29th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment

The 29th Regiment Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry was an infantry regiment in the Union army of the United States during the American Civil War. The regiment was organized in December 1861 when three new companies were attached to a battalion of seven Massachusetts companies that had been in active service since May 1861. These seven companies had been recruited to fill out the 3rd Massachusetts and 4th Massachusetts regiments and had signed on for three years of service. When the 3rd and 4th Massachusetts were mustered out in July 1861, the seven companies that had signed on for three years were grouped together to form a battalion known as the Massachusetts Battalion. Finally, in December 1861, three more companies were added to their roster to form a full regiment and the unit was designated the 29th Massachusetts.

The regiment took part in 29 battles and four sieges in a variety of theaters of the war. After their early service at Fortress Monroe in Virginia, the 29th was attached, in the spring of 1862, to the Army of the Potomac during the Peninsular Campaign as part of the famed Irish Brigade. The 29th had the distinction of being the only regiment of non-Irish ethnicity to serve in that brigade. In January 1863, the IX Corps (including the 29th Massachusetts) was transferred to Kentucky and engaged in operations against Confederate guerillas. In the summer of 1863, the IX Corps was again transferred and took part in the siege of Vicksburg and the siege of Jackson, Mississippi. In the fall of 1863, IX Corps took part in the Knoxville Campaign which resulted in the defeat of Confederate forces in eastern Tennessee. The spring of 1864 saw the IX Corps and the 29th Massachusetts once again returned to duty with the Army of the Potomac, just in time to take part in the Overland campaign and the siege of Petersburg. During the siege of Petersburg, the unit suffered their worst casualties of the war in the Battle of Fort Stedman on March 25, 1865.

The 29th was mustered out of service on August 11, 1865. Including the seven months served by most of the regiment before its designation as the 29th, the unit had one of the longest terms of service of any Massachusetts regiment—a total of four years and three months.

## Massachusetts Battalion

On April 15, 1861, three days after the attack on Fort Sumter, the call went out from Massachusetts Governor John Andrew for the immediate mobilization of the four existing regiments of Massachusetts militia. The 3rd and 4th Massachusetts both left for Washington, D.C., on April 17 to serve a term of 90 days. But in their haste to reach the capital, these regiments had departed without a full complement of ten companies as required by army regulations. In the following weeks, seven additional companies were formed in Massachusetts and assigned to the 3rd and 4th to fill out their rosters. Unlike the majority of companies in the 3rd and 4th regiments, which had enlisted for 90 days, these new companies signed on for three years of service. These seven companies would eventually form the majority of the 29th Massachusetts.

While serving with the 3rd and the 4th Massachusetts, these companies were primarily garrisoned at Fortress Monroe at the end of the Virginia Peninsula. This strategically important foothold in Virginia allowed Union forces to control the major waterway of Hampton Roads. In an unsuccessful effort to strengthen their hold on the Peninsula, Union troops marched from Fortress Monroe and attacked the Confederate position at Big Bethel Church, resulting in the Battle of Big Bethel on June 10, 1861. Two of the companies that would eventually become part of the 29th were involved in this action. The expedition was commanded by Colonel Ebenezer W. Peirce.

When the 3rd and 4th Massachusetts regiments were mustered out in July 1861, the seven "three-year" companies were consolidated on July 16 to form the "Massachusetts Battalion" under the command of Captain Joseph H. Barnes. The battalion served relatively light garrison and guard duty at Fortress Monroe, Newport News and Hampton for the remainder of 1861. In December, three more companies were added to the battalion and, with a full complement of ten companies, the unit became known as the 29th Massachusetts Infantry.

Peirce was appointed the first commander of the 29th. The regimental historian recorded that this appointment was "exceedingly distasteful" to the 29th as there had been an expectation that Barnes, who had led the Massachusetts Battalion, would command the new regiment. Barnes, however, was placed second in command to Peirce as lieutenant colonel. Further, Peirce was disliked for his failure at Big Bethel. During the winter of 1862, charges were brought against Peirce by officers of the 29th and he was court-martialed for incompetence and improper conduct. His superior officer, Brigadier General John E. Wool, overturned the ruling and Peirce remained in command of the 29th Massachusetts.

## Peninsular campaign

During the winter and early spring of 1862, the 29th was deployed on various minor expeditions near Fortress Monroe, Newport News and Norfolk, Virginia. On March 8 and 9, the regiment was present during the Battle of Hampton Roads, a naval engagement fought primarily between the USS Monitor and the CSS Virginia. The regiment helped man a land battery during the engagement, and the men of the 29th were amazed by the new ironclad vessels and the changes they brought to naval warfare.

In the middle of March, once again at Fortress Monroe, the 29th witnessed the arrival of the Army of the Potomac, commanded by Major General George B. McClellan. McClellan intended to use Fortress Monroe as his base of operations for an assault on the Confederate capital of Richmond. The effort would be known as the Peninsular Campaign. Over the course of March 1862, the men of the 29th watched as roughly 100,000 Union soldiers and 15,000 mules and horses debarked from Fortress Monroe. The 29th was to remain at Fortress Monroe as the Army of the Potomac made its way toward Richmond. As the campaign became bogged down outside the Confederate capital, additional troops were called for and the 29th Massachusetts departed Hampton Roads on June 7, 1862.

### Attachment to the Irish Brigade

Traveling by steamboat up the York River, the 29th arrived at White House Landing and marched to the battle front on June 8, 1862. The regiment was attached to the Irish Brigade (2nd Brigade, 1st Division, II Corps). Contemporaries and historians alike have wondered at this unusual assignment. The 29th Massachusetts was made up of men descended, largely, from old-stock English families, some with heritage dating back to the Mayflower. There was, at the time, significant social friction in New England between established Protestant families and Irish immigrants. While the regimental historian observed that the 29th was "cordially welcomed" to the Irish Brigade, other historians, such as Marion Armstrong, point out the oddity of the "aristocratic 29th Massachusetts ... thrown in with three regiments of New York Irishmen." Historian Daniel Callaghan quotes period sources describing the "unlikely matching of ancient political foes," and the manner in which the men of the 29th tolerated the Irish-born commander of the Irish Brigade, Brig. Gen. Thomas Francis Meagher, "coldly, in a pinched and critical silence."

Despite these social differences, the 29th Massachusetts fought alongside the Irish regiments through heavy combat (the first the regiment had seen) during the Seven Days Battles. During this series of battles, the Confederates drove McClellan's army away from Richmond, resulting in the failure of the Peninsular Campaign. After the Union retreat, Meagher praised the 29th's actions in battle saying that they "had proved themselves the equals of any others in the Brigade, and had no superiors in the army." Meagher would later call the 29th "Irishmen in disguise." During the Seven Days Battles, the 29th suffered moderate casualties of six killed and 18 wounded. These casualties included Peirce whose right arm was shot off by cannon fire. Command of the regiment then fell to Barnes.

## Maryland campaign

Following the failure of the Peninsular campaign, elements of the Army of the Potomac were shipped to northern Virginia to provide assistance to Union Maj. Gen. John Pope. Pope had been attempting to open a second assault on Richmond from the north, but he was defeated during the Second Battle of Bull Run on August 30, 1862. The 29th Massachusetts, along with other elements of the II Corps, arrived too late to take part in the battle.

After his victory at Bull Run, Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee invaded Maryland in September 1862. The Army of the Potomac, including the 29th Massachusetts, moved to intercept the Confederate offensive. The two armies clashed at Sharpsburg, Maryland, during the Battle of Antietam on September 17, 1862.

### Battle of Antietam

The battle commenced in the early morning with several assaults on the Confederate left flank by the I Corps and the XII Corps. After these failed, the II Corps, including the Irish Brigade, was called upon to assault a position near the Confederate center known as the "Sunken Road" or "Bloody Lane." The trench-like road afforded the Confederates a strong defensive position. Just after 9 a.m., Maj. Gen. Israel B. Richardson's division, with the Irish Brigade in the lead, moved toward the Sunken Road. Meagher envisioned the delivery of a few volleys from the brigade followed by an impetuous charge. As the Irish Brigade advanced up the crest toward the Sunken Road, it took heavy fire from the Confederates. The progress of the brigade was slowed by a sturdy split rail fence. When Meagher asked for volunteers to run forward and take it down, Corporal Samuel C. Wright of the 29th sprang forward with several others. Wright recalled that many were shot down before they reached the fence and, as "one would grasp a rail, it would be sent flying out of his hands by rifle shots." The dash back to the lines was just as dangerous. Cpl. Wright was later awarded the Medal of Honor for his bravery at Antietam. He would, over the course of successive battles, be wounded five times and reported dead twice. Despite his travails, he survived the war.

The Irish Brigade, though advancing in good order under heavy fire and delivering effective fire in return, did not reach the Sunken Road. The brigade retired, the regimental historian observed, "as steadily as on drill." The 29th has been criticized by some historians, including Marion Armstrong, for not advancing as quickly as the rest of the Irish Brigade. An accident in the terrain, a small rise in front of the 29th's position, afforded them cover, and their casualties were lighter than those of the other regiments of the brigade. Armstrong argues that Barnes was reluctant to leave this advantageous ground, a factor which may have contributed to the failure of the Irish Brigade's charge. The casualties of the 29th were nine killed, 31 wounded and four missing.

## Fredericksburg Campaign

The Battle of Antietam had been a tactical stalemate. McClellan claimed it as a strategic victory as Lee's army retreated back into Virginia. Despite this, President Lincoln was displeased with McClellan's failure to pursue Lee and replaced him with Maj. Gen. Ambrose Burnside. During November 1862, Burnside proceeded to gather the Army of the Potomac in Falmouth, Virginia, preparing to assault Lee's army across the Rappahannock River in Fredericksburg, Virginia.

### Removal from the Irish Brigade

While in camp in Falmouth in late November, the officers of the 29th learned that Meagher had arranged for a green Irish Brigade flag to be presented to the regiment, recognizing their role as "honorary Irishmen" and their bravery during the Battle of Antietam. Barnes declined the gift, however. According to the regimental historian, "While the Colonel would have been proud to receive the flag for the regiment as a token of the respect of their Irish comrades, yet he objected to the flag being carried by the regiment, on the ground that it was not an Irish regiment." Irish Brigade historians, including Joseph Bilby, have observed that there may have been some controversy surrounding the issue. According to Bilby, Barnes refused to accept the flag because they believed it "would brand them as Fenians," or Irish revolutionaries.

