derek-thomas/squad-v1.1-t5-question-generation huggingface dataset:
Linguists, including Valencian scholars, deal with Catalan and Valencian as the same language. The official regulating body of the language of the Valencian Community, the Valencian Academy of Language (Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, AVL) declares the linguistic unity between Valencian and Catalan varieties.

Question: How do linguists view Catalan and Valencian? Question: How do Valencian scholars view Catalan and Valencian? Question: What is the official regulating body of  Valencian? Question: Who says that there is linguistic unity between Catalan and Valencian?
The AVL, created by the Valencian parliament, is in charge of dictating the official rules governing the use of Valencian, and its standard is based on the Norms of Castelló (Normes de Castelló). Currently, everyone who writes in Valencian uses this standard, except the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture (Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, RACV), which uses for Valencian an independent standard.

Question: Who established the AVL? Question: Over what does the AVL  make rules governing? Question: What is the AVL standard based on? Question: Who uses this standard? Question: Who is exempt from the standard and uses their own?
Despite the position of the official organizations, an opinion poll carried out between 2001 and 2004 showed that the majority of the Valencian people consider Valencian different from Catalan. This position is promoted by people who do not use Valencian regularly. Furthermore, the data indicates that younger generations educated in Valencian are much less likely to hold these views. A minority of Valencian scholars active in fields other than linguistics defends the position of the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture (Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, RACV), which uses for Valencian a standard independent from Catalan.

Question: When was an opinion poll done concerning Valencian? Question: What do most Valencian people think Valencian is in regards to Catalan? Question: Who is less likely to believe that Catalan and Valencian are different? Question: How many scholars outside of linguistics agree with the Royal Academy? Question: Who uses a Valencian standard separate from Catalan?
This clash of opinions has sparked much controversy. For example, during the drafting of the European Constitution in 2004, the Spanish government supplied the EU with translations of the text into Basque, Galician, Catalan, and Valencian, but the latter two were identical.

Question: What has produced a great deal of controversy? Question: When did the EU create the European Constitution? Question: Who gave the EU translations of the European Constitution?
Despite its relative lexical unity, the two dialectal blocks of Catalan (Eastern and Western) show some differences in word choices. Any lexical divergence within any of the two groups can be explained as an archaism. Also, usually Central Catalan acts as an innovative element.

Question: What language has a lexical unity? Question: What are the two dialectical groups of Catalan? Question: As what can divergence in the groups be shown? Question: How does central Catalan behave with the groups?
Literary Catalan allows the use of words from different dialects, except those of very restricted use. However, from the 19th century onwards, there is a tendency of favoring words of Northern dialects in detriment of others, even though nowadays there is a greater freedom of choice.

Question: What can use words from different dialects? Question: What kind of words are excepted from literary use? Question: When did the preference of use of words from northern dialects begin? Question: What affect did this favoring of northern dialects have on other dialects? Question: What kind of choice is now available in word choice?
Like other languages, Catalan has a large list of learned words from Greek and Latin. This process started very early, and one can find such examples in Ramon Llull's work. On the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries Catalan had a number of Greco-Latin learned words much superior to other Romance languages, as it can be attested for example in Roís de Corella's writings.

Question: Where does Catalan get a lot of its learned words? Question: When did the process of acquiring words from Latin and Greek begin? Question: In whose work can you find examples of acquired words? Question: When did Catalan have a greater number of Greco-Latin words than other Romance languages? Question: Whose writings are a good example of learned words in Catalan?
The process of morphological derivation in Catalan follows the same principles as the other Romance languages, where agglutination is common. Many times, several affixes are appended to a preexisting lexeme, and some sound alternations can occur, for example elèctric [əˈlɛktrik] ("electrical") vs. electricitat [ələktrisiˈtat]. Prefixes are usually appended to verbs, for as in preveure ("foresee").

Question: What kind of derivation in Catalan is similar to other languages? Question: What is common in Romance languages? Question: What word supplement  can be put on an already existing word base? Question: What other word changes can occur in derivations? Question: What word additive is usually added to verbs?
In gender inflection, the most notable feature is (compared to Portuguese, Spanish or Italian), the loss of the typical masculine suffix -o. Thus, the alternance of -o/-a, has been replaced by ø/-a. There are only a few exceptions, like minso/minsa ("scarce"). Many not completely predictable morphological alternations may occur, such as:

Question: What is the usual masculine suffix?
Catalan has few suppletive couplets, like Italian and Spanish, and unlike French. Thus, Catalan has noi/noia ("boy"/"girl") and gall/gallina ("cock"/"hen"), whereas French has garçon/fille and coq/poule.

