title: The Waikato Region: Major tourism issues and opportunities to facilitate tourism development: Public summary

authors: Zahra, Anne Louise

subjects: tourism

abstract: A regional tourism project was commissioned by Katolyst, the Waikato Economic Development Agency, to assess the following: What is meant by regional tourism; the current views of industry stakeholders within the tourism and hospitality sectors; major issues, drivers, and obstacles facing tourism and pathways to address them, including industry capabilities and new opportunities for industry growth.

The purpose of this research was to record the voice of tourism operators and stakeholders at the grass roots, to identify the specific issues facing the Waikato.  Visitors do not focus on geographical or political boundaries, but rather are seeking an experience that transcends these boundaries.

The region is generally ignorant of the significant economic impacts of the tourism sector, and education and advocacy is urgently needed. Tourism should not be seen in isolation to other key economic generators for the region, and there is potential for cross sector regional initiatives between tourism and other major sectors within the Waikato that could lead to cross sector strategic growth.

The Waikato is a significant player in international visitor expenditure (7th out of 30 tourism regions), although the forecasted growth to 2012 for the Waikato is less than the national average.  Although the Australian visitor market is significant for Hamilton International Airport, it comprises just 2% of all Australian visitors to New Zealand.  Domestic visitors are the major driver of visitor expenditure in the region, with domestic visitor expenditure in the Waikato the third highest among the 30 tourism regions in New Zealand.  Events are a driver, yet there is a perception that there is a lack of coordination and regional linkages.

i-SITEs are inadequately funded and can rely on non-visitor revenue streams.  There is a need to improve tourism expertise and knowledge to facilitate product development, especially getting current and potential tourism product export ready and to understand the distribution channels for domestic and international marketing. Most operators in the region are small owner operated firms with a few medium sized firms.  A number are lacking tourism sector knowledge and business capabilities.

text: The Waikato Region: Major tourism issues and opportunities to facilitate tourism development: Public summary A regional tourism project was commissioned by Katolyst, the Waikato Economic Development Agency, to assess the following: What is meant by regional tourism; the current views of industry stakeholders within the tourism and hospitality sectors; major issues, drivers, and obstacles facing tourism and pathways to address them, including industry capabilities and new opportunities for industry growth.

The purpose of this research was to record the voice of tourism operators and stakeholders at the grass roots, to identify the specific issues facing the Waikato.  Visitors do not focus on geographical or political boundaries, but rather are seeking an experience that transcends these boundaries.

The region is generally ignorant of the significant economic impacts of the tourism sector, and education and advocacy is urgently needed. Tourism should not be seen in isolation to other key economic generators for the region, and there is potential for cross sector regional initiatives between tourism and other major sectors within the Waikato that could lead to cross sector strategic growth.

The Waikato is a significant player in international visitor expenditure (7th out of 30 tourism regions), although the forecasted growth to 2012 for the Waikato is less than the national average.  Although the Australian visitor market is significant for Hamilton International Airport, it comprises just 2% of all Australian visitors to New Zealand.  Domestic visitors are the major driver of visitor expenditure in the region, with domestic visitor expenditure in the Waikato the third highest among the 30 tourism regions in New Zealand.  Events are a driver, yet there is a perception that there is a lack of coordination and regional linkages.

i-SITEs are inadequately funded and can rely on non-visitor revenue streams.  There is a need to improve tourism expertise and knowledge to facilitate product development, especially getting current and potential tourism product export ready and to understand the distribution channels for domestic and international marketing. Most operators in the region are small owner operated firms with a few medium sized firms.  A number are lacking tourism sector knowledge and business capabilities.

year: 2007-11-19

title: Indo-Sri Lanka relations: Change and continuity in the context of China’s increased involvement in Sri Lanka

