title: Influences of soil properties on archaeal diversity and distribution in the McMurdo Dry Valleys, Antarctica

authors: Richter, Ingrid

abstract: The Antarctic Dry Valleys are characterized by extremely low temperatures, arid conditions, high salinity and virtual absence of plants. Therefore, food webs of these microbially dominated soils are among the simplest on earth making these mineral soils a perfect model to study microbial biogeography. This study aims to characterize the distribution and diversity of Archaea within the Dry Valleys as part of the New Zealand Terrestrial Antarctic Biocomplexity Survey (NZTABS). An international multidisciplinary organization focusing on biotic organisms, community structure and their functional linkage to determine what environmental factors drive biocomplexity. Archaea are so far the least known members of the microbial community with only a few successful attempts at detection indicating a patchy distribution and low diversity. A wide range of soil samples, collected from various sites within the Dry Valleys were analyzed using a suite of genetic approaches. DNA fingerprinting techniques (RFLP, T- RFLP) were applied to examine distribution and diversity of archaeal species living in soils of Miers Valley, Marshall Valley, Garwood Valley and Shangri- La. Detailed analysis of physicochemical differences between mineral soils was undertaken in hope to unveil environmental factors driving distribution and biodiversity of archaeal communities present in these soils. Multivariate statistical analysis and ordination of T- RFLP results and physicochemical data revealed a widespread distribution of Archaea across all three valleys, including Shangri- La. Overall, archaeal diversity was relatively low and most of the archaeal communities were composed in majority of one species affiliated with Crenarchaeota Marine Group 1.1b. Archaeal communities that sustain a relatively high diversity appear to be restricted to high elevation ridge areas and coastal moraines. This variation in diversity may be best explained by differences in moisture availability and availability of carbon and nitrogen in mineral soils that harbour these communities. Conversely, soils that harbour high bacterial diversity and primary producers revealed extremely low abundance of Archaea, possibly even total absence of Archaea in these organic rich soils.

text: Influences of soil properties on archaeal diversity and distribution in the McMurdo Dry Valleys, Antarctica The Antarctic Dry Valleys are characterized by extremely low temperatures, arid conditions, high salinity and virtual absence of plants. Therefore, food webs of these microbially dominated soils are among the simplest on earth making these mineral soils a perfect model to study microbial biogeography. This study aims to characterize the distribution and diversity of Archaea within the Dry Valleys as part of the New Zealand Terrestrial Antarctic Biocomplexity Survey (NZTABS). An international multidisciplinary organization focusing on biotic organisms, community structure and their functional linkage to determine what environmental factors drive biocomplexity. Archaea are so far the least known members of the microbial community with only a few successful attempts at detection indicating a patchy distribution and low diversity. A wide range of soil samples, collected from various sites within the Dry Valleys were analyzed using a suite of genetic approaches. DNA fingerprinting techniques (RFLP, T- RFLP) were applied to examine distribution and diversity of archaeal species living in soils of Miers Valley, Marshall Valley, Garwood Valley and Shangri- La. Detailed analysis of physicochemical differences between mineral soils was undertaken in hope to unveil environmental factors driving distribution and biodiversity of archaeal communities present in these soils. Multivariate statistical analysis and ordination of T- RFLP results and physicochemical data revealed a widespread distribution of Archaea across all three valleys, including Shangri- La. Overall, archaeal diversity was relatively low and most of the archaeal communities were composed in majority of one species affiliated with Crenarchaeota Marine Group 1.1b. Archaeal communities that sustain a relatively high diversity appear to be restricted to high elevation ridge areas and coastal moraines. This variation in diversity may be best explained by differences in moisture availability and availability of carbon and nitrogen in mineral soils that harbour these communities. Conversely, soils that harbour high bacterial diversity and primary producers revealed extremely low abundance of Archaea, possibly even total absence of Archaea in these organic rich soils.

