title: Boat electrofishing survey of Apata Pond and Lake McLaren

authors: Hicks, Brendan J.

subjects: New Zealand

abstract: We used New Zealand’s first successful electrofishing boat to catch koi carp (Cyprinus carpio haemaotopterus; Zhou et al. 2003) and rudd (Scardinius erythophthalmus) at two sites in the Bay of Plenty, North Island, New Zealand. Five large koi carp were caught in a pond near Apata; shortfinned eels and adult inanga were also caught. In Lake McLaren, a small hydro-electric impoundment on the Wairoa River, two rudd were caught; longfinned eels (Anguilla dieffenbachii), common bullies (Gobiomorphus cotidianus), and brown and rainbow trout (Salmo trutta and Oncorhynchus mykiss) were also caught.
Low ambient conductivities (43-90 µS cm⁻¹) is likely to have restricted the electrofishing field and power transfer to the fish, but fish capture was still successful. Clear water compensated somewhat for the reduced effectiveness of the field.
Fish densities were low at both locations. The minimum fish density was 0.31 fish 100 m⁻² in the pond at Apata, and 0.61 fish 100 m⁻² in Lake McLaren.  These should be regarded as minimal densities because only a single pass was conducted. All the koi carp caught in the pond at Apata were 521 to 564 mm fork length and all were 8 years old; there were two males and three females. One female was about to spawn; however, no other koi carp were found, so breeding appears to have been unsuccessful in this habitat. The two rudd from Lake McLaren were 203 and 240 mm fork length 6 and 7 years old respectively. Thought no younger age classes were caught, we cannot exclude the possibility that rudd could reproduce successfully in Lake McLaren.

text: Boat electrofishing survey of Apata Pond and Lake McLaren We used New Zealand’s first successful electrofishing boat to catch koi carp (Cyprinus carpio haemaotopterus; Zhou et al. 2003) and rudd (Scardinius erythophthalmus) at two sites in the Bay of Plenty, North Island, New Zealand. Five large koi carp were caught in a pond near Apata; shortfinned eels and adult inanga were also caught. In Lake McLaren, a small hydro-electric impoundment on the Wairoa River, two rudd were caught; longfinned eels (Anguilla dieffenbachii), common bullies (Gobiomorphus cotidianus), and brown and rainbow trout (Salmo trutta and Oncorhynchus mykiss) were also caught.
Low ambient conductivities (43-90 µS cm⁻¹) is likely to have restricted the electrofishing field and power transfer to the fish, but fish capture was still successful. Clear water compensated somewhat for the reduced effectiveness of the field.
Fish densities were low at both locations. The minimum fish density was 0.31 fish 100 m⁻² in the pond at Apata, and 0.61 fish 100 m⁻² in Lake McLaren.  These should be regarded as minimal densities because only a single pass was conducted. All the koi carp caught in the pond at Apata were 521 to 564 mm fork length and all were 8 years old; there were two males and three females. One female was about to spawn; however, no other koi carp were found, so breeding appears to have been unsuccessful in this habitat. The two rudd from Lake McLaren were 203 and 240 mm fork length 6 and 7 years old respectively. Thought no younger age classes were caught, we cannot exclude the possibility that rudd could reproduce successfully in Lake McLaren.

year: 2004

title: Human Rights, Environmental Duties: People, Planet & State

authors: Mitchell, Megan Joan Miro

subjects: Environment

abstract: All elements of human well-being are ultimately dependent upon a natural environment which provides access to sufficient food and water, promotes both mental and physical health, and ultimately, permits life itself. In seeking the universal achievement of these goods, international human rights law must begin to require States to take strong action to meet the challenges posed by escalating environmental disintegrity.

This thesis examines the extent to which the existing international human rights regime provides a means to achieve this. The role of population management as one means of meeting environmental obligations will be discussed, with the goal of demonstrating that the existing law provides a powerful tool both for the advancement of individual rights and for environmental protection. The latter half will consider how the current law incorporates explicit environmental duties, as well as the potential scope for development of these in the future. The debate surrounding the introduction of an 'environmental human right' will be outlined, with the ultimate conclusion that the law as it already exists is more than capable of adequately addressing environmental degradation – all that is required is that it be interpreted and realised in an environmentally cognisant way.

text: Human Rights, Environmental Duties: People, Planet & State All elements of human well-being are ultimately dependent upon a natural environment which provides access to sufficient food and water, promotes both mental and physical health, and ultimately, permits life itself. In seeking the universal achievement of these goods, international human rights law must begin to require States to take strong action to meet the challenges posed by escalating environmental disintegrity.