authors: Dickwella, Wettumbuli Kankanamge Ranjith

abstract: Against the backdrop of China’s continuous engagement with Sri Lanka from 2005 to 2019, Indo-Sri Lanka relations have exhibited constant fluctuations featuring drastic ups and downs. As a geo-strategically located small island state, Sri Lanka has juggled its relations with China and India, the two regional giants, in the face of mounting Sino-India strategic competition in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). This thesis poses twin questions related to the above phenomenon: How does China’s engagement with Sri Lanka affect the Indo-Sri Lanka relations, and how does Sri Lanka conduct its relations with India, the immediate neighbour and the most powerful regional actor, in the wake of China-India parallel involvement in Sri Lanka? To address these questions, the study first analyses the impact of China’s robust engagement with Sri Lanka on Indo-Sri Lanka relations. Secondly, it analyses Sri Lanka’s foreign policy toward China and India in the backdrop of their parallel involvement in Sri Lanka. In doing so, the study focuses on how Sri Lanka, as a small state in the IOR, serves as a critical site for strategic competition between the two regional powers.
The findings reveal that Indo-Sri Lanka relations fluctuated considerably from 2005 to 2019 amidst the growing involvement of China in Sri Lanka as the civil war with the Tamil Tigers came to an end, and in the face of post-war reconstruction imperatives coupled with war crime allegations by the west. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Sri Lanka’s participation in it meant an increased Chinese presence in Sri Lanka, leading India to react by making various policy choices in relation to ethnic conflict resolution and acting as a development partner of Sri Lanka. The choices India opted for had an adverse impact on Indo-Sri Lanka ties despite Sri Lanka’s efforts to achieve a balanced foreign policy strategy. In essence, an extensive Chinese presence brought on heavy pressure from India on Sri Lanka, which, in turn, caused Indo-Sri Lanka relations to fluctuate. The thesis makes two major contributions: First, it provides a nuanced insight into the literature on foreign policy strategy by capturing the largely unobserved foreign policy behaviour dynamics of small states, apart from the contribution to strategic rivalry literature. Secondly, hedging is a double-edged sword requiring judicious balancing of relations when dealing with two competing rivals in order to extract benefits out of their competition, it shows the foreign policy community of Sri Lanka how hedging should be employed more effectively in ways that make its cooperation balanced and valuable for both China and India while reducing the cost of compromising political autonomy of either country.
The study concludes that among the dynamics of Indo-Sri Lanka relations from 2005-2019, cycles of change and continuity figures prominent. While the Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) government favoured China over India for economic and political cooperation, the Maithreepala Sirisena (NUG) government shifted to preferring India over China in these areas. It is change and continuity in Indo-Sri Lanka relations which has been the predominant trend in the two states’ bilateral relationships from 2005 to 2019. The Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) regime (2005-2015), during its first tenure pursued a policy of active hedging between China and India whereas it deployed passive hedging between China and India during its second term. In contrast, the National Unity Government (NUG) (2015-2019) that followed the MR regime initially balanced India against China, but later it resorted to maintaining an equal distance from the two countries administration initially balanced India against China, but later it resorted to maintaining equidistance between the two.

text: Indo-Sri Lanka relations: Change and continuity in the context of China’s increased involvement in Sri Lanka Against the backdrop of China’s continuous engagement with Sri Lanka from 2005 to 2019, Indo-Sri Lanka relations have exhibited constant fluctuations featuring drastic ups and downs. As a geo-strategically located small island state, Sri Lanka has juggled its relations with China and India, the two regional giants, in the face of mounting Sino-India strategic competition in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). This thesis poses twin questions related to the above phenomenon: How does China’s engagement with Sri Lanka affect the Indo-Sri Lanka relations, and how does Sri Lanka conduct its relations with India, the immediate neighbour and the most powerful regional actor, in the wake of China-India parallel involvement in Sri Lanka? To address these questions, the study first analyses the impact of China’s robust engagement with Sri Lanka on Indo-Sri Lanka relations. Secondly, it analyses Sri Lanka’s foreign policy toward China and India in the backdrop of their parallel involvement in Sri Lanka. In doing so, the study focuses on how Sri Lanka, as a small state in the IOR, serves as a critical site for strategic competition between the two regional powers.
The findings reveal that Indo-Sri Lanka relations fluctuated considerably from 2005 to 2019 amidst the growing involvement of China in Sri Lanka as the civil war with the Tamil Tigers came to an end, and in the face of post-war reconstruction imperatives coupled with war crime allegations by the west. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Sri Lanka’s participation in it meant an increased Chinese presence in Sri Lanka, leading India to react by making various policy choices in relation to ethnic conflict resolution and acting as a development partner of Sri Lanka. The choices India opted for had an adverse impact on Indo-Sri Lanka ties despite Sri Lanka’s efforts to achieve a balanced foreign policy strategy. In essence, an extensive Chinese presence brought on heavy pressure from India on Sri Lanka, which, in turn, caused Indo-Sri Lanka relations to fluctuate. The thesis makes two major contributions: First, it provides a nuanced insight into the literature on foreign policy strategy by capturing the largely unobserved foreign policy behaviour dynamics of small states, apart from the contribution to strategic rivalry literature. Secondly, hedging is a double-edged sword requiring judicious balancing of relations when dealing with two competing rivals in order to extract benefits out of their competition, it shows the foreign policy community of Sri Lanka how hedging should be employed more effectively in ways that make its cooperation balanced and valuable for both China and India while reducing the cost of compromising political autonomy of either country.
The study concludes that among the dynamics of Indo-Sri Lanka relations from 2005-2019, cycles of change and continuity figures prominent. While the Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) government favoured China over India for economic and political cooperation, the Maithreepala Sirisena (NUG) government shifted to preferring India over China in these areas. It is change and continuity in Indo-Sri Lanka relations which has been the predominant trend in the two states’ bilateral relationships from 2005 to 2019. The Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) regime (2005-2015), during its first tenure pursued a policy of active hedging between China and India whereas it deployed passive hedging between China and India during its second term. In contrast, the National Unity Government (NUG) (2015-2019) that followed the MR regime initially balanced India against China, but later it resorted to maintaining an equal distance from the two countries administration initially balanced India against China, but later it resorted to maintaining equidistance between the two.

