EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 27.2.2019 SWD(2019) 1025 final COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Country Report Finland 2019 Accompanying the document COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN CENTRAL BANK AND THE EUROGROUP 2019 European Semester: Assessment of progress on structural reforms, prevention and correction of macroeconomic imbalances, and results of in-depth reviews under Regulation (EU) No 1176/2011 {COM(2019) 150 final}



Contents Executive summary 1.Economic situation and outlook 2.Progress with country-specific recommendations 3.Reform priorities 3.1.Public finances and taxation 3.2.Financial sector 3.3.Labour market, education and social policies 3.4. Competitiveness reforms and investment Annex A: Overview Table Annex B: Commission debt sustainability analysis and fiscal risks Annex C: Standard Tables Annex D: Investment Guidance on Cohesion Policy Funding 2021-2027 for Finland References LIST OF Tables Table 1.1:Key economic and financial indicators – Finland Table 2.1:Assessment of 2018 CSR implementation Table C.1:Financial market indicators

Table C.2:Headline Social Scoreboard indicators Table C.3:Labour market and education indicators Table C.4:Social inclusion and health indicators Table C.5:Product market performance and policy indicators Table C.6:Green growth LIST OF Graphs Graph 1.1: GDP growth and contributions Graph 1.2: Contributions to potential growth Graph 1.3: Quarterly harmonised index of consumer prices, Finland, year-on-year %-change Graph 1.4: Regional disparities in Finland Graph 1.5: Breakdown of rate of change of nominal unit labour costs in Finland by change in inflation, real compensation of employee, productivity contribution), rate of change of nominal unit labour costs in the euro area Graph 1.6: Nominal unit labour costs in total economy (2010 = 100) Graph 1.7: Export market shares (EMS): EMS growth rate, export growth, world export growth (negative. sign) Graph 1.8: Breakdown of the balance of trade for goods (fuels included) 2001-2017 — Cost and non-cost competitiveness impact (1) Graph 1.9: Breakdown of external position (current and capital accounts) Graph 1.10: Breakdown of the international investment position in % of GDP Graph 2.1: Overall multiannual implementation of 2011-2018 country-specific recommendations to date Graph 3.1.1: General government expenditure as a share of GDP, broken down by function, Finland and the EU Graph 3.1.2: Environmental tax revenues as share of GDP 2016, in %

Graph 3.2.1: Interest burden of households and non-financial corporations Graph 3.2.2: Overvaluation gap with respect to price/income, price/rent and fundamental model valuation gap Graph 3.2.3: Residential construction, % GDP Graph 3.2.4: Lending growth year-on-year Graph 3.3.1: Activity, employment and unemployment rates (quarterly data) Graph 3.3.2: Employment growth by sector Graph 3.3.3: Beveridge curve Graph 3.3.4: Activity rate by age and educational attainment in 2017 (20-64, %) Graph 3.3.5: Reasons for inactivity by age (men, 2016) Graph 3.3.6: Reason for inactivity by age (women, 2016) Graph 3.3.7: Participation in early childhood education and care participation for less than 3- years -olds and younger (above) and participation for 4-year olds until school age (below) Graph 3.3.8: Trends in tertiary attainment in Finland by country of origin and gender (30-34 year olds) Graph 3.4.1: Total factor productivity (total economy) Graph 3.4.2: Share of high, medium-high, medium-low and low technology in total manufacturing exports Graph 3.4.3: Real labour productivity in manufacturing Graph 3.4.4: Intellectual property product investment in volume Graph 3.4.5: Research and development gross capital formation by industry and year - flows Graph 3.4.6: Evolution of public and business research and development intensity Graph 3.4.7: Regions in Finland and factor endowments

LIST OF Boxes Box 2.1: EU funds help overcome structural challenges and foster development in Finland Box 3.3.1: Monitoring performance in light of the European Pillar of Social Rights Box 3.4.1: Investment challenges and reforms in Finland Executive summary Finland’s current economic growth provides an opportunity to increase the economy’s resilience and its growth potential amid rising macroeconomic risks. Following a long and deep recession, Finland’s economy is now growing healthily, although at a decelerating pace. Finland shows low social inequality and its education system is performing well. However, an ageing population weighs on Finland’s potential growth for the future. Reforming the complex social benefits system, teaching new skills and providing training services would help counterbalance the impact of an ageing population. Furthermore, investment in equipment and research and development declined during the financial crisis, further