This thesis examines the extent to which the existing international human rights regime provides a means to achieve this. The role of population management as one means of meeting environmental obligations will be discussed, with the goal of demonstrating that the existing law provides a powerful tool both for the advancement of individual rights and for environmental protection. The latter half will consider how the current law incorporates explicit environmental duties, as well as the potential scope for development of these in the future. The debate surrounding the introduction of an 'environmental human right' will be outlined, with the ultimate conclusion that the law as it already exists is more than capable of adequately addressing environmental degradation – all that is required is that it be interpreted and realised in an environmentally cognisant way.

year: 2012

title: Treaty People Recognising and Marking Pākehā Culture in Aotearoa New Zealand

authors: Black, Rosanne Marjory

subjects: Pakeha culture

abstract: The suggestion that all people are cultural and live in cultural worlds acts to challenge members of culturally dominant groups as they tend to see their way of life as normal rather than cultural. Dominant group members usually talk about themselves in relation to their national identity (New Zealander, Australian, or American) rather than name being part of a cultural group within their nation state. This study, located in Aotearoa New Zealand, explores with a particular group of New Zealanders, how Pākehā who are members of the dominant group, may come to recognise themselves as being cultural, to name themselves culturally, and to mark aspects of their culture. The contribution that recognising culture makes to a decolonisation agenda is also explored. This study of Pākehā culture is approached from both a realist and a social constructionist perspective. Culture, an abstract concept, is largely theorised as a constructed notion in a historically structured location. How culture is recognised, and the ways it is produced and enacted, through relationships and interactions in the broader structures of New Zealand society were explored using realist thematic methods of analysis. Treaty people are a network of mostly Pākehā activist educators who have engaged in promoting knowledge of and support for Māori claims for justice under Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi was the document signed by Settlers and Māori leaders in 1840 to establish settlement arrangements). Treaty people are practised in talking about cultural issues largely through their engagement with Māori - Pākehā relationships. The research focused on the situations and processes that stimulated a group of thirty four ‘Treaty people’ to start thinking about themselves as cultural; about what it meant to have a cultural identity; and what they recognised as markers of their culture. I have been a member of this Treaty People network for many years and carry the dual positioning of being the researcher, and a participant, both as a member of the group and as a Pākehā. Data was collected over an eighteen month period from two focus groups in 2003 and 2005. These sessions were video and audio-recorded and later transcribed. I meet with available participants in their own locations early in 2005 and audio-recorded the conversations. The transcriptions and notes form the data for this study. My findings from this study include: • Culture was often first recognised through encounters with different cultural groups and usually when a person is in a situation where they are in a minority. Although, dominant group members do not always see their own daily practices and values as cultural they often name as cultural the practices and values of people different from them. • Recognising and naming ourselves as cultural and marking our culture were difficult tasks that go against the grain of dominance. • Pākehā culture was recognised in a number of ways. Treaty people recognised that there were other forms of knowing about the world and that dominant group members valued being ‘right’ and in control of knowledge. Coming to recognise themselves as cultural unsettled a sense of certainty about their position in the world, and opened up possibilities for new ways to engage in intercultural relationships where participation rather than being in control was valued. • Accepting the name Pākehā implied having a position of responsibility to tangata whenua and to the land. In turn those who have accepted being Pākehā receive a sense of belonging to Aotearoa and a place to stand in justice alongside Māori and other people who are culturally different from them. • While this thesis does not make explicit links between ‘being cultural’ and a decolonisation agenda the Treaty People participants named strategies to support decolonisation and challenge Pākehā dominance which include: recognising practices and values that are perpetuated through colonisation, in particular egalitarianism, assimilation and superiority; recognising Māori as tangata whenua (first people of the land) and Te Tiriti o Waitangi relationships; taking up the challenge to seek justice through striving to deal with past wrongs and to engage in equitable relationships with Māori. This thesis contributes to the psychology and social science literature as it serves to address the question “We don’t have a culture … do we?” I posit that all psychologists do have a culture and provide some rich descriptions, for those who are Pākehā, of how their culture may be recognised, how it might be described and talked about. This is a core cultural competency requirement for psychologists. My thesis also contribute to a growing body of literature from members of dominant groups, who are developing a discourse to explore and make visible their cultural or raced (whiteness) positions of power and privilege.

