title: Water laws and the cultural values associated with rivers: Current frameworks and future directions.

authors: Campbell, Samuel

subjects: rivers

abstract: The world’s rivers are in ecological decline. They are the most threatened of all freshwater habitats, and threats to their ecological integrity are both increasing and compounding. Rivers are crucial for supporting biological diversity (being unusually biodiverse habitats) and are key to the function of the Earth system. Rivers are also critical for supporting people. They provide food, water for drinking and irrigation, and a significant proportion of the world’s energy. Additionally, people value rivers for their heritage, and the opportunities they provide for aesthetic appreciation and recreation. Rivers also form key components of cosmologies and spiritual practices, and indigenous ways of living and being. These ‘cultural’ values associated with rivers are the focus of this study.

Laws which govern the use and conservation of rivers are generally concerned with safeguarding the socio-economic benefits generated by their utilization. Heritage, aesthetic and recreation interests are recognized to a lesser extent. Each of these provides their own justifications for and approaches to the ecological conservation of rivers. However, the potential role of cultural values (spiritual and indigenous values) in improving ecological outcomes for rivers is underexplored. In this study, I examine the recognition of cultural values associated with rivers in water laws at the international, regional and domestic levels. I ask the question: would greater recognition and implementation of cultural values in water laws improve ecological outcomes for rivers?

I find that the cultural values associated with rivers are heterogeneous and highly context-specific. Their capacity to enhance ecological conservation of rivers is variable. However, some cultural values show real promise in their ability to improve ecological outcomes. I argue that these values should be recognized and implemented in water laws at the domestic, regional and international levels.

text: Water laws and the cultural values associated with rivers: Current frameworks and future directions. The world’s rivers are in ecological decline. They are the most threatened of all freshwater habitats, and threats to their ecological integrity are both increasing and compounding. Rivers are crucial for supporting biological diversity (being unusually biodiverse habitats) and are key to the function of the Earth system. Rivers are also critical for supporting people. They provide food, water for drinking and irrigation, and a significant proportion of the world’s energy. Additionally, people value rivers for their heritage, and the opportunities they provide for aesthetic appreciation and recreation. Rivers also form key components of cosmologies and spiritual practices, and indigenous ways of living and being. These ‘cultural’ values associated with rivers are the focus of this study.

Laws which govern the use and conservation of rivers are generally concerned with safeguarding the socio-economic benefits generated by their utilization. Heritage, aesthetic and recreation interests are recognized to a lesser extent. Each of these provides their own justifications for and approaches to the ecological conservation of rivers. However, the potential role of cultural values (spiritual and indigenous values) in improving ecological outcomes for rivers is underexplored. In this study, I examine the recognition of cultural values associated with rivers in water laws at the international, regional and domestic levels. I ask the question: would greater recognition and implementation of cultural values in water laws improve ecological outcomes for rivers?

I find that the cultural values associated with rivers are heterogeneous and highly context-specific. Their capacity to enhance ecological conservation of rivers is variable. However, some cultural values show real promise in their ability to improve ecological outcomes. I argue that these values should be recognized and implemented in water laws at the domestic, regional and international levels.

year: 2022

title: Joint impacts of immigration on wages and employment: review and meta-analysis

authors: Longhi, S.

subjects: international migration

abstract: A burgeoning literature has emerged during the last two decades to assess the economic impacts of immigration on host countries. In this paper, we outline the quantitative approaches presented in the literature to estimate the impact of immigration on the labour market, particularly at the regional level. We then revisit the joint impacts of immigration on wages and employment using a meta-analytic approach. As a novel contribution to previous meta-analyses on labour market impacts, we use a simultaneous equations approach to the meta-analysis of wage and employment effects. Using 129 effect sizes, we find that the observed local wage and employment effects are very small indeed. Generally, the employment impact is more pronounced in Europe than in the United States. Controls for endogeneity show a somewhat more negative impact. Wage rigidity increases the magnitude of the employment impact on the native born. The demarcation of the local labour market in terms of geography and skills matters also.

text: Joint impacts of immigration on wages and employment: review and meta-analysis A burgeoning literature has emerged during the last two decades to assess the economic impacts of immigration on host countries. In this paper, we outline the quantitative approaches presented in the literature to estimate the impact of immigration on the labour market, particularly at the regional level. We then revisit the joint impacts of immigration on wages and employment using a meta-analytic approach. As a novel contribution to previous meta-analyses on labour market impacts, we use a simultaneous equations approach to the meta-analysis of wage and employment effects. Using 129 effect sizes, we find that the observed local wage and employment effects are very small indeed. Generally, the employment impact is more pronounced in Europe than in the United States. Controls for endogeneity show a somewhat more negative impact. Wage rigidity increases the magnitude of the employment impact on the native born. The demarcation of the local labour market in terms of geography and skills matters also.

year: 2010

title: Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened.
A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. 
In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge.
The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.

text: Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened.
A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. 
In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge.
The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.

year: 2016