title: Waste-to-Energy: Solar pyrolysis of sludge, as a part of global solid waste issue, to produce oil. Initial trial to design a household solar pyrolysis device

authors: Hasan, Sohaib

subjects: Solid waste management

abstract: Daily, huge amounts of solid waste are produced around the world with 70% increase rate. Municipal solid waste (MSW) including sewage sludge is the main waste generated in cities and towns. Proper waste management approaches are urgently needed. Despite numerous social and technical approaches were presented, this paper aims to employ plenty of solar energy specifically in the Middle East into a waste-to energy solution. By using solar pyrolysis technology, this study aims to present a solar powered design to convert sludge into oil. This design can be easily upgraded to a household device as a household waste management approach. Like other thermochemical reactions, solar pyrolysis of sludge produces bio-oil which has a reasonable calorific value making this technology is useful as a fuel source. However, unlike others, solar pyrolysis has low operation cost and not dependent on fossil fuel. Although this device is designed only for sludge, it can be used also to convert all kinds of domestic wastes including waste oils, plastics, rubbers, and municipality solid waste (MSW) into energy and oil. This research illustrates a novel design for a dryer that produce “a slude flacks” by using solar energy. Factors such as feasibility, continuity, productivity, drying time, and quality of the yield were considered in this design. A rotational dryer with ɸ 1m and 1m length was modelled by Solidwork software application to dry wet sludge of 75% water content. Different types of solar concentrators were employed to maximize productivity and minimize cost and area. However, the average daily production of this dryer per 8 sunny working hours was around 51.87 litters of bio-oil, 31.78 Kg bio-char, and 58.785 Kg syngas. The best results were measured when the average mass flow into the reactor is 21 kg/hr. This study highlights solar pyrolysis efficiency in waste management. This research aims to develop a solar-powered system, using the sludge as fuel to generate energy. The experiments were done at Waikato University, NZ. As known, Waikato district is wet and cloudy most days in comparison to those countries on the Sunbelt such as Jordan. Interestingly, figures show that solar pyrolysis of sludge has high potential in Jordan and Middle East countries in term of plenty of solar energy and sunny days. However, although solar pyrolysis can be described as an affordable eco friendly technology that can be used directly by householders as a source of energy, its viability and feasibility in Middle East still need further study.

text: Waste-to-Energy: Solar pyrolysis of sludge, as a part of global solid waste issue, to produce oil. Initial trial to design a household solar pyrolysis device Daily, huge amounts of solid waste are produced around the world with 70% increase rate. Municipal solid waste (MSW) including sewage sludge is the main waste generated in cities and towns. Proper waste management approaches are urgently needed. Despite numerous social and technical approaches were presented, this paper aims to employ plenty of solar energy specifically in the Middle East into a waste-to energy solution. By using solar pyrolysis technology, this study aims to present a solar powered design to convert sludge into oil. This design can be easily upgraded to a household device as a household waste management approach. Like other thermochemical reactions, solar pyrolysis of sludge produces bio-oil which has a reasonable calorific value making this technology is useful as a fuel source. However, unlike others, solar pyrolysis has low operation cost and not dependent on fossil fuel. Although this device is designed only for sludge, it can be used also to convert all kinds of domestic wastes including waste oils, plastics, rubbers, and municipality solid waste (MSW) into energy and oil. This research illustrates a novel design for a dryer that produce “a slude flacks” by using solar energy. Factors such as feasibility, continuity, productivity, drying time, and quality of the yield were considered in this design. A rotational dryer with ɸ 1m and 1m length was modelled by Solidwork software application to dry wet sludge of 75% water content. Different types of solar concentrators were employed to maximize productivity and minimize cost and area. However, the average daily production of this dryer per 8 sunny working hours was around 51.87 litters of bio-oil, 31.78 Kg bio-char, and 58.785 Kg syngas. The best results were measured when the average mass flow into the reactor is 21 kg/hr. This study highlights solar pyrolysis efficiency in waste management. This research aims to develop a solar-powered system, using the sludge as fuel to generate energy. The experiments were done at Waikato University, NZ. As known, Waikato district is wet and cloudy most days in comparison to those countries on the Sunbelt such as Jordan. Interestingly, figures show that solar pyrolysis of sludge has high potential in Jordan and Middle East countries in term of plenty of solar energy and sunny days. However, although solar pyrolysis can be described as an affordable eco friendly technology that can be used directly by householders as a source of energy, its viability and feasibility in Middle East still need further study.

year: 2020

title: Information provision and restriction: The roles of the police, media and public in coverage of the Coral-Ellen Burrows murder inquiry

authors: Hardy, Ann

abstract: Six-year-old Coral-Ellen Burrows disappeared in September 2003 after her stepfather, Stephen Williams, had apparently dropped her off at school, though in fact he had murdered her. After extensive searches, her body was found 10 days later. Williams pleaded guilty to murder and was duly sentenced. The intensive cross-media coverage of the search for Coral-Ellen—of the kind that Innes (1999) commenting on media and police interactions in Britain calls ‘blitz coverage’, made this case the pre-eminent news story of 2003. However, the attenuated nature of the search also exposed some of the tensions inherent in the relationships between those parties interested in the case. We understand these to consist of six entities which have an existence that is both material and conceptual: these are the victim’s family, possible suspects, the local community, the police, the media, and the national public, in this case envisaged in a dual role as wider community and media-audience. All of these stand in relationship to the more abstract yet rigid institution of the law, whose dictates guide the behaviour of the police, and strongly infl uence that of the media. This paper reports on research carried out by analysis of New Zealand This paper reports on research carried out by analysis of New Zealand This paper reports on research carried out by analysis ofHerald, Wairarapa Times-Age and TV One coverage of the case, and by two interviews with journalists investigating the forces that shaped the media coverage.

text: Information provision and restriction: The roles of the police, media and public in coverage of the Coral-Ellen Burrows murder inquiry Six-year-old Coral-Ellen Burrows disappeared in September 2003 after her stepfather, Stephen Williams, had apparently dropped her off at school, though in fact he had murdered her. After extensive searches, her body was found 10 days later. Williams pleaded guilty to murder and was duly sentenced. The intensive cross-media coverage of the search for Coral-Ellen—of the kind that Innes (1999) commenting on media and police interactions in Britain calls ‘blitz coverage’, made this case the pre-eminent news story of 2003. However, the attenuated nature of the search also exposed some of the tensions inherent in the relationships between those parties interested in the case. We understand these to consist of six entities which have an existence that is both material and conceptual: these are the victim’s family, possible suspects, the local community, the police, the media, and the national public, in this case envisaged in a dual role as wider community and media-audience. All of these stand in relationship to the more abstract yet rigid institution of the law, whose dictates guide the behaviour of the police, and strongly infl uence that of the media. This paper reports on research carried out by analysis of New Zealand This paper reports on research carried out by analysis of New Zealand This paper reports on research carried out by analysis ofHerald, Wairarapa Times-Age and TV One coverage of the case, and by two interviews with journalists investigating the forces that shaped the media coverage.

year: 2007

title: Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened.
A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. 
In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge.
The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.

text: Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened.
A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. 
In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge.
The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.

year: 2016