year: 2011

title: Variables controlling the resurgence of previously reinforced behaviour in hens

authors: Cleland, Bryce Steven

abstract: Resurgence is defined as the occurrence of previously reinforced behaviours when reinforcer delivery ceases for a recently reinforced behaviour. In five experiments, variables suggested to control the degree of occurrence of a first-trained behaviour during the extinction of a second-trained behaviour (resurgence) were investigated. All experiments used hens and behaviours were selected from door push, key peck, and head bob. In Experiment 1, using 6 naive hens, Behaviour 1 was reinforced on a random-interval (RI) 60-s schedule followed by two sessions of extinction. Each occurrence of Behaviour 2 was then reinforced followed by another period of extinction. The degree of occurrence of Behaviour 1 during the final extinction was less than that which occurred during the period of Behaviour 1 extinction, suggesting that the extinction of Behaviour 2 did not increase the occurrence of Behaviour 1. This result failed to support the idea that resurgence is induced by the extinction of Behaviour 2. In Experiment 2, using the same hens and an additional hen, Experiment 1 was repeated five times and then there were either 0 or 9 sessions of Behaviour 1 extinction in a further five conditions. The degree of resurgence was generally less when there were 9 sessions than when there were no sessions but not consistently different from either when there were 2 sessions. Experiment 3 used six naive hens. Two first-trained behaviours were initially reinforced on RI 45-s schedules under a multiple schedule. One first behaviour then received a period of extinction and then each occurrence of two second behaviours was reinforced under the multiple schedule followed by extinction. The sequence from training of the first behaviours to the extinction of the second behaviours was repeated 10 times with the number of occurrences of the component for which extinction was in effect for the first behaviour varying across conditions from 12 to 0. The degree of resurgence was an inverse function of the amount of Behaviour 1 extinction. Experiment 4 used six naive hens. In a multiple schedule two first behaviours were reinforced on RI 20-s schedules and then two second behaviours were reinforced followed by extinction. This was repeated 8 times with the RI schedule in effect for one of the second behaviours varying from 80 s to 10 s across conditions while the other remained at 40 s. The degree of occurrence of Behaviour 1 when Behaviour 2 was reinforced was a direct function of the varied RI schedule of Behaviour 2. The degree of resurgence of Behaviour 1 in extinction was an inverse function of the varied RI schedule of Behaviour 2. The degree of resurgence was also inversely related to the degree of occurrence of this Behaviour 1 when Behaviour 2 was reinforced. Experiment 5 used five naive hens and one hen from Experiment 3 in a multiple-schedule design where the length of training of the second behaviours varied from 124 to O occurrences of a component over three conditions. No effect of this was found on the degree of resurgence. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that resurgence is the result of the prevention of extinction of Behaviour 1 by the reinforcement of Behaviour 2, but they are not definitive proof that this hypothesis is correct. Models derived from the Generalised Matching Law and Behavioural Momentum are also proposed as descriptions of resurgence.

text: Variables controlling the resurgence of previously reinforced behaviour in hens Resurgence is defined as the occurrence of previously reinforced behaviours when reinforcer delivery ceases for a recently reinforced behaviour. In five experiments, variables suggested to control the degree of occurrence of a first-trained behaviour during the extinction of a second-trained behaviour (resurgence) were investigated. All experiments used hens and behaviours were selected from door push, key peck, and head bob. In Experiment 1, using 6 naive hens, Behaviour 1 was reinforced on a random-interval (RI) 60-s schedule followed by two sessions of extinction. Each occurrence of Behaviour 2 was then reinforced followed by another period of extinction. The degree of occurrence of Behaviour 1 during the final extinction was less than that which occurred during the period of Behaviour 1 extinction, suggesting that the extinction of Behaviour 2 did not increase the occurrence of Behaviour 1. This result failed to support the idea that resurgence is induced by the extinction of Behaviour 2. In Experiment 2, using the same hens and an additional hen, Experiment 1 was repeated five times and then there were either 0 or 9 sessions of Behaviour 1 extinction in a further five conditions. The degree of resurgence was generally less when there were 9 sessions than when there were no sessions but not consistently different from either when there were 2 sessions. Experiment 3 used six naive hens. Two first-trained behaviours were initially reinforced on RI 45-s schedules under a multiple schedule. One first behaviour then received a period of extinction and then each occurrence of two second behaviours was reinforced under the multiple schedule followed by extinction. The sequence from training of the first behaviours to the extinction of the second behaviours was repeated 10 times with the number of occurrences of the component for which extinction was in effect for the first behaviour varying across conditions from 12 to 0. The degree of resurgence was an inverse function of the amount of Behaviour 1 extinction. Experiment 4 used six naive hens. In a multiple schedule two first behaviours were reinforced on RI 20-s schedules and then two second behaviours were reinforced followed by extinction. This was repeated 8 times with the RI schedule in effect for one of the second behaviours varying from 80 s to 10 s across conditions while the other remained at 40 s. The degree of occurrence of Behaviour 1 when Behaviour 2 was reinforced was a direct function of the varied RI schedule of Behaviour 2. The degree of resurgence of Behaviour 1 in extinction was an inverse function of the varied RI schedule of Behaviour 2. The degree of resurgence was also inversely related to the degree of occurrence of this Behaviour 1 when Behaviour 2 was reinforced. Experiment 5 used five naive hens and one hen from Experiment 3 in a multiple-schedule design where the length of training of the second behaviours varied from 124 to O occurrences of a component over three conditions. No effect of this was found on the degree of resurgence. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that resurgence is the result of the prevention of extinction of Behaviour 1 by the reinforcement of Behaviour 2, but they are not definitive proof that this hypothesis is correct. Models derived from the Generalised Matching Law and Behavioural Momentum are also proposed as descriptions of resurgence.