affecting Finland’s potential for growth. Addressing these challenges will make the economy more resilient to external shocks. ( ) Strong economic growth continued in 2018, with GDP eventually passing its peak of 2008. Real GDP is expected to have increased by 2.5 % in 2018. Solid growth was underpinned by robust domestic demand while the contribution from net exports, which was very strong in 2017, weakened. Business investment is set to continue expanding, supported by rising profits and persistently low interest rates. Inflation remains below the EU average. The favourable economic cycle is helping the government further consolidate public finances, bringing the public debt ratio below 60 %. Going forward, Finland’s economic growth is projected to be moderate at an average annual rate of 1.8 %, from 2.6 % over the previous three years, particularly as international trade expansion gradually loses momentum. The labour market continues to recover, showing early signs of tightening. The employment rate has now reached a new high, but is still lower than in other Nordic countries. Employment growth accelerated in 2018, with more than half of new workers being previously inactive. This trend should continue in 2019 and 2020, albeit at a slower pace. The unemployment rate has declined, rapidly approaching its structural level. The latter improves, but remains relatively high, reflecting disincentives to take up work and growing matching problems in the labour market. Job vacancies are rising in certain sectors, due to skills shortages, mobility problems and the ageing population. Potential growth is recovering but Finland’s ageing population is expected to weigh on future economic developments. Potential growth has improved in recent years. However, it is unlikely to return to pre-crisis growth rates in the medium term because of expected losses in the working-age population. Productivity remains below its 2009 level, reflecting a shift over the decade in production from high tech goods to medium tech goods. New investment is mainly concentrated in construction, limiting therefore its contribution to the productive capacity of the economy. Overall investment remained among the highest in the EU and showed a slight increase. However, investment in construction accounted for almost 60 % of overall investment. Although recovering, investment in equipment as a share of GDP remained one of the lowest in the EU. Its growth might also slow down as trade with non-EU countries could be affected by rising international tensions. With the disruptive technological change that affected Finland’s largest private research and development spender (Nokia) a decade ago, Finland experienced a sharp decline in business spending on research and development. Recovery has not been observed so far. Focusing investments ( ) on human capital, on research and innovation, and on energy and transport infrastructure, would strengthen the long-term growth potential of Finland. While the overall investment level in Finland appears largely satisfactory, investing further in people's skills, education and training and in coordinated professional services to the unemployed and the inactive is needed to offset workforce losses from population ageing, reduce inactivity and long-term unemployment and potentially increase productivity. Employment would also benefit from investment in social inclusion. The ratio of research and development to GDP has not yet recovered from the crisis years and appears insufficient to diversify exports towards higher tech goods in the medium-term. Amid dispersed population, a lack of affordable housing in growth centres and transport bottlenecks may prevent people from moving to find jobs. The decarbonisation of energy intensive industries and the transport sector will also require higher private and public investment. Annex D identifies key priorities for support by the European Regional Development Fund and the European Social Fund Plus over 2021-2027, building on the analysis of investment needs and challenges outlined in this report. Finland has made limited progress in addressing the 2018 country-specific recommendations. There has been limited progress in the following areas: ·The regional government, health and social services reform: parliamentary debate on this reform is still ongoing and its adoption is planned before the general election in April 2019. However, the timing of the adoption of the reform currently faces some uncertainty. ·Improving incentives to accept work by reducing unemployment traps: the Finnish authorities are waiting for the outcome of the basic income experiment, whose preliminary results were presented on 8 February 2019. The experiment is expected to provide some information for revision of the benefit system. Given the political agenda, no progress on this issue is expected before spring 2019. The