[pic] | IL-KUMMISSJONI TAL-KOMUNITAJIET EWROPEJ |

Brussel 28.6.2006

KUMM(2006) 347 finali

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL-KUMMISSJONI LILL-KUNSILL, U LILL-PARLAMENT EWROPEW

Lejn S ħubija Strateġika bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta' Isfel

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL-KUMMISSJONI LILL-KUNSILL, U LILL-PARLAMENT EWROPEW

Lejn Sħubija Strateġika bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel

INTRODUZZJONI

L-Afrika ta’ Isfel huwa pajjiż mibdul minn dak in-nazzjon li ħareġ mill-apartheid tnax-il sena ilu. Ħareġ mit-trawma ta’ l-apartheid sabiex jibni soċjetà demokratika, tolleranti u multi-razzjali. Kiseb stabbiltà finanzjarja u ekonomika li tippermetti lill-pajjiż li jiżviluppa t-tkabbir ekonomiku għall-ġid tal-popolazzjoni kollha tiegħu. Ħareġ bħala pajjiż ewlieni u paċifikatur fir-reġjun u fil-kontinent Afrikan. L-awtorità tiegħu mhix biss fl-Afrika iżda f’istituzzjonijiet multilaterali globali.

Wara t-tkabbir tagħha l-UE żviluppat approċċ ġdid lejn kooperazzjoni bejn it-Tramuntana u n-Nofsinhar billi adottat tliet dokumenti ta’ politika ewlenin dwar il-Miri tal-Millenju għall-Iżvilupp, il-Kunsens Ewropew dwar l-Iżvilupp u l-Istrateġija ta’ l-UE għall-Afrika. Qiegħda ssaħħaħ l-azzjoni barranija u tfittex li trawwem stabbiltà, sigurtà u prosperità mad-dinja kollha.

Għalhekk l-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija s-sieħba ovvja ta’ l-Ewropa fil-kontinent Afrikan u fuq livell globali. Filwaqt li jibnu fuq valuri komuni u interessi reċiproċi kif ukoll fuq rabtiet kulturali fil-fond, l-UE u l-Afrika ta' Isfel żviluppaw sħubija multidimensjonali u komprensiva msejsa fuq il-"Kummerċ, Żvilupp u Ftehim ta' Kooperazzjoni" (TDCA) bejn l-Afrika ta' Isfel, il-Komunità Ewropea u l-Istati Membri tagħha.

Illum, madankollu, ir-relazzjonijiet bejn l-Afrika ta' Isfel u l-UE għandhom bżonn iktar koerenza, għanijiet ċari, u viżjoni politika konġunta li tħares 'il quddiem għat-tisħiħ ta' l-azzjoni politika konġunta. Is-sħubija għandha bżonn tiċċara dak li ż-żewġ naħat jistgħu jistennew minn xulxin fuq il-fronti domestiċi, reġjonali, kontinentali u globali, u jitqiesu l-pożizzjonijiet uniċi ta' l-Afrika ta' Isfel u l-UE fid-dinja ġdida globalizzata.

Għalhekk, l-għan ta’ din il-Komunikazzjoni dwar Sħubija Strateġika ma' l-Afrika ta' Isfel huwa li jkun propost qafas komprensiv, koerenti u koordinat għal kooperazzjoni politika ma’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel, qafas li jżomm f’moħħu il-passat trawmatizzat ta' l-Afrika ta' Isfel, tar-rwol tagħha bħala pajjiż ewlieni fir-reġjun u tal-pożizzjoni unika tagħha fil-kontinent u fix-xena globali.

1. L-AFRIKA TA’ ISFEL TA’ WARA L-APARTHEID

Tnax-il sena wara tmiem l-apartheid, li kellha impatt profond fuq l-aspetti kollha tas-soċjetà, l-Afrika ta’ Isfel għadha tissara mal-passat trawmatiku reċenti tagħha, iżda kisbet progress konsiderevoli.

Fuq livell nazzjonali, sa mill-1994 il-gvern fittex li jżarma r-relazzjonijiet soċjali ta’ l-apartheid u joħloq soċjetà msejsa fuq l-ekwità, mhux fuq ir-razziżmu, fuq ir-rispett tad-drittijiet reliġjużi, kulturali, lingwistiċi u komunitajiet indiġeni. Politika u programmi ġodda ddaħħlu fis-seħħ sabiex tittejjeb il-kwalità tal-ħajja tal-maġġoranza kbira tal-poplu, inkluż l-għoti ta’ servizzi soċjali bażiċi u diskriminazzjoni posittiva permezz tal-politika tal- Black Economic Empowerment (BEE).

Sal-lum il-kisbiet jinkludu:

- sistema politika kostituzzjonali b’bosta partiti

- demokrazija parlamentari li taħdem

- sens prevalenti ta’ kostituzzjonalità u ta’ l-istat tad-dritt.

- mekkaniżmi għal affidabbiltà, trasparenza u informazzjoni fl-amministrazzjoni pubblika,

- ġudikatura indipendenti

Fir-rigward ta’ l-ekonomija, l-iktar karatteristika li tolqot hija l-ekonomija doppja li ntirtet mill-apartheid, msejsa fuq qsim razzjali, b’iktar minn nofs il-popolazzjoni tgħix taħt il-limitu tal-faqar.

Minn tmiem l-apartheid, il-pajjiż irnexxielu jikseb stabbiltà makroekonomika interna u esterna. In-nefqa pubblika baqgħet fuq livell ġeneralment sostenibbli, b’defiċit baġitarju ta’ inqas minn 3% tal-GDP. Madankollu, it-tkabbir ta’ l-ekonomija formali hemm bżonn li jiżviluppa iktar sabiex iseħħ qawmien ekonomiku tassew, ħolqien tax-xogħol u l-integrazzjoni ta' l-ekonomija "informali". Il-prospetti għas-snin li ġejjin huma iktar pożittivi, u l-politika ġdida tal-gvern ASGISA (Inizjattiva għal tkabbir aċċelerat u konġunt fl-Afrika ta' Isfel) hi mmirata sabiex tiġġieled il-faqar u tnaqqas l-inekwalità bil-promozzjoni ta' tkabbir ekonomiku u impjiegi.

L-ikbar sfida soċjali li qed iħabbat wiċċu magħha l-pajjiż mingħajr ebda dubju hija dik tad-differenzi wiesgħa soċjali u ekonomiċi li jaffettwaw lis-soċjetà kollha. Dan joħroġ iktar fiċ-ċar permezz ta’ zewġ kwistjonijiet drammatiċi li jidhru iktar minħabba l-effett ta’ ħsara fuq is-soċjetà in ġenerali:

- il-prevalenza allarmanti ta’ HIV/AIDS bin-numru ta’ persuni infettati jqarreb is-sitt miljuni. Dan jirrappreżenta rata ta' prevalenza fost l-adulti ta' madwar 21.5%. Il-konsegwenzi fuq perjodu ta’ żmien minn medju sa twil tal-pandemija ser ikunu konsegwenzi soċjali u ekonomiċi serji ħafna wara tnaqqis fil-popolazzjoni totali, it-tul ta’ ħajja mnaqqas u t-telfien ta’ nies li huma ekonomikament attivi, flimkien ma’ żieda drastika fin-numru ta’ iltiema[1].

- il-livell tal-kriminalità kemm ordinarja kif ukoll organizzata u ta’ vjolenza li taffettwa b’mod partikolari nisa u tfal, marbuta mat-traffikar internazzjonali tal-bnedmin fir-reġjun tan-Nofsinhar ta' l-Afrika.

L-Afrika ta’ Isfel qed tħabbat wiċċha ma’ sfidi ambjentali importanti. L-aċċess għall-ilma għall-agrikoltura u għax-xorb, it-taħsir tal-ħamrija u d-deżertifikazzjoni, il-ġestjoni ta’ l-iskart u t-tniġġis, kollha jħallu impatt fuq is-sigurtà ta’ l-ikel, il-benesseri u l-iżvilupp ekonomiku ta’ dawk li huma l-ifqar fuq perjodu ta’ żmien twil, speċjalment fuq il-popolazzjoni rurali. Barra minn hekk, il-bidla fil-klima tista’ tiggrava ħafna t-tħassib dwar l-ambjent u toħloq sfidi ġodda. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel għandha bżonn tindirizza l-emissjonijiet ta’ gassijiet b’effett ta’ serra mill-qasam tat-trasport u b’mod partikolari mill-qasam ta' l-enerġija, fejn il-ġenerazzjoni ta' l-elettriku hi bbażata primarjament fuq il-faħam u x'aktarx tibqa' hekk.

Fir- reġjun tan-Nofisnhar ta' l-Afrika , l-Afrika ta’ Isfel flimkien mal-Bostwana, il-Lesoto, in-Namibja u s-Sważiland tifforma l-Għaqda Doganali tan-Nofsinhar ta' l-Afrika (SACU). Sa mill-1994, hija membru tal-Komunità għall-Izvilupp tan-Nofsinhar ta’ l-Afrika (SADC), il-komunità reġjonali ekonomika tan-Nofsinhar ta’ l-Afrika, li tinkludi erbatax-il pajjiż. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel għandha rwol ewlieni fir-reġjun. Tikkontribwixxi 50% tal-PGD ta' l-Afrika 'l isfel mis-Saħara, u qrib il-75% tal-PGD ta’ l-SADC. L-investiment mill-Afrika ta’ Isfel fil-bqija tan-Nofsinhar ta’ l-Afrika jirrepreżenta d-49% ta’ l-FDI tar-reġjun, u 80% tal-kummerċ fin-Nofsinhar ta’ l-Afrika jsir ma’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel. Il-biċċa l-kbira ta’ dan jikkonsisti f’esportazzjonijiet mill-Afrika ta’ Isfel lejn il-bqija tar-reġjun. Barra minn hekk, l-espansjoni kummerċjali ta’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel fir-reġjun qiegħda tiżdied, u teżisti storja twila ta’ migrazzjoni reġjonali ta' ħaddiema lejn il-pajjiż. Barra minn hekk, il-kapaċità ta’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel fix-xjenza u t-teknoloġija tirrappreżenta riżorsa konsiderevoli għar-reġjun b’mod ġenerali.