As a result of this incident, on November 30, 1862, the 29th was transferred out of the Irish Brigade and into Brig. Gen. Benjamin C. Christ's brigade in the IX Army Corps. It was replaced in the Irish Brigade by the 28th Massachusetts, an Irish regiment.

The transfer spared the 29th from the Battle of Fredericksburg in which their new brigade played almost no role. Their former comrades in the Irish Brigade, however, made a harrowing charge during the battle and suffered severe casualties.

## Kentucky

Following his failure during the Battle of Fredericksburg, Burnside was removed from command of the Army of the Potomac and returned to the command of the IX Corps, to which the 29th Massachusetts now belonged. On February 5, 1863, the IX Corps was detached from the Army of the Potomac and transferred from Virginia to Kentucky where Burnside was to take command of the Department of the Ohio and Union operations in Kentucky and east Tennessee.

The 29th Massachusetts reached Cincinnati via railroad on March 26, then marched into Kentucky. They were stationed in Paris, Kentucky, during April 1863, conducting light duty in defending against occasional raids by Confederate guerrillas. In late April they marched to Somerset, Kentucky, where they were occupied with similar duty until early June 1863.

## Mississippi

In early June, most of the IX Corps was transferred to the command of Maj. Gen. Ulysses Grant who required reinforcements in the siege of Vicksburg, the last major Confederate stronghold on the Mississippi River. The 29th Massachusetts traveled with other elements of the IX Corps via steamship down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. They arrived in the vicinity of Vicksburg in late June and began digging entrenchments. Less than two weeks after the regiment arrived in Mississippi, the city of Vicksburg surrendered on July 4, 1863.

Following the surrender of Vicksburg, the remaining Confederate forces in Mississippi concentrated in the state capital of Jackson. Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman took several corps of Unions troops, including the IX Corps, and laid siege to Jackson in mid-July. While digging trenches, the 29th was exposed to heavy artillery and sharpshooter fire from the Confederates, but the regiment suffered only one casualty during the siege. During the night of July 16, the Confederate army in Jackson managed to slip away from the city and the siege was ended.

Shortly afterward, the IX Corps was recalled to Kentucky, as Burnside was eager to begin his operations in Tennessee. On the way back to Vicksburg, the 29th acted as provost guard, marching at the rear of the IX Corps to gather stragglers. They missed the first group of steamships to depart for Cincinnati and had to wait three weeks, until August 12, with other regiments at a camp in Milldale, Mississippi, near Vicksburg. Camp conditions were unsanitary and the weather extremely hot. Many of the men suffered from disease during and after this encampment. As the regimental historian wrote, "Deaths were very frequent among the troops here during this time, burial parties were almost constantly engaged, and the funeral notes of the fife and drum could be heard nearly every hour in the day. None save the strongest came out of that campaign in sound health."

## Knoxville Campaign

Burnside gathered his Army of the Ohio in the vicinity of Lexington, Kentucky, in late August 1863 in preparation for an invasion of eastern Tennessee. The region was strategically important as a rail link between Virginia and Chattanooga. The population of eastern Tennessee was also primarily Unionist, so it became a key strategic goal of Lincoln's to force Confederate troops out of the region in the hope that Unionists would gain support and bring the state back into the Union.

Prior to the march, half of the men in the 29th were on the sick list as a result of their service in Mississippi, including Barnes, who took an extended leave and returned for a time to Massachusetts. In his absence, Peirce returned to the 29th to command the unit.

The march across Kentucky, through the Cumberland Gap and on to Knoxville, Tennessee, was one of the longest marches the 29th ever executed—a distance of more than 200 miles (320 km) covered between September 1 and September 26, 1863.

On October 21, the IX Corps made camp in and around Lenoir City, Tennessee, and remained there until November 14, 1863. During this time, Confederate Lt. Gen. James Longstreet launched an offensive aimed at the expulsion of Burnside's troops from Knoxville. The IX Corps, including the 29th Massachusetts, moved southwest to meet the Confederates near Loudon, Tennessee. Union forces were rapidly repulsed and retreated to Knoxville. The siege of that city by the Confederates began in mid-November 1863. The 29th's position during the siege was within Fort Sanders. When Longstreet launched his assault on Fort Sanders on November 29, 1863, the 29th saw heavy action in repulsing the Confederates. Two members of the 29th, Sgt. Jeremiah Mahoney and Pvt. Joseph S. Manning, later received the Medal of Honor for their bravery in capturing two Confederate battle flags during the battle. The 29th lost only two killed in the Battle of Fort Sanders owing to the strength of their position on the walls of the fort.

Following this Union victory and the retreat of Longstreet's troops to Virginia, the 29th was stationed in mid-December 1863 at Blaine, Tennessee, about 20 miles (32 km) northeast of Knoxville. Camped on an open plain, exposed to wind and snow, and running very low on provisions, the regiment suffered severely during December 1863 and January 1864 and referred to the camp at Blaine as their Valley Forge. At the end of December, Barnes rejoined the 29th as its commander and Peirce was elevated to brigade command.

In January 1864, with the end of their three-year term of service only four months away, the men of the 29th were given the option to reenlist for another three years. Those men who chose to accept the offer would receive a 30-day furlough, while those that did not would be consolidated with the 36th Massachusetts to serve out their remaining months. A total of 166 men chose to reenlist and approximately 90 did not.

On March 21, 1864, the 29th and the IX Corps commenced their long march back to Ohio via the Cumberland Gap, reaching Cincinnati on April 1, 1864. From there, the men who had reenlisted were sent back to Boston for the furlough they had been promised and those who had not were sent on to Virginia to join the 36th Massachusetts.

## Overland Campaign

While the remaining men of the 29th were on furlough in Massachusetts, Lt. Gen. Ulysses Grant, as general-in-chief of the Union Army, began the Overland Campaign. During the spring of 1864, he would direct the actions of the Army of the Potomac in northern Virginia, aggressively pushing Lee's Confederate army toward Richmond in a series of major battles. The men formerly of the 29th who had been transferred to the 36th Massachusetts took part in the opening battles of the campaign, the Battle of the Wilderness and the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House, incurring casualties of seven killed and 30 wounded out of a total of 90 men. This detachment fulfilled their three-year enlistment in mid-May 1864 and returned home.

The furlough for the newly reenlisted ended on May 16 and the 29th Massachusetts, now a small fraction of its original size, departed for Virginia. They rejoined the Army of the Potomac on May 20, 1864, just in time to take part in the closing battles of the Overland Campaign, particularly the Battle of Cold Harbor. On June 1, 1864, the regiment suffered casualties of one killed, 12 wounded and three captured during Grant's first assault at Cold Harbor. Although the regiment had been temporarily assigned to the V Corps, on June 3 it rejoined the IX Corps. Over the next nine days, the regiment built breastworks and served on picket duty until June 12 when IX Corps rapidly marched to the outskirts of Petersburg, Virginia, in preparation for an assault on that city.

## Siege of Petersburg

### Assault on Petersburg

In the pre-dawn hours of June 17, the divisions of the IX Corps formed up for an assault on the entrenched Confederate position outside Petersburg. Barnes of the 29th had been elevated to command of the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division of the IX Corps, to which the 29th belonged. Major Charles Chipman was placed in command of the 29th in his stead. While other divisions of the IX Corps attacked and were repulsed, the 1st Division moved to its assigned position in the late afternoon and lay down, studying the Confederate breastworks and awaiting orders to advance. At first, the division, to its relief, received orders that the attack had been called off. A short time later, however, came the order to attack. The division, including the 29th, charged from their protected position in a ravine out into an open plain in front of the Confederate entrenchments. According to the regimental historian, "They had scarcely emerged upon the open plain, when the whole crest of the Confederate works was fringed with fire and smoke; grape, canister, and musketballs filled the air."

During this charge, the color-bearer of the 29th, Sgt. Silas Grosvenor, was shot through the head. The colors were picked up by Sgt. John A. Tighe who was also killed. Sergeant Major William F. Willis picked up the flag and became the third color-bearer killed in the charge. At this point, the 29th was forced to pause in its advance and retired a short distance. In the confusion, the colors were left on the field. Major Chipman asked for two volunteers to go with him onto the open ground to retrieve the colors. The three found the colors and, according to the regimental historian, the Confederates, admiring the bravery of the trio, did not fire and allowed them to return to their lines.

The 1st Division of the IX Corps eventually captured the Confederate works in their front, however little had been accomplished by the assault on Petersburg overall. The Confederates remained strongly entrenched and the long siege of Petersburg began. The 29th, numbering just 100 men at this time, lost six killed and 23 wounded.

### Battle of the Crater

The 29th occupied trenches outside Petersburg with the rest of the Army of the Potomac during the summer of 1864. In July, Union troops dug a mine beneath the Confederate position and, on July 30, 1864, a massive amount of gunpowder was detonated in the mine, blasting a hole in the Confederate position. During the resulting Battle of the Crater, the 1st Division of the IX Corps led a confused and failed attack. The 29th took part, charging into the crater with other regiments and eventually retreating, losing three killed, seven wounded and six captured.

### Battle of Fort Stedman

The 29th played a minor role in the Battle of Globe Tavern, a movement intended to tighten the siege around Petersburg, on August 18, 1864. The regiment suffered only a few casualties during this engagement. In the fall of 1864, the 29th served uneventful duty along the Petersburg siege lines and was eventually, in November, assigned a garrison post in Battery 11, a small, unfinished ravelin (detached fortification) outside of Fort Stedman. Stedman was one of many earthen fortifications built along Union lines during the siege, and was only 150 yards from the Confederate trenches—the narrowest distance between the two armies. They would remain at this post for the next four months.

On March 25, 1865, the regiment fought in the Battle of Fort Stedman, the Confederate Army's final offensive during the Siege of Petersburg. Before dawn on March 25, Confederate troops achieved complete surprise and easily occupied Fort Stedman entering the rear sally port almost unchallenged. Major Charles T. Richardson, then in command of the 29th, hearing some light gunfire, ordered the 29th to fall in. No general alarm had yet been raised, but Richardson felt certain that an attack was underway. Within minutes, approximately 500 Confederates, a small part of the overall offensive, swept over Battery 11. The 29th held their ground, however, engaging in heated hand-to-hand combat and eventually capturing 300 Confederates—more than twice their own number. The Confederates still occupied Fort Stedman, however, and soon sent another offensive to occupy Battery 11. This time, the 29th was forced to retreat back to Fort Haskell, the nearest defensible position.

