title: Nitrogen yields into the Tauranga Harbour based on sub-catchment land use

authors: Morcom, Christopher Paul

subjects: Nitrogen Yield

abstract: Changes in land use and management practices can have significant impacts on freshwater, estuarine and marine environments. In order to preserve the economic, cultural, recreational, and ecological value of these environments, it is important that the effects of land use change on water quality are well understood. This thesis examines the nitrogen yield into the Tauranga Harbour, on the east coast of the North Island of New Zealand. The Soil and Water Assessment Tool (SWAT) model was used to examine the nitrogen yield from the Wairoa River under the present land use, as well as two hypothetical scenarios consisting of either only indigenous forest or agriculture. The Wairoa River represents more than 50 percent of discharge into the harbour. In addition to the numerical modelling, recorded data from a number of catchments in the area were also analysed to examine the spatial distribution of nitrogen yield into the Tauranga harbour. Analysis of both the simulation output and recorded data shows an increase in nitrogen yield with increased agricultural area. The recorded data also shows a strong relationship between urban and industrial area and nitrogen concentration. Long term trends are difficult to determine using the recorded data due to the high variability in nitrogen yield that is shown in the SWAT model output. Model outputs from different land use scenarios show changes in the temporal cycle of nitrogen yield. Increased agricultural area caused nitrogen yields to increase during winter, and decrease during summer. Increasing the indigenous forest area had the opposite effect, reducing nitrogen yield over winter, and increasing yield over summer.

text: Nitrogen yields into the Tauranga Harbour based on sub-catchment land use Changes in land use and management practices can have significant impacts on freshwater, estuarine and marine environments. In order to preserve the economic, cultural, recreational, and ecological value of these environments, it is important that the effects of land use change on water quality are well understood. This thesis examines the nitrogen yield into the Tauranga Harbour, on the east coast of the North Island of New Zealand. The Soil and Water Assessment Tool (SWAT) model was used to examine the nitrogen yield from the Wairoa River under the present land use, as well as two hypothetical scenarios consisting of either only indigenous forest or agriculture. The Wairoa River represents more than 50 percent of discharge into the harbour. In addition to the numerical modelling, recorded data from a number of catchments in the area were also analysed to examine the spatial distribution of nitrogen yield into the Tauranga harbour. Analysis of both the simulation output and recorded data shows an increase in nitrogen yield with increased agricultural area. The recorded data also shows a strong relationship between urban and industrial area and nitrogen concentration. Long term trends are difficult to determine using the recorded data due to the high variability in nitrogen yield that is shown in the SWAT model output. Model outputs from different land use scenarios show changes in the temporal cycle of nitrogen yield. Increased agricultural area caused nitrogen yields to increase during winter, and decrease during summer. Increasing the indigenous forest area had the opposite effect, reducing nitrogen yield over winter, and increasing yield over summer.

year: 2013

title: The decentralisation of education in a developing country: the case of community high schools in Solomon Islands

authors: Sikua, David Derek

abstract: This study was undertaken to investigate the decentralisation of education through the establishment of Community High Schools (CHSs) in a developing country - Solomon Islands. The study examines, in particular, the local and global forces which have influenced the establishment of CHSs and the factors which may be facilitating or impeding their development at the level of implementation. 

A major interest of the study is to examine the extent to which the establishment of CHSs have reflected local concerns or international influences in the light of involvement by the World Bank and other international aid donors. Specific research questions were posed to investigate the efficacy of educational decentralisation through the establishment, development and operation of CHSs in Solomon Islands, and the role played by the people responsible at four levels namely; the central government, church and provincial education authorities, schools, and communities during the implementation process. The study participants at these four levels were asked to describe what they perceived as the goals or reasons for establishing CHSs, where they saw the forces or factors for establishing CHSs were coming from, and to identify any tensions which they may have created. Participants were also asked to comment on the consultation procedure used by concerned parties when establishing CHSs, their views on whether the CHSs have achieved their goals or aims and how have these been monitored or evaluated. The additional benefits to be gained from establishing CHSs were then elucidated from participants before inquiring about the financial and other inputs from local and international sources for establishing CHSs and the impact of the involvement and contributions from parents and communities. Research questions were also posed to determine how CHSs were being managed, the provision of relevant training for those responsible, any plans in place to establish more CHSs, and any moves to decentralise more control of CHSs to the school, and parents and community levels in future. Finally the study sought responses from study participants on the major forces or factors they perceive as impeding the establishment development and operation of CHSs. 