Fuq ix-xena kontinentali , l-Afrika ta’ Isfel tirrappreżenta lin-Nofsinhar li qiegħed jiżviluppa. Għandha rwol kruċjali fl-Unjoni Afrikana u hija waħda mill-inizjaturi u mill-forzi ewlenin tan-NEPAD. Fil-qasam tal-paċi u sigurtà, hija kellha rwol kostruttiv fil-kontinent Afrikan bħala medjatur u għaż-żamma tal-paċi, per eżempji fl-Irwanda, fir-Repubblika Demokratika tal-Kongo, fil-Burundi, fil-Liberja, fis-Sudan u fil-Kosta ta’ l-Avorju. Qiegħdha tkompli l-isforzi tagħha għas-sejba ta’ soluzzjoni għall-kriżi taż-Żimbabwe.

Fuq il-livell globali , l-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija waħda mill-membri ewlenin tal-Movument Mhux Allinjat. Hija membru tal-WTO u tal-Commonwealth tan-Nazzjonijiet u għandha rwol attiv ħafna f’dawn l-organizzazzjonijiet. Fit-taħdidiet ta’ Doha, bħala membru tal-G20 u tal-Grupp Cairns, l-Afrika ta’ Isfel tfittex li trawwen approċċi komuni ma’ pajjiżi oħra li għadhom qegħdin jiżviluppaw permezz ta’ alleanzi strateġiċi u koalizzjonijiet għat-tisħiħ tad-dimensjoni ta' l-iżvilupp fin-negozjati tal-WTO u sabiex tippromwovi iktar integrazzjoni tal-pajjiżi li għadhom qegħdin jiżviluppaw f’sistemi ta’ kummerċ multilaterali. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel għandha rwol ewlieni fir-riforma tal-NU. Barra minn hekk, riċentement ingħaqdet mal-Brażil, ir-Russja, l-Indja u ċ-Ċina fil-grupp ta' pajjiżi donaturi emerġenti (BRICS) u tista' tiżviluppa r-rwol tagħha bħala donatur fil-kontinent Afrikan. Fl-aħħarnett, l-Afrika ta’ Isfel qed tadotta profil iktar għoli fid-diskussjonijiet fuq iktar azzjoni multilaterali dwar it-tibdil fil-klima.

2. Ir-relazzjonijiet bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel

L-Afrika ta’ Isfel u l-UE jaqsmu valuri politiċi, soċjali u etiċi bħal ma huma d-demokrazija, id-drittijiet tal-bniedem, ir-rispett lejn l-istat tad-dritt u tmexxija tajba, it-toleranza, l-ekwalità, u l-impenn fil-ġlieda kontra l-faqar u l-esklużjoni soċjali u fil-promozzjoni ta’ żvilupp sostenibbli.

Huma jaqblu dwar il-prinċipji ekonomiċi bażiċi ta' l-ekonomija tas-suq soċjali, kummerċ ħieles u ordni ekonomiku internazzjonali ġust.

It-tnejn li huma attivament impenjati lejn l-aġenda ta' paċi u stabbiltà, tmexxija, demokratizzazzjoni, u l-ġlieda kontra l-faqar madwar il-kontinent Afrikan. It-tnejn jemmnu f’soluzzjonijiet multilaterali għall-kunflitti internazzjonali u għandhom interess sabiex jiżguraw li l-ilħna tal-pajjiżi li għadhom qegħdin jiżviluppaw jinstemgħu fuq ix-xena internazzjonali.

Il-Ftehim għall-Iżvilupp tal-Kummerċ u l-Kooperazzjoni (TDCA) huwa l-bażi legali għar-relazzjonijiet ġenerali bejn l-Afrika ta’ Isfel u l-UE. Dan ikopri d-djalogu politiku, il-kummerċ, il-kooperazzjoni għall-iżvilupp, il-kooperazzjoni ekonomika kif ukoll kooperazzjoni f’għadd ieħor ta’ oqsma. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija wkoll parti mill-Ftehim ta’ Cotonou, imma m’għandha l-ebda aċċess għall-istrumenti finanzjarji tiegħu jew għal reġim ta’ kummerċ preferenzjali.

2.1. Id-djalogu politiku

Id-djalogu politiku ilu għaddej sa mit-tmiem tar-reġim ta’ l-apartheid, permezz ta’ diskussjonijiet informali fuq livell ta’ Kap tal-Missjoni fi Pretorja u permezz ta’ żjarat minn politiċi u uffiċjali għolja miż-żewġ naħat.

Djalogu politiku strutturat u formali kif imsemmi f’Artikolu 4 tad-TDCA tnieda fil-marġini tal-“Kunsill tal-Kooperazzjoni”, l-entità konġunta li ssegwi r-relazzjonijiet bejn l-EU u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel fl-intier tagħhom. Mill-2004, il-Kunsill tal-Kooperazzjoni iltaqa’ fuq livell ministerjali segwit minn laqgħa ‘troika’ dwar kwistjonijiet politiċi.

Iż-żewġt imsieħba jqisu d-djalogu politiku bħala parti essenzjali mis-sħubija tagħhom. Dan jagħti l-opportunità ta’ bdil ta’ viżjonijiet fuq firxa wiesgħa ta’ kwistjonijiet domestiċi, reġjonali, kontinentali u globali, li jinkludu l-HIV/AIDS, iż-Żimbabwe, in-NEPAD u l-Unjoni Afrikana, l-operazzjonijiet taz-żamma tal-paċi fl-Afrika u l-Faċilità għall-Pażi Afrikana, it-tkabbir ta’ l-Unjoni Ewropea, l-iżviluppi fin-Nazzjonijiet Uniti, il-proċess ta’ paċi fil-Lvant Nofsani, u t-terroriżmu internazzjonali.

2.2. Kummerċ

L-EU hija l-imsieħba kummerċjali ewlenija ta' l-Afrika ta' Isfel, u tammonta għal madwar 32% ta' l-esportazzjonijiet u 41% ta' l-importazzjonijiet tagħha. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija wkoll l-ikbar imsieħba kummerċjali ta’ l-UE fl-Afrika. L-esportazzjonijiet ta’ l-UE lejn l-Afrika ta’ Isfel żdiedu b'medja ta' 9.5% fis-sena mid-dħul fis-seħħ tad-TDCA.

Id-dispożiżżjonijiet kummerċjali tad-TDCA ilhom fis-seħħ mis-sena 2000, u jkopru madwar 90% tal-kummerċ bilaterali bejn iż-żewġ imsieħba. Kellhom effett pożittiv fir-relezzjonijiet kummerċjali bejn iż-żewġ pajjiżi u huma l-bażi taż-Żona ta' Kummerċ Ħieles (FTA) li ser titlesta sa l-2012. L-introduzzjoni ta’ l-FTA hija asimmetrika għax l-UE qiegħdha tiftaħ is-swieq tagħha iktar malajr u għal iktar prodotti mill-Afrika ta’ Isfel.

2.3. Koperazzjoni Għall-Iżvilupp

L-EU hija d-donatur ewlieni: il-Kummissjoni u l-Istati Membri flimkien jagħtu madwar 70% tal-fondi totali mid-donaturi, li jammontaw għal madwar 1.3% tal-baġit tal-gvern u 0.3% tal-GDP.

L-iżvilupp tal-kooperazzjoni fis-sura tal-“Programm Ewropew għar-Rikostruzzjoni u l-Iżvilupp" (EPRD) jammonta għal-kważi €130 miljun fis-sena u huwa ffinanzjat mill-baġit tal-Komunità. Dan primarjament jiffoka fuq il-promozzjoni ta’ l-attività ekonomika u t-tkabbir u fuq is-servizzi soċjali. Fil-qasam ta’ l-aħħar, appoġġ sostanzjali ingħata għall-provvista ta’ ilma u s-sanità, għall-edukazzjoni u għat-tisħiħ tal-ħiliet fil-qasam tas-saħħa bħala kontribut favur il-ġlieda kontra l-HIV/AIDS f'dan il-pajjiż.

Il-Bank Ewropew ta’l-Investiment għandu wkoll Memorandum ta’ Ftehim ma’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel u jagħti self taħt garanziji tal-Komunità ta’ madwar €120 fis-sena.

Evalwazzjonijiet ikkonkludew li l-kooperazzjoni għall-iżvilupp bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija relevanti għall-politika, l-istrateġiji u l-prijoritajiet ta’ żvilupp ta’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel. Minkejja dan, l-effiċjenza sħiħa tal-programm tista’ tittejjeb permezz ta’ l-iffukar fuq inqas interventi.

2.4. Kooperazzjoni f'oqsma oħra

L-Afrika ta’ Isfel għandha Ftehim dwar ix-Xjenza u t-Teknoloġija separat ma’ l-Ewropa. Il-prestazzjoni tagħha fil-Programmi ta’ Qafas għar-Riċerka u l-Iżvilupp tat-Teknoloġija qiegħda dejjem titjieb, bis-sehem b’suċċess ta’ organizzazzjonijiet ta’ riċerka mill-Afrika ta' Isfel f’bosta mill-prijoritajiet tematiċi tas-Sitt Programm ta’ Qafas. Istituzzjonijiet tar-riċerka mill-Afrika ta' Isfel iffaċilitaw ħafna l-kooperazzjoni xjentifika internazzjonali (INCO) bejn riċerki Ewropej u dawk Afrikani 'l isfel mis-Sahara.

