title: Miners’ working lives in general and at Te Aroha in particular

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: The prospects of obtaining prosperity tempted miners to work for years in harsh conditions and often for little reward. Miners had a good reputation for being hard workers and, especially in the early days before companies controlled the fields, for being rugged individualists, restlessly rushing to new discoveries and improvident whenever they had any money. Quartz miners, unlike alluvial ones, were more likely to be settled, living with their families in mining settlements. 
Many quartz miners did not follow this occupation for all of their lives. Examples are given of amateurs seeking riches but not really knowing how to mine profitably. In Hauraki, miners had to cope with heavy bush and rugged topography, with all the dangers this implied. Working underground required a range of skills, and was intrinsically dangerous, unhealthy, and exhausting. Accidents – especially when using explosives – could be fatal. Money to assist injured miners was raised by their mates in pre-social security days.. Miners had to cope with wet mines, acidic water, gas, and even heat, all of which could be mitigated but not avoided; to minimize the number of accidents, good timbering was insisted upon by mining inspectors. All miners had to endure monotonous work, enlivened by practical jokes.
Miners reliant on their own efforts rather than being on a company payroll often struggled financially. Some tributed in mines owned by others, a system open to exploitation by both sides. Increasingly, owners preferred contractors to wage workers, and some of the more skilled workers preferred contracts, including taking up non-mining contracts when mining was in recession. Partnerships were common in small mines, but as some partners did not abide by the terms of the contract, did not keep adequate records, or adhere to mining regulations, resort to the warden’s court was common to settle disputes. Despite such conflicts, there was a solidarity amongst miners because of the conditions of their work.
Mining was not for everyone, as some quickly discovered after experiencing the dangerous conditions. And as companies took over, much of the ‘romance’ of mining faded.

text: Miners’ working lives in general and at Te Aroha in particular The prospects of obtaining prosperity tempted miners to work for years in harsh conditions and often for little reward. Miners had a good reputation for being hard workers and, especially in the early days before companies controlled the fields, for being rugged individualists, restlessly rushing to new discoveries and improvident whenever they had any money. Quartz miners, unlike alluvial ones, were more likely to be settled, living with their families in mining settlements. 
Many quartz miners did not follow this occupation for all of their lives. Examples are given of amateurs seeking riches but not really knowing how to mine profitably. In Hauraki, miners had to cope with heavy bush and rugged topography, with all the dangers this implied. Working underground required a range of skills, and was intrinsically dangerous, unhealthy, and exhausting. Accidents – especially when using explosives – could be fatal. Money to assist injured miners was raised by their mates in pre-social security days.. Miners had to cope with wet mines, acidic water, gas, and even heat, all of which could be mitigated but not avoided; to minimize the number of accidents, good timbering was insisted upon by mining inspectors. All miners had to endure monotonous work, enlivened by practical jokes.
Miners reliant on their own efforts rather than being on a company payroll often struggled financially. Some tributed in mines owned by others, a system open to exploitation by both sides. Increasingly, owners preferred contractors to wage workers, and some of the more skilled workers preferred contracts, including taking up non-mining contracts when mining was in recession. Partnerships were common in small mines, but as some partners did not abide by the terms of the contract, did not keep adequate records, or adhere to mining regulations, resort to the warden’s court was common to settle disputes. Despite such conflicts, there was a solidarity amongst miners because of the conditions of their work.
Mining was not for everyone, as some quickly discovered after experiencing the dangerous conditions. And as companies took over, much of the ‘romance’ of mining faded.

year: 2016

title: Hybrid-heating-systems for optimized integration of low-temperature-heat and renewable energy

authors: Schumm, Gregor M.

abstract: The food and beverage industries are significant industrial producers of green-house gas (GHG) emissions. Reductions can be achieved by increased energy efficiency and the use of renewable energy to replace fossil fuel use. The main efficiency method within this industries is the use of low temperature heat (LTH), i.e. below 100 °C. Sources for LTH include heat recovery from process flows, heat rejection from utility operations (i.e. chillers, combined heat and power (CHP), condensing economisers), and renewable energy (i.e. solar thermal). A hybrid heating system (H2S) has been developed that can retrofit steam heater designs for the integration of LTH. Two different systems have been found, for adapting direct and indirect steam heaters, either installing an extra hot water heater or using the indirect hot water loop for the integration. In both systems the existing steam heater remains a part of the system for individual back-up. The set-up and the control algorithm of the H₂S allow installing a 37 % smaller hot water grid than a common design with one central back-up heater. Investigations using a comprehensive model of a whey separation and drying plant showed that implementing a piston engine CHP unit combined with the H₂S reduce the energy costs by 42 % and the GHG emissions by 33 %.

text: Hybrid-heating-systems for optimized integration of low-temperature-heat and renewable energy The food and beverage industries are significant industrial producers of green-house gas (GHG) emissions. Reductions can be achieved by increased energy efficiency and the use of renewable energy to replace fossil fuel use. The main efficiency method within this industries is the use of low temperature heat (LTH), i.e. below 100 °C. Sources for LTH include heat recovery from process flows, heat rejection from utility operations (i.e. chillers, combined heat and power (CHP), condensing economisers), and renewable energy (i.e. solar thermal). A hybrid heating system (H2S) has been developed that can retrofit steam heater designs for the integration of LTH. Two different systems have been found, for adapting direct and indirect steam heaters, either installing an extra hot water heater or using the indirect hot water loop for the integration. In both systems the existing steam heater remains a part of the system for individual back-up. The set-up and the control algorithm of the H₂S allow installing a 37 % smaller hot water grid than a common design with one central back-up heater. Investigations using a comprehensive model of a whey separation and drying plant showed that implementing a piston engine CHP unit combined with the H₂S reduce the energy costs by 42 % and the GHG emissions by 33 %.