reform of the benefit system is likely to be a major issue for the next government. The government budget for 2019 introduces additional measures for improving incentives to accept work. ·Ensuring adequate and well-integrated services for the unemployed and the inactive: advice and guidance to youth and young adults have been increased. However, with the vocational education and training reform, training schemes to help the unemployed find work now fall under the responsibility of the Ministry for Education and not with the Ministry for Employment. This could create an additional barrier to join up unemployment services. Regional pilots to test new service models might bring about progress in this area, but only after adoption of the regional reform. ·Strengthening the monitoring of household debt: the Ministry of Justice has published an assessment on the merits of creating a credit registry. Political support appears sufficient to create the registry by the next parliament. However, it is likely to take years before the registry is in place. On Finland’s progress towards its national targets under the Europe 2020 strategy, the employment rate target of 78 % does not seem out of reach if the positive trend of the previous year continues. The poverty rate is low compared to the EU average and has recently been in gradual decline. The early-school leaving rate remained slightly above the target of 8 %. The very ambitious research and development investment target of 4 % of GDP is unlikely to be met. Finland is broadly on track to reach its climate and energy targets.

Finland performs well on the indicators of the Social Scoreboard supporting the European Pillar of Social rights. Income inequalities are among the lowest in the EU and few people are at risk of poverty or social exclusion. Finland continues to have a generally well performing education system. However, a lack of coordination to ensure different professional services to the unemployed and the inactive poses a challenge. Access to health care remains a concern, given the relatively high unmet need for health services, especially for people not covered by occupational insurance. Other key structural issues analysed in this report that point to particular challenges for Finland’s economy are the following: ·Productivity growth remains a challenge. A recovery in productivity growth is essential to ensure future economic prosperity, especially as Finland’s population is ageing and spending on health is set to increase. Other factors are holding back Finland’s growth potential: its investment in research and innovation, which has the most potential for innovation output, remains in decline. Moreover, it is rather narrowly focused. There is indeed a wide and increasing gap between the most productive firms and the least productive ones. Public support for research and development has also declined in recent years. ·Inactivity and unemployment traps are a barrier to a better use of the labour force. One of the main barriers to getting people back to work comes from the benefits system and the combination of different types of allowances. The social assistance and the housing allowance form a substantial part of this barrier. These and other benefits are phased out rapidly as income increases, which creates a risk that taking up work might not be sufficiently financially rewarding. The complexity of the benefits rules combined with red tape result in people being put off going back to work. ·An ageing population and long-term trends in spending on care pose some risks for the sustainability of public finances. The regional government, health and social services reform aims to lower expenditure growth in these areas. Other objectives are equal access to healthcare and reduced waiting times for patients. Social and primary healthcare services would become available from both public and private social and health centres. This would give patients more freedom of choice, while competition between service providers and public management at a more central level are expected to yield cost savings. ·Levels of household debt are high, but servicing of the debt remains solid. Low interest rates and the improved economic outlook have increased the overall volume of lending, especially through housing corporations (which provide a distinctive form of home ownership). Household debt therefore remains at a historically high level. It is mostly at variable rate. Consumer credit is also rising rapidly. The lack of a comprehensive (collecting both positive and negative information on debtors) credit registry prevents banks from having a clear overview of households’ overall debt. However, the non-performing loans ratio of the banking sector remains one of the lowest in Europe and banks are well capitalised. The authorities have already taken and are considering further pre-emptive measures