title: Ngā Pakanga mō Wāhi Tapu: Battles over sacred places

authors: Joseph, Robert

abstract: Wāhi tapu are the sacred places of Māori in Aotearoa New Zealand. All cultures have sacred sites such as cemeteries, significant battlefields, and places of spiritual significance. Standout examples internationally include the ‘Weeping Wall’ in the Holy Land, Stonehenge in Britain, Maraeātea in the Pacific, and Intihuatana at Macchu Picchu in Peru. But unlike these sites, wāhi tapu are rarely a visible structure but rather a site or area within the landscape with values so significant that restrictions are warranted. In law, wāhi tapu are defined as a ‘place of special significance according to tikanga Māori’
 and ‘a place sacred to Māori in the traditional, spiritual, religious, ritual, or mythological sense’.
As the aphorism above emphasises, Māori historically were willing to die for land (and for women of course!), and wāhi tapu are the most sacred of places. Many battles have been fought over actual or proposed transgressions of their sacredness. In earlier years, blood was shed and men did die; today battles tend to occur in the Environment Court, but are just as passionate. Recent decades have seen conflicts where wāhi tapu were threatened by new highways, railroads, airports, prisons, residential and commercial developments, wind farms, power stations and waste dumps.
In this chapter, I discuss a number of the battles that have been fought over the development or preservation of wāhi tapu from first European contact up until the present time. I highlight the growing legal recognition of tikanga Māori in relation to these sacred landscapes, and conclude with a proposed pragmatic solution for all New Zealanders when negotiating developments over wāhi tapu. Having a
background in law and tribal affiliations, I discuss these tensions from both legal and kaupapa Māori perspectives.

text: Ngā Pakanga mō Wāhi Tapu: Battles over sacred places Wāhi tapu are the sacred places of Māori in Aotearoa New Zealand. All cultures have sacred sites such as cemeteries, significant battlefields, and places of spiritual significance. Standout examples internationally include the ‘Weeping Wall’ in the Holy Land, Stonehenge in Britain, Maraeātea in the Pacific, and Intihuatana at Macchu Picchu in Peru. But unlike these sites, wāhi tapu are rarely a visible structure but rather a site or area within the landscape with values so significant that restrictions are warranted. In law, wāhi tapu are defined as a ‘place of special significance according to tikanga Māori’
 and ‘a place sacred to Māori in the traditional, spiritual, religious, ritual, or mythological sense’.
As the aphorism above emphasises, Māori historically were willing to die for land (and for women of course!), and wāhi tapu are the most sacred of places. Many battles have been fought over actual or proposed transgressions of their sacredness. In earlier years, blood was shed and men did die; today battles tend to occur in the Environment Court, but are just as passionate. Recent decades have seen conflicts where wāhi tapu were threatened by new highways, railroads, airports, prisons, residential and commercial developments, wind farms, power stations and waste dumps.
In this chapter, I discuss a number of the battles that have been fought over the development or preservation of wāhi tapu from first European contact up until the present time. I highlight the growing legal recognition of tikanga Māori in relation to these sacred landscapes, and conclude with a proposed pragmatic solution for all New Zealanders when negotiating developments over wāhi tapu. Having a
background in law and tribal affiliations, I discuss these tensions from both legal and kaupapa Māori perspectives.

year: 2011

title: Defining indigenous trade: A working paper incorporating Māori and indigenous perspectives

authors: McLellan, Georgia

abstract: This working paper is part of a New Zealand Government–funded research project titled ‘Tauhokohoko: Enabling mana motuhake through Indigenous trade’ (Tauhokohoko), which was developed by the University of Waikato and Te Rōpū Taumata Charitable Trust (Te Taumata). The paper was prepared by the Tauhokohoko Research Aim 1.3 team and sets out a working definition of ‘Indigenous trade’.

The Tauhokohoko Research Aim 1.3 team acknowledges that the term ‘Indigenous’ can be problematic, since it collectivises the experiences of all Indigenous peoples. The project acknowledges the diverse realities of Indigenous peoples and strives to use the term in an inclusive way. Despite the existence of fraught relations between Indigenous peoples and postcolonial trade practices, Indigenous peoples have always had their own trade practices and relations grounded in Indigenous ways of being, knowing and doing. Within contemporary economies, Indigenous peoples are increasingly turning to international trade to meet their economic, social and cultural aspirations.

The Tauhokohoko Research Aim 1.3 team believes that Indigenous trade, when practiced in the right way, can be used as a tool for enhancing Indigenous self-determination and collective wellbeing. This paper outlines a tentative definition of ‘Indigenous trade’ for research purposes and provides grounded examples of Indigenous trade that fit within that tentative definition. The Tauhokohoko project is concerned primarily with the involvement of Indigenous peoples in international trade as a financial activity; however, the tentative definition encompasses financial, non financial, tangible and non-tangible forms of exchange. The paper ends by outlining the key literature that informs the working definition of ‘Indigenous trade’, including perspectives on the origins of international trade and Indigenous trade, international business and entrepreneurship, and Indigenous economies.

text: Defining indigenous trade: A working paper incorporating Māori and indigenous perspectives This working paper is part of a New Zealand Government–funded research project titled ‘Tauhokohoko: Enabling mana motuhake through Indigenous trade’ (Tauhokohoko), which was developed by the University of Waikato and Te Rōpū Taumata Charitable Trust (Te Taumata). The paper was prepared by the Tauhokohoko Research Aim 1.3 team and sets out a working definition of ‘Indigenous trade’.

