1.2.2.

The EESC questions why so little, if any, reference is made to many recent, critically important developments affecting both the EU and Asia. There is, for example: — No attempt to identify or examine any of the major strategic challenges facing Europe in its future relationships with Asia, — No encouragement or examination of Asian-led connectivity or investment issues in turn pointed in the main or in part towards Europe, — No reference to the major trade or economic partnership agreements between the EU and leading Asian countries, either already in force or those still in progress: the omission of any reference to the recent EU-Japan EPA, the most significant such agreement (and now in operation), we find astounding, — No reference under ‘people-to-people connectivity’ to any of the existing civil society dialogues between EU and Asia, especially the flagship civil society monitoring bodies set up under these trade agreements, — No attempt to evaluate the potential role for civil society, despite this active monitoring role, especially given there is little such tradition across Asia, — No attempt to examine social issues, despite these often being a key topic for such bodies — including implementation of core ILO conventions, promotion of gender equality (Sustainable Development Goal 5), or even human rights, — No mention whatsoever of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) — despite the fact that the BRI is not only directed towards Europe but affects every other Asian country as well, and in spite of it proposing actual trade, infrastructure and financial support, — No consideration of the potential of the BRI to incur large debts without creating many new jobs, nor any examination of its potential strategic opportunities or challenges for Europe, — No attempt, other than in passing, to look at the EU’s Central Asia Strategy, nor how this is being affected by the strategic power play in the area involving China, the Russian Federation and many others, including Turkey, Iran and India, — No reference to or evaluation of the Eurasian Economic Union, set up by Russia and which includes both European and Central Asian countries, and with ambitions for further expansion, — No reference to managing the demand for energy and the competing interests for the vast hydrocarbon resources found within Central Asia — apart from its reference to ‘supporting energy connectivity both between and with partners in Asia’, — No reference to current connectivity initiatives regarding transport or energy, such as the Intergovernmental Commission for the Transport Corridor Europe-Caucasus-Asia (TRACECA) (2), — No attempt to link transport and the need for infrastructure in the region with, for example Sustainable Development Goal 9, which covers infrastructure, — Likewise little reference to the challenges facing both the EU and Asia in meeting the targets arising out of the Paris Climate Agreement, notably over environmental pollution, — No reference to the growing danger of armed conflict, including the use of space and digital technology, or to the need for dialogue with Asian countries here, — No reference to how best to work with Asian countries to bolster international organisations, notably the WTO, — There is only a passing mention of India, despite its size and potential strength — and just one of Iran, increasingly a key player in the wider region.