title: Solvent abuse in New Zealand: Descriptive data

authors: Britt, Eileen F.

abstract: The aims of this study were to develop and evaluate an assessment procedure and to use this instrument to gather descriptive data on solvent abuse in New Zealand. The Solvent Abuse Questionnaire (SAQ) was devised to identify type of solvent abuse. Its psychometric properties were established using samples of 41 solvent abusers and 15 non-abusers. Findings suggest that the SAQ has potential to accurately discriminate different types of solvent abuser and thus to serve as a guide to appropriate treatment. Descriptive data obtained from subjects ' responses to the questionnaire suggests that the solvent abusing sample shared many characteristics with solvent abusers described in previous research on solvent abuse, both overseas and in New Zealand. Furthermore, the solvent abusing subjects appeared different to the non-abusing subjects, reporting more feelings of depression and self-dislike, and more potential side-effects of solvent abuse (i.e. impaired concentration, frequent nasal discharge, nose-bleeds).

text: Solvent abuse in New Zealand: Descriptive data The aims of this study were to develop and evaluate an assessment procedure and to use this instrument to gather descriptive data on solvent abuse in New Zealand. The Solvent Abuse Questionnaire (SAQ) was devised to identify type of solvent abuse. Its psychometric properties were established using samples of 41 solvent abusers and 15 non-abusers. Findings suggest that the SAQ has potential to accurately discriminate different types of solvent abuser and thus to serve as a guide to appropriate treatment. Descriptive data obtained from subjects ' responses to the questionnaire suggests that the solvent abusing sample shared many characteristics with solvent abusers described in previous research on solvent abuse, both overseas and in New Zealand. Furthermore, the solvent abusing subjects appeared different to the non-abusing subjects, reporting more feelings of depression and self-dislike, and more potential side-effects of solvent abuse (i.e. impaired concentration, frequent nasal discharge, nose-bleeds).

year: 1986

title: Income Inequality, Voter Turnout and Employment in 2005 – 2014 Elections in New Zealand

authors: Muggeridge, Charlotte

subjects: Political science

abstract: As Robert Dahl put it in 1971, ―a key characteristic of a democracy is the continued responsiveness of the government to the preferences of its citizens, considered as political equals‖. Democracy is thought to break down when equality diminishes. This paper explores the causal relation between an independent variable, income inequality, and a potential dependent variable, voter turnout (as a measure of democratic participation), at the local level in 13 electoral districts in New Zealand over 4 national elections.
For Bühlmann, the three fundamental principles of democracy are equality, freedom and control. Equality usually ranks at the top of most democratic criteria. New Zealand, once regarded as one of the most egalitarian societies in the world, was ranked 23rd out of 34 countries on the OECD measure of income inequality in 2012, and has continued to drop since then, with ―New Zealand [having] the largest increase in income inequality of all the OECD countries since the mid 1980‘s…‖. Of the top 20% of income earners, 86% voted in the New Zealand national elections, compared to the bottom 20% of income earners, where only 75% voted. Goodin and Dryzek argue that the more that economic power is concentrated within the elite, the more the bottom income earners will withdraw from electoral voting.
Participation in politics, in this interpretation, tends to be driven by relative income. Income inequality, in this view, hinders democracy by blocking full participation in society and limiting a sense of belonging. This study has tested these presumptions with a cursory longitudinal analysis of 13 comparative and contrasting local electoral districts in New Zealand, once the most egalitarian and, arguably, most democratic country in the world.
The research shows that household income inequality has an inverse effect on voter turnout, taken as a whole. With the voting that has occurred, there is a clear preference for right-of-centre parties. Regardless of economic standing, citizens are apparently continuing to vote against their immediate interests. The results also suggest that while employment rates are currently high in New Zealand, voter turnout is decreasing and voters perhaps have previously blamed the government for their lack of employment even when they have seemingly lost the bases of their grievances.

text: Income Inequality, Voter Turnout and Employment in 2005 – 2014 Elections in New Zealand As Robert Dahl put it in 1971, ―a key characteristic of a democracy is the continued responsiveness of the government to the preferences of its citizens, considered as political equals‖. Democracy is thought to break down when equality diminishes. This paper explores the causal relation between an independent variable, income inequality, and a potential dependent variable, voter turnout (as a measure of democratic participation), at the local level in 13 electoral districts in New Zealand over 4 national elections.
For Bühlmann, the three fundamental principles of democracy are equality, freedom and control. Equality usually ranks at the top of most democratic criteria. New Zealand, once regarded as one of the most egalitarian societies in the world, was ranked 23rd out of 34 countries on the OECD measure of income inequality in 2012, and has continued to drop since then, with ―New Zealand [having] the largest increase in income inequality of all the OECD countries since the mid 1980‘s…‖. Of the top 20% of income earners, 86% voted in the New Zealand national elections, compared to the bottom 20% of income earners, where only 75% voted. Goodin and Dryzek argue that the more that economic power is concentrated within the elite, the more the bottom income earners will withdraw from electoral voting.
Participation in politics, in this interpretation, tends to be driven by relative income. Income inequality, in this view, hinders democracy by blocking full participation in society and limiting a sense of belonging. This study has tested these presumptions with a cursory longitudinal analysis of 13 comparative and contrasting local electoral districts in New Zealand, once the most egalitarian and, arguably, most democratic country in the world.
The research shows that household income inequality has an inverse effect on voter turnout, taken as a whole. With the voting that has occurred, there is a clear preference for right-of-centre parties. Regardless of economic standing, citizens are apparently continuing to vote against their immediate interests. The results also suggest that while employment rates are currently high in New Zealand, voter turnout is decreasing and voters perhaps have previously blamed the government for their lack of employment even when they have seemingly lost the bases of their grievances.