A qualitative-oriented methodology was used to collect the data in order to answer these questions. The techniques used include: interviews, questionnaire, content analysis and observation study. The major data gathering was carried out during two intensive rounds of fieldwork in Solomon Islands during January - March 2000 and November - December 2000. 

The study found that participants from the four levels strongly supported the original aims for establishing CHSs as determined by the Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development (MEHRD) and the World Bank. The study also revealed that these goals or aims formed part of the local forces or factors for establishing CHSs besides other factors regarding the demographical, geographical, socio-cultural, and political nature of the country. Participants also indicated the influence of external forces or factors for establishing CHSs, particularly those being exerted by the World Bank, sectoral studies commissioned by the MEHRD through bilateral donor funding and other publications, and similar decentralisation moves being undertaken in other countries. These external forces have been found to create some tensions between the World Bank and bilateral donors, and MEHRD officials, while the local factors have exacerbated on-going conflicts at the national and community levels. 

The study also revealed that there was insufficient consultation between all the concerned parties concerned in the process of establishing CHSs, resulting in the neglect of proper procedures and the seemingly unrestrained establishment of CHSs. Nonetheless, study participants felt that CHSs had achieved their goals. The study was unable to identify any proper mechanism in place to demonstrate how the MEHRD has or is going to effectively monitor or evaluate the aims it had set for CHSs to accomplish.

It was apparent from the data that respondents considered CHSs as having additional benefits beyond those expressed by the MEHRD and the World Bank. Seeing that CHSs are being located within the communities, there was strong support for them to include in their curriculum the teaching of the local language and cultures, and for local participation in the development of materials for such use. Respondents felt that these have not been emphasised well enough in boarding NSSs and PSSs because of their heterogeneous student intake. The use by the community of CHSs facilities for adult education and vocational training courses after school hours or during the holidays was also seen as an advantage. 

Apart from the five World Bank funded CHSs, the study found that funding for the other CHSs from external sources have been minimal whilst the payment of annual grants from the central government or church and provincial education authorities was either sporadic or non-existent. On the other hand, the data showed that the involvement and contributions from parents and communities has been the foundation of the CHS success story. It was also revealed that the overwhelming support displayed by parents and communities for school committees, principals and teachers in the establishment, and ongoing operation and management of their respective CHSs has instilled an overall sense of pride and ownership for the school. This led to the central, and church and provincial education authorities being content to leave an increasing share of management matters to the schools and their school committees. Nevertheless, the data pointed to the fact that relevant training had not been provided for school level managers and members of the school committees to prepare them for their new roles. Study participants suggested that such training must be developed and immediately embarked upon by the MEHRD in view of existing plans to establish more CHSs as well as the planned moves to decentralise more control to the lower levels. Furthermore, respondents saw financial, logistical, supervision, staffing, land, politics, management, and geography as some of the forces or factors as important in impeding the establishment and operation of CHSs. 

Based on the study objectives and findings identified from the data, recommendations were made on how to improve the management and operation of CHSs in order to make them more responsive to the demands and challenges facing the decentralised education system in Solomon Islands. Educational decentralisation, in its wake, has made heavy demands on the very limited financial and human resources, and services of the government. The study highlighted that a reformation of education is desperately needed and ownership by, and participation and partnership with the parents and local communities must be at the core of how well the government responds to the problem areas that exist within the education sector.

text: The decentralisation of education in a developing country: the case of community high schools in Solomon Islands This study was undertaken to investigate the decentralisation of education through the establishment of Community High Schools (CHSs) in a developing country - Solomon Islands. The study examines, in particular, the local and global forces which have influenced the establishment of CHSs and the factors which may be facilitating or impeding their development at the level of implementation. 