Among the 29th's casualties in this engagement was Sgt. Calvin F. Harlow who, finding himself surrounded by Confederates, refused to surrender. He and the Confederate officer demanding his surrender shot each other simultaneously. Poet Walt Whitman, learning of Harlow's story, wrote about him in his book Specimen Days.

After four hours, the Confederate attack lost momentum, and their forces began to pull back into Fort Stedman. An overwhelming Union counterattack eventually recaptured the fort. The 29th took part in the counterattack, re-capturing Battery 11. Color-bearer Conrad Homan of the 29th was the first to re-enter Battery 11 and was later awarded the Medal of Honor. The regiment lost 10 killed and an unknown number of captured in this engagement.

## Mustering out

The 29th did not take part in the pursuit of Lee's army during the Appomattox Campaign. The small regiment was instead withdrawn to Washington shortly after Lee's surrender and served as provost guards in the capital. On August 11, 1865, the 29th was mustered out of service. Approximately 173 of its members (roughly 15 percent) were killed in action or died of wounds or disease. Official numbers as to the number of wounded are not available. The unit served in 15 states and traveled more than 4,200 miles (6,800 km). Taking into account the seven months of duty served prior to the official formation of the regiment, plus a term of reenlistment served by many members, the 29th Massachusetts had one of the longest terms of service of any Massachusetts regiment, a total of four years and three months.

## See also

- Massachusetts in the Civil War
- List of Massachusetts Civil War units

## Notes/References

Citations

References

Military units and formations disestablished in 1865

Military units and formations established in 1861

Units and formations of the Union Army from Massachusetts


Plesiorycteropus

Plesiorycteropus, also known as the bibymalagasy or Malagasy aardvark, is a recently extinct genus of mammals from Madagascar. Upon its description in 1895, it was classified with the aardvark, but more recent molecular evidence instead suggests that it is most closely related to the tenrecs (a group extant on the island). Two species are currently recognized, the larger P. madagascariensis and the smaller P. germainepetterae. They probably overlapped in distribution, as subfossil remains of both species have been found in the same site.

Knowledge of the skeletal anatomy is limited, as only limb, partial pelvis, and skull bones have been recovered to date. Plesiorycteropus was probably a digging animal that fed on insects such as termites and ants. It also shows adaptations for climbing and sitting. Estimates of its mass range from 6 to 18 kilograms (13 to 40 lb). When and why it became extinct remains unknown. One bone has been radiocarbon dated to 200 BCE; forest destruction by humans may have contributed to its extinction.

## Taxonomy

### Identification and species

French naturalist Henri Filhol first described Plesiorycteropus madagascariensis in 1895 on the basis of a partial skull found at the cave of Belo. His description was vague even by 19th-century standards, but he placed the animal close to the aardvark (Orycteropus). The generic name combines Ancient Greek plesio- "near" with Orycteropus, the genus of the aardvark, and the specific name refers to Madagascar. Charles Lamberton, who had access to a larger sample for his 1946 review of the genus, noted substantial variation, but did not attempt to differentiate multiple species. In 1994, Ross MacPhee again reviewed Plesiorycteropus and was able to separate two species, the larger P. madagascariensis and a new, smaller species that he named Plesiorycteropus germainepetterae after scientist Germaine Petter. The two species differ in a number of morphological characters in addition to size.

Remains of Plesiorycteropus have been misidentified as rodents and primates. Charles Immanuel Forsyth Major described Myoryctes rapeto in 1908 as a "giant subfossil rat" on the basis of two innominate bones (pelvic bones). The generic name was replaced by Majoria in 1915, because Myoryctes was preoccupied by the name of a nematode worm. However, according to MacPhee, innominates of Majoria are identical to those assigned to Plesiorycteropus. Guillaume Grandidier assigned a well-preserved femur (upper leg bone) to a gigantic relative of the living votsovotsa (Hypogeomys antimena), a large rodent, which he described as Hypogeomys boulei. Lamberton identified this femur as Plesiorycteropus and MacPhee concurred. Remains of both Majoria rapeto and Hypogeomys boulei fall at the upper end of the size range of the genus, indicating that they are referable to P. madagascariensis. Another Plesiorycteropus innominate was mistakenly assigned to Daubentonia robusta, the extinct giant aye-aye, and other material has been misidentified as of a dwarf lemur (Cheirogaleus).

### Relationships

Filhol had classified Plesiorycteropus as close to the aardvark on the basis of morphological similarities. In his 1946 review, Charles Lamberton was unable to provide a definitive allocation, confused by the various similarities he saw with aardvarks, pangolins, armadillos, and anteaters. He believed it was most likely a primitive, isolated member of "Edentata", a group in which he included aardvarks, pangolins, and Xenarthra (sloths, armadillos, and anteaters). He rejected some alternatives, such as a close affinity to aardvarks or the possibility that the material assigned to Plesiorycteropus did not in fact represent a single animal. Bryan Patterson, who revised tubulidentates (the order of which the aardvark is the only living representative) in the 1970s, accepted Plesiorycteropus as a member of the group, dismissing many similarities with pangolins and other animals as convergent. However, he placed it as the only member of its own subfamily Plesiorycteropodinae in view of its differences from other tubulidentates (subfamily Orycteropodinae), and hypothesized that it arrived on Madagascar in the Eocene, at the same time as the lemurs. Johannes Thewissen, who critiqued some aspects of Patterson's classification in 1985, also accepted Plesiorycteropus as a tubulidentate without comment.

Reviewing Patterson's and Thewissen's contributions in 1994, Ross MacPhee found little support for the classification of Plesiorycteropus as a tubulidentate in their data. MacPhee used a cladistic analysis of eutherians to ascertain the relationships of the genus, but found that while different analytic variants supported different affinities—with aardvarks, hyraxes, ungulates (hooved mammals), and even lipotyphlans (shrews, moles, hedgehogs, and allies)—there was no compelling evidence linking it to any other eutherian group. Therefore, he erected a separate order for Plesiorycteropus, named Bibymalagasia, arguing that it would be unacceptable to leave a Recent eutherian unassigned to any order and that discovery of more material, or further analysis, was unlikely to demonstrate close affinities of Plesiorycteropus with any other order. He considered it possible but unlikely that a few fossil taxa, such as Palaeorycteropus and Leptomanis from the Paleogene of France, would eventually be found to be bibymalagasians. Various analyses published by Robert Asher and colleagues in 2003, 2005, and 2007, based on morphology combined with DNA sequence data in some analyses, produced different estimates of the relationships of Plesiorycteropus, some placing it within Afrotheria close to aardvarks or Afrosoricida, but others supporting a relationship with the hedgehog Erinaceus. A 2004 morphological study by Inés Horovitz, focusing on extinct South American ungulates (such as Notoungulata and Litopterna), placed Plesiorycteropus among tubulidentates and closer to the extinct aardvark relative Myorycteropus than to Orycteropus.

A 2013 study by Michael Buckley examined preserved collagen sequences in Plesiorycteropus bones. He found the animal was most closely related to the tenrecs, a family of insectivorous afrotherian mammals endemic to Madagascar. Tenrecs are believed to have diversified from a common ancestor that lived 29–37 million years (Ma) ago after dispersing from Africa via a single rafting event. Buckley's analysis showed that Plesiorycteropus and the two members of subfamily Tenrecinae tested formed a monophyletic group, within a larger clade in which golden moles are the sister group; he suggested that Plesiorycteropus should be placed in the order Tenrecoidea along with tenrecs as well as African otter shrews and golden moles (the latter two diverged from tenrecs about 47–53 Ma ago and 59–69 Ma ago, respectively). He did not test members of the other two Tenrecidae subfamilies or otter shrews, leaving open the possibility that Plesiorycteropus nests within Tenrecidae.

### Common names

"Madagascar aardvark" has been used as a common name for Plesiorycteropus, but MacPhee considered it inappropriate because the animal may not be related to aardvarks. Instead, he proposed "bibymalagasy" as a common name, a manufactured Malagasy word meaning "Malagasy animal".

## Description

Plesiorycteropus is known from a number of subfossil bones, comparable to coverage of some of the poorly known subfossil lemurs, such as Daubentonia robusta. The material includes several skulls, all of which are missing the facial bones, complete long bones such as the femur and humerus (upper arm bone), and other bones, but some elements are still unknown, including most of the skeleton of the hand and foot. There is little reason to assume it was similar in general form to the aardvark. No teeth or jaws referable to Plesiorycteropus have been found, and it is generally assumed that the animal was toothless.

Based on the area of a femur cross-section, MacPhee calculated estimates of body mass. The lowest estimate, based on comparative data from armadillos and pangolins, was 6 kilograms (13 lb) for the smallest femur he had (referable to P. germainepetterae) and the highest estimate, based on comparative data from caviomorph rodents, was 18 kilograms (40 lb) for the largest available femur (P. madagascariensis); estimates from primates fell between those extremes. MacPhee favored the lower estimates, because those were based on armadillos, which have femora similar to those of Plesiorycteropus. On the other hand, the caviomorph model produced a better estimate of brain size in Plesiorycteropus. Any of the estimates makes it considerably larger than the largest living tenrec, Tenrec ecaudatus, at up to 2 kilograms (4.4 lb). The higher estimates would make it larger than any extant native Malagasy mammal. This is consistent with the trend for larger members of the late Pleistocene and Holocene faunas of Madagascar and elsewhere to have been at higher risk of extinction.

### Skull

There are four known skulls (three of P. madagascariensis and one of P. germainepetterae), each of which is damaged. All are missing the front (rostral) part, and three are broken at about the same place (at the paranasal cavities, at the front of the braincase), suggesting that the front part of the skull was thinner and more fragile than the back part, which consists of thick bones. MacPhee estimated maximum skull length in P. madagascariensis at 101 millimetres (4.0 in). The length of the frontal bone averages 35.4 millimetres (1.39 in) in P. madagascariensis and is 29.4 millimetres (1.16 in) in P. germainepetterae.