year: 2017

title: The Treaty of Waitangi and Asian Immigrants in Aotearoa: A Reflective Journey

authors: Omura, Saburo

subjects: Te Tiriti o Waitangi

abstract: The Treaty of Waitangi was signed in 1840 between the British Crown and Māori, the indigenous people of New Zealand being represented at the signing by chiefs from various tribes. The Treaty promised to ensure legitimate control on European settlers, while guaranteeing Māori their sovereignty, undisturbed possession of natural and cultural resources, and citizenship. However, these commitments were reneged upon and were largely discarded over the next century, including devastating confiscations of land and other natural resources, undignified treatment of Māori culture and language, and the loss of indigenous sovereignty following large-scale European migration to Aotearoa/New Zealand in the late 19th century. 
The New Zealand government maintained a ‘white’ New Zealand immigration policy until the late 1980s. An orientation towards white British in New Zealand was so deeply entrenched that the idea of monocultural assimilation remained the norm and went unchallenged until the 1960s. A reflection of this is in the fact that even today the Treaty of Waitangi is not formally recognised in the country’s immigration policies. 
Since the 1990s, there has been a major upsurge in the number of Asian migrants arriving in Aotearoa/New Zealand, so that today people of Chinese, Indian, and similar origin constitute about 11% of the national total population. 
However, settlement support programmes and academic research relating to them have focused on superficial coping and adaptation issues. Integration of these migrants has been frequently discussed but without specific cultural references. Māori culture and the Treaty have never been an integral part of the research scope in the study of acculturation of such migrants in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Government. Politicians, and academics have consequently isolated migrants from indigenous issues, because indigenous people were regarded as irrelevant in this field. 
Nevertheless, some ethnic community groups and individuals have taken initiatives to learn about the Treaty in recent times. I interviewed 17 key informants and conducted six focus groups, with seven people on average participating in each session. Employing a free-association approach in these interviews enabled me to explore significant psychological changes after my informants had learned about the Treaty. 
As a result, many of the participants went through a process of redefining their identity in a new country, rather than just adjusting to or coping with a different environment. Essentially, learning about the Treaty facilitated psychological integration after migrating to New Zealand. 
The future implications of such findings, especially the significant effect of repositioning Māori culture and history in cross-cultural research in New Zealand, is also discussed in this thesis.

text: The Treaty of Waitangi and Asian Immigrants in Aotearoa: A Reflective Journey The Treaty of Waitangi was signed in 1840 between the British Crown and Māori, the indigenous people of New Zealand being represented at the signing by chiefs from various tribes. The Treaty promised to ensure legitimate control on European settlers, while guaranteeing Māori their sovereignty, undisturbed possession of natural and cultural resources, and citizenship. However, these commitments were reneged upon and were largely discarded over the next century, including devastating confiscations of land and other natural resources, undignified treatment of Māori culture and language, and the loss of indigenous sovereignty following large-scale European migration to Aotearoa/New Zealand in the late 19th century. 
The New Zealand government maintained a ‘white’ New Zealand immigration policy until the late 1980s. An orientation towards white British in New Zealand was so deeply entrenched that the idea of monocultural assimilation remained the norm and went unchallenged until the 1960s. A reflection of this is in the fact that even today the Treaty of Waitangi is not formally recognised in the country’s immigration policies. 
Since the 1990s, there has been a major upsurge in the number of Asian migrants arriving in Aotearoa/New Zealand, so that today people of Chinese, Indian, and similar origin constitute about 11% of the national total population. 
However, settlement support programmes and academic research relating to them have focused on superficial coping and adaptation issues. Integration of these migrants has been frequently discussed but without specific cultural references. Māori culture and the Treaty have never been an integral part of the research scope in the study of acculturation of such migrants in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Government. Politicians, and academics have consequently isolated migrants from indigenous issues, because indigenous people were regarded as irrelevant in this field. 
Nevertheless, some ethnic community groups and individuals have taken initiatives to learn about the Treaty in recent times. I interviewed 17 key informants and conducted six focus groups, with seven people on average participating in each session. Employing a free-association approach in these interviews enabled me to explore significant psychological changes after my informants had learned about the Treaty. 
As a result, many of the participants went through a process of redefining their identity in a new country, rather than just adjusting to or coping with a different environment. Essentially, learning about the Treaty facilitated psychological integration after migrating to New Zealand. 
The future implications of such findings, especially the significant effect of repositioning Māori culture and history in cross-cultural research in New Zealand, is also discussed in this thesis.

year: 2014