year: 2016

title: Māori whānau experiences of a neonatal intensive care unit: Waikato hospital

authors: Thompson, Keri

subjects: Maori whanau narratives

abstract: This thesis topic emerged from my personal experience of having a premature baby in the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit (NICU) at Waikato hospital.  My whānau and I felt like aliens; culturally inept, and totally alone during our time in the NICU.  It was not until I spoke to other Māori mothers that I realised our stories were similar.   

I sought to understand how other Māori whānau members made sense of their own experiences, how they coped/adjusted to the experience of having a premature baby in an NICU and at home, and the sources of support they utilised. This study did not seek to delineate parents' experiences but attempted to allow whānau members to share their stories and explore their experiences of having a premature or special-care baby in an NICU.

The event of childbirth and the placing of a natural event into a pathological illness model through necessity has repercussions for the ways in which women experience and make sense of the event.  Knowing this, six whānau stories were collected comprising of four individual interviews with the mothers and two whānau hui (focus groups).  My use of a narrative methodology and kaupapa Māori approach enabled all the participants the opportunity to share their stories on how they make sense of their own experiences without the frame of pathological illness. 

The findings present each whānau story autonomously, to highlight the key events that   occur once the birth of a premature/special-care infant is admitted into an NICU. The participants' narratives followed their transitions through an NICU and return home. The narrative analysis and discussion confirmed that this research had been successful in creating a space for the mothers and their whānau members to share their stories.  The discussion combined their narratives to reveal that the effective coping strategies did not remove the sources of stress but rather lessened the impact of the stresses.  In situations where sources of stress were unable to be removed or reduced, participants perceptions of ineffective coping translated into narratives of negative perceptions of the NICU, and birthing experience. 

The importance of positive relationships within an NICU, and in particular, the role of the nurse as a key facilitator, highlighted that efficacious communication resulted in positive experiences for Māori whānau.  Whānau support was identified as one of the most important coping strategies for mothers in the NICU.  Those participants who were encouraged to maintain connections with whānau members reported more positive experiences overall.

Three levels of implications were identified in this research. Firstly, that the participants'narratives provided a range of coping strategies for future Māori parents and their whānau who enter an NICU.  Secondly, there are implications for NICU policy, and best practice particularly when supporting Māori in an NICU environment.  Lastly, the narratives provided meaningful insights that contribute to gaps in local, national, and international literature.  Overall, I realised that just like me, these mothers, and other whānau members, constructed narratives that are meaningful accounts to be shared with others.

text: Māori whānau experiences of a neonatal intensive care unit: Waikato hospital This thesis topic emerged from my personal experience of having a premature baby in the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit (NICU) at Waikato hospital.  My whānau and I felt like aliens; culturally inept, and totally alone during our time in the NICU.  It was not until I spoke to other Māori mothers that I realised our stories were similar.   

I sought to understand how other Māori whānau members made sense of their own experiences, how they coped/adjusted to the experience of having a premature baby in an NICU and at home, and the sources of support they utilised. This study did not seek to delineate parents' experiences but attempted to allow whānau members to share their stories and explore their experiences of having a premature or special-care baby in an NICU.

The event of childbirth and the placing of a natural event into a pathological illness model through necessity has repercussions for the ways in which women experience and make sense of the event.  Knowing this, six whānau stories were collected comprising of four individual interviews with the mothers and two whānau hui (focus groups).  My use of a narrative methodology and kaupapa Māori approach enabled all the participants the opportunity to share their stories on how they make sense of their own experiences without the frame of pathological illness. 

The findings present each whānau story autonomously, to highlight the key events that   occur once the birth of a premature/special-care infant is admitted into an NICU. The participants' narratives followed their transitions through an NICU and return home. The narrative analysis and discussion confirmed that this research had been successful in creating a space for the mothers and their whānau members to share their stories.  The discussion combined their narratives to reveal that the effective coping strategies did not remove the sources of stress but rather lessened the impact of the stresses.  In situations where sources of stress were unable to be removed or reduced, participants perceptions of ineffective coping translated into narratives of negative perceptions of the NICU, and birthing experience. 

The importance of positive relationships within an NICU, and in particular, the role of the nurse as a key facilitator, highlighted that efficacious communication resulted in positive experiences for Māori whānau.  Whānau support was identified as one of the most important coping strategies for mothers in the NICU.  Those participants who were encouraged to maintain connections with whānau members reported more positive experiences overall.

Three levels of implications were identified in this research. Firstly, that the participants'narratives provided a range of coping strategies for future Māori parents and their whānau who enter an NICU.  Secondly, there are implications for NICU policy, and best practice particularly when supporting Māori in an NICU environment.  Lastly, the narratives provided meaningful insights that contribute to gaps in local, national, and international literature.  Overall, I realised that just like me, these mothers, and other whānau members, constructed narratives that are meaningful accounts to be shared with others.

year: 2009