title: An Integrated Stratigraphy of Tauranga Harbour

authors: MacPherson, David

subjects: Tauranga

abstract: Tauranga Basin is a Quaternary basin filled with successions of terrestrial and coastal sediments. The largest feature of Tauranga Basin is Tauranga Harbour, a 570km2 estuary. This is home to the Port of Tauranga, New Zealands largest export port. Studies conducted following an initial study by Davis and Healy (1993) have found complex distributions of the sediments within the dredged shipping channel. This research used 86 vibracores and limited seismic data to identify four main facies within the shallow subsurface of the dredged channel and establish their distribution.
Four facies were identified within the shallow subsurface: the Volcanic Sand facies, a silt to fine sand volcaniclastic succession; the Silt facies, a silt to very fine sand lacustrine deposit; the Coastal Sands facies, a medium to coarse coastal sand deposit; and the Pumiceous Sand Facies, a medium to coarse sand succession with abundant pumice.

Within the dredged shipping channel, the Volcanic Sands and Silt facies outcrop at the surface, and appear as ridges in the subsurface. Draped over these ridges is the Coastal Sands facies, which in some cores is overlain by Pumiceous Sands. The Volcanic Sands facies represents a succession of tephra deposits, with some reworking between depositional events. In the Maunganui Roads region of the harbour this is overlain by the lacustrine Silt facies, formed from the reworking of the Volcanic Sands. The region was then inundated by the Holocene marine transgression, leading to the deposition of the Coastal Sands facies, sourced from offshore. This Coastal Sands facies is then overlain in areas by Pumiceous Sands, small mobile sand waves that exist within the shipping channel. These are formed following the erosion of ignimbrite cliffs around the harbour, with some input from the outside the harbour. This represents a change in source for sedimentation in the harbour.

An updated model of the paleogeographic development of the harbour is presented, using data from this and other studies. This model shows the presence of a braided river flowing through Stella Passage, before the development of a lake and the subsequent Holocene marine transgression leading to the evolution of the sand spit and Matakana barrier island.

text: An Integrated Stratigraphy of Tauranga Harbour Tauranga Basin is a Quaternary basin filled with successions of terrestrial and coastal sediments. The largest feature of Tauranga Basin is Tauranga Harbour, a 570km2 estuary. This is home to the Port of Tauranga, New Zealands largest export port. Studies conducted following an initial study by Davis and Healy (1993) have found complex distributions of the sediments within the dredged shipping channel. This research used 86 vibracores and limited seismic data to identify four main facies within the shallow subsurface of the dredged channel and establish their distribution.
Four facies were identified within the shallow subsurface: the Volcanic Sand facies, a silt to fine sand volcaniclastic succession; the Silt facies, a silt to very fine sand lacustrine deposit; the Coastal Sands facies, a medium to coarse coastal sand deposit; and the Pumiceous Sand Facies, a medium to coarse sand succession with abundant pumice.

Within the dredged shipping channel, the Volcanic Sands and Silt facies outcrop at the surface, and appear as ridges in the subsurface. Draped over these ridges is the Coastal Sands facies, which in some cores is overlain by Pumiceous Sands. The Volcanic Sands facies represents a succession of tephra deposits, with some reworking between depositional events. In the Maunganui Roads region of the harbour this is overlain by the lacustrine Silt facies, formed from the reworking of the Volcanic Sands. The region was then inundated by the Holocene marine transgression, leading to the deposition of the Coastal Sands facies, sourced from offshore. This Coastal Sands facies is then overlain in areas by Pumiceous Sands, small mobile sand waves that exist within the shipping channel. These are formed following the erosion of ignimbrite cliffs around the harbour, with some input from the outside the harbour. This represents a change in source for sedimentation in the harbour.

An updated model of the paleogeographic development of the harbour is presented, using data from this and other studies. This model shows the presence of a braided river flowing through Stella Passage, before the development of a lake and the subsequent Holocene marine transgression leading to the evolution of the sand spit and Matakana barrier island.

