title: Synthesis and characterization of nickel(II) maltolate complexes containing ancillary bisphosphine ligands

authors: Alblawi, Jamal

subjects: nickel complexes

abstract: Cationic nickel(II) complexes containing chelating O,O'-donor maltolate or ethyl maltolate ligands in conjunction with bidentate bisphosphine ligands Ph₂P(CH₂)nPPh₂ were prepared by a one-pot reaction starting from nickel(II) acetate, bisphosphine, maltol (or ethyl maltol), and trimethylamine, and isolated as their tetraphenylborate salts. An X-ray structure determination of [Ni(maltolate)(Ph₂PCH₂CH₂PPh₂)]BPh₄ shows that the maltolate ligand binds asymmetrically to the (slightly distorted) square-planar nickel(II) center. The simplicity of the synthetic method was extended to the synthesis of the known platinum(II) maltolate complex [Pt(maltolate)(PPh₃)₂]BPh₄ which was obtained in high purity.

text: Synthesis and characterization of nickel(II) maltolate complexes containing ancillary bisphosphine ligands Cationic nickel(II) complexes containing chelating O,O'-donor maltolate or ethyl maltolate ligands in conjunction with bidentate bisphosphine ligands Ph₂P(CH₂)nPPh₂ were prepared by a one-pot reaction starting from nickel(II) acetate, bisphosphine, maltol (or ethyl maltol), and trimethylamine, and isolated as their tetraphenylborate salts. An X-ray structure determination of [Ni(maltolate)(Ph₂PCH₂CH₂PPh₂)]BPh₄ shows that the maltolate ligand binds asymmetrically to the (slightly distorted) square-planar nickel(II) center. The simplicity of the synthetic method was extended to the synthesis of the known platinum(II) maltolate complex [Pt(maltolate)(PPh₃)₂]BPh₄ which was obtained in high purity.

year: 2011

title: Income Inequality, Voter Turnout and Employment in 2005 – 2014 Elections in New Zealand

authors: Muggeridge, Charlotte

subjects: Political science

abstract: As Robert Dahl put it in 1971, ―a key characteristic of a democracy is the continued responsiveness of the government to the preferences of its citizens, considered as political equals‖. Democracy is thought to break down when equality diminishes. This paper explores the causal relation between an independent variable, income inequality, and a potential dependent variable, voter turnout (as a measure of democratic participation), at the local level in 13 electoral districts in New Zealand over 4 national elections.
For Bühlmann, the three fundamental principles of democracy are equality, freedom and control. Equality usually ranks at the top of most democratic criteria. New Zealand, once regarded as one of the most egalitarian societies in the world, was ranked 23rd out of 34 countries on the OECD measure of income inequality in 2012, and has continued to drop since then, with ―New Zealand [having] the largest increase in income inequality of all the OECD countries since the mid 1980‘s…‖. Of the top 20% of income earners, 86% voted in the New Zealand national elections, compared to the bottom 20% of income earners, where only 75% voted. Goodin and Dryzek argue that the more that economic power is concentrated within the elite, the more the bottom income earners will withdraw from electoral voting.
Participation in politics, in this interpretation, tends to be driven by relative income. Income inequality, in this view, hinders democracy by blocking full participation in society and limiting a sense of belonging. This study has tested these presumptions with a cursory longitudinal analysis of 13 comparative and contrasting local electoral districts in New Zealand, once the most egalitarian and, arguably, most democratic country in the world.
The research shows that household income inequality has an inverse effect on voter turnout, taken as a whole. With the voting that has occurred, there is a clear preference for right-of-centre parties. Regardless of economic standing, citizens are apparently continuing to vote against their immediate interests. The results also suggest that while employment rates are currently high in New Zealand, voter turnout is decreasing and voters perhaps have previously blamed the government for their lack of employment even when they have seemingly lost the bases of their grievances.

text: Income Inequality, Voter Turnout and Employment in 2005 – 2014 Elections in New Zealand As Robert Dahl put it in 1971, ―a key characteristic of a democracy is the continued responsiveness of the government to the preferences of its citizens, considered as political equals‖. Democracy is thought to break down when equality diminishes. This paper explores the causal relation between an independent variable, income inequality, and a potential dependent variable, voter turnout (as a measure of democratic participation), at the local level in 13 electoral districts in New Zealand over 4 national elections.
For Bühlmann, the three fundamental principles of democracy are equality, freedom and control. Equality usually ranks at the top of most democratic criteria. New Zealand, once regarded as one of the most egalitarian societies in the world, was ranked 23rd out of 34 countries on the OECD measure of income inequality in 2012, and has continued to drop since then, with ―New Zealand [having] the largest increase in income inequality of all the OECD countries since the mid 1980‘s…‖. Of the top 20% of income earners, 86% voted in the New Zealand national elections, compared to the bottom 20% of income earners, where only 75% voted. Goodin and Dryzek argue that the more that economic power is concentrated within the elite, the more the bottom income earners will withdraw from electoral voting.
Participation in politics, in this interpretation, tends to be driven by relative income. Income inequality, in this view, hinders democracy by blocking full participation in society and limiting a sense of belonging. This study has tested these presumptions with a cursory longitudinal analysis of 13 comparative and contrasting local electoral districts in New Zealand, once the most egalitarian and, arguably, most democratic country in the world.
The research shows that household income inequality has an inverse effect on voter turnout, taken as a whole. With the voting that has occurred, there is a clear preference for right-of-centre parties. Regardless of economic standing, citizens are apparently continuing to vote against their immediate interests. The results also suggest that while employment rates are currently high in New Zealand, voter turnout is decreasing and voters perhaps have previously blamed the government for their lack of employment even when they have seemingly lost the bases of their grievances.

year: 2017

title: Family structure and change in early childhood and the wellbeing of tamariki Maori

authors: Kukutai, Tahu

subjects: family structure

abstract: Internationally there is growing evidence that family structure, and changes in structure, have an impact on children’s health and wellbeing and the intergenerational transmission of inequity. The effects, however, vary by socio-economic context and ethnicity. Using longitudinal data from Growing Up in New Zealand (n = 1349), we examine family structure and change for tamariki Māori during early childhood, and the potential impacts on their development and wellbeing. We find that a stable two-parent family is the primary experience for tamariki Māori, and sole parenthood is transitory. Diverse family trajectories appear to be linked to poorer cognitive and socio-emotional outcomes but are not the main driver. More important are maternal factors, notably age and education, and material hardship. Importantly, higher levels of cultural connectedness among tamariki Māori, which are associated with diverse family forms, seem to promote socio-emotional development. Our study provides further incentive for policy and programmes that centre equity and support access to the determinants of health for tamariki Māori.

text: Family structure and change in early childhood and the wellbeing of tamariki Maori Internationally there is growing evidence that family structure, and changes in structure, have an impact on children’s health and wellbeing and the intergenerational transmission of inequity. The effects, however, vary by socio-economic context and ethnicity. Using longitudinal data from Growing Up in New Zealand (n = 1349), we examine family structure and change for tamariki Māori during early childhood, and the potential impacts on their development and wellbeing. We find that a stable two-parent family is the primary experience for tamariki Māori, and sole parenthood is transitory. Diverse family trajectories appear to be linked to poorer cognitive and socio-emotional outcomes but are not the main driver. More important are maternal factors, notably age and education, and material hardship. Importantly, higher levels of cultural connectedness among tamariki Māori, which are associated with diverse family forms, seem to promote socio-emotional development. Our study provides further incentive for policy and programmes that centre equity and support access to the determinants of health for tamariki Māori.

year: 2020