to restrict the rising household debt. ·A new Finnish wage-setting model has emerged, but labour mobility remains rather limited. In the new wage-setting model, pay rises in the non-tradable sector are linked to the increases first agreed in the exporting sectors. However, no formal agreement on this model has been reached. Wage increases are expected to be kept in check, but upwards pressure on wages is likely as the labour market gradually tightens. Labour shortages are growing in certain sectors as a result of skills shortages and population ageing, while a lack of affordable housing in growth centres may limit possibilities to move to find jobs. A fully modernised legislative framework on zoning and planning is considered. ·Despite a recent steady rise, the employment rate at 76.3 % of 20-64 year-olds is still lower than in other Nordic countries. The service system is not responding sufficiently to people who have special needs and are unable to work full-time. In particular, rehabilitation and training programmes are not linked with effective services to help jobseekers. In addition, supporting services are still not sufficiently integrated and as a result may prolong unemployment spells for people in a vulnerable position. A joined-up approach to services exists for some target groups such as young and long term unemployed, but not for all. 1. Economic situation and outlook GDP growth Following healthy growth (2.8 %) in 2017, economic growth is expected to have slowed in 2018 (Graph 1.1). GDP growth is projected to have remained relatively strong at 2.5 % in 2018, supported by exports, equipment investment and private consumption. Financing conditions for investment remained favourable, and business confidence was still strong. High consumer confidence and rising employment fuelled an increase in private consumption. The economy is expected to continue expanding by 1.9 % in 2019 and 1.7 % in 2020, with domestic demand remaining the main driver. Despite lukewarm developments in external demand, net exports are expected to continue contributing to growth, as Finland benefits from its improved cost competitiveness. Graph 1.1:GDP growth and contributions Source: European Commission (Winter forecast 2019) Potential GDP growth A declining working age population is expected to weigh on Finland’s already moderate growth potential. Potential growth has accelerated to 1.8 % recently. However, from 2021, the shrinking workforce is forecasted to pull growth potential back down gradually (see Graph 1.2). This negative impact is expected to progressively strengthen over the years, at least until 2050. In parallel, productive categories of investment have sharply declined or remain relatively low, entailing a risk that Finland’s economy will be trapped in relatively low growth (see Section 3.4). Finland’s investment, as a share of GDP, remains below its EU peers ( ) for investment categories that are the most supportive of productivity growth. This is especially true for equipment investment, despite the cyclical rebound observed in recent quarters. Last year, business investment was clearly on the rise, but companies also increasingly built up sizeable financial reserves. In parallel, after the disruptive technological change that affected the country’s largest private research and development spender (Nokia) a decade ago, intellectual property investment appeared to stabilise at a level close to the EU average but below the level of Finland’s EU peers. This is expected to affect the country’s medium-term productivity growth. Therefore, in the medium term, potential growth is unlikely to return to its high pre-financial crisis levels. Finland still has the highest level of construction investment in the EU, especially housing construction. Beyond favourable conditions provided to borrowers, this reflects an ongoing move of the population from rural areas to dynamic urban centres. Housing construction is a non-productive category of investment. However, amid limited regional labour mobility, it is expected to contribute to allocative efficiency usefully (see sections 3.2.3 and 3.4.1). Inflation Inflation is expected to gradually pick up (see Graph 1.3). In 2018, inflation remained below the euro area average due to a rather modest rise in the prices of services. Increases in labour costs and energy prices were the main drivers of inflation. As a result of a stronger pass-through effect of wage increases pushing up prices of services, headline inflation is forecast to gradually accelerate to close to 2 % in 2020. Graph 1.2:Contributions to potential growth Source: European Commission

