title: Federalism and resource conflict: Assessing the impact of federalism in curbing conflict over petroleum resource revenues - A case study of Nigeria and Canada

authors: Kalu, John Otisi

subjects: Federalism

abstract: This thesis focuses on lingering conflict over natural resource revenues which has ravaged many countries. The problem has no doubt attracted the attention of researchers who have approached it, mostly, from the angle of how natural resources lead to violent and armed conflict; impact of natural resource conflict on economic growth; causes and the factors that increase the intensity of the conflict. Regrettably, the preoccupation of researches on those other aspects of resource conflict as mentioned, results in the unfortunate dearth of research that focus on charting out the means to bring about solutions to the problem. This study therefore argues that genuine solution to resource conflict can come from a specific design of the political institution of government—precisely, the institutionalization of federalism in the given country. 
However, the case of the Nigerian federation suggests the contrary, with conflict over resource revenues getting increasingly strident. It was therefore deemed vital to undertake a comparative case study of the problem in Nigeria and another federal country – Canada, in order to ascertain the extent to which federalism can contribute to resolve resource conflict. In-depth interviews were conducted with selected respondents in Nigeria and Canada to complement the secondary data from extant literature. The ‘method of difference’ was employed in the analysis of data which aided the identification of significant differences that account for variations in the manifestation of conflict over resource revenues across the countries. 
After the analysis, this study makes two major discoveries that contribute to the existing scholarship on the subject as follows. Firstly, findings from the case of Nigeria reveal that factors inhibiting federalism in mitigating resource conflict are linked primarily to a huge influence of oil and gas on the economy, or over dependence on the resource to drive the economy. The research illustrates clearly how this factor leads to excessive fiscal centralization, which undermines subnational fiscal autonomy, heightens poverty, enables ambiguous design of the fiscal constitution, and facilitates widespread corruption and non-adherence to the rule of law; all of which enhances the severity of resource conflict. Secondly, findings from the Canadian case illustrate how the reinforcement of sub-national fiscal autonomy, which is the hallmark of federalism, counteracts the above mentioned effects of over dependence on petroleum resources. This consequently reduces the violent manifestation of resource conflict. 
With some illustrative diagrams built to support arguments, the study concludes that the institution of federalism provides an effective means through which resource conflict can be addressed. This study provides lessons that would no doubt be useful to, not only Nigeria and Canada but also, many other natural resource endowed countries that are still battling problems of resource revenue dispositions. More so, the analysis in this thesis should be of interest to scholars of conflict and resource governance in deeply divided societies, students of federalism and multilevel governance, as well as policy makers and analysts interested in the facilitation of unity through diversity in their respective countries of focus.

text: Federalism and resource conflict: Assessing the impact of federalism in curbing conflict over petroleum resource revenues - A case study of Nigeria and Canada This thesis focuses on lingering conflict over natural resource revenues which has ravaged many countries. The problem has no doubt attracted the attention of researchers who have approached it, mostly, from the angle of how natural resources lead to violent and armed conflict; impact of natural resource conflict on economic growth; causes and the factors that increase the intensity of the conflict. Regrettably, the preoccupation of researches on those other aspects of resource conflict as mentioned, results in the unfortunate dearth of research that focus on charting out the means to bring about solutions to the problem. This study therefore argues that genuine solution to resource conflict can come from a specific design of the political institution of government—precisely, the institutionalization of federalism in the given country. 
However, the case of the Nigerian federation suggests the contrary, with conflict over resource revenues getting increasingly strident. It was therefore deemed vital to undertake a comparative case study of the problem in Nigeria and another federal country – Canada, in order to ascertain the extent to which federalism can contribute to resolve resource conflict. In-depth interviews were conducted with selected respondents in Nigeria and Canada to complement the secondary data from extant literature. The ‘method of difference’ was employed in the analysis of data which aided the identification of significant differences that account for variations in the manifestation of conflict over resource revenues across the countries. 
After the analysis, this study makes two major discoveries that contribute to the existing scholarship on the subject as follows. Firstly, findings from the case of Nigeria reveal that factors inhibiting federalism in mitigating resource conflict are linked primarily to a huge influence of oil and gas on the economy, or over dependence on the resource to drive the economy. The research illustrates clearly how this factor leads to excessive fiscal centralization, which undermines subnational fiscal autonomy, heightens poverty, enables ambiguous design of the fiscal constitution, and facilitates widespread corruption and non-adherence to the rule of law; all of which enhances the severity of resource conflict. Secondly, findings from the Canadian case illustrate how the reinforcement of sub-national fiscal autonomy, which is the hallmark of federalism, counteracts the above mentioned effects of over dependence on petroleum resources. This consequently reduces the violent manifestation of resource conflict. 
With some illustrative diagrams built to support arguments, the study concludes that the institution of federalism provides an effective means through which resource conflict can be addressed. This study provides lessons that would no doubt be useful to, not only Nigeria and Canada but also, many other natural resource endowed countries that are still battling problems of resource revenue dispositions. More so, the analysis in this thesis should be of interest to scholars of conflict and resource governance in deeply divided societies, students of federalism and multilevel governance, as well as policy makers and analysts interested in the facilitation of unity through diversity in their respective countries of focus.

