title: Staying in Singapore?: New Zealand's third Labour government and the retention of military forces in Southeast Asia

authors: McCraw, David

subjects: New Zealand

abstract: At the beginning of the 1970s, three Western countries – Britain, Australia and New Zealand – had military forces stationed in Singapore under the Five Power Defence Arrangements for the defence of Malaysia and Singapore. Shortly afterwards, Labour party governments were elected in all three countries, and the Australian and British governments, against the wishes of the Singapore government, withdrew their forces from the island nation. Only the New Zealand Labour government of Norman Kirk was prepared to keep its forces in Singapore, despite having pledged at the 1972 election to negotiate a date for withdrawal. This article considers the question of why the New Zealand government pursued a different policy from its allies in regard to troops in Singapore, a policy which was in stark contrast to its attitude towards New Zealand troops in Vietnam and Cambodia, and one which was not supported by a section of the Labour party membership. Since Australia’s withdrawal policy has recently been examined for the first time, it seems worthwhile, and timely, to explore the different priorities underlying the New Zealand Labour government’s policy towards troops in Singapore.

text: Staying in Singapore?: New Zealand's third Labour government and the retention of military forces in Southeast Asia At the beginning of the 1970s, three Western countries – Britain, Australia and New Zealand – had military forces stationed in Singapore under the Five Power Defence Arrangements for the defence of Malaysia and Singapore. Shortly afterwards, Labour party governments were elected in all three countries, and the Australian and British governments, against the wishes of the Singapore government, withdrew their forces from the island nation. Only the New Zealand Labour government of Norman Kirk was prepared to keep its forces in Singapore, despite having pledged at the 1972 election to negotiate a date for withdrawal. This article considers the question of why the New Zealand government pursued a different policy from its allies in regard to troops in Singapore, a policy which was in stark contrast to its attitude towards New Zealand troops in Vietnam and Cambodia, and one which was not supported by a section of the Labour party membership. Since Australia’s withdrawal policy has recently been examined for the first time, it seems worthwhile, and timely, to explore the different priorities underlying the New Zealand Labour government’s policy towards troops in Singapore.

year: 2012

title: Assessment of Standing Herbage Dry Matter Using A Range Imaging Sytem

authors: Benseman, Mark

subjects: Herbage

abstract: It has been known for a long time that a device that could quickly and accurately ascertain dry matter content would be very useful to pastoral farmers. Despite many years of various products being developed there is still a lack of consistent and accurate measurements available. We present a proof of concept using a time of flight  imaging system to measure standing herbage dry matter. Scenes of herbage were captured using the SoftKinitec DS325 range imaging camera. Each scene included range and intensity images as well as colour images. Simple statistical analysis of the images was carried out and related to dry matter content. Twenty data points were gathered in late autumn growing conditions. The best correlation achieved was 0.9 with a standard deviation of 337 kgDM/ha. This was achieved used a multivariate linear regression. The predictors used were average depth, and standard deviations of both depth and intensity frames. The worst correlation achieved using a multivariate linear regression was 0.89 with a standard deviation of 365 kgDM/ha.  Thirteen data points were also gathered during severe drought conditions. The same statistical analysis resulted in a best fit of 0.52 and a standard deviation of 533 kgDM/ha. Range cameras show promise when compared to currently available methods of dry matter measurement.

text: Assessment of Standing Herbage Dry Matter Using A Range Imaging Sytem It has been known for a long time that a device that could quickly and accurately ascertain dry matter content would be very useful to pastoral farmers. Despite many years of various products being developed there is still a lack of consistent and accurate measurements available. We present a proof of concept using a time of flight  imaging system to measure standing herbage dry matter. Scenes of herbage were captured using the SoftKinitec DS325 range imaging camera. Each scene included range and intensity images as well as colour images. Simple statistical analysis of the images was carried out and related to dry matter content. Twenty data points were gathered in late autumn growing conditions. The best correlation achieved was 0.9 with a standard deviation of 337 kgDM/ha. This was achieved used a multivariate linear regression. The predictors used were average depth, and standard deviations of both depth and intensity frames. The worst correlation achieved using a multivariate linear regression was 0.89 with a standard deviation of 365 kgDM/ha.  Thirteen data points were also gathered during severe drought conditions. The same statistical analysis resulted in a best fit of 0.52 and a standard deviation of 533 kgDM/ha. Range cameras show promise when compared to currently available methods of dry matter measurement.