Labour market The unemployment rate is falling thanks to the economic upswing. The growth in employment accelerated to 2.3 % in 2018, with more than half of the new workers coming from inactivity. This trend is expected to continue in 2019 and 2020, albeit at a slower pace. After two years of a slow decrease, the unemployment rate declined rapidly from 8.5 % in the third quarter of 2017 to 7.3 % in the same period in 2018. It is approaching its structural level, estimated at 7.0 % ( ), slightly below the EU average. The structural rate of unemployment improves, but remains relatively high. Possible reasons for this include still limited incentives to accept work and the relatively limited regional mobility. In parallel, labour shortages are growing in certain sectors, due to skills shortages, mobility issues and an ageing population. Graph 1.3:Quarterly harmonised index of consumer prices, Finland, year-on-year %-change Source: European Commission Social developments Overall inequalities remain low but the risk of poverty for children with low-skilled parents is of concern. In terms of income inequality, Finland ranks among the best performers in the EU. In 2017, the income of the richest 20 % of the population was stable at 3.5 times that of the poorest 20 % (EU average: 5.1). However, children of low-skilled parents face a high and increasing risk of poverty or social exclusion (from 45.0 % in 2010 to 63.1 % in 2017, EU from 59.8 % to 62.9 %). Inequalities in education are low. The variation in the Programme for International Student Assessment ( ) scores due to the socio-economic background of parents is among the lowest in the EU. The risk of poverty has continued to decline since peaking in 2011. The recent economic upturn has led to a decrease in the inactive population and long-term unemployed. The population at risk of poverty or social exclusion fell from 16.6 % in 2016 to 15.7 % in 2017, well below the EU average of 22.5 %. The income transfer system performs above the EU average in reducing income inequality. Regional disparities Regional disparities in Finland have decreased in recent years. In many EU Member States, the regional divide measured by GDP per head is higher than in Finland. Still, the Greater Helsinki area's GDP accounted for 39 % of the national GDP in 2016, against a population share of 30 %. Its GDP per head (at 144 % of the EU average) was 1.6 times higher than that of the less developed East-North region. However, between 2010 and 2016, productivity relative to EU average decreased the most (by 11 percentage points) in the Greater Helsinki area (see Graph 1.4). At the same time, the Helsinki-Uusimaa region remained the main net recipient of domestic migration. This fed into a population increase of almost 7 % between 2010 and 2016, faster than in the EU on average, while the natural growth of population almost stopped in Finland. Furthermore, the population with a migrant background is concentrated in the largest cities, especially in the Greater Helsinki area (see Section 3.3.2). Graph 1.4:Regional disparities in Finland Source: European Commission A certain level of urban-rural divide remains. The movement of the population from countryside to urban areas is a continuing process and one that is far from complete. This partly reflects higher employment opportunities in urban areas, and especially in the Greater Helsinki area. Large regional disparities are therefore a constant in house prices and household indebtedness (see Section 3.2.3). Overall, large or mid-sized cities with universities, such as Tampere and Turku, steadily grow. Conversely, rural heartland areas, sparsely populated rural areas as well as smaller cities and towns have lower growth prospects and face specific challenges. This may suggest that the sustainability of regional convergence depends crucially on targeted investment to enhance innovation performance, business environment and skills in each region based on their specific competitive advantages and potentials (see Sections 3.3 and 3.4). Graph 1.5:Breakdown of rate of change of nominal unit labour costs in Finland by change in inflation, real compensation of employee, productivity contribution), rate of change of nominal unit labour costs in the euro area Source: European Commission Disparities in the labour market are limited. Finland’s employment rate over 2015-2017 was 2.5 percentage points above the EU average. The rate ranged from 1 percentage point below the EU average in Northeast to 16 percentage points above the EU average in Åland Islands, the least populated European region, with the highest employment rate in the EU. In the Greater Helsinki area, employment rate was 6.5 percentage points above the EU average. The national unemployment rate of 8.6 % in 2017 was higher than the EU average of 7.6 %. Some regions are facing labour shortages in the fastest growing sectors. Disparities in educational attainment and early school leaving are visible between cities and rural areas, and this could lead to more persistent unemployment and social exclusion in the latter. The at risk of poverty or social exclusion