title: A New Form of Authoritarianism? Rethinking Military Politics in Post-1999 Nigeria

authors: Adeakin, Ibikunle Edward

abstract: Despite the vast research that has been done on the Nigerian military, virtually all of these studies have failed to critically examine the accepted role of the military in the democratising phase. This is important because the relationship between the political elite and the military in post-military authoritarian states guarantees either democratic consolidation, or its reversal. In Nigeria, despite an appearance of significant progress in subordinating the military institution to democratic civilian authority, the military remains a crucial political actor in the polity. It appears that the military has yet to accept the core democratic principles of civilian oversight of the institution. This thesis, therefore, explores whether a new form of military authoritarianism is emerging in Nigeria, with the aim of understanding Nigeria’s military behaviour in a transitional phase, from prolonged military authoritarianism to democratisation. To examine this military behaviour, Alfred Stepan’s concept of military prerogatives that was used to understand the military’s behaviour in a transitional phase in Latin America is applied to Nigeria. 

A crucial understanding of authoritarianism in Nigeria is initially discussed in this study using mainly document analysis strategy to examine whether multi-ethnic states, such as Nigeria, tend to have authoritarian systems. Six hypotheses form the core analysis of this thesis: first, that the military has retained significant military prerogatives; second, that retired military officers are gaining influential political and economic positions; third, autonomous military involvement in human rights abuses since 1999; and fourth, that civilian government oversight remains weak, and facilitates military authoritarianism. These hypotheses are primarily analysed using the elite interview technique. During the first half of 2011, the author conducted field research where serving and retired military officers were interviewed. The fifth hypothesis is that the military has intervened in politics post-1999. The examination of this hypothesis relies primarily on key security-related media reports (mostly newspaper editorials) on the military after 1999. The examination of the final hypothesis, that increases in military expenditures might facilitate a new form of military authoritarianism, relies primarily on descriptive statistical analysis. In addition, this study collated relevant historical materials that relate to the military, utilising national archival collections.

The empirical findings of this research did not identify a new form of military authoritarianism in Nigeria. The study, however, argues that the unrestricted institutional framework accorded the military has contributed significantly to authoritarian practices in the post-military era in Nigeria. This study discovered that there were similarities between the Brazilian and Nigerian militaries in regard to their military spending during their period in power. Both countries had lower defence budgets. Just as in Brazil, it appears that part of the reason the Nigerian military decided to relinquish power in 1999 had to do with its desire to gain a higher budget, something that was precluded in a military government struggling to retain a sense of legitimacy. The military needed a higher budget to modernise and re-professionalise its institution after more than a decade in power. This feature, which the Nigerian military shares with the Brazilian military, appears to justify the application to Nigeria of Alfred Stepan’s concept of military prerogatives.

text: A New Form of Authoritarianism? Rethinking Military Politics in Post-1999 Nigeria Despite the vast research that has been done on the Nigerian military, virtually all of these studies have failed to critically examine the accepted role of the military in the democratising phase. This is important because the relationship between the political elite and the military in post-military authoritarian states guarantees either democratic consolidation, or its reversal. In Nigeria, despite an appearance of significant progress in subordinating the military institution to democratic civilian authority, the military remains a crucial political actor in the polity. It appears that the military has yet to accept the core democratic principles of civilian oversight of the institution. This thesis, therefore, explores whether a new form of military authoritarianism is emerging in Nigeria, with the aim of understanding Nigeria’s military behaviour in a transitional phase, from prolonged military authoritarianism to democratisation. To examine this military behaviour, Alfred Stepan’s concept of military prerogatives that was used to understand the military’s behaviour in a transitional phase in Latin America is applied to Nigeria. 

A crucial understanding of authoritarianism in Nigeria is initially discussed in this study using mainly document analysis strategy to examine whether multi-ethnic states, such as Nigeria, tend to have authoritarian systems. Six hypotheses form the core analysis of this thesis: first, that the military has retained significant military prerogatives; second, that retired military officers are gaining influential political and economic positions; third, autonomous military involvement in human rights abuses since 1999; and fourth, that civilian government oversight remains weak, and facilitates military authoritarianism. These hypotheses are primarily analysed using the elite interview technique. During the first half of 2011, the author conducted field research where serving and retired military officers were interviewed. The fifth hypothesis is that the military has intervened in politics post-1999. The examination of this hypothesis relies primarily on key security-related media reports (mostly newspaper editorials) on the military after 1999. The examination of the final hypothesis, that increases in military expenditures might facilitate a new form of military authoritarianism, relies primarily on descriptive statistical analysis. In addition, this study collated relevant historical materials that relate to the military, utilising national archival collections.

The empirical findings of this research did not identify a new form of military authoritarianism in Nigeria. The study, however, argues that the unrestricted institutional framework accorded the military has contributed significantly to authoritarian practices in the post-military era in Nigeria. This study discovered that there were similarities between the Brazilian and Nigerian militaries in regard to their military spending during their period in power. Both countries had lower defence budgets. Just as in Brazil, it appears that part of the reason the Nigerian military decided to relinquish power in 1999 had to do with its desire to gain a higher budget, something that was precluded in a military government struggling to retain a sense of legitimacy. The military needed a higher budget to modernise and re-professionalise its institution after more than a decade in power. This feature, which the Nigerian military shares with the Brazilian military, appears to justify the application to Nigeria of Alfred Stepan’s concept of military prerogatives.

year: 2015

title: Trashing New Zealand: A critical evaluation of food waste management discourses in New Zealand and their implications for sustainable development

authors: Hetherington, Laura Elizabeth

subjects: food waste

abstract: Food waste is an issue that transcends state borders and governments increasingly recognise as imperative to address. However, in New Zealand, this concern has not necessarily translated into adequate political commitments on the part of both central and local government to reduce the generation of food waste production. In fact, New Zealand has one of the highest levels of municipal waste production per capita amongst the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries (OECD, 2018). It is estimated that the annual value of food waste produced in New Zealand is approximately NZD $1.8 billion. More fundamentally, the issue of food waste with its implications for environmental, social and economic sustainability, poses a significant challenge to New Zealand’s commitment to the United Nations sustainable development goals.

