title: "The Land Belongs To Those Who Work It": A Critical Evaluation of Land Redistribution Policy in South Africa, 1994-2012

authors: Mackenzie, Graeme Richard

subjects: South Africa

abstract: Land ownership in post-apartheid South Africa carries a powerful symbolic charge for both black and white citizens. Under apartheid, state legislation denied black South Africans access to landownership rights, and confined them to 13 per cent of the available agricultural land. The election of the ANC government in 1994 marked the formal end of this process. Policies to provide access to land ownership to black South Africans were developed, raising widespread expectations for radical agrarian reform. The land reform policies of successive post-apartheid governments have, however, been unsuccessful in achieving any significant change to the overall proportions of land owned by black and white farmers, and the small amounts of land that have been transferred have failed to improve the lives of beneficiaries. In fact, the land ownership regime created under apartheid continues unchallenged in the post-apartheid era. This thesis seeks to investigate why successive democratically-elected governments with a mandate for reform have done so little to redress the entrenched inequality in land ownership. 

Informed by an anti-foundationalist ontology and an interpretive epistemology, this study focuses on processes of institutionalisation as they relate to both patterns of land ownership and the wider institutions of government inherited from the apartheid era that have continued to frame the policy process in South Africa. More specifically, the study adopts a ‘constructivist institutionalist’ approach to capture the way these institutions have been driven by a dominant discourse informed by apartheid-era values. It undertakes a multi-level institutional analysis, seeking to clarify the ideas underpinning the institutions and the discourses influencing the actors at the constitutional, national policy and provincial levels. 

The research involved examining key constitutional and policy documents and analysing interviews with key policy actors in the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces.  The analysis identifies the international discourses on development and land reform that constructed what South African policymakers understood as ‘possible’ and ‘impossible’ after 1994, and it traces how these discourses went on to inform the development of the property clause in the post-apartheid Constitution. The analysis also reveals how the shifting assumptions, silences and focuses of policymakers implicitly constructed the beneficiaries of such policies – the black landless – as incapable and undeserving. Finally, this study reveals a tacit agreement among the majority of the most powerful stakeholders that land redistribution policy cannot be allowed to fundamentally disturb the agrarian system created by apartheid policies. 

The research extends understanding of the South African land reform programme by identifying the discourses that inform contemporary policy and practice, with specific focus on the Settlement/Land Acquisition Grant (SLAG) policy, the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD) policy, and the recently adopted Proactive Land Acquisition Strategy (PLAS). There has been little scholarly analysis of PLAS, which seeks to provide leasehold access to approved beneficiaries who have the potential to purchase land at some point in the future. This research deepens scholarly understanding of PLAS, and the way the dominant land reform discourses continue to support the position of white large-scale commercial farmers and the emerging black bourgeoisie, at the expense of the interests and aspirations of the rural landless. It demonstrates why land reform has thus far failed to make meaningful changes to the agrarian system created by apartheid policies, and therefore failed to improve the lives of the rural landless.

text: "The Land Belongs To Those Who Work It": A Critical Evaluation of Land Redistribution Policy in South Africa, 1994-2012 Land ownership in post-apartheid South Africa carries a powerful symbolic charge for both black and white citizens. Under apartheid, state legislation denied black South Africans access to landownership rights, and confined them to 13 per cent of the available agricultural land. The election of the ANC government in 1994 marked the formal end of this process. Policies to provide access to land ownership to black South Africans were developed, raising widespread expectations for radical agrarian reform. The land reform policies of successive post-apartheid governments have, however, been unsuccessful in achieving any significant change to the overall proportions of land owned by black and white farmers, and the small amounts of land that have been transferred have failed to improve the lives of beneficiaries. In fact, the land ownership regime created under apartheid continues unchallenged in the post-apartheid era. This thesis seeks to investigate why successive democratically-elected governments with a mandate for reform have done so little to redress the entrenched inequality in land ownership. 