rates do not vary significantly between regions, but long distances could hamper access to services in sparsely populated areas (see Section 3.3.2). Competitiveness Labour costs have decreased in Finland in recent years and competitiveness has improved. In 2017, the average compensation of employees in the country decreased by 1.2 % (Graph 1.5), while productivity growth remained strong. As a result, nominal unit labour costs markedly improved (2.7 %). At the same time, Finland benefited from higher labour costs developments in the economies of its main competitors (see Graph 1.6). This added to the recovery of competitiveness. Graph 1.6:Nominal unit labour costs in total economy (2010 = 100) Source: European Commission However, further cost-competitiveness gains might soon become elusive. In 2018, nominal compensations reverted to growth, while productivity growth weakened. This pulled nominal unit labour costs slightly upwards. Their upturn is expected to continue in 2019 and 2020. Indeed, despite the emergence of the Finnish wage setting model (see Section 2 and Box 3.4.1 in Section 3.4.1), upward pressure on wages is likely in a context of a shrinking working age population and persistent skills shortages (see Section 3.3.1). At the same time, the share of compensation for employees in GDP is close to its lowest levels ever. This suggests that cost competitiveness, after a few years of rapid improvement, would slow. Export market shares continue to recover (see Graph 1.7). Data for 2017 confirmed the end of the decline in export market shares that had started in 2009. This is largely on the back of a continuous marked improvement in cost competitiveness (see Graph 1.8). Overall, exports benefited from a recovery in external trade, while imports were subdued, as wage growth and investment growth moderated. Only limited ex post market share gains are expected in 2019 and 2020. Exports are likely to lose steam, with external demand slowing down, only partly counterbalanced by improved cost-competitiveness. Graph 1.7:Export market shares (EMS): EMS growth rate, export growth, world export growth (negative. sign) Source: European Commission

After several years of decline, non-cost competitiveness may also have stabilised. After the setback of its electronics sector, Finland experienced a shift in specialisation from consumer towards intermediate goods and from high tech to medium tech industrial sectors. This was accompanied by a concomitant decline in total factor productivity, which highlighted an insufficient level of investment in research and development and innovation. In recent quarters, rising operating surpluses and high financial buffers have prompted enterprises to resume investment. This has been positive for non-cost competitiveness. After several years of decline, the trade surplus from non-cost competitiveness reverted to growth quite markedly (see Graph 1.8). That said, no rebound has been observed so far in intellectual property investment (see Graphs 3.4.4 and 3.4.5 and Section 3.4). Similarly, a reversal in the downwards shift in specialisation is not yet visible, but the technological level in exports of goods has broadly stabilised. Graph 1.8:Breakdown of the balance of trade for goods (fuels included) 2001-2017 — Cost and non-cost competitiveness impact (1) Source: European Commission External position Finland’s current account deficit increased in 2018 as the primary income balance deteriorated. Finland’s net exports of goods partly recovered in 2017-2018. In parallel, the external deficit on services gradually closed. Exports of services grew faster than imports, closing the gap opened during the setback of the electronics sector, when exports of digital services were also affected. The primary income balance deteriorated in 2018, as remuneration of foreign investment in Finland improved faster than that of Finnish investment abroad (see Graph 1.9). The secondary income balance (contributions to EU, overseas development and military aid) remained largely negative. Overall, in 2018, the current account deficit is expected to have slightly grown to 1.0 % of GDP. It is expected to contract in 2019 and to almost close in 2020, as the external balance of goods and services turns increasingly positive. Finland’s net international investment position turned negative again in 2018. The net international investment position improved from 3.2 % of GDP in 2014 to 2.4 % in 2017 as net foreign direct investment strengthened. However, in 2018, the net international investment position turned negative again, but at very low level in an EU comparison (see Graph 1.10). This partly reflected the larger than expected current account deficit. The net international investment position is expected to remain negative in 2019-2020. This would be consistent with the ongoing recovery and higher investment levels financed