title: Soil-landscape modelling and soil property variability for forestry land evaluation in Longwood Forest, Southland. Phase 1: soil-landscape model development

authors: Jones, Hayden S.

abstract: Large scale, quantitative information about the variability of target soil properties is required for forest management. This project is attempting to determine whether or not the New Zealand Soil Classification system (NZSC), when used in combination with a soillandscape model, adequately communicates this information. In the first phase of this project a soil-landscape model was developed and a pilot variability study conducted. 
The soils in the study area, located in the W oodlaw Block of the Longwood Range, are formed from either Permian andesite or greywacke on moderately steep to steep hill slopes under a moist cool climate and a vegetation cover of beech and podocarp forests. 
The soil-landscape model was developed using the land systems approach. The model consists of predictive relationships between topographic features and soil classes. There is a clear relationship between slope steepness, the abundance of surface boulders and the gravel content of the soil. A soil-landscape unit map showing the distribution of predicted soil classes has been produced. 
The results of the pilot variability study have showed that the soils sampled are acidic and have moderate to high P-retention values. An analysis of variance indicated that both of these properties are significantly variable between sites and between horizons. There appears to be a relationship between land component type and the magnitude and variability of these properties. The clay mineralogical analysis revealed that the dominant clay minerals present in all the soils sampled are chlorite-vermiculite, kaolinite, sepiolite, and allophane. The presence of allophane and kaolinite may be related to the moderate to high P-retention values.

text: Soil-landscape modelling and soil property variability for forestry land evaluation in Longwood Forest, Southland. Phase 1: soil-landscape model development Large scale, quantitative information about the variability of target soil properties is required for forest management. This project is attempting to determine whether or not the New Zealand Soil Classification system (NZSC), when used in combination with a soillandscape model, adequately communicates this information. In the first phase of this project a soil-landscape model was developed and a pilot variability study conducted. 
The soils in the study area, located in the W oodlaw Block of the Longwood Range, are formed from either Permian andesite or greywacke on moderately steep to steep hill slopes under a moist cool climate and a vegetation cover of beech and podocarp forests. 
The soil-landscape model was developed using the land systems approach. The model consists of predictive relationships between topographic features and soil classes. There is a clear relationship between slope steepness, the abundance of surface boulders and the gravel content of the soil. A soil-landscape unit map showing the distribution of predicted soil classes has been produced. 
The results of the pilot variability study have showed that the soils sampled are acidic and have moderate to high P-retention values. An analysis of variance indicated that both of these properties are significantly variable between sites and between horizons. There appears to be a relationship between land component type and the magnitude and variability of these properties. The clay mineralogical analysis revealed that the dominant clay minerals present in all the soils sampled are chlorite-vermiculite, kaolinite, sepiolite, and allophane. The presence of allophane and kaolinite may be related to the moderate to high P-retention values.

year: 1997

title: Researcher decisions in presentation: Using a painting scheme to stage research poetry

authors: Earl Rinehart, (Suzanne) Kerry

abstract: Even when we use participants’ words, we as researchers, craft and (re)present those words in the dissemination of the research. Laurel Richardson terms this “staging”. She writes “when we write social science, we use our authority and privileges to talk about the people we study. No matter how we stage the text, we–the authors–are doing the staging” (1992: 131). Decisions surrounding how we stage the text are our responsibility. Researcher decisions, about the crafting of research poems, are therefore deliberate and intentional for the purpose of communicating our research in certain ways. On what basis do we make decisions in crafting research poetry and how are they linked to our analyses? One of the reasons a researcher determines to use research poetry is to seek to engage the “listener’ s body” and make an empathic connection to research participants (Richardson, 1993: 705). In this article, I present a scheme from Chinese brush painting, as one possible way to guide decisions in the crafting of poetic participant ‘portraits’ illustrated using a study involving school principals.