Informed by an anti-foundationalist ontology and an interpretive epistemology, this study focuses on processes of institutionalisation as they relate to both patterns of land ownership and the wider institutions of government inherited from the apartheid era that have continued to frame the policy process in South Africa. More specifically, the study adopts a ‘constructivist institutionalist’ approach to capture the way these institutions have been driven by a dominant discourse informed by apartheid-era values. It undertakes a multi-level institutional analysis, seeking to clarify the ideas underpinning the institutions and the discourses influencing the actors at the constitutional, national policy and provincial levels. 

The research involved examining key constitutional and policy documents and analysing interviews with key policy actors in the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces.  The analysis identifies the international discourses on development and land reform that constructed what South African policymakers understood as ‘possible’ and ‘impossible’ after 1994, and it traces how these discourses went on to inform the development of the property clause in the post-apartheid Constitution. The analysis also reveals how the shifting assumptions, silences and focuses of policymakers implicitly constructed the beneficiaries of such policies – the black landless – as incapable and undeserving. Finally, this study reveals a tacit agreement among the majority of the most powerful stakeholders that land redistribution policy cannot be allowed to fundamentally disturb the agrarian system created by apartheid policies. 

The research extends understanding of the South African land reform programme by identifying the discourses that inform contemporary policy and practice, with specific focus on the Settlement/Land Acquisition Grant (SLAG) policy, the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD) policy, and the recently adopted Proactive Land Acquisition Strategy (PLAS). There has been little scholarly analysis of PLAS, which seeks to provide leasehold access to approved beneficiaries who have the potential to purchase land at some point in the future. This research deepens scholarly understanding of PLAS, and the way the dominant land reform discourses continue to support the position of white large-scale commercial farmers and the emerging black bourgeoisie, at the expense of the interests and aspirations of the rural landless. It demonstrates why land reform has thus far failed to make meaningful changes to the agrarian system created by apartheid policies, and therefore failed to improve the lives of the rural landless.

year: 2015

title: Implicit and explicit attitudes and beliefs towards male and female leaders in New Zealand organizations

authors: Roopra, Tara Kaur

subjects: Leadership

abstract: This research aims to present insight into current gender leader beliefs, in New Zealand. In particular the research design supported the inclusion of both implicit and explicit measures of gender leader beliefs, in order to analyse the difference between what we say (explicit) and what we believe (implicit). The study quantified the implicit and explicit beliefs and attitudes towards leaders in New Zealand organizations based on leader gender, in addition to, examining the relationship between the responses to these measures. Furthermore, this study sought to understand how current women leaders influence employee’s implicit gender leader beliefs. That is, it assessed whether organizational factors, such as, direct report’s gender and organizational leadership profile, have the potential to influence implicit gender leader beliefs. To achieve this the study utilised an online version of the Gender Leader Implicit Association Test (GL-IAT) and a series of questionnaires.
 
	Participants were recruited from organizations across New Zealand via an online survey sent to a number of organizations including both private and public organizations (e.g., AUT, Bell Gully, Russell McVeagh, Free FM, Bay of Plenty DHB, Hawkes Bay DHB, TompkinsWake, the University of Waikato). 552 valid participants responded (male = 26.4%, female = 73.6%), with the majority working full time (42.2%). Both implicit and explicit measures were subject to SSPS analysis etc.

	A variation of Implicit Association Test (IAT), the GL-IAT, which measures people’s unconscious beliefs towards males and females as leaders (Dasgupta & Asgari, 2004) was used to assess implicit gender leader beliefs. The IAT records response times pairing target categories (e.g., “Josh” and “Emily”) with attribute labels (e.g., “Leader” and “Supporter”). Faster responses indicate the target category and attribute label are highly implicitly associated, whereas slower responses indicate the target category and attribute label are less implicitly associated (Greenwald, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003). Three surveys that explicitly measure gender equality beliefs and attitudes, the Gender Equality Scale (GEAS) (Houkamau & Boxall, 2011), Women as Managers Scale (WAMS) (Peters, Terborg, & Taynor, 1974), and the Gender Leader Index  (GLI) (Rudman & Kilianski, 2000), were used to measure explicit beliefs and attitudes regarding men and women as leaders. 