year: 2013

title: Maori and mining in New Zealand and beyond

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Before the arrival of Europeans, Maori had known of the existence of gold but did not mine it and had no understanding of its value. Once mining commenced in California in 1849 and Australia in the early 1850s, many Maori participated on several fields, especially in Victoria. When gold was first discovered in New Zealand, at Coromandel in 1852, Maori were keen to learn prospecting skills, and soon found gold in several parts of both the North and South Islands. Some alluvial claims were worked communally, even some women participating. From the start, Maori were determined to protect their rights against Pakeha when they were rivals for the same ground.  
On the Hauraki Peninsula, which had no alluvial gold, Maori were prospectors rather than miners. Some were successful, often going against the wishes of rangatira who, fearing that opening goldfields would result in their losing their land, refused access to prospectors, particularly in Ohinemuri. At Thames, Maori prospectors succeeded where Pakeha ones had failed, finding the gold that led to the 1867 rush; a rush encouraged by one rangatira in particular, Wirope Hoterene Taipari, who understood how a successful field would benefit him financially (including obtaining a reward for discovering a payable goldfield). After the opening of this field, some Maori prospected throughout the peninsula and elsewhere for the remainder of the century, with varying success but with some good finds, particularly at Kuaotunu. A few even participated in the Klondike rush. By the twentieth century, Maori were overcoming their reluctance to mine underground, notably in the coalmines of the Waikato, but until then almost none had seen mining as a full-time career. 
Indigenous inhabitants throughout the world successfully prospected for precious metals, but their achievements were commonly written out of history, as for example in Australia, where Aboriginal involvement is only now being uncovered. In New Zealand also, Maori achievements, although well known to contemporaries, have largely been forgotten. At the time, Maori prospector’s successes were praised and many became owners of claims, and in some cases benefited financially from their involvement in mining.

text: Maori and mining in New Zealand and beyond Before the arrival of Europeans, Maori had known of the existence of gold but did not mine it and had no understanding of its value. Once mining commenced in California in 1849 and Australia in the early 1850s, many Maori participated on several fields, especially in Victoria. When gold was first discovered in New Zealand, at Coromandel in 1852, Maori were keen to learn prospecting skills, and soon found gold in several parts of both the North and South Islands. Some alluvial claims were worked communally, even some women participating. From the start, Maori were determined to protect their rights against Pakeha when they were rivals for the same ground.  
On the Hauraki Peninsula, which had no alluvial gold, Maori were prospectors rather than miners. Some were successful, often going against the wishes of rangatira who, fearing that opening goldfields would result in their losing their land, refused access to prospectors, particularly in Ohinemuri. At Thames, Maori prospectors succeeded where Pakeha ones had failed, finding the gold that led to the 1867 rush; a rush encouraged by one rangatira in particular, Wirope Hoterene Taipari, who understood how a successful field would benefit him financially (including obtaining a reward for discovering a payable goldfield). After the opening of this field, some Maori prospected throughout the peninsula and elsewhere for the remainder of the century, with varying success but with some good finds, particularly at Kuaotunu. A few even participated in the Klondike rush. By the twentieth century, Maori were overcoming their reluctance to mine underground, notably in the coalmines of the Waikato, but until then almost none had seen mining as a full-time career. 
Indigenous inhabitants throughout the world successfully prospected for precious metals, but their achievements were commonly written out of history, as for example in Australia, where Aboriginal involvement is only now being uncovered. In New Zealand also, Maori achievements, although well known to contemporaries, have largely been forgotten. At the time, Maori prospector’s successes were praised and many became owners of claims, and in some cases benefited financially from their involvement in mining.

year: 2016