text: Treaty People Recognising and Marking Pākehā Culture in Aotearoa New Zealand The suggestion that all people are cultural and live in cultural worlds acts to challenge members of culturally dominant groups as they tend to see their way of life as normal rather than cultural. Dominant group members usually talk about themselves in relation to their national identity (New Zealander, Australian, or American) rather than name being part of a cultural group within their nation state. This study, located in Aotearoa New Zealand, explores with a particular group of New Zealanders, how Pākehā who are members of the dominant group, may come to recognise themselves as being cultural, to name themselves culturally, and to mark aspects of their culture. The contribution that recognising culture makes to a decolonisation agenda is also explored. This study of Pākehā culture is approached from both a realist and a social constructionist perspective. Culture, an abstract concept, is largely theorised as a constructed notion in a historically structured location. How culture is recognised, and the ways it is produced and enacted, through relationships and interactions in the broader structures of New Zealand society were explored using realist thematic methods of analysis. Treaty people are a network of mostly Pākehā activist educators who have engaged in promoting knowledge of and support for Māori claims for justice under Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi was the document signed by Settlers and Māori leaders in 1840 to establish settlement arrangements). Treaty people are practised in talking about cultural issues largely through their engagement with Māori - Pākehā relationships. The research focused on the situations and processes that stimulated a group of thirty four ‘Treaty people’ to start thinking about themselves as cultural; about what it meant to have a cultural identity; and what they recognised as markers of their culture. I have been a member of this Treaty People network for many years and carry the dual positioning of being the researcher, and a participant, both as a member of the group and as a Pākehā. Data was collected over an eighteen month period from two focus groups in 2003 and 2005. These sessions were video and audio-recorded and later transcribed. I meet with available participants in their own locations early in 2005 and audio-recorded the conversations. The transcriptions and notes form the data for this study. My findings from this study include: • Culture was often first recognised through encounters with different cultural groups and usually when a person is in a situation where they are in a minority. Although, dominant group members do not always see their own daily practices and values as cultural they often name as cultural the practices and values of people different from them. • Recognising and naming ourselves as cultural and marking our culture were difficult tasks that go against the grain of dominance. • Pākehā culture was recognised in a number of ways. Treaty people recognised that there were other forms of knowing about the world and that dominant group members valued being ‘right’ and in control of knowledge. Coming to recognise themselves as cultural unsettled a sense of certainty about their position in the world, and opened up possibilities for new ways to engage in intercultural relationships where participation rather than being in control was valued. • Accepting the name Pākehā implied having a position of responsibility to tangata whenua and to the land. In turn those who have accepted being Pākehā receive a sense of belonging to Aotearoa and a place to stand in justice alongside Māori and other people who are culturally different from them. • While this thesis does not make explicit links between ‘being cultural’ and a decolonisation agenda the Treaty People participants named strategies to support decolonisation and challenge Pākehā dominance which include: recognising practices and values that are perpetuated through colonisation, in particular egalitarianism, assimilation and superiority; recognising Māori as tangata whenua (first people of the land) and Te Tiriti o Waitangi relationships; taking up the challenge to seek justice through striving to deal with past wrongs and to engage in equitable relationships with Māori. This thesis contributes to the psychology and social science literature as it serves to address the question “We don’t have a culture … do we?” I posit that all psychologists do have a culture and provide some rich descriptions, for those who are Pākehā, of how their culture may be recognised, how it might be described and talked about. This is a core cultural competency requirement for psychologists. My thesis also contribute to a growing body of literature from members of dominant groups, who are developing a discourse to explore and make visible their cultural or raced (whiteness) positions of power and privilege.

year: 2010