The robust nasal bones, preserved in a single specimen, are widest at the front, a feature unusual among placentals that is also seen in armadillos, and are also unusually flat. The ethmoid labyrinth, in the nasal cavity, was large, suggesting that Plesiorycteropus had a good sense of smell. A much larger part of the nasal septum, which separates the left and right nasal cavities, is ossified than usual in other mammals; MacPhee could find a similar condition only in sloths, which have a very short nose. The lacrimal bone is relatively large. At it is a single lacrimal canal, which opens near the suture between the frontal and lacrimal bones, like in lipotyphlans. There is a small tubercle (absent in aardvarks) near this opening. The orbital cavity, which houses the eyes, is relatively short, similar to the situation in pangolins and armadillos. A distinct tubercle is present on the suture between the frontal and parietal bones in P. germainepetterae, but not P. madagascariensis. P. madagascariensis has a more expansive braincase and a less pronounced narrowing between the orbits. The foramen rotundum, an opening in the bone of the orbit, is present. The optic canal, which houses the nerves leading to the eyes, is narrow, suggesting that the eyes were small, similar to many other tenrecoids. As in pangolins and xenarthrans, little of the squamosal bone can be seen from above. The temporal lines on the braincase, which anchor muscles, are located lower in P. germainepetterae. Like in aardvarks, the parietals are relatively large. An interparietal bone is present. Unlike in anteaters and pangolins, the occiput (the back of the skull) is flat and vertical. Plesiorycteropus lacks notches above the foramen magnum (the opening that connects the brain to the spinal cord), which are present in aardvarks. The nuchal crest, a projection on the occiput, is straight in P. madagascariensis, but in P. germainepetterae it is interrupted in the middle, similar to the situation in armadillos and hyraxes.

In their descriptions of Plesiorycteropus, Lamberton and Patterson posited different interpretations of the location of the mandibular fossa, where the mandible (lower jaw) articulates with the cranium. MacPhee found problems with either interpretation and suggested that the true mandibular fossa was part of the area Lamberton identified as such, at the side of the braincase. The fossa is small and low, suggesting that the animal was not capable of powerful biting. At the back of this fossa is a pseudoglenoid proces, which is more prominent in P. germainepetterae. In P. germainepetterae but not P. madagascariensis, a small opening, perhaps the vascular foramen, is present next to the foramen ovale. The petrosal bone forms a relatively large portion of the roof of the tympanic cavity, which houses the middle ear; parts of the petrosal are more developed in P. madagascariensis. Endocasts (casts of the inside of the skull) indicate that the neopallium part of the brain was relatively small.

### Postcranium

There are 34 known vertebrae of Plesiorycteropus. The animal had at least seven sacral and five or six lumbar vertebrae. A find of associated caudal vertebrae from the base of the tail, which diminish in size only slowly from front to back, suggests that the tail was long. There is no evidence for the additional joints between the vertebrae that are characteristic of xenarthrans. In the seven known thoracic (chest) vertebrae, the articulations with the intervertebral disks are bean-shaped and much wider from side to side than from top to bottom. In the back thoracics and all lumbars, a longitudinal transarcual canal is present in the neural arch.

A scapula (shoulder blade), only tentatively assigned to Plesiorycteropus, has the acromion, a process, present, but the structure is probably not as large as in aardvarks or armadillos. Six humeri have been found; the bone is robust and an entepicondylar foramen is present in the distal (far) end. There are three examples of the radius, a compact and massive bone in Plesiorycteropus which resembles the pangolin radius. The three known ulnae show that the olecranon process at the proximal (near) end is well-developed, but the distal end is narrow; the morphology of the bone suggests that the animal was capable of producing much force with its arms.

The innominate is known from seven examples, but most are quite incomplete. It includes a narrow ilium and long ischium. The ischial tuberosity, a narrow rough piece of bone in most placentals, is broad and smooth in Plesiorycteropus. With 17 specimens, the femur is the best represented long bone. It is distinctive in its long neck, similar only to the gymnure Echinosorex according to MacPhee. A projection known as the third trochanter is larger in P. madagascariensis. The tibia and fibula are extensively fused into a tibiofibula, of which eight examples are known. This bone resembles that of armadillos in the extensive fusion, the compression of the shaft of the tibia, the narrowness of the articulation surface at the distal end, and the broad space between the bones. Unlike in armadillos, the tibia and fibula are not inclined relative to each other, but about parallel. The astragalus, which is known from four examples, is wide and short and contains a uniquely large posteromedial process. Seven metapodials (middle hand or foot bones) are known, rather variable in size, but MacPhee was unable to separate metacarpals (from the hand) and metatarsals (from the foot). All are rather short and are broad proximally and narrow distally. Among the few known phalanges, the proximal phalange is shorter than the middle one and the distal phalanges are narrow and clawlike.

## Ecology, behavior, and extinction

The forelimbs of Plesiorycteropus show specializations for scratch-digging, in which the forefeet are placed against the substrate, the claws are entered into the substrate, and the forefeet are then drawn back against the body. Other parts of the body also show such specializations, including large hindlimbs and a broad tail. Some aspects of the vertebral column and the pelvis suggest that the animal often assumed an erect, or sitting, posture. The animal may also have been capable of climbing, perhaps in a manner similar to gymnures and shrew tenrecs, which are small-eyed like Plesiorycteropus. It was probably myrmecophagous, eating insects such as ants and termites, but may also have eaten other soft food, and because of its small size probably did not forage in termite mounds, as the aardvark does.

MacPhee had material of Plesiorycteropus from twelve sites in central, western, and southern Madagascar. It and other recently extinct Madagascar mammals may have lived in and near wetlands. P. madagascariensis is known from sites throughout this range, but P. germainepetterae has only been definitely recorded from the center; small bones from southern sites may also belong to it. Thus, the two species apparently had widely overlapping ranges.

Little is known about the extinction of Plesiorycteropus, but MacPhee assumed it may have happened around 1000 years ago, when the extinction of the rest of the subfossil fauna of Madagascar is thought to have concluded. Nothing like it was reported by 17th-century European explorers of the island, and one bone has been radiocarbon dated to around 2150 Before Present (200 BCE). Its extinction is somewhat anomalous, as other recently extinct Madagascan animals—such as subfossil lemurs, Malagasy hippopotamuses, the giant fossa, and elephant birds—were generally larger and not exclusively insectivorous; also, some species with likely more specialized diets, such as the falanouc (Eupleres goudoti) and aye-aye (Daubentonia madagascariensis), did survive. Early human colonists of Madagascar may have caused the extinction of Plesiorycteropus through the destruction of the forest and other disturbances.

## See also

- List of mammals of Madagascar

An extinct genus of eutherian mammals from Madagascar


Bob Cousy

Robert Joseph Cousy (/ˈkuːzi/ , born August 9, 1928) is an American former professional basketball player. Cousy played point guard for the Boston Celtics from 1950 to 1963, and briefly with the Cincinnati Royals during the 1969–70 season. A 13-time NBA All-Star and 1957 NBA Most Valuable Player (MVP), he was a core piece during the early half of the Celtics dynasty winning six NBA championships during his 13-year tenure with the Celtics. Nicknamed "The Houdini of the Hardwood", Cousy was the NBA assists leader for eight consecutive seasons, introducing a new blend of ball-handling and passing skills to the NBA. He is regarded as the first great point guard of the NBA, and was the first to reach the 4,000, 5,000, and 6,000 career assists milestones.

Making his high school varsity squad as a junior, Cousy went on to earn a scholarship to the College of the Holy Cross, where he led the Crusaders to berths in the 1948 NCAA Tournament and 1950 NCAA Tournament, while winning NCAA All-American honors for three seasons. Cousy entered the 1950 NBA draft and was initially drafted by the Tri-Cities Blackhawks as the third overall pick in the first round, but after he refused to report he was picked up by Boston. Following his playing career with the Celtics he served as a college basketball coach and an NBA head coach for the Cincinnati Royals.

Upon his election to the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame in 1971 the Celtics retired his No. 14 jersey and hung it in the rafters of the Garden. Cousy was named to the NBA 25th Anniversary Team in 1971, the NBA 35th Anniversary Team in 1981, the NBA 50th Anniversary All-Time Team in 1996, and the NBA 75th Anniversary Team in 2021 making him one of only four players that were selected to each of those teams. He is also one of only two of these players who is still alive with Bob Pettit as of 2023 and the older of the two living members. He was also the first president of National Basketball Players Association. On August 22, 2019, he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Donald Trump.

## Early life

Cousy was the only son of poor French immigrants living in New York City. He grew up in the Yorkville neighborhood of Manhattan's East Side, in the midst of the Great Depression. His father Joseph was a cab driver, who earned extra income by moonlighting. The elder Cousy had served in the German Army during World War I. Shortly after the war, his first wife died of pneumonia, leaving behind a young daughter. He married Julie Corlet, a secretary and French teacher from Dijon. At the time of the 1930 census, the family was renting an apartment in Astoria, Queens, for \$50 per month. The younger Cousy spoke French for the first 5 years of his life, and started to speak English only after entering primary school. He spent his early days playing stickball in a multicultural environment, regularly playing with Black, Jewish and other ethnic minority children. These experiences ingrained him with a strong anti-racist sentiment, an attitude he prominently promoted during his professional career. When he was 12, his family moved to a rented house in St. Albans, Queens. That summer, the elder Cousy put a \$500 down payment for a \$4,500 house four blocks away. He rented out the bottom two floors of the three-story building to tenants to help make his mortgage payments on time.

Cousy took up basketball at the age of 13 as a student at St. Pascal's elementary school, and was "immediately hooked". The following year, he entered Andrew Jackson High School in St Albans. His basketball success was not immediate, and in fact he was cut from the school team in his first year. Later that year, he joined the St. Albans Lindens of the Press League, a basketball league sponsored by the Long Island Press, where he began to develop his basketball skills and gained much-needed experience. The next year, however, he was again cut during the tryouts for the school basketball team.

That same year, he fell out of a tree and broke his right hand. The injury forced him to play left-handed until his hand healed, making him effectively ambidextrous. In retrospect, he described this accident as "a fortunate event" and cited it as a factor in making him more versatile on the court. During a Press League game, the high school basketball coach saw him play. He was impressed by the budding star's two-handed ability and invited Cousy to come to practice the following day to try out for the junior varsity team. He did well enough to become a permanent member of the JV squad. He continued to practice day and night, and by his junior year was sure he was going to be promoted to the varsity; but failing his citizenship course made him ineligible for the first semester. He joined the varsity squad midway through the season, however, scoring 28 points in his first game. He had no intention of attending college, but after he started to make a name for himself on the basketball court he started to focus on improving in both academics and basketball skills to make it easier for him to get into college.