Il-Komunità Ewropeja u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel iffirmaw ukoll Ftehim separat dwar il-Kummerċ ta’ Inbid u Spirti.

Oqsma oħra - ħafna minnhom limitati u ad hoc – fejn il-kooperazzjoni ma’ l-Ewropa żviluppat u tinkludi miżuri sanitarji u fitosanitarji (SPS) u s-sigurtà ta’ l-ikel, dwana, inbid u spirti, eċċ. Fil-qasam tas-Soċjeta’ ta’ l-Informazzjoni, it-taħdidiet huma dejjem għaddejjin sabiex ikunu identifikati oqsma ta’ kooperazzjoni fuq il-livelli ta’ politika u regolamentar.

Fl-edukazzjoni, universitajiet mill-Afrika ta’ Isfel jieħdu sehem f’bosta partenarjati internazzjonali iffinanzjati taħt il-programm Erasmus Mundus. Numru żgħir ta’ studenti mill-Afrika ta’ Isfel irċevew għotjiet sabiex jistudjaw Master’s fl-Ewropa. Ingħataw fellowships taħt l-Azzjonijiet Marie Curie tas-Sitt Programm ta’ Qafas għar-Riċerka.

3. Lejn Sħubija Strateġika bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel

F’laqgħa fil-Kunsill tal-Kooperazzjoni Koġunta, l-Afrika ta' Isfel, il-Kummissjoni Ewropea u l-Istati Membri qablu li tibdil riċenti fir-relazzjonijiet bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel isejħu għal qafas strateġiku iktar koerenti. Huma adottaw il-“Konklużjonijiet Konġunti” fil-lagħa tat-23 ta’ Novembru 2004 u tar-“Rapport Konġunt” f’Novembru 2005, u qablu li “miżuri ġodda hemm bzonn li jittieħdu sabiex ikun żgurat li r-relazzjonijiet bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel jiżviluppaw verament fi sħubija strateġika li (...) tqis ir-rwol ta’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel bħala pedament tal-kontinent u ta’ attur ewlieni fix-xena internazzjonali.

Is-Sħubija Strateġika Proposta tfittex li timplimenta dan il-proċess

- billi tlaqqa’ flimkien lill-Istati Membri, 'il-Komunità u 'l-Afrika ta’ Isfel f’qafas koerenti wieħed, b’għanijiet ċari u li jkunu definiti b’mod konġunt, li jkopru l-oqsma kollha ta’ kooperazzjoni u li jħaddnu l-partijiet kollha interessati;

- billi ssir il-qabża mid-djalogu politiku għal kooperazzjoni politika strateġika u għanijiet konġunti dwar kwistjonijiet reġjonali, Afrikani u globali;

- billi tissaħħaħ il-kooperazzjoni eżistenti, tiġi żviluppata kooperazzjoni għal ekonomija sostenibbli iktar b’saħħitha, jiġu implimentati bis-sħiħ id-dispożizzjonijiet TDCA dwar oqsma relatati mal-kummerċ u tiġi estiża l-kooperazzjoni fl-oqsma soċjali, kulturali u ambjentali.

Barra minn hekk, hu meħtieġ li s-Sħubija Strateġika tibni fuq il-“Pakkett MDG”, “Il-Kunsens Ewropew dwar l-Iżviliupp” u l-“Istrateġija ta’ l-UE għall-Afrika” billi fil-qalba tad-djalogu politiku jitpoġġew il-progress li jintlaħqu l-għanijiet tal-MDGs flimkien ma' kwistjonijiet ta' tmexxija u l-paċi u s-sigurtà kemm fuq livell domestiku kif ukoll dak internazzjonali.

3.1. Relazzjonijiet Bilaterali – Approċċ strateġiku ġdid għall-kooperazzjoni

3.1.1. Kooperazzjoni Politika

Il-fattur l-aktar importanti tas-Sħubija Strateġika li ġie propost jikkonsisti fil-qabża minn sempliċi djalogu politiku għal kooperazzjoni politika attiva. Is-sħubija bejn l-Afrika ta' Isfel u l-Unjoni Ewropea hemm bżonn li ssir il-post fejn jiltaqgħu żewġ rappreżentanti tat-Tramuntana u ta’ Nofsinhar li jfittxu qbil. L-għan tagħha ewlieni għandu jkun li ż-żewġ partijiet ikunu jistgħu jfittxu pożizzjonijiet komuni dwar kwistjonijiet li jinteressaw lil xulxin, li jappoġġjaw l-aġendi politiċi ta' xulxin u jieħdu azzjoni politika konġunta fuq il-livell reġjonali, Afrikan u globali.

Kif indikat f’Artikolu 4 tad-TDCA, id-djalogu politiku hemm bżonn li jkopri l-aspetti kollha tas-sħubija: kwistjonijiet domestiċi, kontinentali u internazzjonali. L-istess għandu japplika għal kooperazzjoni politika attiva, li għalhekk hija fattur li tinsab fuq il-livelli kollha tal-kooperazzjoni: bilaterali, reġjonali, kontinentali u globali.

3.1.2. Il-Promozzjoni tal-Kummerċ

Ir-relazzjonijiet kummerċjali jistgħu jiġu żviluppati mhux biss bil-kunsiderazzjoni ta' iktar liberalizzazzjoni reċiproka ta' kummerċ ta' prodotti, iżda wkoll bl-inklużjoni tal-kummerċ ta’ servizzi u impenji WTO-plus f’diversi oqsma ġodda ta’ irregolamentar.

Il-ftehim ta' kummerċ ħieles previst fit-TDCA hemm bżonn li jkun żviluppat sabiex jinkludi l-armonizzazzjoni tal-kundizzjonijiet kummerċjali dwar kwistjonijiet li jinkludu s-servizzi, ix-xiri mill-gvern u l-investiment.

Iż-żewġ partijiet iridu jfittxu li jiżviluppaw il-kooperazzjoni f' għadd ta' oqsma relatati mal-kummerċ: il-kooperazzjoni doganali, ir-regolamenti ta’ l-oriġini, il-ġlieda kontra l-frodi u irregolaritajiet u kwistjonijiet relatati, il-politika tal-kompetizzjoni, id-drittijiet tal-propjetà intellettwali, is-sigurtà ta’ l-ikel, il-miżuri ta’ sanità u fito-sanità, ix-xkiel tekniku għall-kummerċ, u l-istandards u n-normi, kemm minn naħa ta’ l-applikazzjoni domestika kif ukoll min-naħa tal-promozzjoni ta’ l-esportazzjoni. It-trasport bl-ajru għandu rwol ewlieni fl-iżvilupp ekonomiku, fl-integrazzjoni reġjonali u għall-promozzjoni tal-kummerċ. Teżisti l-ħtieġa li l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel joħolqu qafas legali sod għal iktar żvilupp tas-servizzi ta’ l-ajru u kooperazzjoni teknika f’dan il-qasam.

Fl-aħħarnett, xi dispożizzjonijiet tal-kummerċ- eż. fir-rigward tas-salvagwardji u r-riżoluzzjoni ta’ tilwim, jistgħu jiġu riveduti fid-dawl ta' relazzjonijiet futuri bejn it-TDCA u l-proċess EPA tan-Nofsinhar ta' l-Afrika.

3.1.3. Lejn sħubija ekonomika, soċjali u ambjentali innovattiva

Id-dispożizzjonijiet tad-TDCA dwar il-kooperazzjoni, fosthom dik ekonomika, tiftaħ qasam wiesgħa ta' kooperazzjoni li tħalli frott liż-żewġ partijiet. Qasam partikolari fejn din is-sura ta’ kooperazzjoni tista’ tkun ta’ benefiċju għall-Afrika ta’ Isfel u kumplimentari mal-kooperazzjoni għall-iżvilupp hija l- politika reġjonali u l-koeżjoni soċjali. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel wriet interess qawwi fl-esperjenza li għandha l-Ewropa fir-rigward ta’ l-implimentazzjoni ta’ politika reġjonali u l-Fondi Strutturali. Hija tikkunsidra li dawn l-oqsma ta’ politika jistgħu ikunu ta' mudell għall-impenji ta' l-Afrika ta' Isfel sabiex tindirizza d-differenzi soċjali u ekonomiċi bejn il-provinċji u r-reġjuni tal-pajjiż. L-UE hija lesta li taqsam l-esperjenza li għandha fl-oqsma tal-politika reġjonali u l-koeżjoni soċjali sabiex tgħin fl-isfida ta’ l-iżbilanċi u d-differenzi fl-Afrika ta’ Isfel.

Minħabba l-importanza ekonomika ta’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel fir-reġjun kif ukoll internazzjonalment, ser ikun importanti wkoll li jiġi żviluppat bdil imsaħħaħ fil-kooperazzjoni ekonomika li jinkludi djalogu ekonomiku regolari u bdil fil-qasam tal-makro-ekonomija u finanzi.

Fir-rigward ta’ kooperazzjoni fix-xjenza u t-teknoloġija, jeżisti l-potenzjal li tissaħħaħ il-kooperazzjoni bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel fil-qafas ta’ ftehim eżistenti. Barra minn hekk, għandu jsir kull sforz favur il-promozzjoni ta’ l-applikazzjoni prattika u industrijali ta’ bdil xjentifiku sabiex jiġi żgurat impatt immedjat u fuq it-tkabbir ta’ l-ekonomija u l-impjiegi.