year: 2016

title: Three studies on life expectancy and lifespan inequality

authors: Wijesinghe, Jayani

abstract: While life expectancy is a key indicator in public health and demography, it may obscure unequal experiences of different population groups. By contrast, lifespan inequality captures variations in age at death, offering a broader view of health disparities. Focusing on lifespan inequality enables policymakers and researchers to identify vulnerable populations, design more equitable health and social policies, and evaluate progress toward reducing inequities. 
This thesis is comprised of three interrelated studies that examine life expectancy and lifespan inequality from different perspectives. The first study explores state-level variations in life expectancy and lifespan inequality in the US over a 55-year period, employing Theil’s entropy index to measure lifespan inequality and a Panel-Corrected Standard Errors (PCSE) model to assess associated socioeconomic and demographic factors. The analysis reveals a significant negative correlation between life expectancy and lifespan inequality across states. Educational attainment, health insurance coverage, and physician density show negative associations with lifespan inequality, whereas violent crime rates, smoking prevalence, and income inequality exhibit positive associations.
The second study investigates the impact of homicide on life expectancy and lifespan inequality at the state level in the US from 1968 to 2020, focusing on demographic, socioeconomic, and policy determinants. Utilizing data from the US Mortality Database and cause-eliminated life tables and Panel-Corrected Standard Errors (PCSE) models, the study reveals that Southern states experience the most substantial impacts on both life expectancy and lifespan inequality, while the Northeast exhibits comparatively lower effects. Males consistently face greater impacts than females. Key findings underscore systemic inequities: a higher percentage of Black populations and individuals aged 25–34 correlate with greater homicide-related reductions in life expectancy and increased lifespan inequality. Educational attainment, particularly the high school graduation rate, helps mitigate these effects. Corrections and judicial expenditures affect both life expectancy and lifespan inequality. In contrast, police and health spending are associated with decreases in lifespan inequality but no change in life expectancy, whereas welfare expenditures correlate with increased lifespan inequality but are correlated with life expectancy only for the total population.
The final study conducts a comparative analysis of the demographic impacts of three major pandemics: the 1918 influenza pandemic, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the COVID-19 pandemic on global life expectancy and lifespan inequality. The study finds that the 1918 influenza pandemic caused the most pronounced reductions in life expectancy, especially among young adults, thereby leading to substantial lifespan inequality. By contrast, HIV/AIDS had a gradual yet enduring impact, predominantly affecting young and middle-aged adults and exacerbating health disparities in regions with limited healthcare resources. The COVID-19 pandemic primarily affected older populations, producing smaller reductions in life expectancy but uniquely decreasing lifespan inequality due to the concentration of mortality among the elderly. Gender-specific effects varied: while the 1918 influenza and COVID-19 pandemics showed relatively uniform gender impacts, HIV/AIDS disproportionately affected women.
Collectively, the findings across these studies underscore the need to address the interconnected issues of life expectancy, lifespan inequality, and systemic disparities. Targeted gender-specific policies and public expenditures (e.g., increased judicial and healthcare funding) have the potential to reshape mortality patterns and mitigate disparities. Pandemic responses should be tailored to protect vulnerable age and demographic groups by ensuring equitable access to healthcare and vaccines.