This thesis examines dominant food waste discourses by researching food waste policy and practices in New Zealand. It draws on an analysis of documents and in-depth semistructured interviews to study policies at the national level and undertake a case study of a local food waste programme. The research focuses specifically on the discourses that inform food waste action in New Zealand and how the way in which food waste is positioned affects food waste reduction efforts.

This study uses a discourse analysis approach to analyse the principal waste document of New Zealand, the Waste Minimisation Act. This approach, grounded in the work of Fairclough, allows for a critical study of both written and spoken text. Applying this method reveals the way in which food waste is conceptualised in New Zealand by exposing the framing and dominate discourses that privilege certain waste disposal and responsibilities over others.

A case study methodology was used to underpin this research. This method allowed for comparisons between central government representations and awareness of food waste and those that existed within a very waste-conscious community where food waste reduction is a priority. Alongside the discourse analysis and case study, a sustainable development framework of analysis was developed to evaluate the dominant food waste discourses that were identified by the analysis.

This study contributes to scholarship on food waste minimisation and management in New Zealand by identifying how dominant food waste discourse influences political efforts aimed at food waste reduction. The findings show how little food waste features on the political agenda of central government, which, in turn, hinders what can be achieved at the local level. This study underscores the need for a central government-led, long-term vision for a comprehensive food waste policy that targets all actors involved in the food chain, in order to reduce the amount of food disposal sent to landfill.

text: Trashing New Zealand: A critical evaluation of food waste management discourses in New Zealand and their implications for sustainable development Food waste is an issue that transcends state borders and governments increasingly recognise as imperative to address. However, in New Zealand, this concern has not necessarily translated into adequate political commitments on the part of both central and local government to reduce the generation of food waste production. In fact, New Zealand has one of the highest levels of municipal waste production per capita amongst the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries (OECD, 2018). It is estimated that the annual value of food waste produced in New Zealand is approximately NZD $1.8 billion. More fundamentally, the issue of food waste with its implications for environmental, social and economic sustainability, poses a significant challenge to New Zealand’s commitment to the United Nations sustainable development goals.

This thesis examines dominant food waste discourses by researching food waste policy and practices in New Zealand. It draws on an analysis of documents and in-depth semistructured interviews to study policies at the national level and undertake a case study of a local food waste programme. The research focuses specifically on the discourses that inform food waste action in New Zealand and how the way in which food waste is positioned affects food waste reduction efforts.

This study uses a discourse analysis approach to analyse the principal waste document of New Zealand, the Waste Minimisation Act. This approach, grounded in the work of Fairclough, allows for a critical study of both written and spoken text. Applying this method reveals the way in which food waste is conceptualised in New Zealand by exposing the framing and dominate discourses that privilege certain waste disposal and responsibilities over others.

A case study methodology was used to underpin this research. This method allowed for comparisons between central government representations and awareness of food waste and those that existed within a very waste-conscious community where food waste reduction is a priority. Alongside the discourse analysis and case study, a sustainable development framework of analysis was developed to evaluate the dominant food waste discourses that were identified by the analysis.

This study contributes to scholarship on food waste minimisation and management in New Zealand by identifying how dominant food waste discourse influences political efforts aimed at food waste reduction. The findings show how little food waste features on the political agenda of central government, which, in turn, hinders what can be achieved at the local level. This study underscores the need for a central government-led, long-term vision for a comprehensive food waste policy that targets all actors involved in the food chain, in order to reduce the amount of food disposal sent to landfill.

year: 2019

title: End-user informed demographic projections for Hamilton up to 2041

authors: Cameron, Michael Patrick

subjects: cohort component model

abstract: This report provides a set of projections of the population of Hamilton City and the larger Hamilton Zone. The projections have been calculated by means of the cohort component model. The projections can be considered alongside official Statistics New Zealand projections, but differ from the latter in terms of assumptions made about net migration. These assumptions constitute a number of scenarios that were informed by the Hamilton City Council and local consultations. These scenarios are linked to the potential impact of a number of economic development activities. The report also contains projections of the number of households, the labour force and two ethnic groups: Māori and New Zealand Europeans. In addition, a dwellings-based methodology is used to produce small area (Census Area Unit) projections. Across the scenarios, Hamilton City’s projected population growth over the next two decades ranges from 13.8 percent to 36.0 percent. This is between 1.5 to 12.2 percentage points higher than the corresponding projected national growth.

text: End-user informed demographic projections for Hamilton up to 2041 This report provides a set of projections of the population of Hamilton City and the larger Hamilton Zone. The projections have been calculated by means of the cohort component model. The projections can be considered alongside official Statistics New Zealand projections, but differ from the latter in terms of assumptions made about net migration. These assumptions constitute a number of scenarios that were informed by the Hamilton City Council and local consultations. These scenarios are linked to the potential impact of a number of economic development activities. The report also contains projections of the number of households, the labour force and two ethnic groups: Māori and New Zealand Europeans. In addition, a dwellings-based methodology is used to produce small area (Census Area Unit) projections. Across the scenarios, Hamilton City’s projected population growth over the next two decades ranges from 13.8 percent to 36.0 percent. This is between 1.5 to 12.2 percentage points higher than the corresponding projected national growth.

year: 2007-12