title: Henry Hopper Adams: a Te Aroha miner who became a mine owner

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: This paper describes the rise and fall of a self-made mining magnate. After a poor education, Henry Hopper Adams first became involved with mining, at Thames, when almost 17, although he later gave an even younger age. He quickly learnt the basic skills of mining, and by 1875 was a mining company director and in the late 1870s erected and managed batteries in addition to erecting bridges and water races; although describing himself as an engineer, he was an untaught one.
Having participated in the Te Aroha rush, he supervised the erection of its battery and then erected the first one at Waihi. Neither were successful, the former because of the absence of payable gold and the latter because of insufficient water power. At Waihi he made the first of many modifications to the machinery used in treatment plants. At Waiorongomai he erected the battery, water races, and tramway, but as the Battery Company that employed him gained increasing control over this field he was subject to frequent criticism for decisions that were outside his control. As the field declined, he managed more and more mines on behalf of this company.
As a leading figure in the Waiorongomai community, he did his best to assist it and to improve the battery. A visit to America to investigate new techniques led to his facilitating the purchase of the battery and many of the mines by the Te Aroha Silver and Gold Company, for which he worked as general manager for a time. When this company abandoned the field, he acquired its property in 1890, being confident that the district would produce payable ore. As well as owning the Waiorongomai battery and most of the mines, he diversified by also owning a timber mill, flax mills, and farms. 
Adams was the first man to trial the new cyanide process at Waiorongomai, starting with the tailings plant in mid-1892 and then the modified battery itself in that December. Despite the modifications he made subsequently, cyanide was not a success because of the presence of copper in the ore, and in 1894 the plant was moved to Karangahake. These unsuccessful ventures prompted him to seek financial assistance from the government. 
After leaving Waiorongomai in mid-1895, he managed mines and erected and managed batteries throughout most of Hauraki, becoming one of its leading mining figures. By the early twentieth century his efforts were focused in particular on Broken Hills (near Tairua) and Thames, where he tried to introduce large-scale developments, especially in its deep levels. He was assisted by a group of business associates, many of whom were friends, and who would not benefit by sticking with his increasingly unprofitable ventures. Having earlier accumulated considerable wealth, by the end of his life all his money had gone.

text: Henry Hopper Adams: a Te Aroha miner who became a mine owner This paper describes the rise and fall of a self-made mining magnate. After a poor education, Henry Hopper Adams first became involved with mining, at Thames, when almost 17, although he later gave an even younger age. He quickly learnt the basic skills of mining, and by 1875 was a mining company director and in the late 1870s erected and managed batteries in addition to erecting bridges and water races; although describing himself as an engineer, he was an untaught one.
Having participated in the Te Aroha rush, he supervised the erection of its battery and then erected the first one at Waihi. Neither were successful, the former because of the absence of payable gold and the latter because of insufficient water power. At Waihi he made the first of many modifications to the machinery used in treatment plants. At Waiorongomai he erected the battery, water races, and tramway, but as the Battery Company that employed him gained increasing control over this field he was subject to frequent criticism for decisions that were outside his control. As the field declined, he managed more and more mines on behalf of this company.
As a leading figure in the Waiorongomai community, he did his best to assist it and to improve the battery. A visit to America to investigate new techniques led to his facilitating the purchase of the battery and many of the mines by the Te Aroha Silver and Gold Company, for which he worked as general manager for a time. When this company abandoned the field, he acquired its property in 1890, being confident that the district would produce payable ore. As well as owning the Waiorongomai battery and most of the mines, he diversified by also owning a timber mill, flax mills, and farms. 
Adams was the first man to trial the new cyanide process at Waiorongomai, starting with the tailings plant in mid-1892 and then the modified battery itself in that December. Despite the modifications he made subsequently, cyanide was not a success because of the presence of copper in the ore, and in 1894 the plant was moved to Karangahake. These unsuccessful ventures prompted him to seek financial assistance from the government. 
After leaving Waiorongomai in mid-1895, he managed mines and erected and managed batteries throughout most of Hauraki, becoming one of its leading mining figures. By the early twentieth century his efforts were focused in particular on Broken Hills (near Tairua) and Thames, where he tried to introduce large-scale developments, especially in its deep levels. He was assisted by a group of business associates, many of whom were friends, and who would not benefit by sticking with his increasingly unprofitable ventures. Having earlier accumulated considerable wealth, by the end of his life all his money had gone.

