title: Serendipity, shot-gun, strategic: Does it make a difference?

authors: Glover, Marewa

subjects: Maori

abstract: Kaupapa Māori research methodology
demands practical outcomes of tangible
benefit to Māori. This paper reflects on the
steps taken to ensure benefit resulted from
my PhD research on the
cessation of Māori smoking behaviour, and I ask where is that
benefit now?
Ensuring benefit starts before the
project begins when the idea is conceived.
Thus, I first reflect back to the birth of the
idea. Then the consultation undertaken,
and the conduct of the research, is reviewed
with a utilisation focus. The personal costs
undertaking research are then considered
the sections looking at contribution and
career. Finally, the question from the title
this paper is posed. Examples of the
barriers to strategic action, such as,
competition and the difficulty of achieving
consensus are presented. Finally, the
consequences of the research are outlined.

text: Serendipity, shot-gun, strategic: Does it make a difference? Kaupapa Māori research methodology
demands practical outcomes of tangible
benefit to Māori. This paper reflects on the
steps taken to ensure benefit resulted from
my PhD research on the
cessation of Māori smoking behaviour, and I ask where is that
benefit now?
Ensuring benefit starts before the
project begins when the idea is conceived.
Thus, I first reflect back to the birth of the
idea. Then the consultation undertaken,
and the conduct of the research, is reviewed
with a utilisation focus. The personal costs
undertaking research are then considered
the sections looking at contribution and
career. Finally, the question from the title
this paper is posed. Examples of the
barriers to strategic action, such as,
competition and the difficulty of achieving
consensus are presented. Finally, the
consequences of the research are outlined.

year: 2003

title: Māori cultural definitions of sexual violence.

authors: Pihama, Leonie

abstract: Exploring definitions of sexual violence in Aotearoa highlights that on the whole such definitions are located within dominant Pākehā frameworks that do not provide adequately for understanding the context of sexual violence for Māori. As such Māori working in the area of healing the trauma of sexual violence have been developing frameworks which are enabling of culturally defined understandings and traditional knowledge as a basis by which to understand sexual violence in Aotearoa. Informed by te reo and tikanga Māori (Māori language and culture) Māori healers, social workers and health providers have moved beyond western definitions and have highlighted the link between acts of sexual violence and the violence of colonial invasion. This article explores Māori perspectives of the origins and impacts of sexual violence for Māori and advocates for Kaupapa Māori and decolonising approaches to be more fully supported and engaged in dealing with these issues within our communities.

text: Māori cultural definitions of sexual violence. Exploring definitions of sexual violence in Aotearoa highlights that on the whole such definitions are located within dominant Pākehā frameworks that do not provide adequately for understanding the context of sexual violence for Māori. As such Māori working in the area of healing the trauma of sexual violence have been developing frameworks which are enabling of culturally defined understandings and traditional knowledge as a basis by which to understand sexual violence in Aotearoa. Informed by te reo and tikanga Māori (Māori language and culture) Māori healers, social workers and health providers have moved beyond western definitions and have highlighted the link between acts of sexual violence and the violence of colonial invasion. This article explores Māori perspectives of the origins and impacts of sexual violence for Māori and advocates for Kaupapa Māori and decolonising approaches to be more fully supported and engaged in dealing with these issues within our communities.

year: 2016

title: The Maintenance of Group Identity Through Social Networks in the Bay of Plenty Dutch Community

authors: Webster, Kaye Louise

subjects: Dutch

abstract: Abel Tasman, a Dutchman, was the first person to put New Zealand on European maps over three hundred years ago (in 1642) and today there are over twenty-eight thousand people living in New Zealand who identify themselves as Dutch and twenty-seven thousand people speaking the Dutch language.

Previous research has explored various aspects of Dutch migration, including migrant experiences, culture and language yet only de Bres (2004) compares the experiences of Dutch immigrants across time periods of their arrival. Cultural retention and maintenance has mainly been assessed via the use of the Dutch language rather than through other methods, such as Dutch customs and social networks. The main reason for this research is to compare the experiences and cultural identity of the three 'waves' of Dutch migrants, which has not been undertaken before.

This study interviewed six Dutch settler families living in the Bay of Plenty, from three time-periods (1950s; 1960s to 1980s; and 1990s to today) and across generations in order to compare their experiences and assess if and how they maintain their Dutch identity through their use of customs and social networks. Open-ended questionnaires and interview schedules were used to interview the sixteen participants. Content analysis was undertaken for the majority of the questionnaire and interview schedules. For the remaining questions that focused on social networks, the structural aspects of the social support for participants were measured in terms of the social network characteristics, size, density and multiplexity.

The study found an overall retention of Dutch identity across all time-periods for generation one (generation one refers to the migrating parents) with all families using the Dutch language within their own homes, yet only one family maintaining their Dutch identity through social networks and only one family maintaining their Dutch identity through the use of customs.

The second and third generation participants have little to no interest or involvement in the Dutch culture or community. One second generation participant considered herself Dutch-Kiwi, with the remaining second generation participants considering themselves New Zealanders. Only one person from the third generation participated and she identified herself as a Dutch-Kiwi. Overall, this study supports the perception of the 'invisible Dutch' however due to the small sample size it is impossible to make conclusive statements concerning the Bay of Plenty Dutch community.

There is a limited amount of research comparing the experiences of Dutch migrants and how their cultural identity is maintained through their social networks; therefore further research is required to fill this gap.

text: The Maintenance of Group Identity Through Social Networks in the Bay of Plenty Dutch Community Abel Tasman, a Dutchman, was the first person to put New Zealand on European maps over three hundred years ago (in 1642) and today there are over twenty-eight thousand people living in New Zealand who identify themselves as Dutch and twenty-seven thousand people speaking the Dutch language.

Previous research has explored various aspects of Dutch migration, including migrant experiences, culture and language yet only de Bres (2004) compares the experiences of Dutch immigrants across time periods of their arrival. Cultural retention and maintenance has mainly been assessed via the use of the Dutch language rather than through other methods, such as Dutch customs and social networks. The main reason for this research is to compare the experiences and cultural identity of the three 'waves' of Dutch migrants, which has not been undertaken before.

This study interviewed six Dutch settler families living in the Bay of Plenty, from three time-periods (1950s; 1960s to 1980s; and 1990s to today) and across generations in order to compare their experiences and assess if and how they maintain their Dutch identity through their use of customs and social networks. Open-ended questionnaires and interview schedules were used to interview the sixteen participants. Content analysis was undertaken for the majority of the questionnaire and interview schedules. For the remaining questions that focused on social networks, the structural aspects of the social support for participants were measured in terms of the social network characteristics, size, density and multiplexity.

The study found an overall retention of Dutch identity across all time-periods for generation one (generation one refers to the migrating parents) with all families using the Dutch language within their own homes, yet only one family maintaining their Dutch identity through social networks and only one family maintaining their Dutch identity through the use of customs.

The second and third generation participants have little to no interest or involvement in the Dutch culture or community. One second generation participant considered herself Dutch-Kiwi, with the remaining second generation participants considering themselves New Zealanders. Only one person from the third generation participated and she identified herself as a Dutch-Kiwi. Overall, this study supports the perception of the 'invisible Dutch' however due to the small sample size it is impossible to make conclusive statements concerning the Bay of Plenty Dutch community.

There is a limited amount of research comparing the experiences of Dutch migrants and how their cultural identity is maintained through their social networks; therefore further research is required to fill this gap.

year: 2007