The Tauhokohoko Research Aim 1.3 team acknowledges that the term ‘Indigenous’ can be problematic, since it collectivises the experiences of all Indigenous peoples. The project acknowledges the diverse realities of Indigenous peoples and strives to use the term in an inclusive way. Despite the existence of fraught relations between Indigenous peoples and postcolonial trade practices, Indigenous peoples have always had their own trade practices and relations grounded in Indigenous ways of being, knowing and doing. Within contemporary economies, Indigenous peoples are increasingly turning to international trade to meet their economic, social and cultural aspirations.

The Tauhokohoko Research Aim 1.3 team believes that Indigenous trade, when practiced in the right way, can be used as a tool for enhancing Indigenous self-determination and collective wellbeing. This paper outlines a tentative definition of ‘Indigenous trade’ for research purposes and provides grounded examples of Indigenous trade that fit within that tentative definition. The Tauhokohoko project is concerned primarily with the involvement of Indigenous peoples in international trade as a financial activity; however, the tentative definition encompasses financial, non financial, tangible and non-tangible forms of exchange. The paper ends by outlining the key literature that informs the working definition of ‘Indigenous trade’, including perspectives on the origins of international trade and Indigenous trade, international business and entrepreneurship, and Indigenous economies.

year: 2025-12-10

title: Flow-induced morphological variations affect diffusion boundary-layer thickness of Macrocystis pyrifera (heterokontophyta, laminariales)

authors: Hurd, Catriona L.

subjects: blade morphology

abstract: In slow mainstream flows (<4–6 cm • s⁻¹), the transport of dissolved nutrients to seaweed blade surfaces is reduced due to the formation of thicker diffusion boundary layers (DBLs). The blade morphology of Macrocystis pyrifera (L.) C. Agardh varies with the hydrodynamic environment in which it grows; wave-exposed blades are narrow and thick with small surface corrugations (1 mm tall), whereas wave-sheltered blades are wider and thinner with large (2–5 cm) edge undulations. Within the surface corrugations of wave-exposed blades, the DBL thickness, measured using an O₂ micro-optode, ranged from 0.67 to 0.80 mm and did not vary with mainstream velocities between 0.8 and 4.5 cm • s⁻¹. At the corrugation apex, DBL thickness decreased with increasing seawater velocity, from 0.4 mm at 0.8 cm • s⁻¹ to being undetectable at 4.5 cm • s⁻¹. Results show how the wave-exposed blades trap fluid within the corrugations at their surface. For wave-sheltered blades at 0.8 cm • s⁻¹, a DBL thickness of 0.73 ± 0.31 mm within the edge undulation was 10-fold greater than at the undulation apex, while at 2.1 cm • s⁻¹, DBL thicknesses were similar at <0.07 mm. Relative turbulence intensity was measured using an acoustic Doppler velocimeter (ADV), and overall, there was little evidence to support our hypothesis that the edge undulations of wave-sheltered blades increased turbulence intensity compared to wave-exposed blades. We discuss the positive and negative effects of thick DBLs at seaweed surfaces.

text: Flow-induced morphological variations affect diffusion boundary-layer thickness of Macrocystis pyrifera (heterokontophyta, laminariales) In slow mainstream flows (<4–6 cm • s⁻¹), the transport of dissolved nutrients to seaweed blade surfaces is reduced due to the formation of thicker diffusion boundary layers (DBLs). The blade morphology of Macrocystis pyrifera (L.) C. Agardh varies with the hydrodynamic environment in which it grows; wave-exposed blades are narrow and thick with small surface corrugations (1 mm tall), whereas wave-sheltered blades are wider and thinner with large (2–5 cm) edge undulations. Within the surface corrugations of wave-exposed blades, the DBL thickness, measured using an O₂ micro-optode, ranged from 0.67 to 0.80 mm and did not vary with mainstream velocities between 0.8 and 4.5 cm • s⁻¹. At the corrugation apex, DBL thickness decreased with increasing seawater velocity, from 0.4 mm at 0.8 cm • s⁻¹ to being undetectable at 4.5 cm • s⁻¹. Results show how the wave-exposed blades trap fluid within the corrugations at their surface. For wave-sheltered blades at 0.8 cm • s⁻¹, a DBL thickness of 0.73 ± 0.31 mm within the edge undulation was 10-fold greater than at the undulation apex, while at 2.1 cm • s⁻¹, DBL thicknesses were similar at <0.07 mm. Relative turbulence intensity was measured using an acoustic Doppler velocimeter (ADV), and overall, there was little evidence to support our hypothesis that the edge undulations of wave-sheltered blades increased turbulence intensity compared to wave-exposed blades. We discuss the positive and negative effects of thick DBLs at seaweed surfaces.

year: 2011