Question: What kind of words does Catalan have few of? Question: What languages are  similar to Catalan in numbers of  couplets? Question: What languages have more couplets than Catalan? Question: What language is not like Catalan in suppletive couplets?
There is a tendency to abandon traditionally gender-invariable adjectives in favour of marked ones, something prevalent in Occitan and French. Thus, one can find bullent/bullenta ("boiling") in contrast with traditional bullent/bullent.

Question: What languages have a tendency to lose gender-invariable adjectives? Question: What is ab example of a gender marked adjective? Question: What would be the traditional form of a gender-invariable adjective?
As in the other Western Romance languages, the main plural expression is the suffix -s, which may create morphological alternations similar to the ones found in gender inflection, albeit more rarely. The most important one is the addition of -o- before certain consonant groups, a phonetic phenomenon that does not affect feminine forms: el pols/els polsos ("the pulse"/"the pulses") vs. la pols/les pols ("the dust"/"the dusts").

Question: What is the usual way to make a plural? Question: What can the addition of the suffix -s produce? Question: To what are these morphological changes similar? Question: What is an important plural alternation?
The inflection of determinatives is complex, specially because of the high number of elisions, but is similar to the neighboring languages. Catalan has more contractions of preposition + article than Spanish, like dels ("of + the [plural]"), but not as many as Italian (which has sul, col, nel, etc.).

Question: What is much like the neighboring languages? Question: What does the large number of omissions  make the determinatives? Question: What type of word is added to the contraction of the preposition? Question: What language does Catalan have more contractions than? Question: Catalan has less contractions than what language?
Central Catalan has abandoned almost completely unstressed possessives (mon, etc.) in favour of constructions of article + stressed forms (el meu, etc.), a feature shared with Italian.

Question: What has Central Catalan mostly abandoned? Question: What is an example of an unstressed possessive? Question: What is an example of an article +stressed forms? Question: What other language shares this type of construction?
The morphology of Catalan personal pronouns is complex, specially in unstressed forms, which are numerous (13 distinct forms, compared to 11 in Spanish or 9 in Italian).  Features include the gender-neutral ho and the great degree of freedom when combining different unstressed pronouns (65 combinations).

Question: How many forms of personal pronouns are there in Catalan? Question: How many personal pronouns are there is Spanish? Question: What is the number of personal pronouns in Italian? Question: How many different combinations of unstressed pronouns are there?
Catalan pronouns exhibit T–V distinction, like all other Romance languages (and most European languages, but not Modern English). This feature implies the use of a different set of second person pronouns for formality.

Question: What is this distinction similar to? Question: What modern language does not have a T-Y distinction? Question: What does this imply the use an extra group of pronouns for?
This flexibility allows Catalan to use extraposition extensively, much more than French or Spanish. Thus, Catalan can have m'hi recomanaren ("they recommended me to him"), whereas in French one must say ils m'ont recommandé à lui, and Spanish me recomendaron a él. This allows the placement of almost any nominal term as a sentence topic, without having to use so often the passive voice (as in French or English), or identifying the direct object with a preposition (as in Spanish).

Question: What languages use extrapositioning in sentences less than Catalan? Question: What do you not need to use in Catalan? Question: What languages use the passive voice more than Catalan? Question: What method does Spanish use to identify the object?
Like all the Romance languages, Catalan verbal inflection is more complex than the nominal. Suffixation is omnipresent, whereas morphological alternations play a secondary role. Vowel alternances are active, as well as infixation and suppletion. However, these are not as productive as in Spanish, and are mostly restricted to irregular verbs.

Question: What is Catalan verbal inflection ? Question: What plays a primary part in Catalan? Question: What plays a secondary part in Catalan? Question: How are vowel alternances in Catalan?
The Catalan verbal system is basically common to all Western Romance, except that most dialects have replaced the synthetic indicative perfect with a periphrastic form of anar ("to go") + infinitive.

Question: What system is common to Western Romance? Question: What is the Catalan verbal system common to? Question: What have many dialects replaced?
Catalan verbs are traditionally divided into three conjugations, with vowel themes -a-, -e-, -i-, the last two being split into two subtypes. However, this division is mostly theoretical. Only the first conjugation is nowadays productive (with about 3500 common verbs), whereas the third (the subtype of servir, with about 700 common verbs) is semiproductive. The verbs of the second conjugation are fewer than 100, and it is not possible to create new ones, except by compounding.

Question: How are Catalan verbs grouped? Question: Which conjugation has about 3500 verbs? Question: How many verbs are in the third conjugation? Question: Which conjugation has less than 100 verbs?
In Spain, every person officially has two surnames, one of which is the father's first surname and the other is the mother's first surname. The law contemplates the possibility of joining both surnames with the Catalan conjunction i ("and").

Question: What conjunction would be used to join a person's surnames? Question: How many surnames does everyone in Spain have? Question: Which one of one's father's surnames is used? Question: What is Spain thinking of doing to the two surnames?
Estonian (eesti keel [ˈeːsti ˈkeːl] ( listen)) is the official language of Estonia, spoken natively by about 1.1 million people in Estonia and tens of thousands in various migrant communities. It belongs to the Finnic branch of the Uralic language family.