Lista proviżorja ta’ oqsma promettenti ġodda għall-kooperazzjoni tinsab f’Anness 1 u hemm bżonn li tiġi żviluppata.

3.1.4. Il-kooperazzjoni għall-Iżvilupp – Strateġija ġdida għall-Pajjiż għall-2007-2013

L-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija pajjiż ta’ dħul medju (MIC) li jiġġenera riżorsi baġitarji sostanzjali hija stess u l-għajnuna għall-izvilupp ta’ l-Ewropa, għalkemm sinjifikanti, hija ftit meta mqabbla mal-baġit tal-pajjiż. Madankollu l-flus għall-iżvilupp ipprovdew ir-riżorsi għal programmi ta’ appoġġ għall-baġit f'bosta oqsma, inizjattivi għal prattika aħjar, kapaċità ta' bini u espożizzjoni internazzjonali. Barra minn hekk, u kif iddikjarat fil-Kunsens Ewropew dwar il-Politika għall-iżvilupp, "ħafna MICs zgħar (...) qed iħabbtu wicchom ma' inugwaljanzi kbar u tmexxija dgħajfa, li jheddu s-sostenibbilità tal-proċess ta' żvilupp tagħhom. Ħafna MICs għandhom rwol ewlieni fi kwostjonijiet ta’ politika, sigurtà u kummerċ, u b’hekk jipproduċu u jħarsu l-prodotti pubbliċi u jaġixxu ta' ankra għar-reġjun.”

Il-programm ta’ kooperazzjoni għall-iżvilupp ta’ l-2007-2013 jeħtieġ li jkkunsidra dan, jeżamina l-ħtieġa ta’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel għal ODA u jiffoka fuq il-valur miżjud tal-kontribuzzjoni Ewropea. Jeħtieġ li jizgura l-ħarsien tal-bażi tar-riżorsi naturali u tkun sostenibbli fir-rigward ta’ l-ambjent.. Jeħtieġ li jimxi mal-linji tal-politika ekonomika u soċjali ta’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel u jwieġeb għall-prijoritajiet tagħha, b’mod partikolari billi jindirizza l-limitazzjonijiet fl-għoti tas-servizzi soċjali u jqis il-politika ekonomika tal-gvern ta' l-Afrika ta' Isfel li għadha fil-fażi ta' żvilupp u ta’ intervenzjoniżmu, li tiffoka fuq it-tkabbir ekonomiku, impjiegi u tindirizza d-differenzi u inugwaljanzi fid-dħul li hu mifrux sew.

3.2. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel bħala ankra reġjonali

Filwaqt li tirrapreżenta kważi l-75% tal-PGD kollu tar-reġjun ta’ l-SADC, l-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija l-fus li madwaru ddur il-politika, l-ekonomija, il-finanzi, ir-riżorsi umani u l-kummerċ fir-reġjun. Ir-rwol li tiddeċiedi li jkollha ser ikun ta’ importanza kruċjali għall-implimentazzjoni tal-Pjan ta’ Żvilupp Strateġiku Indikattiv ta’ l-SADC u għall-integrazzjoni reġjonali fin-Nofsinhar ta’ l-Afrika. L-SADC tibqa’ il-mutur ewlieni għal kooperazzjoni politika reġjonali u l-alleanza “naturali” fir-reġjun, filwaqt li s-SACU għandha rwol importanti fir-rigward tal-kummerċ.

L-Istrateġija ta’ l-UE għall-Afrika tqis il-Komunitajiet Ekonomiċi Reġjonali bħala l-komponenti fundamentali għar-relazzjonijiet bejn l-UE u l-Afrika. Fil-każ tar-reġjun tan-Nofsinhar ta’ l-Afrika, l-UE u l-Afrika ta' Isfel, bħala sħab strateġiċi, għandhom jidħlu fi djalogu iktar intens u sostantiv u kooperazzjoni politika dwar il-kuntest kumpless tar-reġjun u l-isfidi politiċi tiegħu. Iridu jistabilixxu b’mod iktar ċar l-irwoli rispettivi tagħhom fir-reġjun, filwaqt li jieħdu f’kunsiderazzjoni d-dehra ta’ potenzi ekonomiċi ġodda.

Dimensjoni ewlenija tal-kooperazzjoni fuq livell reġjonali hija dik tas-sigurtà u ż-żamma tal-paċi. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel u l-UE għandhom jaħdmu ma’ l-SADC sabiex ikomplu jaħdmu fiq il-Pjan Strateġiku Indikattiv għall-Organu dwar il-Politika, il-Kooperazzjoni għad-Difiża u s-Sigurtà (SIPO), is-Sistema ta' Twissija minn Kmieni u l-kapaċità ta’ żamma tal-paċi ta’ l-SADC.

In-negozjati EC-SADC EPA ser ikollhom jindirizzaw il-mistoqsijiet li jqumu minħabba l-koeżistenza tad-TDCA u l-EPA tal-ġejjieni, filwaqt li jżommu f’moħħhom li l-għanijiet ta’ l-EPA huma li tiżviluppa suq reġjonali għall-prodotti u servizzi li jkun iktar prevedibbli u bbażat fuq regoli, bil-għan li trawwem integrazzjoni reġjonali, sabiex tarmonizza r-regoli tal-kummerċ fil-reġjun vis-à-vis l-KE u li toħloq qafas ta’ kummerċ sempliċi bejn il-pajjiżi fin-Nofsinhar ta’ l-Afrika u mal-KE. Dan jista’ jitlob għal iktar tibdil fit-TDCA.

3.3. L-Afrika ta’ Isfel bħala protagonista ewlenija fil-Kontinent

L-Afrika ta’ Isfel għandha rwol ewlieni fil-Kontinent Hija waħda mill-forzi ewlenin fl-Unjoni Afrikana u n-NEPAD. Permezz ta’ l-impenji tagħha fil-Mekkaniżmu Afrikan ta’ Evalwazzjoni minn Pajjiżi Pari, tippromwovi tmexxija tajba fil-kontinent. Il-pajjiż huwa ta’ eżempju ċar tal-bidla ta’ reġim politiku inġust għal soċjetà miftuħa u demokratika li tippromwovi t-tolleranza u r-rikonċiljazzjoni. Hija investitur importanti fl-Afrika, kemm f’termini finanzjarji kif ukoll f’termini ta' trasferiment ta’ għarfien u ta’ l-aħjar prattiċi. Fl-aħħarnett, l-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija attiva fil-prevenzjoni ta’ kunflitti, medjazzjoni u riżoluzzjoni ta’ kunflitti f’għadd ta pajjiżi Afrikani u tappoġġja bis-sħiħ l-isforzi ta' l-UA f'dan il-qasam.

Il-kooperazzjoni politika u diplomatika fi kwistjonijiet Afrikani jeħtieġ li ssir qasam ta’ qbil bejn l-Afrika ta’ Isfel u l-UE. Il-kooperazzjoni m’għandhiex tkun limitata għall-finanzi ta’ l-UA u l-finanzjmanet ta’ missjonijiet taż-żamma tal-paċi, iżda għandha ssir fattur ta’ sħubija msaħħa. L-UE għandha tfittex toroq ġodda ma’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel sabiex tiddefenixxi aġenda komuni Afrikana u għall-appoġġ ta’ l-għanijiet tat-tnejn li huma fl-Afrika.

Dan il-qbil ma jnaqqasx ir-relazzjonijiet li għandha l-UE ma’ pajjiżi Afrikani oħrajn, u lanqas tolqot il-kooperazzjoni ma' l-Unjoni Afrikana u mal-Komunitajiet Ekonomiċi Reġjonali. Bil-maqlub, huwa maħsub li jwassal l-istrateġija ta’ l-Afrika fuq livell nazzjonali bil-ħsieb li jkunu involuti iktar pajjiżi b’rabtiet iktar b’saħħithom ma’ l-UE.

3.4. Kooperazzjoni Internazzjonali dwar kwistjonijiet globali

L-Afrika ta’ Isfel għandha post uniku fix-xena internazzjonali. F’ħafna okkażjonijiet, titkellem f’isem pajjiżi li għadhom qegħdin jiżviluppaw. L-awtorità tagħha f’fora internazzjonali hija konsiderevoli u tiżboq il-piż ekonomiku tagħha. Għalkemm l-Afrika ta’ Isfel u l-UE mhux dejjem jieħdu l-istess pożizzjonijiet dwar kwistjonijiet internazzjonali, huma jaqblu fuq ħafna minnhom. Bħall-Ewropa, l-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija mpenjata li tiffaċċja t-tixrid ta' l-armamenti tal-qerda tal-massa, li tirrikonoxxi l-ġurisdizzjoni tal-Qorti Kriminali Internazzjonali, l-abolizzjoni tas-piena kapitali u l-ġlieda kontra t-terroriżmu. It-tnejn li huma jemmnu fis-sistema multilaterali ta’ sigurtà kollettiva tan-Nazzjonijiet Uniti u fir-responsabbiltà primarja tal-Kunsill tas-Sigurtà tan-NU għaż-żamma tal-paċi u sigurtà internazzjonali. It-tnejn li huma jemmnu f'impenn b'saħħtu sabiex jiġu indirizzati l-kawżi u l-impatti tat-tibdil fil-klima u kkonfermaw l-interess tagħhom li jkomplu bi djalogu fil-fond fuq dawn, kif ukoll fuq tħassib ambjentali ieħor.

