derek-thomas/squad-v1.1-t5-question-generation huggingface dataset:
Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward, and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).

Question: How many racial categories would be needed with all the possible combinations of outward features? Question: What way would categories grade into each other, rather than being isolated from each other? Question: What did race refer to instead of heredity? Question: What is appearance a poor indication of? Question: Where is there a lot of complexity in racial classifications?
Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).

Question: What categories have an aspect of fluidity? Question: What are people with high quantities of Amerindian ancestry grouped as? Question: What's a rough translation of "pardos"? Question: What do people with less than 60-65% of European descent usually cluster with? Question: What percentage of Afro-Brazillian DNA is reported to be Subsaharan African?
If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).

Question: What do people with a high quality of African descent classify themselves as? Question: What would more people report themselves as if a more consistent report were considered? Question: How much of the population of Brazil reported themselves as pardo in 2010? Question: Brazil's population is believed to have between what percentages of autosomal European ancestry? Question: Brazil's population is thought to have greater than what percentage of European Y-DNA?
This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, totalizing roughly 3.5 million people, they lived in such miserable conditions that male African Y-DNA there is significantly rare due to the lack of resources and time involved with raising of children, so that most African descent originarily came from relations between white masters and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million, and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time. Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majoritarily European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.

Question: What is roughly the amount of African slaves imported to Brazil? Question: What conditions did the African slaves in Brazil live in? Question: Most African descent in Brazil came from what sort of congress? Question: Between what years did Brazil welcome 5.5 million immigrants? Question: Between 1500 and 1760, how many Europeans settled in Brazil?
The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".[full citation needed] Haney López warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".

Question: Who uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin interchangeably? Question: What does using race as a category within the law legitimize? Question: In what context is the historical use of race underscored by its problematic nature? Question: Race is strongly associated with laws by what type of governments? Question: In what year did the European Parliament adopt a resolution to remove "race" from all official texts?
The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.

Question: What relies on the idea humans can be divided into biologically distinct races? Question: What community rejects the idea there are biologically distinct races? Question: Why does the ECRI reject theories based on the existence of different races? Question: What does the ECRI strive to make sure no one becomes? Question: The law penalizes situations where someone is treated less favourably on the ground of what?
Since the end of the Second World War, France has become an ethnically diverse country. Today, approximately five percent of the French population is non-European and non-white. This does not approach the number of non-white citizens in the United States (roughly 28–37%, depending on how Latinos are classified; see Demographics of the United States). Nevertheless, it amounts to at least three million people, and has forced the issues of ethnic diversity onto the French policy agenda. France has developed an approach to dealing with ethnic problems that stands in contrast to that of many advanced, industrialized countries. Unlike the United States, Britain, or even the Netherlands, France maintains a "color-blind" model of public policy. This means that it targets virtually no policies directly at racial or ethnic groups. Instead, it uses geographic or class criteria to address issues of social inequalities. It has, however, developed an extensive anti-racist policy repertoire since the early 1970s. Until recently, French policies focused primarily on issues of hate speech—going much further than their American counterparts—and relatively less on issues of discrimination in jobs, housing, and in provision of goods and services.

Question: France has become a more ethnically diverse country since the end of which war? Question: What percentage of the French population today is non-European? Question: What is the number of non-white citizens in the United States? Question: What issue has the existence of three million non-European people in France forced onto French policy agendas? Question: What type of model of public policy does France maintain?
Since the early history of the United States, Amerindians, African–Americans, and European Americans have been classified as belonging to different races. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories, such as mulatto and octoroon. The criteria for membership in these races diverged in the late 19th century. During Reconstruction, increasing numbers of Americans began to consider anyone with "one drop" of known "Black blood" to be Black, regardless of appearance.3 By the early 20th century, this notion was made statutory in many states.4 Amerindians continue to be defined by a certain percentage of "Indian blood" (called blood quantum). To be White one had to have perceived "pure" White ancestry. The one-drop rule or hypodescent rule refers to the convention of defining a person as racially black if he or she has any known African ancestry. This rule meant that those that were mixed race but with some discernible African ancestry were defined as black. The one-drop rule is specific to not only those with African ancestry but to the United States, making it a particularly African-American experience.