Question: What is the official language of Estonia? Question: What country has Estonian as its official language? Question: How many people in Estonia speak Estonian? Question: In Estonia how many people speak Estonian as their native language Question: How many people in different migrant communities speak Estonian? Question: How many estimated non native speakers of Estonian are there in Estonia? Question: What branch of the Uralic language family does Estonian belong to? Question: On which branch of Uralic language family can Estonian be found? Question: What language family does Estonian belong to? Question: Of what language family is Estonian a part of?
One distinctive feature that has caused a great amount of interest among linguists is what is traditionally seen as three degrees of phonemic length: short, long, and "overlong", such that /sɑdɑ/, /sɑˑdɑ/ and /sɑːdɑ/ are distinct. In actuality, the distinction is not purely in the phonemic length, and the underlying phonological mechanism is still disputed.[citation needed]

Question: Who is interested in the degrees of phonemic length? Question: What are the phonemic length's three degrees? Question: What is a matter of dispute among linguists regarding the distinction?
Estonian belongs to the Finnic branch of the Uralic languages, along with Finnish, Karelian, and other nearby languages. The Uralic languages do not belong to the Indo-European languages. Estonian is distantly related to Hungarian and to the Sami languages.

Question: What Uralic language branch contains Estonian? Question: What are two other languages in the Finnic branch? Question: What language group is Estonian not a part of? Question: What languages are related to Estonian but not closely?
Estonian has been influenced by Swedish, German (initially Middle Low German, which was the lingua franca of the Hanseatic League and spoken natively in the territories of what is today known as Estonia by a sizeable burgher community of Baltic Germans, later Estonian was also influenced by standard German), and Russian, though it is not related to them genetically.

Question: Aside from standard German what German language influenced Estonian? Question: Who spoke German in what came to be known as Estonia?
Like Finnish and Hungarian, Estonian is a somewhat agglutinative language, but unlike them, it has lost vowel harmony, the front vowels occurring exclusively on the first or stressed syllable, although in older texts the vowel harmony can still be recognized. Furthermore, the apocope of word-final sounds is extensive and has contributed to a shift from a purely agglutinative to a fusional language.[citation needed] The basic word order is subject–verb–object.

Question: What language feature does Estonian, Finish and Hungarian share? Question: What kind of harmony has Estonian lost? Question: In what order are words put in sentences in the Estonian language?
The two different historical Estonian languages (sometimes considered dialects), the North and South Estonian languages, are based on the ancestors of modern Estonians' migration into the territory of Estonia in at least two different waves, both groups speaking considerably different Finnic vernaculars. Modern standard Estonian has evolved on the basis of the dialects of Northern Estonia.

Question: What was the minimum number of waves through which modern Estonians migrated into Estonia? Question: What are the names of the two separate Estonian languages?
The domination of Estonia after the Northern Crusades, from the 13th century to 1918 by Denmark, Germany, Sweden, and Russia delayed indigenous literacy in Estonia.[citation needed]

Question: Following the crusades which country was dominated? Question: When did the Northern Crusades happen? Question: Which countries took part in the Northern Crusades? Question: What did the aftermath of the crusades end up delaying in Estonia?
The oldest written records of the Finnic languages of Estonia date from the 13th century. Originates Livoniae in Chronicle of Henry of Livonia contains Estonian place names, words and fragments of sentences.

Question: How far back do the first written records of Estonia's Finnic languages go? Question: Where can records of Estonian place names be found? Question: Which Chronicle contains the Originates Livoniae? Question: Aside from place names what else from the Estonian language can be found in the Originates Livoniae in Chronicle of Henry of Livonia?
The earliest extant samples of connected (north) Estonian are the so-called Kullamaa prayers dating from 1524 and 1528. In 1525 the first book published in the Estonian language was printed. The book was a Lutheran manuscript, which never reached the reader and was destroyed immediately after publication.

Question: When were the Kallamaa prayers written? Question: What was the first Estonian language book to be published? Question: What was the fate of the Lutheran manuscript printed in 1525? Question: At what point in its existence was the Lutheran manuscript destroyed?
The first extant Estonian book is a bilingual German-Estonian translation of the Lutheran catechism by S. Wanradt and J. Koell dating to 1535, during the Protestant Reformation period. An Estonian grammar book to be used by priests was printed in German in 1637. The New Testament was translated into southern Estonian in 1686 (northern Estonian, 1715). The two languages were united based on northern Estonian by Anton thor Helle.

