title: Efficacy of an incentive intervention on secondary prophylaxis for young people with rheumatic fever: a multiple baseline study

authors: Oetzel, John G.

subjects: Science & Technology

abstract: Background
Acute rheumatic fever in New Zealand persists and is a barometer of equity as its burden almost exclusively falls on Māori and Pacific Island populations. The primary objective of this study is to determine whether an incentive programme will result in increased secondary prophylaxis injections over a one-year period compared to a baseline period prior to the intervention.

Methods
The evaluation used a multiple baseline study to determine whether an incentive consisting of a mobile phone and monthly “top-up” (for data/calls) resulted in increased injections, increased texts/calls with nurses, reduced number of visits to get a successful injection, less medicine wasted, and increased nurse satisfaction. Participants were 77 young people (aged 14–21) on an acute rheumatic fever registry in Waikato region, New Zealand classified as either fully adherent (all injections received and no more than one late) or partially adherent based on injections at baseline.

Results
There was a sharp increase in injections for intermittent patients post-intervention and then a slight decrease overtime, while fully adherent patients maintained their high rate of injections (p = .003). A similar pattern for nurse satisfaction emerged (p = .001). The number of calls/texts increased for all patients (p = .003). The number of visits went down for partially adherent patients and up for fully adherent patients (p = .012). The overall incremental cost-effectiveness was $989 per extra successful injection although costs increased sharply toward the end of the intervention.

Conclusions
Incentivising secondary prophylaxis appears to have a strong impact for partially adherent patients, particularly during the early periods following the initiation of the intervention. Enhancing communication with patients who returned to care may result in more sustainable adherence.

Trial registration
Retrospectively registered: Australia New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry ACTRN12618001150235, 12 July 2018.

text: Efficacy of an incentive intervention on secondary prophylaxis for young people with rheumatic fever: a multiple baseline study Background
Acute rheumatic fever in New Zealand persists and is a barometer of equity as its burden almost exclusively falls on Māori and Pacific Island populations. The primary objective of this study is to determine whether an incentive programme will result in increased secondary prophylaxis injections over a one-year period compared to a baseline period prior to the intervention.

Methods
The evaluation used a multiple baseline study to determine whether an incentive consisting of a mobile phone and monthly “top-up” (for data/calls) resulted in increased injections, increased texts/calls with nurses, reduced number of visits to get a successful injection, less medicine wasted, and increased nurse satisfaction. Participants were 77 young people (aged 14–21) on an acute rheumatic fever registry in Waikato region, New Zealand classified as either fully adherent (all injections received and no more than one late) or partially adherent based on injections at baseline.

Results
There was a sharp increase in injections for intermittent patients post-intervention and then a slight decrease overtime, while fully adherent patients maintained their high rate of injections (p = .003). A similar pattern for nurse satisfaction emerged (p = .001). The number of calls/texts increased for all patients (p = .003). The number of visits went down for partially adherent patients and up for fully adherent patients (p = .012). The overall incremental cost-effectiveness was $989 per extra successful injection although costs increased sharply toward the end of the intervention.

Conclusions
Incentivising secondary prophylaxis appears to have a strong impact for partially adherent patients, particularly during the early periods following the initiation of the intervention. Enhancing communication with patients who returned to care may result in more sustainable adherence.

Trial registration
Retrospectively registered: Australia New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry ACTRN12618001150235, 12 July 2018.

year: 2019

title: Hone Werahiko: the discoverer of gold at Te Aroha

authors: Hart, Philip

abstract: Originally Hone Kahukahu, when he was living at Ohinemutu in the 1860s he became known as Hone Werahiko, an Arawa name he retained for the rest of his life. His father, a member of Ngati Kahungungu, had been captured by Arawa; his mother was a Waikato. A widow living at Maketu chose him as her second husband because he was ‘a good looking fellow & understood English’. 
In the late 1860s and much of the 1870s, he prospected in Hauraki and even in the King Country, and worked underground in a Thames mine, the only Maori known to have done so. But in the early 1870s he gave up mining to be a pioneer publican and storekeeper at Ohinemutu, at Rotorua. He acquired land and property there, but after his wife died he returned to prospecting full-time. 
Werahiko’s first investigation of Te Aroha was in 1877, when he was ordered off by the local hapu. He returned in 1880 as the head of a prospecting party subsidized by the government. After finding gold, he was granted the Prospectors’ Claim and, in due course, a reward, and for a time supervised its development. Investing in other claims, he traded in shares. When his discovery turned out to be a duffer, he explored other parts of the mountain, first having high hopes for the Tui portion but then, after four months of exploring over winter with the support of three other Maori, he announced the discovery of his New Find at Waiorongomai. Once again he acquired partners, mostly Paheka, and traded in shares, and for some time supervised the opening up of his new find.
Later, he was invited to prospect the King Country, but this did not eventuate. His last involvement in mining was at Karangahake. Because of the hardships of his prospecting at Te Aroha, he died at an early age, leaving a young second wife. His memory lived on, amongst Pakeha miners in particular, because he had the rare distinction for a prospector of being regarded as totally honest, and he was admired for succeeding when so many others had failed.

