written references contemporary media in a similar way to American Psycho; it focuses upon drug-crazed criminals as in A Clockwork Orange and Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas; it depicts the descent into insanity like The Shining. However, it is very much my own work. As far as I can recall I had no specific literary or cinematic precursors in mind when I began the project, although undoubtedly there exist texts which have strongly influenced me in this regard.

text: Adaptation from Novels into Films: A Study of Six Examples, with an Accompanying Screenplay and Self-analysis. This thesis consists of two primary components: a study of six novels and their respective adaptations into popular commercial films, and my attempt at writing a partial screenplay adaptation of my own previously written novel fragment. I have intentionally chosen to focus upon literary works written in English in the latter half of the twentieth century: they range from the middle 1950s (Vladimir Nabokov's Lolita) to the early 1990s (Bret Easton Ellis' American Psycho). Their filmic adaptations range from the late 1960s (John Frankenheimer's The Fixer) to the early twenty first century (Mary Harron's American Psycho). I have specifically focused upon relatively recent works - both literary and filmic - so as to attain some degree of chronological, and thus aesthetic, homogeny in the examples I have studied. Otherwise, the thesis would have been too unwieldy and disparate if I had of included both Classical and Postmodern prose works, or films from both the early twentieth century and early twenty first century. 
	I believe my own screenplay fragment, Eleven A'Bier Place, and the novel fragment from which it is adapted, share some thematic concerns with at least some of the novels and films which I have studied in the thesis. The partial screenplay adaptation I have written references contemporary media in a similar way to American Psycho; it focuses upon drug-crazed criminals as in A Clockwork Orange and Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas; it depicts the descent into insanity like The Shining. However, it is very much my own work. As far as I can recall I had no specific literary or cinematic precursors in mind when I began the project, although undoubtedly there exist texts which have strongly influenced me in this regard.

year: 2009

title: Maori and mining at Te Aroha

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Before the existence of gold was confirmed at Te Aroha, the Ngati Rahiri reserves were finally delineated. For long there had been rumours of gold, but prospecting was not permitted until 1880. Once Hone Werahiko found what might be a payable goldfield on Maori land, one could not be proclaimed until an agreement was reached with the landowners. To prevent confusion, and to be fair to Ngati Rahiri, it was decided to create a separate mining district. 
Members of Ngati Rahiri were divided over the terms of an agreement, with some (possibly prompted by Pakeha) demanding a bonus of £1,000. Rangatira who had received income from the Thames field ignored this demand and agreed to open their land in the expectation of receiving a steady supply of money from mining plus timber cutting rights and residence and business site licenses. Mokena Hou was especially supportive of prospecting and opening his land, and had a township, known as Morgantown, surveyed (his daughter Ema, wife of George Lipsey, owned the adjacent Lipseytown). The agreement specified all the fees to be paid, and permitted Maori to withdraw their land from the goldfield.
Right up to opening day, demands were made for a bonus, but the opening went smoothly, with Mokena and another rangatira participating in the ceremony and many Maori marking out claims. Maori from many hapu were shareholders in all parts of the goldfield, and some actively worked their claims, usually guided by an experienced Pakeha miner. Encouraged by the Te Aroha rush, some Maori prospected elsewhere.
Revenue from the new field soon declined as it faded, prompting complaints and officials requiring all those working on Maori land to hold a miner’s right. Although most Ngati Rahiri did not benefit, the Mokena family most certainly did, and treated the revenue they received as their own personal income.

text: Maori and mining at Te Aroha Before the existence of gold was confirmed at Te Aroha, the Ngati Rahiri reserves were finally delineated. For long there had been rumours of gold, but prospecting was not permitted until 1880. Once Hone Werahiko found what might be a payable goldfield on Maori land, one could not be proclaimed until an agreement was reached with the landowners. To prevent confusion, and to be fair to Ngati Rahiri, it was decided to create a separate mining district. 
Members of Ngati Rahiri were divided over the terms of an agreement, with some (possibly prompted by Pakeha) demanding a bonus of £1,000. Rangatira who had received income from the Thames field ignored this demand and agreed to open their land in the expectation of receiving a steady supply of money from mining plus timber cutting rights and residence and business site licenses. Mokena Hou was especially supportive of prospecting and opening his land, and had a township, known as Morgantown, surveyed (his daughter Ema, wife of George Lipsey, owned the adjacent Lipseytown). The agreement specified all the fees to be paid, and permitted Maori to withdraw their land from the goldfield.
Right up to opening day, demands were made for a bonus, but the opening went smoothly, with Mokena and another rangatira participating in the ceremony and many Maori marking out claims. Maori from many hapu were shareholders in all parts of the goldfield, and some actively worked their claims, usually guided by an experienced Pakeha miner. Encouraged by the Te Aroha rush, some Maori prospected elsewhere.
Revenue from the new field soon declined as it faded, prompting complaints and officials requiring all those working on Maori land to hold a miner’s right. Although most Ngati Rahiri did not benefit, the Mokena family most certainly did, and treated the revenue they received as their own personal income.

year: 2016