Question: What type of book was it? Question: What two people are responsible for the first still in existence book in the Estonian Language? Question: In what year was S. Wanradt and J. Koell's book written? Question: What book specifically for the use of priests was printed in Estonian? Question: What year was the priests' grammar book put into print?
The birth of native Estonian literature was in 1810 to 1820 when the patriotic and philosophical poems by Kristjan Jaak Peterson were published. Peterson, who was the first student at the then German-language University of Dorpat to acknowledge his Estonian origin, is commonly regarded as a herald of Estonian national literature and considered the founder of modern Estonian poetry. His birthday on March 14 is celebrated in Estonia as the Mother Tongue Day. A fragment from Peterson's poem "Kuu" expresses the claim reestablishing the birthright of the Estonian language:

Question: What subjects were Kristjan Jaak Peterson poems on? Question: Which Estonian poet's works were printed from 1810 to 1820? Question: What university did Peterson attend? Question: When was Peterson born? Question: What is another name given for Peterson's birthday?
From 1525 to 1917 14,503 titles were published in Estonian, as opposed to the 23,868 titles which were published between 1918 and 1940.[citation needed]

Question: In the roughly four centuries previous to 1918 how many Estonian language books were printed? Question: In what language were 14,503 books published prior to 1918? Question: In the years between 1918 and 1940 how many Estonian language books were printed?
Writings in Estonian became significant only in the 19th century with the spread of the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment, during the Estophile Enlightenment Period (1750–1840). Although Baltic Germans at large regarded the future of Estonians as being a fusion with themselves, the Estophile educated class admired the ancient culture of the Estonians and their era of freedom before the conquests by Danes and Germans in the 13th century.

Question: What Age's ideas allowed Estonian writings to gain significance? Question: Who thought their future would be fused with Estonians? Question: Who had admiration for the ancient Estonian culture? Question: Who conquered the ancient Estonians? Question: When did the ancient Estonian era of freedom come to an end?
After the Estonian War of Independence in 1919, the Estonian language became the state language of the newly independent country. In 1945, 97.3% of Estonia considered itself ethnic Estonian and spoke the language.

Question: After Estonia achieved independence what was made their state language? Question: What language was spoken by ethnic Estonians? Question: What year did Estonia's War of Independence take place? Question: What percentage of Estonians thought of themselves as ethnic Estonian's in 1945?
When Estonia was invaded and occupied by the Soviet Union in World War II, the status of the Estonian language changed to the first of two official languages (Russian being the other one). As with Latvia many immigrants entered Estonia under Soviet encouragement. In the second half of the 1970s, the pressure of bilingualism (for Estonians) intensified, resulting in widespread knowledge of Russian throughout the country. The Russian language was termed as ‘the language of friendship of nations’ and was taught to Estonian children, sometimes as early as in kindergarten. Although teaching Estonian to non-Estonians in schools was compulsory, in practice learning the language was often considered unnecessary.

Question: What happened to Estonia during WWII? Question: Who invaded Estonia? Question: After the Soviet invasion what other language became the second official Estonian language? Question: What was another country with similar immigration patterns to post Soviet Estonia? Question: What became more intense in the 1970's in Estonia?
During the Perestroika era, The Law on the Status of the Estonian Language was adopted in January 1989. The collapse of the Soviet Union led to the restoration of Republic of Estonia's independence. Estonian went back to being the only state language in Estonia which in practice meant that use of Estonian was promoted while the use of Russian was discouraged.

Question: What came into being in January 1989? Question: Following the Soviet collapse what became the only official Estonian Language? Question: What historical event once again freed Estonia? Question: What language was no longer promoted as one of Estonia's main languages?
The return of Soviet immigrants to their countries of origin has brought the proportion of Estonians in Estonia back above 70%. And again as in Latvia, today many of the remnant non-Estonians in Estonia have adopted the Estonian language; about 40% at the 2000 census.

Question: Following the departure of the Soviet immigrants what was the percentage of Estonians in Estonia?
The Estonian dialects are divided into two groups – the northern and southern dialects, historically associated with the cities of Tallinn in the north and Tartu in the south, in addition to a distinct kirderanniku dialect, that of the northeastern coast of Estonia.

Question: How many groups of Estonian dialects are there? Question: What are the names of the Estonian dialect groups? Question: What is the northern city to which the northern dialect is associated? Question: What is the city where the southern dialect was historically spoken? Question: Where is the kirderanniku dialect spoken?
The northern group consists of the keskmurre or central dialect that is also the basis for the standard language, the läänemurre or western dialect, roughly corresponding to Läänemaa and Pärnumaa, the saarte murre (islands') dialect of Saaremaa and Hiiumaa and the idamurre or eastern dialect on the northwestern shore of Lake Peipsi.

Question: What dialect is also known as the central dialect? Question: What is another name for Estonian's northern group's western dialect? Question: What dialects of the northern group are spoken on the saarte murre? Question: What is the dialect from Lake Peipsi?