[Note: Especially when he first came to public attention, many Pakeha struggled with Hone Werahiko’s name, which was recorded in a variety of incorrect forms, the worst example being Hoani Whaekareka.  Even the warden at first gave his name as Hone Wharekino.  Many Pakeha found it simpler to refer to him as ‘Johnny the Maori’.  In this paper, his name is given correctly throughout.]

text: Hone Werahiko: the discoverer of gold at Te Aroha Originally Hone Kahukahu, when he was living at Ohinemutu in the 1860s he became known as Hone Werahiko, an Arawa name he retained for the rest of his life. His father, a member of Ngati Kahungungu, had been captured by Arawa; his mother was a Waikato. A widow living at Maketu chose him as her second husband because he was ‘a good looking fellow & understood English’. 
In the late 1860s and much of the 1870s, he prospected in Hauraki and even in the King Country, and worked underground in a Thames mine, the only Maori known to have done so. But in the early 1870s he gave up mining to be a pioneer publican and storekeeper at Ohinemutu, at Rotorua. He acquired land and property there, but after his wife died he returned to prospecting full-time. 
Werahiko’s first investigation of Te Aroha was in 1877, when he was ordered off by the local hapu. He returned in 1880 as the head of a prospecting party subsidized by the government. After finding gold, he was granted the Prospectors’ Claim and, in due course, a reward, and for a time supervised its development. Investing in other claims, he traded in shares. When his discovery turned out to be a duffer, he explored other parts of the mountain, first having high hopes for the Tui portion but then, after four months of exploring over winter with the support of three other Maori, he announced the discovery of his New Find at Waiorongomai. Once again he acquired partners, mostly Paheka, and traded in shares, and for some time supervised the opening up of his new find.
Later, he was invited to prospect the King Country, but this did not eventuate. His last involvement in mining was at Karangahake. Because of the hardships of his prospecting at Te Aroha, he died at an early age, leaving a young second wife. His memory lived on, amongst Pakeha miners in particular, because he had the rare distinction for a prospector of being regarded as totally honest, and he was admired for succeeding when so many others had failed.

[Note: Especially when he first came to public attention, many Pakeha struggled with Hone Werahiko’s name, which was recorded in a variety of incorrect forms, the worst example being Hoani Whaekareka.  Even the warden at first gave his name as Hone Wharekino.  Many Pakeha found it simpler to refer to him as ‘Johnny the Maori’.  In this paper, his name is given correctly throughout.]

year: 2016

title: Indigenous data sovereignty

authors: Rainie, Stephanie Carroll

abstract: • Indigenous Data Sovereignty (IDS) has emerged as an important topic over the last three years, raising fundamental questions about assumptions of ownership, representation, and control in open data communities. 
• IDS refers to the right of Indigenous peoples to control data from and about their communities and lands, articulating both individual and collective rights to data access and to privacy.
• Ideas from IDS provide a challenge to dominant discourses in open data, questioning current approaches to data ownership, licensing, and use in ways that resonate beyond Indigenous contexts, drawing attention to the power and post-colonial dynamics within many data agendas.
• Growing IDS networks are working to shape open data principles to better respect the rights of Indigenous peoples.

text: Indigenous data sovereignty • Indigenous Data Sovereignty (IDS) has emerged as an important topic over the last three years, raising fundamental questions about assumptions of ownership, representation, and control in open data communities. 
• IDS refers to the right of Indigenous peoples to control data from and about their communities and lands, articulating both individual and collective rights to data access and to privacy.
• Ideas from IDS provide a challenge to dominant discourses in open data, questioning current approaches to data ownership, licensing, and use in ways that resonate beyond Indigenous contexts, drawing attention to the power and post-colonial dynamics within many data agendas.
• Growing IDS networks are working to shape open data principles to better respect the rights of Indigenous peoples.

year: 2019