Question: Groups of people have been classified as belonging to difference races since what part of the U.S.'s history? Question: What did efforts to track mixing between different groups lead to? Question: When did the criteria for membership in mixed race groups diverge? Question: When did increasing numbers of Americans consider anyone with even a drop of "Black blood" to be Black? Question: What is a particularly African-American experience because it's specific to only the United States?
The term "Hispanic" as an ethnonym emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America to the United States. Today, the word "Latino" is often used as a synonym for "Hispanic". The definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races (Black, White, Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups). However, there is a common misconception in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a race or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican, Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In contrast to "Latino" or "Hispanic", "Anglo" refers to non-Hispanic White Americans or non-Hispanic European Americans, most of whom speak the English language but are not necessarily of English descent.

Question: When did the term "Hispanic" begin being used? Question: What is the word "Latino" often used as a synonym for? Question: How are the terms Hispanic and Latino not specific? Question: What is common misconception in the US about what some national origins are? Question: Anglo can refer to non-Hispanic European Americans who speak English but are not necessarily what?
Wang, Štrkalj et al. (2003) examined the use of race as a biological concept in research papers published in China's only biological anthropology journal, Acta Anthropologica Sinica. The study showed that the race concept was widely used among Chinese anthropologists. In a 2007 review paper, Štrkalj suggested that the stark contrast of the racial approach between the United States and China was due to the fact that race is a factor for social cohesion among the ethnically diverse people of China, whereas "race" is a very sensitive issue in America and the racial approach is considered to undermine social cohesion - with the result that in the socio-political context of US academics scientists are encouraged not to use racial categories, whereas in China they are encouraged to use them.

Question: What is the name of China's only anthropology journal? Question: Who is the race concept widely used by? Question: What is race a factor of for the ethnically diverse people of China? Question: Why does race undermine social cohesion in America? Question: What are academics in China encouraged to use that their American counterparts are not?
Kaszycka et al. (2009) in 2002–2003 surveyed European anthropologists' opinions toward the biological race concept. Three factors, country of academic education, discipline, and age, were found to be significant in differentiating the replies. Those educated in Western Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged persons rejected race more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of science, and those from both younger and older generations." The survey shows that the views on race are sociopolitically (ideologically) influenced and highly dependent on education."

Question: What years did Kaszycka survey Eureopean anthropolgists' opinions toward the biological race concept? Question: How many factors were found to be significant in differentiating the responses of European anthropologists? Question: What did the people educated in Western Europe reject more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe? Question: How are views on race influenced? Question: What are views on race highly dependent on?
One result of debates over the meaning and validity of the concept of race is that the current literature across different disciplines regarding human variation lacks consensus, though within some fields, such as some branches of anthropology, there is strong consensus. Some studies use the word race in its early essentialist taxonomic sense. Many others still use the term race, but use it to mean a population, clade, or haplogroup. Others eschew the concept of race altogether, and use the concept of population as a less problematic unit of analysis.

Question: What does the current literature regarding human variation lack? Question: What do some studies use the word race in the sense of? Question: What term do some use to mean population, clade, or haplogroup? Question: What do some eschew altogether? Question: What is a less problematic unit of analysis?
Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Sociology professor at Duke University, remarks, "I contend that racism is, more than anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dominant racial group (whites) striving to maintain its systemic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the racial status quo."  The types of practices that take place under this new color-blind racism is subtle, institutionalized, and supposedly not racial. Color-blind racism thrives on the idea that race is no longer an issue in the United States. There are contradictions between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a color-coded system of inequality.