year: 2000

title: Reclaiming the Māori language for future generations: Flax root perspectives. Tīkina te mana o te reo Māori: Te pūtaketanga o te pā harakeke

authors: Peters, Murray Hamaka

subjects: te reo Māori

abstract: Using a combination of semi-structured interviews, focus group discussion and questionnaires (designed to elicit as many comments as possible), this thesis explores, through their own voices, the attitudes and practices of a group of people, mainly Māori but including a few Pākehā (non-Māori) who are attempting to reclaim te reo Māori (the Māori language), for themselves, their families and, above all, their children and grandchildren. Many of them were brought up in a context in which one or more parents, caregivers or relatives spoke te reo Māori fluently but few were given the opportunity to acquire the language naturally in infancy, generally because of a desire to protect them from the discrimination suffered by their elders. Those who were brought up to speak te reo Māori often suffered from language attrition at a time when the English language began to feature prominently in their lives. A few have attended kōhanga reo and kura kaupapa Māori. Many have attended courses in the Māori language and culture, often at considerable personal cost. Some have achieved their dream of becoming fluent speakers of the language; some have suffered frustration and disappointment. Whatever their own experiences, almost all of them want their children and grandchildren to be fluent speakers of the language, believing that this will give them confidence and a genuine sense of identity and belonging. Although the majority are committed to using te reo Māori as much as possible at home, especially when speaking to their children and grandchildren, most experience difficulties in doing so. These difficulties relate, in general, to their own lack of confidence and/or limited competence in the language, the fact that some of their friends and/or members of their immediate or extended family are monolingual in English, and resistance from some of the children, particularly as they grow older and are increasingly influenced by the dominant language and culture. Among those involved in this research project, there was widespread awareness of the importance of inter-generational transmission of te reo Māori and evidence of considerable commitment to learning the language and/or improving their existing competence in it. However, although the attempts of these adults to use te reo Māori in the home are clearly of considerable importance, they often, where they lacked a high level of oral proficiency, met with confusion, frustration, tension and resistance as their children grew older. This, combined with the fact that there are currently so few domains in society at large in which the language can be used naturally, has led many of them to develop strategies aimed at ensuring that their children and grandchildren, as they grow towards adulthood (a) appreciate the sacrifices made by so many in order to give them the opportunity to learn the language and the responsibilities associated with these sacrifices, (b) are recognised and rewarded for their linguistic achievements, and (c) are encouraged and assisted to involve themselves in contexts where they can use the language. This includes encouraging them to become involved in kapa haka and other culturally significant activities in which the language plays a prominent part, promoting as much engagement as possible with friends and whānau who have a high level of proficiency in the language (including involving them and their friends in marae-based activities), and inviting into their homes people who are fluent speakers (which sometimes involves a conscious effort on the part of the adults to cement friendships with fluent speakers and to encourage them to interact with their children). These are things which all parents and caregivers can do, irrespective of their own language competence. 

In doing these things, those who currently feel that they have little to offer in relation to the revitalization of the language can experience a genuine sense of involvement and empowerment. Accepting that there are currently many parents and caregivers who cannot realistically become involved in genuine inter-generational transmission of the language in the home does not mean accepting that they have nothing to offer. 