He again excelled in basketball his senior year, leading his team to the Queens divisional championship and amassing more points than any other New York City high school basketball player. He was even named captain of the Journal-American All-Scholastic team. He then began to plan for college. His family had wanted him to attend a Catholic school, and he wanted to go somewhere outside New York City. Boston College recruited him, and he considered accepting the BC offer, but it had no dormitories, and he was not interested in being a commuter student. Soon afterward, he received an offer from the College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, Massachusetts, about forty miles (64 kilometers) west of Boston. He was impressed by the school, and accepted the basketball scholarship it offered him. He spent the summer before matriculating working at Tamarack Lodge in the Catskill Mountains and playing in a local basketball league along with a number of established college players.

## College career

Cousy was one of six freshmen on the Holy Cross Crusaders' varsity basketball team in 1946–47. From the start of the season, coach Doggie Julian chose to play the six freshmen off the bench in a two-team system, so that each player would get some time on the court. As members of the "second team", they would come off the bench nine and a half minutes into the game, where they would relieve the "first team" starters. They would sometimes get to play as much as a third or even half of the game, but even at that Cousy was so disappointed with the lack of playing time that he went to the campus chapel after practice to pray that Julian would give him more of a chance to show off his talents on the court. Early in the season, however, he got into trouble with Julian, who accused him of being a showboater. Even as late as that 1946–47 season, basketball was a static game, depending on slow, deliberate player movement and flat-footed shots. Far different was Cousy's up-tempo, streetball-like game, marked by ambidextrous finesse play and notable for behind-the-back dribbling and no-look, behind-the-back and half-court passing. Even so, he had enough playing time in games to score 227 points for the season, finishing with the third-highest total on the team. Led by stars George Kaftan and Joe Mullaney, the Crusaders finished the 1946–47 basketball season 24–3.

On the basis of that record, Holy Cross got into the 1947 NCAA Tournament as the last seed in the then only eight-team tournament. In the first game, they defeated Navy 55–47 in front of a sell-out crowd at Madison Square Garden. Mullaney led the team in scoring with 18 points, thanks to Navy coach Ben Carnevale's decision to have his players back off from Mullaney, who was reputed as being more of a playmaker than a shooter. In the semifinal game, the Crusaders faced CCNY, coached by Nat Holman, one of the game's earliest innovators. Led by Kaftan's 30 points, Holy Cross easily defeated the Beavers 60–45. In the championship game, the Crusaders faced Oklahoma, coached by Bruce Drake, in another sold-out game at Madison Square Garden. Kaftan followed up his 30-point semifinal heroics with a mere 18 points in the title game, which was far more than enough for the team to defeat the Sooners 58–47. Cousy played poorly, however, scoring only four points on 2-for-13 shots. Holy Cross became the first New England college to win the NCAA tournament. On their arrival back in Worcester, the team was given a hero's welcome by about 10,000 cheering fans who met their train at Union Station.

The following season Julian limited Cousy's playing time, to the point that the frustrated sophomore contemplated transferring out of Holy Cross. Cousy wrote a letter to coach Joe Lapchick of St. John's University in New York, informing him that he was considering a transfer there. Lapchick wrote back to Cousy that he considered Julian "one of the finest basketball coaches in America" and that he believed Julian had no bad intentions in restricting his playing time. He told Cousy that Julian would use him more often during his later years with the team. Lapchick alerted Cousy that transferring was a very risky move: according to NCAA rules, the player would be required to sit out a year before becoming eligible to play for the school to which he transferred. Cousy still managed to lead the Crusaders in scoring and was an AP Third Team All American. Cousy again led the team in scoring in his junior year, and was named a Second Team All American by multiple services, including the AP.

During Cousy's senior year of 1949–1950, with 5 minutes to go and Holy Cross trailing in a game against Loyola of Chicago at Boston Garden, the crowd started to chant "We want Cousy!" until coach Julian relented. In these few minutes, Cousy scored 11 points and hit a game-winning buzzer-beater coming off a behind-the-back dribble. The performance established him as a team leader, and he then led Holy Cross to 26 straight wins and a Number 4 national ranking. He was a consensus First Team All-American, and led the team in scoring for the third straight season with 19.4 points per game. A three-time All-American, Cousy ended his college career in the 1950 NCAA Tournament, when Holy Cross fell to North Carolina State in an opening-round game at Madison Square Garden. CCNY would go on to win the tournament.

## Professional career

### Boston Celtics (1950–1963)

#### Early years (1950–1956)

Cousy turned pro and made himself available for the 1950 NBA draft. The Boston Celtics had just concluded the 1949–50 NBA season with a poor 22–46 win–loss record and had the first draft pick. It was strongly anticipated that they would draft the highly coveted local favorite Cousy. However, coach Red Auerbach snubbed him for center Charlie Share, saying: "Am I supposed to win, or please the local yokels?" The local press strongly criticized Auerbach, but other scouts were also skeptical about Cousy, viewing him as flamboyant but ineffective. One scout wrote in his report: "The first time he tries that fancy Dan stuff in this league, they'll cram the ball down his throat."

As a result, the Tri-Cities Blackhawks drafted Cousy, but the point guard was unenthusiastic about his new employer. Cousy was trying to establish a driving school in Worcester, Massachusetts and did not want to relocate to the Midwestern triangle of the three small towns of Moline, Rock Island and Davenport. As compensation for having to give up his driving school, Cousy demanded a salary of \$10,000 from Blackhawks owner Ben Kerner. When Kerner offered him only \$6,000, Cousy refused to report. Cousy was then picked up by the Chicago Stags, but when they folded, league Commissioner Maurice Podoloff declared three Stags available for a dispersal draft: team scoring leader Max Zaslofsky, Andy Phillip and Cousy. Celtics owner Walter A. Brown was one of the three club bosses invited. He later made it clear that he was hoping for Zaslofsky, would have tolerated Phillip, and did not want Cousy. When the Celtics drew Cousy, Brown confessed: "I could have fallen to the floor." Brown reluctantly gave him a \$9,000 salary.

It was not long before both Auerbach and Brown changed their minds. With averages of 15.6 points, 6.9 rebounds and 4.9 assists a game, Cousy received the first of his 13 consecutive NBA All-Star selections and led a Celtics team with future Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Famers Ed Macauley and Bones McKinney to a 39–30 record in the 1950–51 NBA season. However, in the 1951 NBA Playoffs, the Celtics were beaten by the New York Knicks. With future Hall-of-Fame guard Bill Sharman on board the next season, Cousy averaged 21.7 points, 6.4 rebounds and 6.7 assists per game en route to his first All-NBA First Team nomination. Nonetheless, the Celtics lost to the Knicks in the 1952 NBA Playoffs.

In the following season, Cousy made further progress. Averaging 7.7 assists per game, he won the first of his eight consecutive assists titles. These numbers were made despite the fact that the NBA had not yet introduced the shot clock, making the game static and putting prolific assist givers at a disadvantage. Powered by Auerbach's quick fastbreak-dominated tactics, the Celtics won 46 games and beat the Syracuse Nationals 2–0 in the 1953 NBA Playoffs. Game 2 ended 111–105 in a 4-overtime thriller, in which Cousy had a much-lauded game. Despite having an injured leg, he scored 25 points after four quarters, scored 6 of his team's 9 points in the first overtime, hit a clutch free throw in the last seconds, and scored all 4 of Boston's points in the second overtime. He scored 8 more points in the third overtime, among them a 25-ft. buzzer beater. In the fourth overtime, he scored 9 of Boston's 12 points. Cousy played 66 minutes, and scored 50 points after making a still-standing record of 30 free throws in 32 attempts. This game is regarded by the NBA as one of the finest scoring feats ever, in line with Wilt Chamberlain's 100-point game. However, for the third time in a row, the Knicks beat Boston in the next round.

In the next three years, Cousy firmly established himself as one of the league's best point guards. Leading the league in assists all 3 seasons, and averaging 20 points and 7 rebounds, the versatile Cousy earned himself three more All-NBA First Team and All-Star honors, and was also Most Valuable Player of the 1954 NBA All-Star Game. In terms of playing style, Cousy introduced an array of visually attractive street basketball moves, described by the NBA as a mix of ambidextrous, behind-the-back dribbling and "no-look passes, behind-the-back feeds or half-court fastbreak launches". Cousy's modus operandi contrasted with the rest of the NBA, which was dominated by muscular low post scorers and deliberate set shooters. Soon, he was called "Houdini of the Hardwood" after the magician Harry Houdini. Cousy's crowd-pleasing and effective play drew the crowd into the Boston Garden and also won over coach Auerbach, who no longer saw him as a liability, but as an essential building block for the future.

The Celtics eventually added two talented forwards, future Hall-of-Famer Frank Ramsey and defensive specialist Jim Loscutoff. Along with Celtics colleague Bob Brannum, Loscutoff also became Cousy's unofficial bodyguard, retaliating against opposing players who would try to hurt him. The Celtics were unable to make their mark in the 1954 NBA Playoffs, 1955 NBA Playoffs, and 1956 NBA Playoffs, where they lost three times in a row against the Nationals. Cousy attributed the shortcomings to fatigue, stating: "We would get tired in the end and could not get the ball". As a result, Auerbach sought a defensive center who could get easy rebounds, initiate fast breaks and close out games.

#### Celtics dynasty years (1957–1963)

Before the 1956–57 NBA season, Auerbach drafted two future Hall-of-Famers: forward Tom Heinsohn, and defensive center Bill Russell. Powered by these new players, the Celtics went 44–28 in the regular season, and Cousy averaged 20.6 points, 4.8 rebounds and a league-leading 7.5 assists, earning his first NBA Most Valuable Player Award; he also won his second NBA All-Star Game MVP award. The Celtics reached the 1957 NBA Finals, and powered by Cousy on offense and rugged center Russell on defense, they beat the Hawks 4–3, who were noted for future Hall-of-Fame power forward Bob Pettit and former teammates Macauley and Hagan. Cousy finally won his first title.