	The research demonstrated that, despite self-reporting explicitly positive attitudes towards leaders, our implicitly held stereotypes associate men with leaders, more so than women, and women with supporters, more so than men. Surprisingly, female direct reports or saturation of female senior leaders were not found to influence follower’s implicit gender bias, it is likely that the more that females are accepted into leadership roles, the easier it will become for women pursuing and performing leadership roles. The results of this study emphasise, to practitioners, Human Resource (HR) managers and researchers, that the scarcity of women within leadership may be, at least in part, due to implicitly held stereotypes, that disassociate women from leaders, and therefore implicit gender bias needs to be recognised within New Zealand organizations as a real barrier to women’s progression. Efforts to reduce the impact of implicit bias should be undertaken.

text: Implicit and explicit attitudes and beliefs towards male and female leaders in New Zealand organizations This research aims to present insight into current gender leader beliefs, in New Zealand. In particular the research design supported the inclusion of both implicit and explicit measures of gender leader beliefs, in order to analyse the difference between what we say (explicit) and what we believe (implicit). The study quantified the implicit and explicit beliefs and attitudes towards leaders in New Zealand organizations based on leader gender, in addition to, examining the relationship between the responses to these measures. Furthermore, this study sought to understand how current women leaders influence employee’s implicit gender leader beliefs. That is, it assessed whether organizational factors, such as, direct report’s gender and organizational leadership profile, have the potential to influence implicit gender leader beliefs. To achieve this the study utilised an online version of the Gender Leader Implicit Association Test (GL-IAT) and a series of questionnaires.
 
	Participants were recruited from organizations across New Zealand via an online survey sent to a number of organizations including both private and public organizations (e.g., AUT, Bell Gully, Russell McVeagh, Free FM, Bay of Plenty DHB, Hawkes Bay DHB, TompkinsWake, the University of Waikato). 552 valid participants responded (male = 26.4%, female = 73.6%), with the majority working full time (42.2%). Both implicit and explicit measures were subject to SSPS analysis etc.

	A variation of Implicit Association Test (IAT), the GL-IAT, which measures people’s unconscious beliefs towards males and females as leaders (Dasgupta & Asgari, 2004) was used to assess implicit gender leader beliefs. The IAT records response times pairing target categories (e.g., “Josh” and “Emily”) with attribute labels (e.g., “Leader” and “Supporter”). Faster responses indicate the target category and attribute label are highly implicitly associated, whereas slower responses indicate the target category and attribute label are less implicitly associated (Greenwald, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003). Three surveys that explicitly measure gender equality beliefs and attitudes, the Gender Equality Scale (GEAS) (Houkamau & Boxall, 2011), Women as Managers Scale (WAMS) (Peters, Terborg, & Taynor, 1974), and the Gender Leader Index  (GLI) (Rudman & Kilianski, 2000), were used to measure explicit beliefs and attitudes regarding men and women as leaders. 

	The research demonstrated that, despite self-reporting explicitly positive attitudes towards leaders, our implicitly held stereotypes associate men with leaders, more so than women, and women with supporters, more so than men. Surprisingly, female direct reports or saturation of female senior leaders were not found to influence follower’s implicit gender bias, it is likely that the more that females are accepted into leadership roles, the easier it will become for women pursuing and performing leadership roles. The results of this study emphasise, to practitioners, Human Resource (HR) managers and researchers, that the scarcity of women within leadership may be, at least in part, due to implicitly held stereotypes, that disassociate women from leaders, and therefore implicit gender bias needs to be recognised within New Zealand organizations as a real barrier to women’s progression. Efforts to reduce the impact of implicit bias should be undertaken.