text: Three studies on life expectancy and lifespan inequality While life expectancy is a key indicator in public health and demography, it may obscure unequal experiences of different population groups. By contrast, lifespan inequality captures variations in age at death, offering a broader view of health disparities. Focusing on lifespan inequality enables policymakers and researchers to identify vulnerable populations, design more equitable health and social policies, and evaluate progress toward reducing inequities. 
This thesis is comprised of three interrelated studies that examine life expectancy and lifespan inequality from different perspectives. The first study explores state-level variations in life expectancy and lifespan inequality in the US over a 55-year period, employing Theil’s entropy index to measure lifespan inequality and a Panel-Corrected Standard Errors (PCSE) model to assess associated socioeconomic and demographic factors. The analysis reveals a significant negative correlation between life expectancy and lifespan inequality across states. Educational attainment, health insurance coverage, and physician density show negative associations with lifespan inequality, whereas violent crime rates, smoking prevalence, and income inequality exhibit positive associations.
The second study investigates the impact of homicide on life expectancy and lifespan inequality at the state level in the US from 1968 to 2020, focusing on demographic, socioeconomic, and policy determinants. Utilizing data from the US Mortality Database and cause-eliminated life tables and Panel-Corrected Standard Errors (PCSE) models, the study reveals that Southern states experience the most substantial impacts on both life expectancy and lifespan inequality, while the Northeast exhibits comparatively lower effects. Males consistently face greater impacts than females. Key findings underscore systemic inequities: a higher percentage of Black populations and individuals aged 25–34 correlate with greater homicide-related reductions in life expectancy and increased lifespan inequality. Educational attainment, particularly the high school graduation rate, helps mitigate these effects. Corrections and judicial expenditures affect both life expectancy and lifespan inequality. In contrast, police and health spending are associated with decreases in lifespan inequality but no change in life expectancy, whereas welfare expenditures correlate with increased lifespan inequality but are correlated with life expectancy only for the total population.
The final study conducts a comparative analysis of the demographic impacts of three major pandemics: the 1918 influenza pandemic, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the COVID-19 pandemic on global life expectancy and lifespan inequality. The study finds that the 1918 influenza pandemic caused the most pronounced reductions in life expectancy, especially among young adults, thereby leading to substantial lifespan inequality. By contrast, HIV/AIDS had a gradual yet enduring impact, predominantly affecting young and middle-aged adults and exacerbating health disparities in regions with limited healthcare resources. The COVID-19 pandemic primarily affected older populations, producing smaller reductions in life expectancy but uniquely decreasing lifespan inequality due to the concentration of mortality among the elderly. Gender-specific effects varied: while the 1918 influenza and COVID-19 pandemics showed relatively uniform gender impacts, HIV/AIDS disproportionately affected women.
Collectively, the findings across these studies underscore the need to address the interconnected issues of life expectancy, lifespan inequality, and systemic disparities. Targeted gender-specific policies and public expenditures (e.g., increased judicial and healthcare funding) have the potential to reshape mortality patterns and mitigate disparities. Pandemic responses should be tailored to protect vulnerable age and demographic groups by ensuring equitable access to healthcare and vaccines.

year: 2025

title: Caught in the cross-fire: the realities of being Māori at a bicultural law school

authors: Papuni-Ball, Makere

abstract: This thesis examines the first Waikato Māori Law Graduates’ experiences at law school and our employment choices. It has been written as a result of a research project which was conducted in 1994. The paper begins with establishing the importance of other Māori the guidelines on this project. In this discussion, my role as the researcher is explained together with how the original research project impacted upon this thesis.