Mā te kōwhiringa o ngā uiuitanga hangā ngāwari, te whiriwhiri ā rōpū kanohi, me te puka patapātai (hei tōngia mai ngā kōrero whānui kē atu o tēnā, o tēnā), ka whakatewhatewha te tuhinga nei i ngā waiaro me ngā ritenga o tētehi rōpū e ngana ana ki te haumanu i te reo Māori hei taonga mō rātou ko ō rātou whānau, ā, mō ā rātou tamariki, mokopuna hoki. Te nuinga o te hunga nei he Māori; he tokoiti anō he Pākehā. He tokomaha o rātou i tipu ake i roto i te horopaki o te reo Māori, arā, kotahi neke atu o ō rātou mātua rānei, kaitiaki rānei, whanaunga rānei he matatau ki te reo Māori. Ahakoa rā, kāore te nuinga i whāngaihia ki te reo i ā rātou e pēpi ana, kei whakapai kanohitia pērā i ō rātou tūpuna. Ko rātou te hunga i tipu reo Māori mai, ka memeha haere tō rātou reo nō te tino putanga ake o te reo Pākehā ki ō rātou ao. He tokoiti o tēnei rōpu i kuraina ki te kōhanga reo me te kura kaupapa Māori; he tokomaha anō i whai wāhi ki ngā akoranga reo Māori me ōna tikanga, hāunga rā te nui o te nama. Ko ētehi, kua ea ngā wawata, kua matatau ki te reo; ko ētehi atu anō, kua pāngia kētia e te hōhā me te hēmanawatanga. Heoi, ahakoa ngā wheako ake o tēnā, o tēnā, he hiahia nō te nuinga kia matatau ā rātou tamariki me ā rātou mokopuna ki te reo, kia tū pakari ai, kia tū Māori ai ki tēnei ao. Te nuinga o tēnei rōpū he manawanui ki te kōrero Māori i te kāinga i te nuinga o te wā, koia anō rā i ā rātou e kōrero ana ki ā rātou tamariki me ā rātou mokopuna. Heoi anō, kei reira anō ngā papatoieketanga, e pā ana ki ō rātou ake tītengi rānei, ki te takarepatanga o tō rātou reo rānei, me te mōhio anō ko ētahi o ō rātou hoa, whānau, whānau whānui anō hoki, he reo tahi kē, arā, ko te reo Pākehā te reo kawe. Anō hoki, ko ētahi o ngā tamariki, i ā rātou e pakeke haere ana ka kaha papare i te reo Māori, ka whakawaia kētia rātou e te reo Pākehā me ōna tikanga. I waenganui i te hunga i whai wāhi ki tēnei kaupapa rangahau kua kitea he mārama pū te nuinga ki te tino hiranga o te tuku ihotanga o te reo; kua kitea hoki tō rātou kaingākau nui ki te ako i te reo, ki te whakapakari rānei i tō rātou reo. Hāunga tērā, me ō rātou ngana anō ki te kawe i te reo Māori i te kāinga, ko ngā mātua kāore anō kia tino eke te reo ā-waha ka mate i te pōraruraru, te pōkaikaha, te āwangawanga, me te kaha papare a ngā tamariki e pakeke haere ana. Nā runga i tērā, me te take anō hoki he ruarua noa iho ngā wāhi o te hapori whānui i ēnei rā kia taea te reo Māori te rere noa, kua whakapuāwaitia e te tokomaha o tēnei rōpū ētahi rautaki hei ārahi i ngā tamariki me ngā mokopuna i ā rātou e pakeke haere ana, kia mārama rātou ki ngā whakahere tinana a te marea kia whai wāhi ai rātou ki te ako i te reo, me ngā here e haere kōtui ana ki ērā āhuatanga, kia whakanuia, kia utua hoki ngā tamariki i runga anō i ngā whakatutukitanga reo, kia manaakitia hoki rātou ki te whai wāhi anō ki ngā horopaki reo Māori. Hei konei ka ākina rātou ki te uru ki ngā kapa haka me ngā tino kaupapa anō o te ao Māori e whakatairanga nei i te reo. Anō hoki, ka whakahauhautia kia piritata ki ā rātou hoa me ō rātou whanaunga e tino mōhio ki te reo, me te whakauru hoki ki ngā mahinga marae. Waihoki, ka pōwhiritia te hunga matatau ki te reo ki te toro mai ki ō rātou kāinga (nā reira, me whakapau kaha anō ngā mātua ki te whakahoahoa, ki te patipati, ērā tāngata kia whakaae mai ki te noho ki te taha o ngā tamariki whakaputa kōrero ai). Koinei ngā mea ka taea ai e ngā mātua katoa, e ngā kaitiaki katoa, ahakoa kei hea te tohungatanga o tō rātou reo.  Mā reira, ka whai wāhi tonu, ka whakamanahia tonu tēnei hunga e pōhēhē nei pea he iti noa iho tā rātou hei koha atu ki te whakarauoratanga o te reo. Nō reira, hāunga rā te whakaaro he nui ngā mātua me ngā kaitiaki tamariki i tēnei wā e kore e tino whai wāhi ki te tukunga iho o te reo i te kāinga, ehara i te mea he kore noa iho tā rātou hei koha atu ki tēnei kaupapa whakahirahira.