Dawn il-kwistjonijiet qegħdin fuq l-aġenda ta' taħdidiet politiċi bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel, iżda hemm bżonn li jwasslu għal azzjoni konkreta. L-UE teħtieġ li tifttex pożizzjonijiet konġunti u kooperazzjoni effettiva ma' l-Afrika ta' Isfel f'dawn l-oqsma kollha u tiddefendi l-interessi konġunti fuq livell internazzjonali.

Bl-istess mod, l-UE trid tfittex li tibda kooperazzjoni li tkun ta’ benefiċċju għaż-żewġ partijiet fl-oqsma ta’ l-ambjent, tas-sigurtà, ta’ l-enerġija u ta’ l-użu sostenibbli tar-riżorsi enerġetiċi, tal-migrazzjoni, tal-ġlieda kontra l-kummerċ internazzjonali tad-drogi, tal-ħasil ta’ flus, tal-frodi tat-taxxa, tal-korruzzjoni tas-sigurtà marittima u l-avjazzjoni, tat-traffiku tal-bnedmin, b’mod partikolari tat-tfal, ta’ l-armi zgħar u l-kriminalità organizzatta.

Fl-aħħarnett, iż-żewġt isħab jaqblu ma’ rapreżentazzjoni ikbar tal-pajjiżi li għadhom qegħdin jiżviluppaw f'organizzazzjonijiet internazzjonali. Għal dan il-għan, jeħtieġu li jippromwovu kordinazzjoni politika iktar b’saħħitha, kooperazzjoni fl-IFIs u f’fora internazzjonali, inkluż fil-korpi tan-NU, u azzjoni konġunta.

4. Konklużjonijiet

L-Afrika ta' Isfel u l-UE jaqblu fuq diversi affarijiet bħala pontijiet li jgħaqqdu t-Tramuntana man-Nofsinhar, u l-Punent mal-Lvant, bejn ċivilizzazzjonijiet, popli u reliġjonijiet. L-Ewropa temmen li tista’ tagħmel dan aħjar fi sħubija ma’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel. Madankollu, sħubija strateġika bħal din ma tinbeniex mil-lejl għan-nhar. Hija r-riżultat ta’ żvilupp dinamiku. L-UE lesta li taħdem f’dan il-proċess dinamiku, primarjament permezz ta' djalogu politiku fil-fond u b’mod miftuħ u b’kooperazzjoni ma’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel fuq il-livelli kollha.

L-organizzazzjoni attwali tad-djalogu politiku hija msejsa fuq bdil ta’ ideat mal-Kapijiet tal-Missjoni għall-UE fi Pretorja, żjarat regolari minn Ministri u uffiċjali għolja fiż-żewġ naħat u l-Kunsill tal-Kooperazzjoni Annwali. Barra minn hekk, skambju ta’ ideat bejn il-Parlament Ewropew u l-Parlament ta’ l-Afrika ta’ Isfel iseħħ permezz tad-Delegazzjoni tal-PE għall-Afrika ta’ Isfel, u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel hija parteċipant attiv fl-Assemblea Parlamentari Konġunta ACP-EU. Dan is-setup istituzzjonali ġie meqjus bħala sodisfaċenti fil-passat, iżda jeħtieġ reviżjoni fid-dawl tan-natura strateġika tas-sħubija bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta’ Isfel.

Il-Kummissjoni tistieden lill-Kunsill, lill-Parlament Ewropew u lill-Kumitat Ekonomiku u Soċjali Ewropew sabiex japprovaw l-ideat ġenerali ta’ din il-Komunikazzjoni. Fuq il-bażi ta’ dawn il-prinċipji wiesgħa, il-Kummissjoni ser tagħmel abbozz ta’ pjan ta’ ħidma għall-implimentazzjoni ta’ dan il-Komunikat, li se jiġi sottomess lill-Kunsill ta' Kooperazzjoni Konġunta bejn l-UE u l-Afrika ta' Isfel iktar tard din is-sena u għandu jwassal għal Stqarrija Konġunta mill-imsieħba.

Skond ir-riżultat tad-diskussjoni fil-Kunsill, il-Parlament Ewropew u l-Kumitat Ekonomiku u Soċjali Ewropew kif ukoll fuq opinjonijiet mill-Afrika ta’ Isfel, dan il-pjan ta' ħidma għandu jiffoka fuq

- it-tisħiħ tad-djalogu politiku, li jwassal għal pożizzjonijiet politiċi komuni u azzjoni konġunta,

- involviment attiv konġunt fi kwistjonijiet reġjonali u globali,

- l-implimentazzjoni ta’ abbozz konġunt ta' Dokument dwar l-Istrateġija tal-Pajjiż li jżomm ma’ dan il-Komunikat,

- reviżjoni u implimentazzjoni sħiħa tad-TDCA skond il-prijoritajiet ta’ hawn fuq.

LIST OF ANNEXES

ANNEX 1 - BROAD LINES OF A JOINT ACTION PLAN TO IMPLEMENT THE COMMUNICATON

ANNEX 2 - THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL SITUATION IN SOUTH AFRICA

ANNEX 3 - ABBREVIATIONS

A NNEX 1

BROAD LINES OF A JOINT ACTION PLAN TO IMPLEMENT THE EU–SOUTH AFRICA STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP

On the basis of the outcome of the discussions in the Council, the European Parliament and the European Economic and Social Committee, the Commission intends to draw up a draft Action Plan for the implementation of the Communication on a strategic partnership with South Africa. The draft Action Plan will be then be submitted to the Joint EU-South Africa Cooperation Council, which is expected to meet towards the end of the year. It is hoped that the partners will then adopt a Joint Declaration endorsing the Action Plan.

Such an action plan needs to be further developed but could focus on

- Strengthened political dialogue, leading to common positions and joint political action,

- Active joint involvement in regional and global issues,

- Implementation of a jointly drafted Country Strategy Paper in line with this Communication,

- Revision and full implementation of the TDCA according to the above priorities.

1. Political strategy and cooperation

As indicated in the Communication, stronger political dialogue, leading to common political positions on subjects of mutual interest and to joint political action where appropriate, forms the very backbone of the Strategic Partnership. This dialogue should be frank, open and uninhibited and exclude none of the domestic, regional, continental and global issues.

Possible themes for enhanced political and economic cooperation that could be included in the action plan are:

Domestic South African and European issues

- Economic and financial policy and Foreign Direct Investment

- HIV/AIDS

- Health and food security

- Crime

- Countering racism and xenophobia

- Land reform

- Governance, democracy and human rights

- Employment, economic growth, redistribution of wealth

- EU enlargement, neighbourhood policy

- Decent work, including employment, social safety mechanisms, social dialogue, rights at work, gender mainstreaming

- Social inclusion and cohesion

- …

Regional issues

- Social cohesion; regional integration

- See below, point 2

African matters

- EU–AU relations

- The EU–Africa summit

- The African Union

- Peace-keeping and mediation on the African continent

- The African Peace Facility

- APRM

- NEPAD

- …

International and global issues

- The MDGs

- Countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction

- Recognition of the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court

- Abolition of the death penalty

- Combating terrorism

- Global environmental issues, including climate change

- Migration

- Energy security and sustainable use of energy resources

- The fight against the international drugs trade, money laundering, tax fraud and avoidance, corruption and organised crime

- Trafficking in human beings, in particular children

- ILO

- Ratification, implementation and enforcement of core labour standards

- Social dimension of globalisation

- Small arms and light weapons

- WTO and the DDA

- The reform and role of the United Nations

- Multilateralism and representations in International Financial Institutions

- The Middle East peace process

- Iraq

- Iran and nuclear non-proliferation

- …

2. Joint involvement in regional issues

Because of their topicality and particular interest, regional issues merit a special place in political dialogue and in joint action, trade cooperation, economic cooperation and development cooperation. Indeed, the regional context in Southern Africa is particularly complex and requires a sustained cooperative effort from all parties, including South Africa and Europe. The challenges the region is facing are manifold.

AIDS is hitting Southern Africa harder than any other region in the world. The impact of the pandemic on society, on the health infrastructure and services, on human resources and on the economy of the region as a whole will be hugely destructive over the coming years.

Politically speaking, the SADC region will have to come to terms with important shifts in power patterns as new regional powers are likely to emerge. In addition, it will have to find a solution to the political stalemate in the Zimbabwe crisis.

A major short-term challenge to the region is untangling the knot of regional cooperation and integration. Implementing the SADC Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan, agreeing on the right recipe for EPA negotiations, clarifying the relationship between the SADC, SACU and the TDCA are issues to be dealt with urgently.

As the prime mover in the region, South Africa needs to assume its leading role in these matters and must be able to count on Europe’s support.

3. Country Strategy Paper 2007-2013

At the moment, the Commission, nine Member States, and the South African authorities are jointly drafting a new 2007-2013 Country Strategy Paper. Care will be taken to ensure that the drafting and approval of this CSP runs parallel to the discussion and adoption of the Communication and its subsequent Action Plan and that the CSP truly translates the broad political lines set out by the Communication.

The subsequent implementation of the CSP along these lines will form part of the Action Plan.

4. TDCA review

In recent months, the review of the TDCA has led to informal contacts between the Commission and South Africa and has enabled the two sides to

- tentatively identify those provisions that may need amending (revision);

- suggest priorities for those provisions that have not been implemented yet.

As regards the provisions that have not been implemented yet, there seems to be a strong interest in deepening cooperation in the following areas: trade and trade-related areas, intellectual property rights, customs, competition policy, regional policy, sanitary and phyto-sanitary measures, technical barriers to trade, maritime and air transport and security, energy, information and communication technologies, mining, tourism, consumer policy, social and employment policy, science and technology, education and training.