Question: Where is Eduardo Bonilla-Silver a Sociology professor? Question: What does Bonilla-Silva contend racism is about more than anything else? Question: Who does Bonilla-Silva think is the dominant racial group? Question: What idea does color-blind racism thrive on? Question: What exists between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a system of inequality?
The concept of biological race has declined significantly in frequency of use in physical anthropology in the United States during the 20th century. A majority of physical anthropologists in the United States have rejected the concept of biological races. Since 1932, an increasing number of college textbooks introducing physical anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept: from 1932 to 1976, only seven out of thirty-two rejected race; from 1975 to 1984, thirteen out of thirty-three rejected race; from 1985 to 1993, thirteen out of nineteen rejected race. According to one academic journal entry, where 78 percent of the articles in the 1931 Journal of Physical Anthropology employed these or nearly synonymous terms reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in 1965, and just 28 percent did in 1996.

Question: What concept's use has declined significantly in the U.S. during the 20th century? Question: The majority of what group in the U.S. has rejected the concept of biological races? Question: What textbooks introducing anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept since 1932? Question: How many books out of 33, from 1975 to 1984, rejected race? Question: What percentage of articles in 1996 employed a bio-race paradigm?
According to the 2000 edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, forensic anthropologists are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races. Forensic physical anthropologist and professor George W. Gill has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affirm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evidence "seems to stem largely from socio-political motivation and not science at all". He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship".

Question: What group of anthropologists overwhelmingly support the idea of human races? Question: What does George W. Gill think about the veracity of the idea that race is only skin deep? Question: What are probably the primary forces of nature which shaped human races? Question: What does Gill think the complete denial of opposing evidence stems from? Question: What does Gill attribute the lack of presenting the perspective as a possibility to?
"Race" is still sometimes used within forensic anthropology (when analyzing skeletal remains), biomedical research, and race-based medicine. Brace has criticized this, the practice of forensic anthropologists for using the controversial concept "race" out of convention when they in fact should be talking about regional ancestry. He argues that while forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal remain comes from a person with ancestors in a specific region of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being "black" is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful in the particular context of the United States, and which is not itself scientifically valid.

Question: What type of anthropology is "race" sometimes still used within? Question: What term would Brace prefer forensic anthropologists use? Question: What can forensic anthropologists determine about the ancestors of someone from their skeletal remains? Question: What does Brace feel the term "black" in meaningful in? Question: Why is it bad that a category is merely socially constructed?
The authors of the study also examined 77 college textbooks in biology and 69 in physical anthropology published between 1932 and 1989. Physical anthropology texts argued that biological races exist until the 1970s, when they began to argue that races do not exist. In contrast, biology textbooks did not undergo such a reversal but many instead dropped their discussion of race altogether. The authors attributed this to biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of racial classifications, instead of discussing them, and to the ongoing discussions in biology about the validity of the concept "subspecies". The authors also noted that some widely used textbooks in biology such as Douglas J. Futuyama's 1986 "Evolutionary Biology" had abandoned the race concept, "The concept of race, masking the overwhelming genetic similarity of all peoples and the mosaic patterns of variation that do not correspond to racial divisions, is not only socially dysfunctional but is biologically indefensible as well (pp. 5 18-5 19)." (Lieberman et al. 1992, pp. 316–17)

Question: How many college textbooks in biology did the authors of the study examine? Question: Up until when did physical anthropology texts still argue that biological races exist? Question: What did biology textbooks drop altogether? Question: What were biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of? Question: What did Douglas J. Futuyama consider the concept of race as not only being socially dysfunctional but this as well?
Morning (2008) looked at high school biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period and initially found a similar pattern with only 35% directly discussing race in the 1983–92 period from initially 92% doing so. However, this has increased somewhat after this to 43%. More indirect and brief discussions of race in the context of medical disorders have increased from none to 93% of textbooks. In general, the material on race has moved from surface traits to genetics and evolutionary history. The study argues that the textbooks' fundamental message about the existence of races has changed little.

Question: What did Morning find when he looked at biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period? Question: How many of the textbooks between 1983 and 1992 discussed race? Question: After 1992, what did the percentage of textbooks discussing race increase to? Question: What percentage have discussions of race in the context of medical disorders increased from zero to? Question: What does the study argue about the fundamental message regarding the existence of races?