Waikato School of Law was established in an era of socio-political changes in our society. Te Matahauariki Report supported its establishment based upon proven demand for law graduates. It also envisaged the School as being a meeting place for all who attended, an institution which might encourage relationships between Māori and Pakeha societies. The Council of Legal Education supported the need to have at least one law school which would not reflect the traditional legal education system and acknowledged the need to incorporate a Māori perspective. Tainui as tangata whenua hoped the school would provide opportunities for Māori students, including Māori in the curriculum and assist in promoting research ensuring the recognition of Māori lore/law.

Amongst this backdrop, the most important reason why we came to law school was because of our whānau expectations. It is the accountability and responsibility we have as Māori to our whānau and the wider Māori community that is a major theme throughout this thesis. As students we were expected to utilise our skills to benefit our wider Māori networks.

We had expected that the School would provide us with a legal education which would be enriched in Māori kaupapa. Our experiences tell another story. Instead of being educated in Māori tikanga and the true discourse of the law as a tool of oppression, we were exposed to continual suppression of our cultural heritage. In class we had become the teachers of the Māori content.

The School, although admiral in its aims, was not prepared in structure, staff or mental processes for biculturalism. The consequences for the Māori students who were exposed to this structure was devastating. Our experiences of being discriminated against and made to justify our Māori perspective against the backdrop of the dominant Pakeha legal culture have affected our perceptions of the law. The myths of one law for all and the neutrality of the justice system have resulted in our choosing to work in jobs that will continue to benefit Māori.

It is suggested that our legal education has influenced our choices to work in areas which focus on benefiting the Māori community. In those monocultural work areas which have few Māori practising, this is because such places repel those of us who know that such work places perpetuate the dominant Pakeha culture. Māori struggle against the oppressive presence of the dominant culture.

This thesis calls upon my own experiences and the experiences of my fellow Māori law graduates. It is a starting point for other Māori to write about their experiences and to reassert Māori rangatiratanga not only in law school, but in the wider community.

text: Caught in the cross-fire: the realities of being Māori at a bicultural law school This thesis examines the first Waikato Māori Law Graduates’ experiences at law school and our employment choices. It has been written as a result of a research project which was conducted in 1994. The paper begins with establishing the importance of other Māori the guidelines on this project. In this discussion, my role as the researcher is explained together with how the original research project impacted upon this thesis.

Waikato School of Law was established in an era of socio-political changes in our society. Te Matahauariki Report supported its establishment based upon proven demand for law graduates. It also envisaged the School as being a meeting place for all who attended, an institution which might encourage relationships between Māori and Pakeha societies. The Council of Legal Education supported the need to have at least one law school which would not reflect the traditional legal education system and acknowledged the need to incorporate a Māori perspective. Tainui as tangata whenua hoped the school would provide opportunities for Māori students, including Māori in the curriculum and assist in promoting research ensuring the recognition of Māori lore/law.

Amongst this backdrop, the most important reason why we came to law school was because of our whānau expectations. It is the accountability and responsibility we have as Māori to our whānau and the wider Māori community that is a major theme throughout this thesis. As students we were expected to utilise our skills to benefit our wider Māori networks.

We had expected that the School would provide us with a legal education which would be enriched in Māori kaupapa. Our experiences tell another story. Instead of being educated in Māori tikanga and the true discourse of the law as a tool of oppression, we were exposed to continual suppression of our cultural heritage. In class we had become the teachers of the Māori content.

The School, although admiral in its aims, was not prepared in structure, staff or mental processes for biculturalism. The consequences for the Māori students who were exposed to this structure was devastating. Our experiences of being discriminated against and made to justify our Māori perspective against the backdrop of the dominant Pakeha legal culture have affected our perceptions of the law. The myths of one law for all and the neutrality of the justice system have resulted in our choosing to work in jobs that will continue to benefit Māori.

It is suggested that our legal education has influenced our choices to work in areas which focus on benefiting the Māori community. In those monocultural work areas which have few Māori practising, this is because such places repel those of us who know that such work places perpetuate the dominant Pakeha culture. Māori struggle against the oppressive presence of the dominant culture.

This thesis calls upon my own experiences and the experiences of my fellow Māori law graduates. It is a starting point for other Māori to write about their experiences and to reassert Māori rangatiratanga not only in law school, but in the wider community.

year: 1996