year: 2024

title: Pākehā Roots: Is claiming a Pākehā identity based on ethnic heritage or ethical choice?

authors: Green, Lynda

subjects: Authenticity

abstract: Development of a Pākehā identity has been an ongoing process since the first influx of people from the Northern Hemisphere set foot on the shores of Aotearoa. Originally the term Pākehā served as a generic term to distinguish early European colonisers from the Indigenous population who came to be known under the generic term of Māori. Both of these terms separated two groups of residents that have come to be known under the broader title of New Zealander. 

Chapter 2 begins with providing definitions from a range of sources describing some origins and definitions of the term Pākehā, discussion around the appropriateness of the term and how it can be used in our current timeframe to show empathy with Māori and their struggle for self-determination. A brief overview of human migration to the British Isles then the resulting migration to Aotearoa provides historical context to our pre-Pākehā heritage. Following this is a snapshot of some of our earliest Pākehā settlers which leads into the extent our governing bodies enlisted assisted immigrants to populate and provide infrastructure for this new colony of the British Empire. 

Chapter 3 delves into the angst-ridden territory of authentic existence championed through the existential philosophical movement. Tempered with a more compassionate approach from communitarian philosophy we are provided with a means to explore the many layers that build not only individual identity, but a collective identity also. Evidence is offered for the accommodation of the similarities, and more importantly differences we all experience in our wider relationships. Finally, focus is narrowed to specific issues attached to identifying as Pākehā in Aotearoa.

Underpinning this research are the nine semi-structured interviews which have provided tangible evidence of the complex elements accompanying the decision to self-identify as Pākehā (Chapter 4).  The very nature of identifying as Pākehā, as illustrated through the interview is not straightforward eliciting responses ranging from abundantly clear, to confusing and to contentious.  

The sheer diversity of responses generated an initial observance that, if this level of diversity in defining the term Pākehā is shown by nine people, how much more diversity would be operating throughout the general population. Here we can see how the basic premise of existential philosophy, that is, there is no essential nature to our existence, can be applied to attempting to seek a definition of being Pākehā that encapsulates all of the possible elements. What became abundantly apparent was the heartening feeling of most people striving for a sense of connectedness, on various levels, and a sense of belonging to this country we all call home.

text: Pākehā Roots: Is claiming a Pākehā identity based on ethnic heritage or ethical choice? Development of a Pākehā identity has been an ongoing process since the first influx of people from the Northern Hemisphere set foot on the shores of Aotearoa. Originally the term Pākehā served as a generic term to distinguish early European colonisers from the Indigenous population who came to be known under the generic term of Māori. Both of these terms separated two groups of residents that have come to be known under the broader title of New Zealander. 

Chapter 2 begins with providing definitions from a range of sources describing some origins and definitions of the term Pākehā, discussion around the appropriateness of the term and how it can be used in our current timeframe to show empathy with Māori and their struggle for self-determination. A brief overview of human migration to the British Isles then the resulting migration to Aotearoa provides historical context to our pre-Pākehā heritage. Following this is a snapshot of some of our earliest Pākehā settlers which leads into the extent our governing bodies enlisted assisted immigrants to populate and provide infrastructure for this new colony of the British Empire. 

Chapter 3 delves into the angst-ridden territory of authentic existence championed through the existential philosophical movement. Tempered with a more compassionate approach from communitarian philosophy we are provided with a means to explore the many layers that build not only individual identity, but a collective identity also. Evidence is offered for the accommodation of the similarities, and more importantly differences we all experience in our wider relationships. Finally, focus is narrowed to specific issues attached to identifying as Pākehā in Aotearoa.

Underpinning this research are the nine semi-structured interviews which have provided tangible evidence of the complex elements accompanying the decision to self-identify as Pākehā (Chapter 4).  The very nature of identifying as Pākehā, as illustrated through the interview is not straightforward eliciting responses ranging from abundantly clear, to confusing and to contentious.  

The sheer diversity of responses generated an initial observance that, if this level of diversity in defining the term Pākehā is shown by nine people, how much more diversity would be operating throughout the general population. Here we can see how the basic premise of existential philosophy, that is, there is no essential nature to our existence, can be applied to attempting to seek a definition of being Pākehā that encapsulates all of the possible elements. What became abundantly apparent was the heartening feeling of most people striving for a sense of connectedness, on various levels, and a sense of belonging to this country we all call home.

year: 2014