In the 1957–58 NBA season, Cousy had yet another highly productive year, with his 20.0 points, 5.5 rebounds and 8.6 assists per game leading to nominations into the All-NBA First Team and the All-Star team. He again led the NBA in assists. The Celtics reached the 1958 NBA Finals against the Hawks, but when Russell succumbed to a foot injury in Game 3, the Celtics faded and bowed out four games to two. This was the last losing NBA playoff series in which Cousy would play.

In the following 1958–59 NBA season, the Celtics got revenge on their opposition, powered by an inspired Cousy, who averaged 20.0 points, 5.5 rebounds and a league-high 8.6 assists a game, won another assists title and another pair of All-NBA First Team and All-Star team nominations. Late in the season, Cousy reasserted his playmaking dominance by setting an NBA record with 28 assists in a game against the Minneapolis Lakers. While that record was broken 19 years later, Cousy also set a record for 19 assists in a half which has never been broken. The Celtics stormed through the playoffs and, behind Cousy's 51 total assists (still a record for a four-game NBA Finals series), defeated the Minneapolis Lakers in the first 4–0 sweep ever in the 1959 NBA Finals.

In the 1959–60 NBA season, Cousy was again productive, his 19.4 points, 4.7 rebounds and 9.5 assists per game earning him his eighth consecutive assists title and another joint All-NBA First Team and All-Star team nomination. Again, the Celtics defeated all opposition and won the 1960 NBA Finals 4–3 against the Hawks. A year later, the 32-year-old Cousy scored 18.1 points, 4.4 rebounds and 7.7 assists per game, winning another pair of All-NBA First Team and All-Star nominations, but failing to win the assists crown after eight consecutive seasons. However, the Celtics won the 1961 NBA Finals after convincingly beating the Hawks 4–1.

In the 1961–62 NBA season, the aging Cousy slowly began to fade statistically, averaging 15.7 points, 3.5 rebounds and 7.8 assists, and was voted into the All-NBA Second Team after ten consecutive First Team nominations. Still, he enjoyed a satisfying postseason, winning the 1962 NBA Finals after 4–3 battles against two upcoming teams, the Philadelphia Warriors and Los Angeles Lakers. The Finals series against the Lakers was especially dramatic, because Lakers guard Frank Selvy failed to make a last-second buzzer beater in Game 7 which would have won the title. Finally, in the 1962–63 NBA season, the last of his career, Cousy averaged 13.2 points, 2.5 rebounds and 6.8 assists, and collected one last All-Star and All-NBA Second Team nomination. In the 1963 NBA Finals, the Celtics again won 4–2 against the Lakers, and Cousy finished his career on a high note: in the fourth quarter of Game 6, Cousy sprained an ankle and had to be helped to the bench. He went back in with Boston up 1. Although he did not score again, he was credited with providing an emotional lift that carried the Celtics to victory, 112–109. The game ended with Cousy throwing the ball into the rafters.

### Retirement

At age 34, Cousy held his retirement ceremony on March 17, 1963, in a packed Boston Garden. The event became known as the Boston Tear Party, when the crowd's response overwhelmed Cousy, left him speechless, and caused his planned 7-minute farewell to go on for 20. Joe Dillon, a water worker from South Boston, Massachusetts, and a devoted Celtics fan, screamed "We love ya, Cooz", breaking the tension and the crowd went into cheers. As a testament to Cousy's legacy, President John F. Kennedy wired to Cousy: "The game bears the indelible stamp of your rare skills and competitive daring, and it will serve as a living reminder of your long and illustrious career so long as it is played."

### Cincinnati Royals (1969–1970)

During the 1969–70 NBA season, the then 41-year-old Cousy, who was also the head coach for the Royals, made a late-season comeback as a player for seven games.

## NBA career statistics

### Regular season

### Playoffs

## Coaching career

### College coach

After retiring as a player, Cousy published his autobiography Basketball Is My Life in 1963, and in the same year became coach at Boston College. In the 1965 ECAC Holiday Basketball Festival at Madison Square Garden, Providence defeated Boston College 91–86 in the title game, when the Friars were led by Tourney MVP and All-American Jimmy Walker. Providence was coached by Joe Mullaney, who was Cousy's teammate at Holy Cross when the two men were players there in 1947. In his six seasons there, he had a record of 114 wins and 38 losses and was named New England Coach of the Year for 1968 and 1969. Cousy led the Eagles to three NIT appearances, including a berth in the 1969 NIT Championship and two National Collegiate Athletic Association tournaments, including the 1967 Eastern Regional Finals.

### NBA coach

Cousy grew bored with college basketball and returned to the NBA as coach of the Cincinnati Royals, team of fellow Hall-of-Fame point guard Oscar Robertson. He later said about this engagement, "I did it for the money. I was made an offer I couldn't refuse." He continued as coach of the team after it moved from Cincinnati to Kansas City/Omaha, but stepped down as the Kings' coach early in the 1973–74 NBA season with a 141–209 record.

## Coaching record

### College coaching record

### NBA coaching record

\|- \| align="left" \|Cincinnati \| align="left" \|1969–70 \|82\|\|36\|\|46\|\|.439\|\| align="center" \|5th in Eastern\|\|—\|\|—\|\|—\|\|— \| align="center" \|Missed playoffs \|- \| align="left" \|Cincinnati \| align="left" \|1970–71 \|82\|\|33\|\|49\|\|.402\|\| align="center" \|3rd in Central\|\|—\|\|—\|\|—\|\|— \| align="center" \|Missed playoffs \|- \| align="left" \|Cincinnati \| align="left" \|1971–72 \|82\|\|30\|\|52\|\|.366\|\| align="center" \|3rd in Central\|\|—\|\|—\|\|—\|\|— \| align="center" \|Missed playoffs \|- \| align="left" \|Kansas City–Omaha \| align="left" \|1972–73 \|82\|\|36\|\|46\|\|.439\|\| align="center" \|4th in Midwest\|\|—\|\|—\|\|—\|\|— \| align="center" \|Missed playoffs \|- \| align="left" \|Kansas City–Omaha \| align="left" \|1973–74 \|20\|\|6\|\|14\|\|.300\|\| align="center" \|(resigned)\|\|—\|\|—\|\|—\|\|— \| align="center" \|— \|-class="sortbottom" \| align="left" \|Career \| \|\|348\|\|141\|\|207\|\|.405\|\| \|\|—\|\|—\|\|—\|\|— \| align="center" \|—

## Legacy

In 1954, the NBA had no health benefits, pension plan, minimum salary, and the average player's salary was \$8,000 (\$82,000 in 2021 dollars) a season. To combat this, Cousy organized the National Basketball Players Association, the first trade union among those in the four major North American professional sports leagues. Cousy served as its first president until 1958.

In his 13-year, 924-game NBA playing career, Cousy finished with 16,960 points, 4,786 rebounds and 6,955 assists, translating to averages of 18.4 points, 5.2 rebounds and 7.5 assists per game. He was regarded as the first great point guard of the NBA, winning eight of the first 11 assist titles in the league, all of them en bloc, and had a highly successful career, winning six NBA titles, one MVP award, 13 All-Star and 12 All-NBA First and Second Team call-ups and two All-Star MVP awards. With his eye-catching dribbling and unorthodox passing, Cousy popularized modern guard play and raised the profile of the Boston Celtics and the entire NBA. His fast-paced playing style was later emulated by the likes of Pete Maravich and Magic Johnson.

In recognition of his feats, Cousy was inducted into the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame in 1971 and in 1963, the Celtics retired his uniform number, 14, the first of two numbers retired (the other was Ed Macauley’s number 22). Celtics owner Walter Brown said: "The Celtics wouldn't be here without him [Cousy]. He made basketball in this town. If he had played in New York he would have been the biggest thing since [New York Yankees baseball legend] Babe Ruth. I think he is anyway." In addition, on May 11, 2006, ESPN.com rated Cousy as the fifth-greatest point guard of all time, lauding him as "ahead of his time with his ballhandling and passing skills" and pointing out he is one of only seven point guards ever to win an NBA Most Valuable Player award.

On November 16, 2008, Cousy's college uniform number, 17, was hoisted to the Hart Center rafters. During halftime of a game between the Holy Cross Crusaders and St. Joseph's Hawks, the uniform numbers of Cousy, George Kaftan, Togo Palazzi, and Tommy Heinsohn became the first to hang from the gymnasium's ceiling.

On July 1, 2019, Cousy advised The Boston Globe that he had received an official letter notifying him that he would receive the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Donald Trump on August 22, 2019. He received the medal at a ceremony in the Oval Office. A statue of Cousy was installed outside the DCU Center in Worcester, Massachusetts, in 2021.

Cousy has been the recipient of several basketball awards being named after him. The Bob Cousy Award has been presented annually since 2004 by the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame to the top men's collegiate point guard. In 2022, the NBA renamed its Eastern Conference championship trophy in honor of Cousy.

## Off the court

### Soccer league commissioner

Despite his unfamiliarity with the sport, Cousy was appointed Commissioner of the American Soccer League on December 19, 1974. His most notable act as commissioner was to declare the New York Apollo and Boston Astros co‐champions after both teams played 67 minutes of extra time without resolution in the second and deciding leg of the league's championship series on September 20, 1975. He was relieved of his duties on December 1, 1979. Pennsylvania Stoners club owner Willie Ehrlich explained the dismissal by stating, "After five years as commissioner, Cousy still goes around telling people he knows nothing about soccer."

### Personal life

Cousy married his college sweetheart, Missie Ritterbusch, in December 1950, six months after he graduated from Holy Cross. They lived in Worcester, Massachusetts, and had two daughters. His wife died on September 20, 2013, after suffering from dementia for several years.

Cousy was well-known, both on and off the court, for his public stance against racism, a result of his upbringing in a multicultural environment. In 1950, the Celtics played a game in the then-segregated city of Charlotte, North Carolina, and teammate Chuck Cooper—the first African-American in NBA history to be drafted—would have been denied a hotel room. Instead of taking the hotel room, Cousy insisted on travelling with Cooper on an uncomfortable overnight train. He described their visit to a segregated men's toilet—Cooper was prohibited from using the clean "for whites" bathroom and had to use the shabby "for colored" facility—as one of the most shameful experiences of his life. He also sympathized with the plight of black Celtics star Bill Russell, who was frequently a victim of racism.