A major interest of the study is to examine the extent to which the establishment of CHSs have reflected local concerns or international influences in the light of involvement by the World Bank and other international aid donors. Specific research questions were posed to investigate the efficacy of educational decentralisation through the establishment, development and operation of CHSs in Solomon Islands, and the role played by the people responsible at four levels namely; the central government, church and provincial education authorities, schools, and communities during the implementation process. The study participants at these four levels were asked to describe what they perceived as the goals or reasons for establishing CHSs, where they saw the forces or factors for establishing CHSs were coming from, and to identify any tensions which they may have created. Participants were also asked to comment on the consultation procedure used by concerned parties when establishing CHSs, their views on whether the CHSs have achieved their goals or aims and how have these been monitored or evaluated. The additional benefits to be gained from establishing CHSs were then elucidated from participants before inquiring about the financial and other inputs from local and international sources for establishing CHSs and the impact of the involvement and contributions from parents and communities. Research questions were also posed to determine how CHSs were being managed, the provision of relevant training for those responsible, any plans in place to establish more CHSs, and any moves to decentralise more control of CHSs to the school, and parents and community levels in future. Finally the study sought responses from study participants on the major forces or factors they perceive as impeding the establishment development and operation of CHSs. 

A qualitative-oriented methodology was used to collect the data in order to answer these questions. The techniques used include: interviews, questionnaire, content analysis and observation study. The major data gathering was carried out during two intensive rounds of fieldwork in Solomon Islands during January - March 2000 and November - December 2000. 

The study found that participants from the four levels strongly supported the original aims for establishing CHSs as determined by the Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development (MEHRD) and the World Bank. The study also revealed that these goals or aims formed part of the local forces or factors for establishing CHSs besides other factors regarding the demographical, geographical, socio-cultural, and political nature of the country. Participants also indicated the influence of external forces or factors for establishing CHSs, particularly those being exerted by the World Bank, sectoral studies commissioned by the MEHRD through bilateral donor funding and other publications, and similar decentralisation moves being undertaken in other countries. These external forces have been found to create some tensions between the World Bank and bilateral donors, and MEHRD officials, while the local factors have exacerbated on-going conflicts at the national and community levels. 

The study also revealed that there was insufficient consultation between all the concerned parties concerned in the process of establishing CHSs, resulting in the neglect of proper procedures and the seemingly unrestrained establishment of CHSs. Nonetheless, study participants felt that CHSs had achieved their goals. The study was unable to identify any proper mechanism in place to demonstrate how the MEHRD has or is going to effectively monitor or evaluate the aims it had set for CHSs to accomplish.

It was apparent from the data that respondents considered CHSs as having additional benefits beyond those expressed by the MEHRD and the World Bank. Seeing that CHSs are being located within the communities, there was strong support for them to include in their curriculum the teaching of the local language and cultures, and for local participation in the development of materials for such use. Respondents felt that these have not been emphasised well enough in boarding NSSs and PSSs because of their heterogeneous student intake. The use by the community of CHSs facilities for adult education and vocational training courses after school hours or during the holidays was also seen as an advantage. 

Apart from the five World Bank funded CHSs, the study found that funding for the other CHSs from external sources have been minimal whilst the payment of annual grants from the central government or church and provincial education authorities was either sporadic or non-existent. On the other hand, the data showed that the involvement and contributions from parents and communities has been the foundation of the CHS success story. It was also revealed that the overwhelming support displayed by parents and communities for school committees, principals and teachers in the establishment, and ongoing operation and management of their respective CHSs has instilled an overall sense of pride and ownership for the school. This led to the central, and church and provincial education authorities being content to leave an increasing share of management matters to the schools and their school committees. Nevertheless, the data pointed to the fact that relevant training had not been provided for school level managers and members of the school committees to prepare them for their new roles. Study participants suggested that such training must be developed and immediately embarked upon by the MEHRD in view of existing plans to establish more CHSs as well as the planned moves to decentralise more control to the lower levels. Furthermore, respondents saw financial, logistical, supervision, staffing, land, politics, management, and geography as some of the forces or factors as important in impeding the establishment and operation of CHSs. 