text: Reclaiming the Māori language for future generations: Flax root perspectives. Tīkina te mana o te reo Māori: Te pūtaketanga o te pā harakeke Using a combination of semi-structured interviews, focus group discussion and questionnaires (designed to elicit as many comments as possible), this thesis explores, through their own voices, the attitudes and practices of a group of people, mainly Māori but including a few Pākehā (non-Māori) who are attempting to reclaim te reo Māori (the Māori language), for themselves, their families and, above all, their children and grandchildren. Many of them were brought up in a context in which one or more parents, caregivers or relatives spoke te reo Māori fluently but few were given the opportunity to acquire the language naturally in infancy, generally because of a desire to protect them from the discrimination suffered by their elders. Those who were brought up to speak te reo Māori often suffered from language attrition at a time when the English language began to feature prominently in their lives. A few have attended kōhanga reo and kura kaupapa Māori. Many have attended courses in the Māori language and culture, often at considerable personal cost. Some have achieved their dream of becoming fluent speakers of the language; some have suffered frustration and disappointment. Whatever their own experiences, almost all of them want their children and grandchildren to be fluent speakers of the language, believing that this will give them confidence and a genuine sense of identity and belonging. Although the majority are committed to using te reo Māori as much as possible at home, especially when speaking to their children and grandchildren, most experience difficulties in doing so. These difficulties relate, in general, to their own lack of confidence and/or limited competence in the language, the fact that some of their friends and/or members of their immediate or extended family are monolingual in English, and resistance from some of the children, particularly as they grow older and are increasingly influenced by the dominant language and culture. Among those involved in this research project, there was widespread awareness of the importance of inter-generational transmission of te reo Māori and evidence of considerable commitment to learning the language and/or improving their existing competence in it. However, although the attempts of these adults to use te reo Māori in the home are clearly of considerable importance, they often, where they lacked a high level of oral proficiency, met with confusion, frustration, tension and resistance as their children grew older. This, combined with the fact that there are currently so few domains in society at large in which the language can be used naturally, has led many of them to develop strategies aimed at ensuring that their children and grandchildren, as they grow towards adulthood (a) appreciate the sacrifices made by so many in order to give them the opportunity to learn the language and the responsibilities associated with these sacrifices, (b) are recognised and rewarded for their linguistic achievements, and (c) are encouraged and assisted to involve themselves in contexts where they can use the language. This includes encouraging them to become involved in kapa haka and other culturally significant activities in which the language plays a prominent part, promoting as much engagement as possible with friends and whānau who have a high level of proficiency in the language (including involving them and their friends in marae-based activities), and inviting into their homes people who are fluent speakers (which sometimes involves a conscious effort on the part of the adults to cement friendships with fluent speakers and to encourage them to interact with their children). These are things which all parents and caregivers can do, irrespective of their own language competence. 

In doing these things, those who currently feel that they have little to offer in relation to the revitalization of the language can experience a genuine sense of involvement and empowerment. Accepting that there are currently many parents and caregivers who cannot realistically become involved in genuine inter-generational transmission of the language in the home does not mean accepting that they have nothing to offer. 