He was close to his Celtics mentor, head coach Red Auerbach, and was one of the few permitted to call him "Arnold", his given name, instead of his nickname "Red".

He was a color analyst on Celtics telecasts during the 1980s." In addition, he had a role in the 1994 basketball film Blue Chips, in which he played a college athletic director.

He is currently a marketing consultant for the Celtics, and occasionally makes broadcast appearances with Mike Gorman (and with ex-Celtic teammate Tom Heinsohn prior to Heinsohn's death on November 9, 2020).

## See also

- List of athletes who came out of retirement
- List of National Basketball Association career assists leaders
- List of National Basketball Association career triple-double leaders
- List of National Basketball Association career playoff assists leaders
- List of National Basketball Association players with most assists in a game
- List of National Basketball Association single-game playoff scoring leaders

American basketball player and coach (born 1928)

All-American college men's basketball players

Andrew Jackson High School (Queens) alumni

Basketball coaches from New York (state)

Basketball players from Worcester, Massachusetts

Boston College Eagles men's basketball coaches

College men's basketball head coaches in the United States

Holy Cross Crusaders men's basketball players

Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame inductees

National Basketball Association All-Stars

National Basketball Association Most Valuable Player Award winners

National Basketball Association broadcasters

National Basketball Association players with retired numbers

National Basketball Players Association presidents

Presidential Medal of Freedom recipients


Mormon handcart pioneers

The Mormon handcart pioneers were participants in the migration of members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) to Salt Lake City, Utah, who used handcarts to transport their belongings. The Mormon handcart movement began in 1856 and continued until 1860.

Motivated to join their fellow church members in Utah, but lacking funds for full teams of oxen or horses, nearly 3,000 Mormon pioneers from England, Wales, Scotland and Scandinavia made the journey from Iowa or Nebraska to Utah in ten handcart companies. The trek was disastrous for two of the companies, which started their journey dangerously late and were caught by heavy snow and severe temperatures in central Wyoming. Despite a dramatic rescue effort, more than 210 of the 980 pioneers in these two companies died along the way. John Chislett, a survivor, wrote, "Many a father pulled his cart, with his little children on it, until the day preceding his death."

Although only about 5 percent of the 1846–1868 Latter-day Saint emigrants made the journey west using handcarts, the handcart pioneers have become an important symbol in LDS culture, representing the faithfulness and sacrifice of the pioneer generation. They continue to be recognized and honored in events such as Pioneer Day, church pageants, and similar commemorations.

## Background to the migration

The Latter Day Saints were first organized in 1830. Early members of the church often encountered hostility, primarily due to their practice of withdrawing from secular society and gathering in locales to practice their religious beliefs. Neighbors who were not Mormon felt threatened by the church's rapid growth in numbers, its tendency to vote as a bloc and acquire political power, its claims of divine favor, and the practice of polygamy. Violence against the church and its members caused most church members to move from Ohio to Missouri, then to Illinois. Despite the frequent moves, church members were unable to prevent opposition, culminating in the extermination order against all Mormons living Missouri by the state's governor Lilburn Boggs in 1838 and the murder of their leader Joseph Smith in 1844. After Smith's death, Brigham Young said that he had received divine direction to organize the church members. In early 1846 he began leading them beyond the western frontier of the United States to settle in the Great Basin.

## Need for handcart companies

Soon after the first Mormon pioneers reached Utah in 1847, the church encouraged its converts in Europe to emigrate to Utah. On December 23, 1847, the church leadership sent an epistle to the members in the British Isles saying "Emigrate as speedily as possible to this vicinity." Many British church members were disparaged and ridiculed due to the church's practice of polygamy. From 1849 to 1855, about 16,000 European Latter-day Saints traveled to the United States by ship, through the eastern states by rail, and to Utah by ox and wagon. Although most of these emigrants paid their own expenses, the church established the Perpetual Emigrating Fund to provide financial assistance for poor emigrants to trek west, which they would repay as they were able.

When contributions and loan repayments decreased in 1855 after a poor harvest in Utah, Young began to use handcarts because the church members who remained in Europe were mostly poor. Young also believed it would speed the emigrants' journey. Young proposed the plan in a letter to Franklin D. Richards, president of the European Mission, in September 1855. Young's letter and an editorial endorsing Young's plan by Richards was published in the Millennial Star the church's England-based periodical, on December 22, 1855. The cost of the migration was expected to be reduced by one-third. Poor church members who wanted to emigrate responded enthusiastically to the new plan—in 1856 the Perpetual Emigration Fund supported the travel of 2,012 European emigrants, compared with 1,161 the year before.

## Outfitting

Emigrants departed from an English port (generally Liverpool) and travelled by ship to New York or Boston. The emigrants who arrived from 1855 to 1857 traveled by railroad to Iowa City, Iowa, the western terminus of the rail line, where they would be outfitted with handcarts and other supplies, while later emigrants traveled by rail and boat up the Missouri River to Florence, Nebraska (now part of Omaha).

Built to Young's design, the handcarts resembled a large wheelbarrow, with two wheels. They were five feet (1.5 metres) in diameter and a single axle four and a half feet (1.4 m) wide, and weighing 60 pounds (27 kg). Running along each side of the bed were seven-foot (2.1 m) pull shafts ending with a three-foot (0.9 m) crossbar at the front. The crossbar allowed the carts to be pushed or pulled. Cargo was carried in a box about three feet by four feet (0.9 m by 1.2 m), with 8 inches (0.20 m) walls. The handcarts generally carried up to 250 pounds (110 kg) of supplies and luggage, though they were capable of handling loads as heavy as 500 pounds (230 kg). Carts used in the first year's migration were made entirely of wood; in later years a stronger design was substituted, which included metal elements.

The handcart companies were organized using the handcarts and sleeping tents as the primary units. Five people were assigned per handcart, with each individual limited to 17 pounds (7.7 kg) of clothing and bedding. Each round tent, supported by a center pole, housed 20 occupants and was supervised by a tent captain. Five tents were supervised by the captain of a hundred (or "sub-captain"). Provisions for each group of one hundred emigrants were carried in an ox wagon, and were distributed by the tent captains.

## 1856: First three companies

The first two ships departed England in late March and mid-April and sailed to Boston. John Taylor was the church's agent in New York, and he arranged train transportation for the emigrants to Iowa City. Unaware of how many emigrants to expect, Taylor ordered the construction of 100 handcarts, but that would be inadequate for the companies. The emigrants spent several weeks in Iowa City building additional handcarts and obtaining supplies before beginning their trek of about 1,300 miles (2,100 km).

About 815 emigrants from the first two ships were organized into the first three handcart companies, headed by captains Edmund Ellsworth, Daniel D. McArthur, and Edward Bunker. The captains were missionaries returning to their homes in Utah and were familiar with the route. Most of the sub-captains were also returning missionaries.

Across Iowa they followed an existing road about 275 miles (443 km) to Council Bluffs, following a route that is close to current U.S. Route 6. After crossing the Missouri River, they paused for a few days at a Mormon outpost in Florence, Nebraska for repairs, before beginning the remaining 1,030-mile (1,660 km) journey along the Mormon Trail to Salt Lake City.

Initial problems with the carts occurred because the wood used to construct them was said to have been "green timber", or wood from trees that were recently chopped down and not given sufficient time to dry, causing an increase in breakdowns. When the first handcart company reached Winter Quarters, Ellsworth had a member of the company "tin" the wooden axles and also installed "thick hoop iron skeins" which enabled the handcart axles to turn more easily and resist breakage much better.

The companies made good time, and their trips were largely uneventful. The emigrant companies included many children and elderly individuals, and transporting handcarts was difficult. Journals and recollections describe periods of illness and hunger; the handcart companies were not able to carry enough food to sustain themselves without additional relief supplies sent from Utah. Hafen and Hafen's Handcarts to Zion lists 13 deaths from the first company, seven from the second, and fewer than seven from the third. The first two companies arrived in Salt Lake City on September 26 and the third followed less than a week later. The first three companies were regarded as having demonstrated the feasibility of emigrating using handcarts.

## 1856: Willie and Martin handcart companies

The last two handcart companies of 1856 departed late from England. The ship Thornton, carrying the emigrants who became the Willie Company, left England on May 4. The leader of the Latter-day Saints on the ship was James G. Willie. Horizon departed eleven days later, carrying the emigrants who later formed the Martin Company. The late departures may have been the result of difficulties in procuring ships in response to the unexpected demand.

With slow communications in the era before the transatlantic telegraph, the church's agents in Iowa City were not expecting the additional emigrants and made frantic preparations for their arrival. When the emigrants arrived in Iowa City, no handcarts had been built, and three weeks were spent hastily assembling the carts and outfitting the companies. When the companies reached Florence, additional time was lost making repairs to the poorly built carts. Emigrant John Chislett describes the problems with the carts:

> The axles and boxes being of wood, and being ground out by the dust that found its way there in spite of our efforts to keep it out, together with the extra weight put on the carts, had the effect of breaking the axles at the shoulder. All kinds of expedients were resorted to as remedies for the growing evil, but with variable success. Some wrapped their axles with leather obtained from bootlegs; others with tin, obtained by sacrificing tin-plates, kettles, or buckets from their mess outfit. Besides these inconveniences, there was felt a great lack of a proper lubricator. Of anything suitable for this purpose we had none at all.

Prior to the Willie Company departing Florence, the company met to debate if they should continue the journey immediately or wait for the spring. Because the emigrants were unfamiliar with the trail and the climate, they deferred to the returning missionaries and church agents. One of the returning missionaries, Levi Savage, urged them to spend the winter in Nebraska. He warned them that they could not travel "with a mixed company of aged people, women, and little children, so late in the season without much suffering, sickness, and death." All of the other church elders argued that the trip should go forward, expressing optimism that the company would be protected by divine intervention. Some members of the company, perhaps as many as 100, decided to spend the winter in Florence or in Iowa, but the majority, about 404 in number (including Savage) continued the journey west. The Willie Company left Florence on August 17 and the Martin Company on August 27. Two ox-wagon trains, led by captains W.B. Hodgett and John A. Hunt, followed the Martin Company.