Among the promising areas of cooperation that can be developed, are

- The environment, with particular emphasis on Climate Change

- Economic co-operation

- Information society, where promising opportunities have been identified in research and education, but also at the policy and regulatory levels as well as on activities related to the World Summit on the Information Society follow-up

- Education and training, including student, teacher and academic exchanges and a “South Africa” window in the Erasmus Mundus programme

- Industrial, maritime and air transport including safety and security aspects, mining, energy in particular in promoting energy efficiency policy and technologies as well as clean coal technologies, and the environment, where there is a clear interest in exchanging the rich experiences of both

- Justice, where exchanges of information and cooperation on extradition could be developed

- Employment and social protection; gender equality and the promotion of women's rights, labour law and dialogue between social partners, with a view to promoting productive employment and decent work for all[2]

- Youth, exchange of approaches, experience and best practice

- Enhanced cultural cooperation, which would offer both sides an opportunity to promote, strengthen and exchange their rich cultural diversity, taking into account the recently adopted UNESCO Convention on the protection and promotion of the diversity of cultural expressions

- Cooperation in press and information, to improve mutual understanding and visibility

The Action Plan should contain concrete steps for implementing cooperation in these fields.

5. Institutional architecture

The Action Plan should also include proposals for institutional arrangements for political dialogue at various levels, in accordance with the ambitions of the Communication.

ANNEX 2

THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL SITUATION IN SOUTH AFRICA

South Africa’s current social and economic situation has been shaped by fifty years of apartheid.

Black, Asian and “coloured” South Africans were forced off the land, out of agricultural markets, and increasingly into wage labour as migrants within South Africa’s growing mining and manufacturing industries. Black South Africans were forced into overcrowded, arid “homelands”, which were economically unsustainable and dependent on agricultural “exports” from white South Africa.

“Bantu” education systems were designed to meet the need for largely unskilled labour. The apartheid regime imposed limitations on company ownership by black people and the business activities that they could engage in, mainly involving the retail supply of food and fuel. The resulting shortage of managerial and specialist skills, compounded by limited access to savings and credit institutions, is recognised today as a key constraint on growth in the small business and informal sector, as demonstrated by the relatively low proportion of small and medium-sized enterprises in South Africa.

In contrast, the largely white-owned formal sector became highly concentrated and capital-intensive. During apartheid, it grew on capital-related subsidies and import substitution in response to sanctions. The result was that, by 1990, six conglomerates centred around mining and finance controlled companies with 80% of the market capitalisation on the Johannesburg stock exchange.

Twelve years after the apartheid regime was replaced by a democratic government, South Africa remains deeply marked by its historical heritage. Remarkable achievements have been made in reconciling the masters and victims of apartheid, but the “rainbow nation” propagated by Nelson Mandela is still far away. Economic disparity prevails. Large firms in the formal economy have been able to build on the dominant position secured during apartheid to take advantage of the new opportunities in post-apartheid South Africa. This contrasts starkly with the previously neglected subsistence and informal economies, in which many of the black majority of the population still live in dire poverty[3]. While the Government is committed to narrowing the enormous gap between rich and poor through a set of comprehensive policy measures such as employment generation, Black Economic Empowerment, skills development and social grants, a fundamental turn-around has not yet been achieved, leaving the country with the risk of growing discontent among the poor, with corresponding possible threats to its internal political stability.

1. Political situation

Since 1994, in line with the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) , the government of South Africa has set out to dismantle the social relations of apartheid and create a democratic society based on equity, non-racialism and non-sexism. New policies and programmes have been put in place to substantially improve the quality of life of the vast majority of the people.

The RDP, the core of all post-1994 policies, has as its objectives:

- Meeting basic needs

- Building the economy

- Democratising the state and society

- Developing human resources

- Nation building

Although much remains to be done in order to consolidate the foundations of its young democracy , in which human rights and fundamental freedoms are respected, South Africa has made great efforts towards institutionalising democracy, and the country has experienced a stable political environment. Achievements to date include:

- A multi-party political system

- A functioning parliamentary democracy

- The entrenchment of constitutionalism and the rule of law

- An independent judiciary

- Mechanisms for accountability, transparency and information in public administration

The first general and free national and provincial elections in April 1994 put an end to apartheid and brought Nelson Mandela, leader of the African National Congress (ANC), to power as President of a Government of National Unity. The second and third elections held in June 1999 and April 2004 confirmed the mandate for the ANC, with Thabo Mbeki as President. In 2004, the ANC, which regularly gains the majority of black votes, received a little over a two-thirds majority. Since 2004, it has also been running all nine provinces. The ANC is in an alliance with the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the South African Communist Party, with which it established common lists for the elections. The main official opposition in Parliament is formed by the Democratic Alliance. The New National Party, led in 1994 by ex-President De Klerk, decided to disband in 2005 and to integrate with the ANC. The share of Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s Inkatha Freedom Party (based in KwaZulu-Natal) has been continuously shrinking (to 7% at national level in 2004). There are other smaller parties such as the Pan African Congress, Independent Democrats and Freedom Front, which have an active but small role in the debate on domestic and foreign policy issues.

During apartheid, civil society played a prominent role in taking pro-active action against the government to bring about political change. Since 1994, civil society has continued to make a vital and important impact on South African society by advocating proper and effective governance and by championing issues such as poverty, gender parity and the efficacy of service delivery, engaging the government on tangible reforms. However, it has been weakened by the loss of the donor funding that it received during apartheid, and the loss of many of its members to government, the civil service and the private sector. Thus, while new partnerships between civil society organisations and the government have gradually emerged, especially for service delivery in some social sectors, there is undoubtedly scope for strengthening the advocacy and campaigning role of civil society.

In spite of intense efforts to further the peace and reconciliation process following the apartheid era, both public authorities and civil society are conscious of the need to address the issues of exclusion and non-integration, which are still prevalent in all layers of South African society. In this context, the approval of the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) Charter and, more specifically, the implementation of the Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment Act of 2003 are important steps towards economic inclusion and equity for the black majority of the population . However, black empowerment at the workplace is slow and much remains to be done to implement a “broad based” black economic empowerment.

South Africa plays a key role in the Southern African region. It contributes 50% of the GDP of sub-Saharan Africa, and close to 75% of the GDP of the SADC. South African investment in the rest of Southern Africa represents 49% of the region’s FDI, and 80% of trade in Southern Africa is with South Africa. Most of this consists of South African exports to the rest of the region. In addition, South Africa’s business expansion into the region is gaining momentum, and there is a long history of regional labour migration to the country. Furthermore, South Africa’s capacity in science and technology represents a significant resource for the region in general. While its economic dominance translates into significant political influence, South Africa’s diplomacy is based on consultation, consent and consensus. However, South Africa’s policy of “quiet diplomacy” vis-à-vis Zimbabwe has not yet had the desired results.

South Africa plays an active role at international and pan-African level , also as a mediator between the developed and the developing world. South Africa plays a crucial role within the African Union, NEPAD, the Non-Aligned Movement, the WTO and the Commonwealth of Nations. It has been the international venue for high-profile global conferences, including the World Summit on Sustainable Development. South Africa has concluded or is negotiating numerous multilateral and bilateral agreements within the WTO framework, notably with the EU, MERCOSUR, the USA and EFTA. In the area of peace and security as well, South Africa has been playing a very active and constructive role on the African continent. Here, it has been involved in addressing crises and brokering conflict resolution in Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Liberia, Sudan and Côte d’Ivoire.

2. Economic situation

Economic growth in the first 10 years after the end of the apartheid regime averaged only 2.9% per annum, but increased to 4.5% in 2004 and has been estimated at 5.0% in 2005. South Africa’s economy has moved from being dominated by mining (share in 2005 only 7%) and agriculture (in 2005 only 3%) to a situation where manufacturing (2005: 20%) and services (2005: 70%) contribute the main shares of GDP.

In recent years, macro-economic stability has been achieved. As a result, the government has had room to increase its expenditure. Fiscal policy has become more expansionary, while keeping within prudent limits. Since 2000, the budget deficit has remained between 1.4 and 2.3% of GDP. For 2005, the deficit has been estimated at 0.5%. Overall, public debt amounts to 30.5% of GDP and public expenditure remains at an affordable and sustainable level of 27% of GDP.

The achievement of macro-economic stability is also due to the strict monetary policy applied since the late 1990s, resulting in a reduced inflation rate of 3.9% in 2005, well within the South African Reserve Bank’s 3-6% target range. Since the middle of 2003, the Reserve Bank has been in a position to reduce interest rates, cutting the repo rate from 13.5% to 7%, which has also stimulated domestic demand and economic growth. In April 2005, when deciding on a further lowering of the interest rate, the Reserve Bank slightly changed its position: for the first time it took into consideration not only the level of inflation but also the impact of exchange rate fluctuations on the export sectors and thus on unemployment.

As regards external stability , following the depreciation of the rand in early 2001, the currency has strengthened considerably since the middle of 2002. This has had a dampening effect on the exports of the mining and manufacturing sectors and therefore implications for economic growth as well. Increased domestic demand resulting from a growing economy and lower interest rates, combined with lower prices for foreign products, has led to increased imports. As a consequence, the current account surplus enjoyed until 2002 became a deficit of about 4% of GDP in 2005. This reversal took place mainly vis-à-vis the EU, South Africa’s major trading partner. While South Africa had enjoyed a trade surplus with the EU since 1998, this turned into a slight deficit in 2004. So far, the current account deficit has been easily financed by significant portfolio inflows. Inflows of foreign direct investment continue to grow, though levels remain low and volatile, below $1bn per year or 3.2% of GDP. To counter the rand’s volatility, the Reserve Bank is in the process of increasing its foreign reserves to US $22 billion (23 weeks of imports) by February 2006.