year: 2017

title: Decolonising Midwifery Education in Aotearoa: A Case Study Approach

authors: Cleaver,  Deanne Lesley

subjects: Decolonisation

abstract: The bicultural nature of Aotearoa (New Zealand) creates a strong foundation for the unique environment that supports the weaving of indigenous knowledge throughout midwifery education, and in turn creating a platform for decolonisation. Te Tiriti o Waitangi/ The Treaty of Waitangi serves to inform the direction that midwifery education and midwifery practice must take by underpinning these frameworks.
The revised midwifery curriculum and reaccreditation that supported the immersion of Indigenous knowledge throughout the midwifery degree at Wintec is currently in its fifth year. It was identified that there needed to be a more explicit focus of cultural safety and responsiveness, therefore in support of this Mātauranga Māori (Māori knowledge) was carefully embedded and linked to learning outcomes. This is in direct support of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and a move towards a Te Tiriti honouring programme. Topics that relate to tikanga Māori (customs), Te Ao Māori (Māori worldview) and Te Reo Māori (language) are respectfully taught, providing opportunities for understanding and growing competencies for midwifery tauira.  
Understanding colonisation in its global context alongside its role in the history of Aotearoa supported by Te Tiriti o Waitangi knowledge, is vital in the process of decolonisation. Tauira are encouraged to explore and reflect on these factors throughout their degree, supporting their growing cultural safety and awareness of relationships.  An anti-racism workshop in the final year of the degree adds another layer to the work of decolonisation and equips tauira with tools to be active in their allyship.
This personal and curricula journey empowers tauira to become culturally safe and responsive midwives, positively impacting the health of whānau Māori.
Through a case study approach the effectiveness of the interweaving of indigenous knowledge, Te Tiriti o Waitangi and Anti-Racism praxis will be explored, with the purpose of unpacking the learnings as a tool for social transformation within the process of decolonisation.
These changes promote the professional development of educators and the empowerment of tauira to uphold Indigenous rights, while providing care in partnership that is respectful. Decolonising Midwifery Education in Aotearoa: A Case Study approach’ will be explored and unpacked.

text: Decolonising Midwifery Education in Aotearoa: A Case Study Approach The bicultural nature of Aotearoa (New Zealand) creates a strong foundation for the unique environment that supports the weaving of indigenous knowledge throughout midwifery education, and in turn creating a platform for decolonisation. Te Tiriti o Waitangi/ The Treaty of Waitangi serves to inform the direction that midwifery education and midwifery practice must take by underpinning these frameworks.
The revised midwifery curriculum and reaccreditation that supported the immersion of Indigenous knowledge throughout the midwifery degree at Wintec is currently in its fifth year. It was identified that there needed to be a more explicit focus of cultural safety and responsiveness, therefore in support of this Mātauranga Māori (Māori knowledge) was carefully embedded and linked to learning outcomes. This is in direct support of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and a move towards a Te Tiriti honouring programme. Topics that relate to tikanga Māori (customs), Te Ao Māori (Māori worldview) and Te Reo Māori (language) are respectfully taught, providing opportunities for understanding and growing competencies for midwifery tauira.  
Understanding colonisation in its global context alongside its role in the history of Aotearoa supported by Te Tiriti o Waitangi knowledge, is vital in the process of decolonisation. Tauira are encouraged to explore and reflect on these factors throughout their degree, supporting their growing cultural safety and awareness of relationships.  An anti-racism workshop in the final year of the degree adds another layer to the work of decolonisation and equips tauira with tools to be active in their allyship.
This personal and curricula journey empowers tauira to become culturally safe and responsive midwives, positively impacting the health of whānau Māori.
Through a case study approach the effectiveness of the interweaving of indigenous knowledge, Te Tiriti o Waitangi and Anti-Racism praxis will be explored, with the purpose of unpacking the learnings as a tool for social transformation within the process of decolonisation.
These changes promote the professional development of educators and the empowerment of tauira to uphold Indigenous rights, while providing care in partnership that is respectful. Decolonising Midwifery Education in Aotearoa: A Case Study approach’ will be explored and unpacked.

year: 2023