Based on the study objectives and findings identified from the data, recommendations were made on how to improve the management and operation of CHSs in order to make them more responsive to the demands and challenges facing the decentralised education system in Solomon Islands. Educational decentralisation, in its wake, has made heavy demands on the very limited financial and human resources, and services of the government. The study highlighted that a reformation of education is desperately needed and ownership by, and participation and partnership with the parents and local communities must be at the core of how well the government responds to the problem areas that exist within the education sector.

year: 2002

title: Treaty People Recognising and Marking Pākehā Culture in Aotearoa New Zealand

authors: Black, Rosanne Marjory

subjects: Pakeha culture

abstract: The suggestion that all people are cultural and live in cultural worlds acts to challenge members of culturally dominant groups as they tend to see their way of life as normal rather than cultural. Dominant group members usually talk about themselves in relation to their national identity (New Zealander, Australian, or American) rather than name being part of a cultural group within their nation state. This study, located in Aotearoa New Zealand, explores with a particular group of New Zealanders, how Pākehā who are members of the dominant group, may come to recognise themselves as being cultural, to name themselves culturally, and to mark aspects of their culture. The contribution that recognising culture makes to a decolonisation agenda is also explored. This study of Pākehā culture is approached from both a realist and a social constructionist perspective. Culture, an abstract concept, is largely theorised as a constructed notion in a historically structured location. How culture is recognised, and the ways it is produced and enacted, through relationships and interactions in the broader structures of New Zealand society were explored using realist thematic methods of analysis. Treaty people are a network of mostly Pākehā activist educators who have engaged in promoting knowledge of and support for Māori claims for justice under Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi was the document signed by Settlers and Māori leaders in 1840 to establish settlement arrangements). Treaty people are practised in talking about cultural issues largely through their engagement with Māori - Pākehā relationships. The research focused on the situations and processes that stimulated a group of thirty four ‘Treaty people’ to start thinking about themselves as cultural; about what it meant to have a cultural identity; and what they recognised as markers of their culture. I have been a member of this Treaty People network for many years and carry the dual positioning of being the researcher, and a participant, both as a member of the group and as a Pākehā. Data was collected over an eighteen month period from two focus groups in 2003 and 2005. These sessions were video and audio-recorded and later transcribed. I meet with available participants in their own locations early in 2005 and audio-recorded the conversations. The transcriptions and notes form the data for this study. My findings from this study include: • Culture was often first recognised through encounters with different cultural groups and usually when a person is in a situation where they are in a minority. Although, dominant group members do not always see their own daily practices and values as cultural they often name as cultural the practices and values of people different from them. • Recognising and naming ourselves as cultural and marking our culture were difficult tasks that go against the grain of dominance. • Pākehā culture was recognised in a number of ways. Treaty people recognised that there were other forms of knowing about the world and that dominant group members valued being ‘right’ and in control of knowledge. Coming to recognise themselves as cultural unsettled a sense of certainty about their position in the world, and opened up possibilities for new ways to engage in intercultural relationships where participation rather than being in control was valued. • Accepting the name Pākehā implied having a position of responsibility to tangata whenua and to the land. In turn those who have accepted being Pākehā receive a sense of belonging to Aotearoa and a place to stand in justice alongside Māori and other people who are culturally different from them. • While this thesis does not make explicit links between ‘being cultural’ and a decolonisation agenda the Treaty People participants named strategies to support decolonisation and challenge Pākehā dominance which include: recognising practices and values that are perpetuated through colonisation, in particular egalitarianism, assimilation and superiority; recognising Māori as tangata whenua (first people of the land) and Te Tiriti o Waitangi relationships; taking up the challenge to seek justice through striving to deal with past wrongs and to engage in equitable relationships with Māori. This thesis contributes to the psychology and social science literature as it serves to address the question “We don’t have a culture … do we?” I posit that all psychologists do have a culture and provide some rich descriptions, for those who are Pākehā, of how their culture may be recognised, how it might be described and talked about. This is a core cultural competency requirement for psychologists. My thesis also contribute to a growing body of literature from members of dominant groups, who are developing a discourse to explore and make visible their cultural or raced (whiteness) positions of power and privilege.