However, this bright side of the economic medal also has a very prominent dark side. South Africa is a dual economy with high inequality in economic and social living standards, based on racial lines and on an urban/rural divide. The modern sector, built up under apartheid, has been best placed to take advantage of trade liberalisation and macroeconomic stability. Much of this comprises large, capital-intensive firms. Smaller firms and those in the informal economy have done less well. Many black, Asian and coloured South Africans live a precarious existence in the “second economy”, moving between unemployment, working in the informal sector (often as “hawkers”) and low-paid jobs in the formal sector. Often they have to travel great distances to formal jobs because of the apartheid policy of locating their communities away from the centres of formal employment. The “second economy” is also home to millions of the poor, mostly black, marginalised and unskilled, who engage in informal activities mainly for sheer survival.

While the country has an advanced physical infrastructure as well as sophisticated financial, IT and telecommunication networks similar to those of the developed world[4], it also faces extreme deprivation and exclusion and a level of poverty that compares to most least-developed countries. The Gini coefficient of 0.58 illustrates this significant social and economic divide in South Africa. This affects mainly the black population: almost 50% of the black population live below the national poverty line, against only 2% of whites[5].

The steady though modest economic growth and a stable internal and external macro-economic situation have not brought down unemployment, the key economic and social problem of the country.

Slow economic growth, a result of low investment and saving rates (16% and 15% of GDP, respectively), coupled with the continued ability of capital-intensive firms to benefit from the base built up under apartheid, has curtailed the demand for labour. The opening up of the economy has reduced the importance of sectors such as mining and clothes and textiles in favour of growth in sectors such as wholesale and retail trade, services, construction and communications. Jobs are being created, but not fast enough to incorporate the number of new entrants into the labour market. The apartheid legacy has left South Africa with structural obstacles to employment, with people living far from sources of employment growth, workers lacking skills, potential entrepreneurs lacking both collateral and access to financial and business services and a highly concentrated business structure. A workforce that is increasing faster (by 35% between 1995 and 2002) than the number of employment opportunities (by only 12% during the same period) has also contributed to unemployment. Presently, unemployment stands at between 26% and 41% of the workforce, depending on whether or not “discouraged” workers are included[6]. Of the unemployed, a large majority are young people[7]. There are proportionately more women unemployed then men and unemployment is geographically skewed, with the highest levels found in the provinces of Limpopo, KwaZulu Natal and the Free State.

Linked to the issue of unemployment is the problem of missing relevant skills among the labour force . Qualified employees are not only lacking in comparison to the needs of a growing economy and social system, but are also emigrating in large numbers, attracted by perceived better financial and living conditions abroad. In contrast, the growing numbers of unskilled young people entering the labour market do not meet the requirements of employers in either the social or economic sectors. On the other hand, there is a long history of regional labour migration to South Africa, which continues to act as a magnet for migrants of many kinds. These include skilled professionals, unskilled job seekers, illegal migrants, refugees, and cross-border traders; with human trafficking on the rise. While South Africa has ‘exported’ skills to the developed world, it has also contributed to the drain on skills in other parts of the region and the continent[8]. In total, however, the skills gap is considered a major impediment to economic growth.

One way of boosting the development of the second economy and employment is the promotion of small, micro and medium-sized enterprises (SMMEs )[9]. However, the anticipated employment boom in this sector has remained below expectations. Employment in the informal sector fell by 17% between September 2000 and March 2005[10]. This could possibly be attributed to a regulatory environment biased against SMMEs, and certainly to difficulties in gaining access to finance. There is an ongoing debate on whether to shift the focus away from promoting grassroots SMMEs towards establishing downstream and upstream links with larger (first economy) companies to integrate the SMMEs (second economy) into the development value-chain of the economy as a whole. This debate illustrates the need for a coherent strategy on how to develop the second economy and a comprehensive employment growth policy. Additional research and political discussion are required for more informed decision-making in this area.

Both the first and second economies have considerable adverse environmental impacts . South Africa is currently among the world’s top 20 greenhouse gas polluters, with an expected increase in emissions of 30% over the coming ten years[11]. There is ample room for energy-saving and climate-friendly technologies. Systematic and thorough environmental impact assessments are often not available due to the lack of capacity.

3. Social situation

A strong social network in support of those who cannot earn a living from the first or second economy is considered as the third pillar of South Africa’s socio-economic system. Remarkable efforts have been made to provide social services to previously disadvantaged communities. Government budgetary expenditure on social services has increased dramatically over the last 10 years and now represents about 63% of the total budget. Since 1994, close to 9 million people have been provided with a basic water supply: today, 85% of households have access to clean water. Over 1.5 million houses have been built to provide shelter to over 6 million people. At the beginning of the new millennium, 64% of households were living in formal houses. Over 500 000 houses were connected to the main electricity grid so that 70% of households were using electricity for lighting. As regards the health sector, the immunisation coverage of children against common infectious diseases has risen to 90% and the usage of antenatal clinics is as high as 95%. In the field of education, the gross enrolment rate in secondary schools increased to 89% in 2004 and matriculation pass rates improved from 49.3% in 1998 to 73.3% in 2003 and 70.7% in 2004 .

To deepen and broaden democracy, local governments have been given responsibility for delivering social and administrative services to their populations - health, education, water/sanitation, infrastructures, environmental protection, etc. But during the initial stage of the transfer of responsibilities, local governments were overwhelmed with the task. The underspending by provincial departments of conditional grants earmarked for basic services highlights this fact. Poor service delivery at local level has become the cause for riots and unrest in the communities concerned.

A major threat to stable social and economic development with higher economic growth is coming from the HIV/AIDS pandemic . The estimated number of HIV-infected people has grown from 3.8 million in 1999 to 5.2 million in 2005. This represents an estimated adult prevalence rate of 21.5%, which is substantially higher among the black than the white population. Currently only some 80 000 out of 500 000 to 750 000 people are receiving antiretroviral treatment[12]. The medium- to long-term consequences of the pandemic will be very high social and economic costs following a reduction in the total population, reduced life expectancy and the loss of economically active people, coupled with a drastic increase in the number of orphans[13].

South African crime levels are among the highest in the world. Although recent statistics released by the government in 2004/2005 indicate that some crime rates are declining, the high level of crime and violence has highly adverse effects on the lives and the well-being of all parts of the population. It also risks having adverse effects on domestic economic viability and on foreign direct investment in South Africa. White-collar crime in the form of corruption has a damaging effect on development for the poor and on public confidence in government, both nationally and at local level. The issue has received particular attention from the government.

Access to justice for vulnerable and indigent groups of the population remains an issue, partly due to the difficult accessibility mainly in rural areas and partly due to an overburdened system. The state’s response to crime has so far tended rather towards retribution, resulting in tougher laws and maximum sentencing, leading to the highest incarceration rate in Africa[14], while restorative justice approaches still need to be explored.

Under the apartheid regime, around 6 million people were forcibly moved from their land. As a result, land and land reform are unquestionably emotive issues. In 2000, the South African government recommitted itself to its 1994 RDP target of transferring 30% of the country’s agricultural land, around 24 million ha, to previously disadvantaged communities by 2014. The implementation of the land reform has, however, made only slow progress. Since 1994, black ownership of land has increased by only 3% (2.3 million ha) to 16% at present (12.8 million ha). As regards land restitution, of a total of 79 000 claims originally lodged, 57 900 have been settled at a cost of R2.5 billion. The deadline for settling claims has had to be extended to 2007. The slow progress of the reform has increased voices of discontent, in particular from organisations such as the Alliance of Land and Agrarian Reform (ALARM) composed of landless people’s organisations, NGOs, small farmer and producer groups and the South African Communist party. It is in general recognised that faster progress is required in order to ensure social cohesion and political stability.

4. Environment situation

As both an industrialised and a developing country, South Africa faces environmental challenges of both kinds. The causes and effects of climate change, air pollution resulting in acid rain, growth in water usage outpacing supply, pollution of rivers from agricultural runoff and urban discharge, soil erosion and desertification are among the major problems the country has to tackle.

Emissions from vehicles (aeroplanes, ships, trains and road vehicles), contribute 44% of the total national nitric oxide emissions and 45% of the total national volatile organic compound emissions (VOC). This is particularly a problem in urban areas.

The energy sector as a whole is the single largest source of carbon dioxide (CO2), one of the primary causes of climate change , and sulphur dioxide (SO2) emissions in South Africa. This is mainly due to the reliance on coal (75% of its primary energy) and oil or its products. A growing energy demand, combined with a continued reliance on coal, as well as a growing transport sector, will create increasing pressure on South Africa to tackle its greenhouse gas emissions to help address the causes from climate change. At the same time, South Africa's climatic sensitivity, with most crop agriculture taking place where it is only just climatically viable, will increase the need to adapt to the growing impacts of climate change.

South Africa is an arid country with only 8.6% of the rainfall available as surface water. This is one of the lowest conversion ratios in the world. Similar to surface waters, South Africa's groundwater resources are relatively limited compared to world averages. The scarcity of freshwater resources and highly variable hydrological conditions have led to every major river in South Africa being regulated in order to ensure adequate water supply for development. South Africa's available freshwater resources are already almost fully-utilised and under stress. At the projected population growth and economic development rates and with the increasing impacts of climate change it is unlikely that the projected demand on water resources in South Africa will be sustainable. Limits to both water supply and quality are thus likely to restrain the country's further socio-economic development. Many water resources are polluted by industrial effluents, domestic and commercial sewage, acid mine drainage, agricultural runoff and litter. To augment supplies, South Africa is looking towards water sources in other southern African countries (e.g. Lesotho) to assist in providing sufficient water for projected future demands.