text: Researcher decisions in presentation: Using a painting scheme to stage research poetry Even when we use participants’ words, we as researchers, craft and (re)present those words in the dissemination of the research. Laurel Richardson terms this “staging”. She writes “when we write social science, we use our authority and privileges to talk about the people we study. No matter how we stage the text, we–the authors–are doing the staging” (1992: 131). Decisions surrounding how we stage the text are our responsibility. Researcher decisions, about the crafting of research poems, are therefore deliberate and intentional for the purpose of communicating our research in certain ways. On what basis do we make decisions in crafting research poetry and how are they linked to our analyses? One of the reasons a researcher determines to use research poetry is to seek to engage the “listener’ s body” and make an empathic connection to research participants (Richardson, 1993: 705). In this article, I present a scheme from Chinese brush painting, as one possible way to guide decisions in the crafting of poetic participant ‘portraits’ illustrated using a study involving school principals.

year: 2018

title: Maori and mining in New Zealand and beyond

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Before the arrival of Europeans, Maori had known of the existence of gold but did not mine it and had no understanding of its value. Once mining commenced in California in 1849 and Australia in the early 1850s, many Maori participated on several fields, especially in Victoria. When gold was first discovered in New Zealand, at Coromandel in 1852, Maori were keen to learn prospecting skills, and soon found gold in several parts of both the North and South Islands. Some alluvial claims were worked communally, even some women participating. From the start, Maori were determined to protect their rights against Pakeha when they were rivals for the same ground.  
On the Hauraki Peninsula, which had no alluvial gold, Maori were prospectors rather than miners. Some were successful, often going against the wishes of rangatira who, fearing that opening goldfields would result in their losing their land, refused access to prospectors, particularly in Ohinemuri. At Thames, Maori prospectors succeeded where Pakeha ones had failed, finding the gold that led to the 1867 rush; a rush encouraged by one rangatira in particular, Wirope Hoterene Taipari, who understood how a successful field would benefit him financially (including obtaining a reward for discovering a payable goldfield). After the opening of this field, some Maori prospected throughout the peninsula and elsewhere for the remainder of the century, with varying success but with some good finds, particularly at Kuaotunu. A few even participated in the Klondike rush. By the twentieth century, Maori were overcoming their reluctance to mine underground, notably in the coalmines of the Waikato, but until then almost none had seen mining as a full-time career. 
Indigenous inhabitants throughout the world successfully prospected for precious metals, but their achievements were commonly written out of history, as for example in Australia, where Aboriginal involvement is only now being uncovered. In New Zealand also, Maori achievements, although well known to contemporaries, have largely been forgotten. At the time, Maori prospector’s successes were praised and many became owners of claims, and in some cases benefited financially from their involvement in mining.

text: Maori and mining in New Zealand and beyond Before the arrival of Europeans, Maori had known of the existence of gold but did not mine it and had no understanding of its value. Once mining commenced in California in 1849 and Australia in the early 1850s, many Maori participated on several fields, especially in Victoria. When gold was first discovered in New Zealand, at Coromandel in 1852, Maori were keen to learn prospecting skills, and soon found gold in several parts of both the North and South Islands. Some alluvial claims were worked communally, even some women participating. From the start, Maori were determined to protect their rights against Pakeha when they were rivals for the same ground.  
On the Hauraki Peninsula, which had no alluvial gold, Maori were prospectors rather than miners. Some were successful, often going against the wishes of rangatira who, fearing that opening goldfields would result in their losing their land, refused access to prospectors, particularly in Ohinemuri. At Thames, Maori prospectors succeeded where Pakeha ones had failed, finding the gold that led to the 1867 rush; a rush encouraged by one rangatira in particular, Wirope Hoterene Taipari, who understood how a successful field would benefit him financially (including obtaining a reward for discovering a payable goldfield). After the opening of this field, some Maori prospected throughout the peninsula and elsewhere for the remainder of the century, with varying success but with some good finds, particularly at Kuaotunu. A few even participated in the Klondike rush. By the twentieth century, Maori were overcoming their reluctance to mine underground, notably in the coalmines of the Waikato, but until then almost none had seen mining as a full-time career. 
Indigenous inhabitants throughout the world successfully prospected for precious metals, but their achievements were commonly written out of history, as for example in Australia, where Aboriginal involvement is only now being uncovered. In New Zealand also, Maori achievements, although well known to contemporaries, have largely been forgotten. At the time, Maori prospector’s successes were praised and many became owners of claims, and in some cases benefited financially from their involvement in mining.

year: 2016