year: 2016

title: Edwin Henry Hardy: a Waiorongomai mine owner

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Edwin Henry Hardy worked as a surveyor before going to England to study mining. Upon his return in 1896 he was a representative in Hauraki of English mining companies and supervised several Coromandel mines in addition to acquiring mines in several districts for overseas interests. In late 1898 he purchased the former Aroha Gold Mines’ property at Waiorongomai, which he developed using his own financial resources but probably backed by his wider family. Using his surveying skills, he traced a reef missed by previous owners, and commenced to develop the mines systematically. He also spent several years improving the battery, experimenting with new treatment processes and seeking a patent for a gold saving method.
Like all mine owners, Hardy tried to work his property as cheaply as possible, resulting in conflicts with the Thames High School and the county council as he tried to reduce costs. He proved to be very determined in his rows with those he considered his enemies. In addition to developing the Premier mine, profitably, he tested other ground, notable the Big Blow. He supervised both battery and mines, but as he did not have a mine manager’s certificate had to employ a series of managers for the latter. After obtaining a good return for several years, in 1904 he formed Hardy’s Mines Ltd, retaining a financial interest and for a time supervising its work before becoming involved with other mines and clashing with the company he had formed.
Hardy also held interests in mining companies in other districts. After leaving Waiorongomai, he settled in Te Kuiti and worked as a surveyor, a purchaser of Maori land, and a farmer. As at Coromandel and Waiorongomai, he was prominent in the local community, notably as a member of the borough council and Te Kuiti’s second mayor. Over time, his financial state deteriorated, partly through being involved with some very dubious businessmen and their schemes. In 1931 he returned to Waiorongomai to show his son Malcolm where he knew of some good ore, but died in dramatic circumstances before he could show him the location. 
For some time Hardy profited from mining, partly because he took over existing workings and partly because he was able to find ore that others had missed, but as with all mining, profits faded and he had to find other ways to earn a living. But compared with other mine owners at Waiorongomai, he was, for a time, very successful.

text: Edwin Henry Hardy: a Waiorongomai mine owner Edwin Henry Hardy worked as a surveyor before going to England to study mining. Upon his return in 1896 he was a representative in Hauraki of English mining companies and supervised several Coromandel mines in addition to acquiring mines in several districts for overseas interests. In late 1898 he purchased the former Aroha Gold Mines’ property at Waiorongomai, which he developed using his own financial resources but probably backed by his wider family. Using his surveying skills, he traced a reef missed by previous owners, and commenced to develop the mines systematically. He also spent several years improving the battery, experimenting with new treatment processes and seeking a patent for a gold saving method.
Like all mine owners, Hardy tried to work his property as cheaply as possible, resulting in conflicts with the Thames High School and the county council as he tried to reduce costs. He proved to be very determined in his rows with those he considered his enemies. In addition to developing the Premier mine, profitably, he tested other ground, notable the Big Blow. He supervised both battery and mines, but as he did not have a mine manager’s certificate had to employ a series of managers for the latter. After obtaining a good return for several years, in 1904 he formed Hardy’s Mines Ltd, retaining a financial interest and for a time supervising its work before becoming involved with other mines and clashing with the company he had formed.
Hardy also held interests in mining companies in other districts. After leaving Waiorongomai, he settled in Te Kuiti and worked as a surveyor, a purchaser of Maori land, and a farmer. As at Coromandel and Waiorongomai, he was prominent in the local community, notably as a member of the borough council and Te Kuiti’s second mayor. Over time, his financial state deteriorated, partly through being involved with some very dubious businessmen and their schemes. In 1931 he returned to Waiorongomai to show his son Malcolm where he knew of some good ore, but died in dramatic circumstances before he could show him the location. 
For some time Hardy profited from mining, partly because he took over existing workings and partly because he was able to find ore that others had missed, but as with all mining, profits faded and he had to find other ways to earn a living. But compared with other mine owners at Waiorongomai, he was, for a time, very successful.

year: 2016

title: The arguing genre and the explaining genre: A comparison in terms of discourse relational analyses of texts written in English and texts written in Māori

authors: Crombie, Winifred

subjects: Māori linguistics

abstract: There is a commonly held belief that those who are immersed in indigenous cultures have a tendency, when constructing academic texts, to avoid sequential, deductive argumentation. We report here on a comparison of two groups of texts exhibiting two different genres - 'explaining' and 'arguing'. One group of texts was written in Māori by indigenous authors, the other group was written in English by non-indigenous authors. Our findings are that although the percentage use of logico-deductive relationships is roughly equivalent for both groups of texts/ writers in the case of the explaining genre, the Māori texts/ writers use almost twice the percentage of logico-deductive relationships as do the English texts/ writers.

text: The arguing genre and the explaining genre: A comparison in terms of discourse relational analyses of texts written in English and texts written in Māori There is a commonly held belief that those who are immersed in indigenous cultures have a tendency, when constructing academic texts, to avoid sequential, deductive argumentation. We report here on a comparison of two groups of texts exhibiting two different genres - 'explaining' and 'arguing'. One group of texts was written in Māori by indigenous authors, the other group was written in English by non-indigenous authors. Our findings are that although the percentage use of logico-deductive relationships is roughly equivalent for both groups of texts/ writers in the case of the explaining genre, the Māori texts/ writers use almost twice the percentage of logico-deductive relationships as do the English texts/ writers.

year: 2005-02