text: Treaty People Recognising and Marking Pākehā Culture in Aotearoa New Zealand The suggestion that all people are cultural and live in cultural worlds acts to challenge members of culturally dominant groups as they tend to see their way of life as normal rather than cultural. Dominant group members usually talk about themselves in relation to their national identity (New Zealander, Australian, or American) rather than name being part of a cultural group within their nation state. This study, located in Aotearoa New Zealand, explores with a particular group of New Zealanders, how Pākehā who are members of the dominant group, may come to recognise themselves as being cultural, to name themselves culturally, and to mark aspects of their culture. The contribution that recognising culture makes to a decolonisation agenda is also explored. This study of Pākehā culture is approached from both a realist and a social constructionist perspective. Culture, an abstract concept, is largely theorised as a constructed notion in a historically structured location. How culture is recognised, and the ways it is produced and enacted, through relationships and interactions in the broader structures of New Zealand society were explored using realist thematic methods of analysis. Treaty people are a network of mostly Pākehā activist educators who have engaged in promoting knowledge of and support for Māori claims for justice under Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi was the document signed by Settlers and Māori leaders in 1840 to establish settlement arrangements). Treaty people are practised in talking about cultural issues largely through their engagement with Māori - Pākehā relationships. The research focused on the situations and processes that stimulated a group of thirty four ‘Treaty people’ to start thinking about themselves as cultural; about what it meant to have a cultural identity; and what they recognised as markers of their culture. I have been a member of this Treaty People network for many years and carry the dual positioning of being the researcher, and a participant, both as a member of the group and as a Pākehā. Data was collected over an eighteen month period from two focus groups in 2003 and 2005. These sessions were video and audio-recorded and later transcribed. I meet with available participants in their own locations early in 2005 and audio-recorded the conversations. The transcriptions and notes form the data for this study. My findings from this study include: • Culture was often first recognised through encounters with different cultural groups and usually when a person is in a situation where they are in a minority. Although, dominant group members do not always see their own daily practices and values as cultural they often name as cultural the practices and values of people different from them. • Recognising and naming ourselves as cultural and marking our culture were difficult tasks that go against the grain of dominance. • Pākehā culture was recognised in a number of ways. Treaty people recognised that there were other forms of knowing about the world and that dominant group members valued being ‘right’ and in control of knowledge. Coming to recognise themselves as cultural unsettled a sense of certainty about their position in the world, and opened up possibilities for new ways to engage in intercultural relationships where participation rather than being in control was valued. • Accepting the name Pākehā implied having a position of responsibility to tangata whenua and to the land. In turn those who have accepted being Pākehā receive a sense of belonging to Aotearoa and a place to stand in justice alongside Māori and other people who are culturally different from them. • While this thesis does not make explicit links between ‘being cultural’ and a decolonisation agenda the Treaty People participants named strategies to support decolonisation and challenge Pākehā dominance which include: recognising practices and values that are perpetuated through colonisation, in particular egalitarianism, assimilation and superiority; recognising Māori as tangata whenua (first people of the land) and Te Tiriti o Waitangi relationships; taking up the challenge to seek justice through striving to deal with past wrongs and to engage in equitable relationships with Māori. This thesis contributes to the psychology and social science literature as it serves to address the question “We don’t have a culture … do we?” I posit that all psychologists do have a culture and provide some rich descriptions, for those who are Pākehā, of how their culture may be recognised, how it might be described and talked about. This is a core cultural competency requirement for psychologists. My thesis also contribute to a growing body of literature from members of dominant groups, who are developing a discourse to explore and make visible their cultural or raced (whiteness) positions of power and privilege.

year: 2010