Mā te kōwhiringa o ngā uiuitanga hangā ngāwari, te whiriwhiri ā rōpū kanohi, me te puka patapātai (hei tōngia mai ngā kōrero whānui kē atu o tēnā, o tēnā), ka whakatewhatewha te tuhinga nei i ngā waiaro me ngā ritenga o tētehi rōpū e ngana ana ki te haumanu i te reo Māori hei taonga mō rātou ko ō rātou whānau, ā, mō ā rātou tamariki, mokopuna hoki. Te nuinga o te hunga nei he Māori; he tokoiti anō he Pākehā. He tokomaha o rātou i tipu ake i roto i te horopaki o te reo Māori, arā, kotahi neke atu o ō rātou mātua rānei, kaitiaki rānei, whanaunga rānei he matatau ki te reo Māori. Ahakoa rā, kāore te nuinga i whāngaihia ki te reo i ā rātou e pēpi ana, kei whakapai kanohitia pērā i ō rātou tūpuna. Ko rātou te hunga i tipu reo Māori mai, ka memeha haere tō rātou reo nō te tino putanga ake o te reo Pākehā ki ō rātou ao. He tokoiti o tēnei rōpu i kuraina ki te kōhanga reo me te kura kaupapa Māori; he tokomaha anō i whai wāhi ki ngā akoranga reo Māori me ōna tikanga, hāunga rā te nui o te nama. Ko ētehi, kua ea ngā wawata, kua matatau ki te reo; ko ētehi atu anō, kua pāngia kētia e te hōhā me te hēmanawatanga. Heoi, ahakoa ngā wheako ake o tēnā, o tēnā, he hiahia nō te nuinga kia matatau ā rātou tamariki me ā rātou mokopuna ki te reo, kia tū pakari ai, kia tū Māori ai ki tēnei ao. Te nuinga o tēnei rōpū he manawanui ki te kōrero Māori i te kāinga i te nuinga o te wā, koia anō rā i ā rātou e kōrero ana ki ā rātou tamariki me ā rātou mokopuna. Heoi anō, kei reira anō ngā papatoieketanga, e pā ana ki ō rātou ake tītengi rānei, ki te takarepatanga o tō rātou reo rānei, me te mōhio anō ko ētahi o ō rātou hoa, whānau, whānau whānui anō hoki, he reo tahi kē, arā, ko te reo Pākehā te reo kawe. Anō hoki, ko ētahi o ngā tamariki, i ā rātou e pakeke haere ana ka kaha papare i te reo Māori, ka whakawaia kētia rātou e te reo Pākehā me ōna tikanga. I waenganui i te hunga i whai wāhi ki tēnei kaupapa rangahau kua kitea he mārama pū te nuinga ki te tino hiranga o te tuku ihotanga o te reo; kua kitea hoki tō rātou kaingākau nui ki te ako i te reo, ki te whakapakari rānei i tō rātou reo. Hāunga tērā, me ō rātou ngana anō ki te kawe i te reo Māori i te kāinga, ko ngā mātua kāore anō kia tino eke te reo ā-waha ka mate i te pōraruraru, te pōkaikaha, te āwangawanga, me te kaha papare a ngā tamariki e pakeke haere ana. Nā runga i tērā, me te take anō hoki he ruarua noa iho ngā wāhi o te hapori whānui i ēnei rā kia taea te reo Māori te rere noa, kua whakapuāwaitia e te tokomaha o tēnei rōpū ētahi rautaki hei ārahi i ngā tamariki me ngā mokopuna i ā rātou e pakeke haere ana, kia mārama rātou ki ngā whakahere tinana a te marea kia whai wāhi ai rātou ki te ako i te reo, me ngā here e haere kōtui ana ki ērā āhuatanga, kia whakanuia, kia utua hoki ngā tamariki i runga anō i ngā whakatutukitanga reo, kia manaakitia hoki rātou ki te whai wāhi anō ki ngā horopaki reo Māori. Hei konei ka ākina rātou ki te uru ki ngā kapa haka me ngā tino kaupapa anō o te ao Māori e whakatairanga nei i te reo. Anō hoki, ka whakahauhautia kia piritata ki ā rātou hoa me ō rātou whanaunga e tino mōhio ki te reo, me te whakauru hoki ki ngā mahinga marae. Waihoki, ka pōwhiritia te hunga matatau ki te reo ki te toro mai ki ō rātou kāinga (nā reira, me whakapau kaha anō ngā mātua ki te whakahoahoa, ki te patipati, ērā tāngata kia whakaae mai ki te noho ki te taha o ngā tamariki whakaputa kōrero ai). Koinei ngā mea ka taea ai e ngā mātua katoa, e ngā kaitiaki katoa, ahakoa kei hea te tohungatanga o tō rātou reo.  Mā reira, ka whai wāhi tonu, ka whakamanahia tonu tēnei hunga e pōhēhē nei pea he iti noa iho tā rātou hei koha atu ki te whakarauoratanga o te reo. Nō reira, hāunga rā te whakaaro he nui ngā mātua me ngā kaitiaki tamariki i tēnei wā e kore e tino whai wāhi ki te tukunga iho o te reo i te kāinga, ehara i te mea he kore noa iho tā rātou hei koha atu ki tēnei kaupapa whakahirahira.

year: 2014