title: Healing through culture: Kava-talanoa as a PTSD therapeutic framework

authors: Aporosa, S. 'Apo'

abstract: Introduction: The incidence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is increasing, particularly among military personnel, first responders (police, fire, ambulance), and prison officers. PTSD is also a health economic burden, with costs linked to treatment, long-term morbidity, and increased mortality risk. Many cases go undiagnosed due to factors such as trauma-related avoidance behavior, which also negatively impacts PTSD therapy (Watkins et al., 2018, Front. Behav. Neurosci., 12:1-9). There is a significant unmet need for improved and culturally aligned PTSD treatments in the Pacific and beyond. Medical standards of care for acute anxiety/PTSD typically involve psychotropic drugs such as benzodiazepines, tricyclic antidepressants, and antipsychotics. These medications offer short-term relief only, carry addictive risks, are contraindicated for key populations (e.g., the elderly), and have had harmful effects in indigenous communities. Kava (Piper methysticum) is a traditional, culturally significant Pacific Island beverage known for its soporific and relaxant effects, similar to benzodiazepine (Sarris et al., 2012, J. Hum. Psychopharmacol. Clin. Exp., 27:262-9). Unlike benzodiazepines, kava is non-addictive with regular use and extremely safe—regulated as ‘food’ in several countries (Aporosa, 2019, J. Drug Sci. Policy Law, 5:1-13). Kava does not induce marked euphoria or hallucinations (Aporosa et al., 2022, J. Ethnopharm., 291:1-15), and promotes productive discussion known as talanoa—a form of ‘talk therapy’ (Vaka et al., Issues Ment. Health Nurs., 37:537-544). 
Methods: This ethics approved (21/372) study was guided by the faikava talanoa methodology (Aporosa et al., 2021, Pacific Dynamics, 5:74-92). Self-report experiences of Pacific-based UK and US military veterans and serving combat returnees (n=40) were documented in traditionally influenced kava-use spaces in which attendees engaged in talanoa. While exact kava consumption volumes were not measured, participants typically consumed 3.6 litres (6.33 pints) of kava—approximately 5,000 mg of kavalactones— over six hours. Focused coding was utilised to analyse participant comments. Results: Participants reported that engagement in talanoa within traditionally influenced kava-use spaces increased their relational connectedness, improved meaning making of trauma experiences and promoted better sleep. 
Conclusions: Aided by kava’s anxiolytic soporific effects, it is suspected that kava use with talanoa reduces the triggering of ‘fear structures’, minimizes avoidance behavior and aids sleep quality, contributing to symptom reduction. Further, we believe that kava-talanoa offers an innovative, culturally augmented, A56 ABSTRACTS group-based CBT intervention (Aporosa et al., 2025, Front. Psychol., doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2025.1460731). The f indings serve as a foundation for clinical trials (underway) to determine the efficacy of the approach as a much-needed transcultural treatment of trauma that addresses the global PTSD burden.

text: Healing through culture: Kava-talanoa as a PTSD therapeutic framework Introduction: The incidence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is increasing, particularly among military personnel, first responders (police, fire, ambulance), and prison officers. PTSD is also a health economic burden, with costs linked to treatment, long-term morbidity, and increased mortality risk. Many cases go undiagnosed due to factors such as trauma-related avoidance behavior, which also negatively impacts PTSD therapy (Watkins et al., 2018, Front. Behav. Neurosci., 12:1-9). There is a significant unmet need for improved and culturally aligned PTSD treatments in the Pacific and beyond. Medical standards of care for acute anxiety/PTSD typically involve psychotropic drugs such as benzodiazepines, tricyclic antidepressants, and antipsychotics. These medications offer short-term relief only, carry addictive risks, are contraindicated for key populations (e.g., the elderly), and have had harmful effects in indigenous communities. Kava (Piper methysticum) is a traditional, culturally significant Pacific Island beverage known for its soporific and relaxant effects, similar to benzodiazepine (Sarris et al., 2012, J. Hum. Psychopharmacol. Clin. Exp., 27:262-9). Unlike benzodiazepines, kava is non-addictive with regular use and extremely safe—regulated as ‘food’ in several countries (Aporosa, 2019, J. Drug Sci. Policy Law, 5:1-13). Kava does not induce marked euphoria or hallucinations (Aporosa et al., 2022, J. Ethnopharm., 291:1-15), and promotes productive discussion known as talanoa—a form of ‘talk therapy’ (Vaka et al., Issues Ment. Health Nurs., 37:537-544). 
Methods: This ethics approved (21/372) study was guided by the faikava talanoa methodology (Aporosa et al., 2021, Pacific Dynamics, 5:74-92). Self-report experiences of Pacific-based UK and US military veterans and serving combat returnees (n=40) were documented in traditionally influenced kava-use spaces in which attendees engaged in talanoa. While exact kava consumption volumes were not measured, participants typically consumed 3.6 litres (6.33 pints) of kava—approximately 5,000 mg of kavalactones— over six hours. Focused coding was utilised to analyse participant comments. Results: Participants reported that engagement in talanoa within traditionally influenced kava-use spaces increased their relational connectedness, improved meaning making of trauma experiences and promoted better sleep. 
Conclusions: Aided by kava’s anxiolytic soporific effects, it is suspected that kava use with talanoa reduces the triggering of ‘fear structures’, minimizes avoidance behavior and aids sleep quality, contributing to symptom reduction. Further, we believe that kava-talanoa offers an innovative, culturally augmented, A56 ABSTRACTS group-based CBT intervention (Aporosa et al., 2025, Front. Psychol., doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2025.1460731). The f indings serve as a foundation for clinical trials (underway) to determine the efficacy of the approach as a much-needed transcultural treatment of trauma that addresses the global PTSD burden.

year: 2025

title: Multiple level enhancement of children's picture books with augmented reality

authors: Vanderschantz, Nicholas

subjects: computer science

abstract: This paper reports a case study on using Augmented Reality (AR) in children’s books. in which we explored the use of various types of interactions at different levels. An AR enhanced 2-page spread is developed to explore interactivity in printed books. We describe the design process and the insights gained into the requirements for AR enhancement of children’s books.

text: Multiple level enhancement of children's picture books with augmented reality This paper reports a case study on using Augmented Reality (AR) in children’s books. in which we explored the use of various types of interactions at different levels. An AR enhanced 2-page spread is developed to explore interactivity in printed books. We describe the design process and the insights gained into the requirements for AR enhancement of children’s books.

year: 2018

title: Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened.
A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. 
In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge.
The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.

text: Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened.
A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. 
In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge.
The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.

year: 2016