More than 90% of South Africa’s land surface falls within a desertification risk area. The Department of Water Affairs and Forestry is promoting, via its National Action Plan, the development of community forestry to reduce the pressure on natural woodlands which as the only source of energy for many poor suffer from rapid depletion.

South Africa's coastal and marine resources are under considerable threat and are already severely degraded in many areas due to over-harvesting and urban/industrial development. Coastal areas in South Africa are mainly used for tourism, recreation and leisure, commercial and recreational fishing, agriculture and mining. Many South Africans are dependent on the coast for their subsistence. At present, it is estimated that about 12 million people live within 60 km of the coast, which constitutes about 30% of the population. Thus coastal and marine resources play a major role in sustaining the economic and social development, and contribute to the employment and food security of local populations. The major land-based pollutants are wastewater from industries and sewerage as well as run off from agricultural lands and urban areas. South Africa is situated on one of the major global oil tanker routes which, together with its notoriously rough sea conditions, make it highly vulnerable to oil spills. This is reflected in the relatively high number of shipping accidents, which have been recorded.

South Africa has one of the world's greatest diversity of plant and animal species contained within one country, and is home to many species found nowhere else in the world. With increasing demand for land restitution it is anticipated that there will be increased loss of natural habitats and, with it, potential loss of biodiversity.

South Africa's total waste stream for 1998 was estimated at 538 million tonnes of which industrial and mining waste amounts to about 470 million tonnes per annum (87%). Non-hazardous industrial waste amounts to approximately 16 million tonnes. 95% of urban waste is disposed of on landfill sites of which there are about 1,200 in South Africa.

South Africa has put in place a set of legislation and regulatory instruments to address these issues, which includes

- The Environmental Impact Assessment regulations and the associated schedule of activities as well as the Guideline Document for the Implementation of the Environmental Impact Assessment regulations were adopted in 1997,

- The Development Facilitation Act, 1995,

- The National Environmental Management Act, 1998 (NEMA),

- National Water Act, 1998.

In addition South Africa has signed or adhered to several international environment conventions [15] .

5. Medium Term Challenges

Over the next decade, South Africa must maintain a coherent and structured approach to tackling poverty by integrating it into sector policies, strategies, project activities and budgetary allocations. The vision for 2014 is to reach a united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society. The consolidation of democracy will be closely linked with measures aimed at integrating all of society into a growing economy from which all people can benefit. Failure to reach this target might well result in continued unacceptably high levels of economic and social poverty and inequality, which will adversely affect political stability, as occasional demonstrations and protests among the poor have already suggested.

High unemployment, resulting in poverty, crime and, eventually, political instability, as well as the incessant spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic are the current main challenges facing South African society.

One way of tackling unemployment is considered to be sustainable higher economic growth, in particular resulting from labour-intensive economic activities. Under this approach, the first economy will need to continue to play the dominant economic role, but with the focus on supporting and strengthening the second economy to enable it to become part of the mainstream economy of South Africa. In this context, skills development in all crucial areas is high on the priority agenda. This approach should address the inequality of income distribution too. A further aim is to limit and, if possible, reduce the dependence of a large number of households on social grants.

The good health of the population is a further prerequisite for the prosperous social and economic development of South Africa. Key challenges in the health sector therefore include the expansion of access to the primary health-care system. This concerns in particular maternal and child health and infectious diseases (HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and other communicable diseases), which need to be addressed in order to reduce mortality and morbidity. A multi-faceted approach to combating the HIV/AIDS pandemic needs to be placed high on the agenda, covering at least three areas: prevention, addressing health system constraints to scale up anti-retroviral treatment, and care for the increasing number of orphans and vulnerable children. Tackling these infectious/communicable diseases will also necessitate further EU-South Africa cooperation and partnership in the field of the clinical research for the development of new drugs and vaccines.

The fight against criminality (including corruption) and respect for the rule of law is a huge challenge that requires major investment in human resources and equipment. This needs to be coupled with strengthening of the capacity of law-enforcement agencies and strong cooperative partnerships with communities and civil society organisations. Crime prevention and the introduction of a credible restorative justice approach need to complement the mainly retributive approach so far pursued.

Social, political, economic and environmental stability can only be ensured in South Africa if the challenge of access to land and security of tenure is met. This has to be seen as part of a strategy to uplift the rural poor and give them access to the mainstream economy, while at the same time guaranteeing the constitutional protection of property rights. This process must ensure that the beneficiaries of land restitution and redistribution are able to use the land in a productive manner, which is the key to building sustainability into the process of redistributing assets to previously disadvantaged communities .

The protection of the environment and the sustainable use of natural resources also present a major challenge in the medium term.

All of the above challenges require better delivery of services to South Africans. This has become a major preoccupation for the government. In order to be able to meet these challenges and to deliver, government needs to continue its efforts to strengthen its own institutional and administrative capacity at national, provincial and local level. Capacity building efforts must consequently be considerably strengthened, in particular at local level.

Participation by communities and civil society is key to policy implementation. Public-private partnership encourages the mobilisation of private resources for development objectives. Specific mechanisms to ensure participation and partnership at local level are crucial.

In the light of South Africa’s current political and economic position and power as well as of its enormous additional potential, the country has a vital political role to play at international level in advocating the interest of developing countries. At pan-African level, the AU and NEPAD are faced with tremendous challenges in establishing functioning democracies based on peace and security and with the capacity for the sustainable development required to alleviate poverty. South Africa is expected to be continuously engaged in this important process[16].

ANNEX 3

Abbreviations

ACP | Africa, Caribbean, Pacific |

AIDS | Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome |

ANC | African National Congress |

APRM | African Peer Review Mechanism |

ASF | African Standby Force |

AU | African Union |

BEE | Black Economic Empowerment |

BRICS | Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa |

CSP | Country Strategy Paper |

EC | European Community |

EDCTP | European and Developing countries Clinical Trials Partnership |

EDF | European Development Fund |

EP | European Parliament |

EPA | Economic Partnership Agreement |

EPRD | European Programme for Reconstruction and Development |

ESDP | European Security and Defence Policy |

EU | European Union |

FTA | Free Trade Agreement |

G8 | Group of 8 |

GDP | Gross Domestic Product |

GNI | Gross National Income |

HIV | Human Immunodeficiency Virus |

ICT | Information and Communications Technology |

LDC | Least Developed Countries |

LIC | Low Income Countries |

MDGs | Millennium Development Goals |

MIC | Middle Income Countries |

MIP | Multi-annual Indicative Programme |

NEPAD | New Partnership for Africa’s Development |

NGO | Non-Governmental Organisation |

ODA | Official Development Assistance |

OECD | Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development |

PRSP | Poverty Reduction Strategy Process |

REC | Regional Economic Community |

RDP | Reconstruction and Development Programme |

RIP | Regional Indicative Programme |

RISDP | Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (SADC) |

SACU | Southern African Customs Union |

SADC | Southern African Development Community |

SMEs | Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises |

SMMEs | Small, Micro and Medium-Sized Enterprises |

SWEEEP | Sector Wide Enterprise, Employment and Equity Programme |

TDCA | Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement |

UN | United Nations |

WTO | World Trade Organisation |

[1] Huwa stmat li ser ikun hemm madwar 1.5 miljun iltim minħabba l-HIV/AIDS sal-2010.

[2] COM(2006) 249: Promoting decent work for all - The EU contribution to the implementation of the decent work agenda in the world.

[3] These contrasting situations conform roughly to what President Mbeki has termed the “first” and “second” economies. The second economy is “characterised by underdevelopment, contributes little to GDP, contains a big percentage of our population, incorporates the poorest of our rural and urban poor, is structurally disconnected from both the first and the global economy and is incapable of self-generated growth and development”.

[4] Infrastructure, however, is reaching its capacity limits mainly in power supply, ports and railway transport systems, creating the need for big investment programmes (outside ODA).

[5] The black population grew by 7.5 million people, or 25%, between 1994 and 2004 (coloureds by 0.6 million or 19%, Indians by 0.1 million or 12%, whites by 0.1 million or 2%).

[6] Employment statistics vary according to sources and can only indicate orders of magnitude and major trends, if any. Stats SA has since recently used only the lower figure.

[7] Currently more than two thirds of South Africans aged between 18 and 35 are unemployed.

[8] This explains the long delays in the finalisation of a protocol on the free movement of people within the SADC.

[9] Official statistics estimate that around one quarter of the whole workforce is employed in the informal sector (particularly in agriculture, construction and the wholesale and retail trade). SMMEs contribute 30% to GDP and account for 50-60% of formal employment.

[10] Stats SA: Labour Force Survey.

[11] In addition, the so-called “brown” environment issues adversely affect the lives mainly of the poor urban and peri-urban population.

[12] Government has allocated more than R3.4 bn for antiretroviral drugs up to end of 2007.

[13] It is estimated that there will be about 1.5 million children orphaned by HIV/AIDS by 2010.

[14] 413 of every 100 000 inhabitants (2004), with 186 000 prisoners held in overcrowded detention houses.

[15] These include:UNFCCC - Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992, New York) (UN)Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and their Disposal (1989, Basle) (UNEP)UNCBD - Convention on Biological Diversity (1992, Rio) (UN)UNCCD - United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in Countries Experiencing Serious Drought and/or Desertification, Particularly in Africa (1994, Paris)London Convention 1972 Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by Dumping of Wastes and Other MatterCITES - Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna) 1973RAMSAR - The Convention on Wetlands, Ramsar, Iran, 1971.

[16] South Africa has already developed a range of instruments to this effect, such as the Renaissance Fund, DBSA, etc.