Near Wood River, Nebraska, a herd of bison caused the Willie Company's cattle to stampede, and nearly 30 cattle were lost. Left without enough cattle to pull all of the wagons, each handcart was required to take on an additional 100 pounds (45 kg) of flour. In early September, Richards, returning from Europe where he had served as the church's mission president, passed the emigrant companies. Richards counseled the emigrants to be faithful and obedient to their leaders, and promised that the Lord would open a way for them to "get to Zion in safety." Richards and the 12 returning missionaries who accompanied him, traveling in carriages and light wagons pulled by horses and mules, pressed on to Utah to obtain assistance for the emigrants.

### Disaster and rescue

In early October the two companies reached Fort Laramie, Wyoming. They expected to be restocked with provisions, but they were unavailable. The companies cut back food rations down to 12 oz (340 g) per person, hoping that their supplies would last until help arrived from Utah. To lighten their loads, on October 17 the Martin Company cut the luggage allowance to 10 pounds (4.5 kg) per person, discarding clothing and blankets.

On October 4, the Richards party reached Salt Lake City and conferred with Brigham Young and other church leaders. The next morning the church held a general conference, where Young and the other speakers called on church members to provide wagons, mules, supplies, and teamsters for a rescue mission. On the morning of October 7, the first rescue party left Salt Lake City with 16 wagon-loads of food and supplies, pulled by four-mule teams with 27 young men serving as teamsters and rescuers. Throughout October more wagon trains were assembled, and by the end of the month 250 relief wagons were sent.

The Willie and Martin companies were running out of food and encountering extremely cold temperatures. On October 19, a blizzard struck the region, halting the two companies and the relief party. The Willie Company was along the Sweetwater River approaching the Continental Divide. A scouting party sent ahead by the main rescue party found and greeted the emigrants, gave them a small amount of flour, encouraged them that rescue was near, and then rushed onward to try to locate the Martin Company. The members of the Willie Company had reached the end of their flour supplies and slaughtered the handful of broken-down cattle that still remained. On October 20, Captain Willie and Joseph Elder went ahead by mule through the snow to locate the supply train and inform them of the company's desperate situation. They arrived at the rescue party's campsite near South Pass that evening, and by the next evening, the rescue party reached the Willie Company and provided them with food and assistance. Half of the rescue party remained to assist the Willie Company while the other half pressed forward to assist the Martin Company. On October 23, the second day after the main rescue party had arrived, the Willie Company faced the most difficult section of the trail—the ascent up Rocky Ridge. The climb took place during a howling snowstorm through knee-deep snow. That night 13 emigrants died.

On October 19, the Martin Company was about 110 miles (180 km) further east, making its last crossing of the North Platte River near present-day Casper, Wyoming. Shortly after completing the crossing, the blizzard struck. Many members of the company suffered from hypothermia or frostbite after wading through the frigid river. They set up camp at Red Bluffs, unable to continue forward through the snow. Meanwhile, the original scouting party continued eastward until it reached a small vacant fort at Devil's Gate, where they had been instructed to wait for the rest of the rescue party if they had not found the Martin Company. When the main rescue party rejoined them, another scouting party consisting of Joseph Young, Abel Garr, and Daniel Webster Jones was sent forward. The Martin company remained in their camp at Red Bluffs for nine days until the three scouts arrived on October 28; 56 members of the company had died while they waited. The scouts urged the emigrants to begin moving again. During this interval, the party was met by Ephraim Hanks, bringing meat from a recently slaughtered buffalo. The meat likely saved many lives as the nutritive value was much higher than that of the other supplies. He also performed many blessings and helped in some amputations to stop the progression of the frostbite and gangrene that would have otherwise killed more members of the company. Three days later the main rescue party met the Martin Company and the Hodgett and Hunt wagon companies, and they helped them on to Devil's Gate.

George D. Grant, who headed the rescue party, reported to Young:

> It is not of much use for me to attempt to give a description of the situation of these people, for this you will learn from [others]; but you can imagine between five and six hundred men, women and children, worn down by drawing hand carts through snow and mud; fainting by the wayside; falling, chilled by the cold; children crying, their limbs stiffened by cold, their feet bleeding and some of them bare to snow and frost. The sight is almost too much for the stoutest of us; but we go on doing all we can, not doubting nor despairing.

At Devil's Gate, the rescue party unloaded the baggage carried in the wagons of the Hodgett and Hunt wagon companies that had been following the Martin Company so the wagons could be used to transport the weakest emigrants. A small group, led by Jones, remained at Devil's Gate over the winter to protect the property. The severe weather forced the Martin Company to halt for five days; the company moved into Martin's Cove, a few miles west of Devil's Gate, as it was much more protected than the open plains to the east. During this season, the river, though shallow at about 2 feet (0.61 metres), was also 90 to 120 feet (27 to 37 metres) wide. The stream temperature was frigid and clogged with floating ice. Some of the men of the rescue party spent hours pulling the carts and carrying many of the emigrants across the river, while many members of the company crossed the river themselves, with some pulling their own handcarts. The rescue parties escorted the emigrants from both companies to Utah through snow and severe weather. When the Willie Company arrived in Salt Lake City on November 9, 68 members of the company had died from disease and exposure.

Meanwhile, a backup relief party of 77 teams and wagons was making its way east to provide additional assistance to the Martin Company. After passing Fort Bridger, the leaders of the backup party concluded that the Martin Company must have wintered east of the Rockies, so they turned back. When word of the returning backup relief party was communicated to Young, he ordered the courier to return and tell them to turn back east and continue until they found the handcart company. On November 18, the backup party met the Martin Company with the supplies so they could continue the journey. The 104 wagons carrying the Martin Company arrived in Salt Lake City on November 30; at least 145 members of the company had died during the journey. Many of the survivors had to have fingers, toes, or limbs amputated due to severe frostbite. Residents of Utah allowed the companies to stay in their homes during the winter. The emigrants would eventually go to Latter-day Saint settlements throughout Utah and the West.

### Responsibility for the tragedy

As early as November 2, 1856, while the Willie and Martin companies were still making their way to safety, Young responded to criticism of his own leadership by rebuking Franklin Richards and Daniel Spencer for allowing the companies to leave so late. Many authors argued that Young, as author of the plan, was responsible. Ann Eliza Young, daughter of one of the men in charge of building the carts and a former plural wife of Brigham Young, described her ex-husband's plan as a "cold-blooded, scheming, blasphemous policy". Most survivors refused to blame anyone. One traveler, Francis Webster, said it was a privilege to be part of the Martin company. One survivor, John Chislett, wrote bitterly of Richards's promise that "we should get to Zion in safety."

American West historian, Wallace Stegner, described the inadequate planning and improvident decisions of leadership caused the struggles of the companies. He described Richards as a scapegoat for Young's fundamental errors in planning, though Howard Christy, professor emeritus at Brigham Young University, noted that Richards had the authority to halt the companies' late departure because he was the highest-ranking official in the Florence, Nebraska area. Christy also pointed out that Young and the other members of the church's First Presidency had consistently pointed out that departure from what is now Omaha, Nebraska, needed to happen by the end of May to safely make the journey.

## 1857–60: Last five companies

The church enacted many changes following the journeys of the Willie and Martin companies. Handcart companies were not to depart Florence after July 7. The construction of the handcarts was modified to strengthen them and reduce repairs, and they would be regularly greased. Arrangements were made to replenish supplies along the route. By 1857 the Perpetual Emigration Fund was exhausted; almost all of the handcart emigrants that year and in subsequent years had to pay their own way. With the increased cost, the number of handcart emigrants dropped from nearly 2,000 in 1856 to about 480 in 1857. In 1857 two companies made the trek, both arriving in Salt Lake City by September 13.

With the uncertainty caused by the Utah War, the church prevented European emigration for 1858. In 1859 one handcart company crossed the plains. The emigrants could travel by rail to Saint Joseph, Missouri, after which they went by riverboat to Florence, where they were outfitted with handcarts and supplies. When the 1859 company reached Fort Laramie, they discovered their food was running dangerously low, so they cut back on rations. The hunger worsened when expected supplies were not available when they reached the Green River. Three days later wagons from Utah carrying provisions arrived to be distributed to the emigrants. The last two handcart companies made the journey in 1860, following the route through St. Joseph. Although the journey proved to be difficult for the emigrants, these companies had relatively uneventful trips and experienced little loss of life.

The outbreak of the American Civil War likely hastened the handcart system's demise by disrupting immigration from Europe and placing severe restrictions on rail travel from the East Coast. At the end of that conflict, the church implemented a new system of emigration in which wagon trains travelled east from Salt Lake City in the spring and returned with emigrants in the summer. The transcontinental railroad was being constructed in the mid-to-late 1860s and was completed in 1869; the railroad terminus gradually moved westward, progressively shortening the trip.

## Legacy

Handcart pioneers and the handcart movement are important parts of LDS culture, music and fiction. Arthur King Peters described these journeys as important parts of Mormon history and stated that these journeys caused the qualities of discipline, devotion, and self-sacrifice to be shown among the Mormon people. Wallace Stegner said the handcart pioneers were one of the greatest stories of the American West.

Reenactments, in which a group dressed in 19th-century garb travels for one or more days pushing and pulling handcarts, have become a popular activity among LDS wards, youth groups, and families. The first known modern-era reenactment took place in 1966 from Henefer, Utah, to the mouth of Emigration Canyon by young men from Phoenix, Arizona, using handcarts between metal wheels repurposed from old farm wagons. In 1968, 44 girls from Long Beach, California reenacted that same stretch of the Mormon Trail with homemade handcarts. From the mid-1970s until the early 1990s, participation in handcart reenactments were offered at BYU as a wilderness survival activity for youth conference participants. Beginning in 1977, similar treks were offered as part of Ricks College's outdoor recreation program, on connected jeep trails from Rexburg, Idaho and into Montana.

In 2006, Harriet Petherick Bushman created a concert opera called "1856: Long Walk Home.". A musical called 1856, produced by Cory Ellsworth, a descendant of Edmund Ellsworth, was performed in Mesa, Arizona and Salt Lake City in July 2006. Filmmaker Lee Groberg and historian Heidi Swinton created a documentary for PBS called Sweetwater Rescue: The Willie & Martin Handcart Story and first broadcast on December 18, 2006.

## See also

- History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
- History of the Latter Day Saint movement
- History of Utah

1856–1860 American religious migrants