year: 2016

title: The Bispectral Index: A measure of depth of sleep?

authors: Sleigh, James W.

subjects: BIS

abstract: How does physiological sleep affect the Bispectral Index (BIS)? We collected electroencephalographic (EEG) data from five subjects during the early part of the night, comparing the changes in the BIS with the conventional EEG stages of sleep. We found that the BIS was a consistent marker of depth of sleep. Light sleep occurred at BIS values of 75–90, slow-wave sleep occurred at BIS values of 20–70, and rapid eye movement sleep occurred at BIS values of 75–92. The effects of natural sleep on the BIS seem to be similar to the effects of general anesthesia on the BIS. The BIS may have a role in monitoring depth of sleep. Implications: Electroencephalographic data were collected from five subjects during sleep. We found that the Bispectral Index decreased during increasing depth of sleep in a fashion very similar to the decrease in Bispectral Index that occurs during general anesthesia. This study further highlights the electroencephalographic similarities of states of sleep and general anesthesia.

text: The Bispectral Index: A measure of depth of sleep? How does physiological sleep affect the Bispectral Index (BIS)? We collected electroencephalographic (EEG) data from five subjects during the early part of the night, comparing the changes in the BIS with the conventional EEG stages of sleep. We found that the BIS was a consistent marker of depth of sleep. Light sleep occurred at BIS values of 75–90, slow-wave sleep occurred at BIS values of 20–70, and rapid eye movement sleep occurred at BIS values of 75–92. The effects of natural sleep on the BIS seem to be similar to the effects of general anesthesia on the BIS. The BIS may have a role in monitoring depth of sleep. Implications: Electroencephalographic data were collected from five subjects during sleep. We found that the Bispectral Index decreased during increasing depth of sleep in a fashion very similar to the decrease in Bispectral Index that occurs during general anesthesia. This study further highlights the electroencephalographic similarities of states of sleep and general anesthesia.

year: 1999

title: Final arrangements following death: Maori indigenous decision making and tangi

authors: Nikora, Linda Waimarie

subjects: Maori death rituals

abstract: Death is a universal event. It will happen to all of us, yet how we respond to death is particular and influenced by our cultural worlds. This study offers an investigation of the idiographic, of how one woman responded to, and made arrangements to, mourn and bury her mother. Specifically, we explore how she and her whanau (family) under pressure of time and grief and in the absence of clear final wishes, met to consider issues and make decisions about the situation they were confronted with. This case forms part of a much larger programme of research into Maori death rituals, change and adaption. Informing a scholarly audience unfamiliar with the Maori world requires a significant amount of contextual information. The case study is a powerful strategy to achieve this and one that draws readers into deep understanding (Willig, 2008). This case provides insight into the struggles of an indigenous fourth-world people living within the heterogeneity of Aotearoa/New Zealand society; it demonstrates how values change across generations as people live their lives increasingly away from their ancestral homelands; and how traditionally defined roles and responsibilities within the whanau (family) are challenged by members living away from each other.

text: Final arrangements following death: Maori indigenous decision making and tangi Death is a universal event. It will happen to all of us, yet how we respond to death is particular and influenced by our cultural worlds. This study offers an investigation of the idiographic, of how one woman responded to, and made arrangements to, mourn and bury her mother. Specifically, we explore how she and her whanau (family) under pressure of time and grief and in the absence of clear final wishes, met to consider issues and make decisions about the situation they were confronted with. This case forms part of a much larger programme of research into Maori death rituals, change and adaption. Informing a scholarly audience unfamiliar with the Maori world requires a significant amount of contextual information. The case study is a powerful strategy to achieve this and one that draws readers into deep understanding (Willig, 2008). This case provides insight into the struggles of an indigenous fourth-world people living within the heterogeneity of Aotearoa/New Zealand society; it demonstrates how values change across generations as people live their lives increasingly away from their ancestral homelands; and how traditionally defined roles and responsibilities within the whanau (family) are challenged by members living away from each other.

year: 2012-03