by external borrowing and healthy foreign direct investment. Graph 1.9:Breakdown of external position (current and capital accounts) Source: European Commission Financial sector Finland’s banking system remains stable while risks have increased. After Nordea Group moved its headquarters to Helsinki on 1 October 2018, the aggregated assets of Finland-based lenders increased to over four times the Finnish GDP, one of the highest ratios in the EU. The banking sector is heavily reliant on market funding and Nordea’s move augments the already substantial exposure to other Nordic financial systems. However, regarding financial stability at present, the ratio of non-performing loans remains one of the lowest in Europe and the authorities are proactively keeping the banking system well-capitalised and trying to curb households’ indebtedness (see Sections 3.2.1 Banking and 3.2.4 Household debt). Graph 1.10:Breakdown of the international investment position in % of GDP Source: European Commission Housing market Overall, house prices in real terms remained broadly unchanged in 2018. The prices of new buildings increased marginally, while the prices of the existing stock decreased. In real terms, house price indices clearly show no price pressures. House prices relative to rent levels and income continue to face a downward trend. This development is most likely the result of a high number of newly completed houses with the residential construction sector being at the peak of the cycle. While prices are stable on average, there are sizeable regional variations, with Helsinki metropolitan area and growth centres booking solid price increases and the rest of the country seeing a constant decrease in housing prices (Section 3.2.3). Public finances The government continues to consolidate public finances. The expanding economy and rising employment are set to improve public finances further on the back of increasing tax revenues and decreasing social spending. The government continues to implement the consolidation plan agreed at the beginning of its term in 2015. The expenditure-side measures planned for 2018 and 2019 are expected to reduce the government spending by EUR 0.7 billion or 0.3 % of GDP annually. In 2018, the impact of these measures was mitigated by the simultaneous decrease in government revenues, due to cuts in taxation of personal income and social contributions. With additional negative impacts from some temporary factors, the general government balance in 2018 deteriorated slightly from -0.7 % in 2017 to 0.8 %. In 2019, the expenditure measures combined with the increase of indirect taxes will help improve the general government balance to 0.2 % of GDP. The debt ratio is expected to fall below the 60 % benchmark in 2018. The general government gross debt is forecast to decrease from 61.3 % of GDP in 2017 to 59.8 % in 2018 and 58.5 % in 2019, after a peak at 63.5 % of GDP in 2015. The Commission projects the debt ratio to start increasing again towards the end of the 2020s. This points to a fiscal sustainability risk in the long term. The main driver is the increase in age-related costs, in particular healthcare and long-term care expenditure. Table 1.1:Key economic and financial indicators – Finland Source: Eurostat and European Central Bank as of 31-1-2019, where available; European Commission for forecast figures (Winter forecast 2019 for real GDP and harmonised index of consumer prices, Autumn forecast 2018 otherwise). 2. Progress with country-specific recommendations Since the start of the European Semester in 2011, 77 % of all country-specific recommendations addressed to Finland have recorded at least ‘some progress'. ( ) Over the past years, Finland has been addressing the challenges in the area of the long-run sustainability of public finances by adopting a pension reform that came into force in 2017. External sector challenges have abated and cost competitiveness has improved in particular owing to the measures in the Competitiveness Pact of 2016. Finland has also taken action to increase incentives to accept work and to strengthen active labour market policies. Graph 2.1:Overall multiannual implementation of 2011-2018 country-specific recommendations to date Source: European Commission The pension reform has strengthened the long-run sustainability of public finances. The ageing population puts pressure on the pension and healthcare systems. The reform of the earnings-related pension system, which linked statutory retirement age to life expectancy, was legislated in late 2015. Under the reform, the lowest statutory retirement age has gradually started to rise as of 2018 from 63 to 65. This should in turn raise the real retirement age, which was 61.1 years in 2016, towards the target of 62.5. Efforts to improve cost-efficiency of healthcare services are still ongoing.

The gradual improvement of cost competitiveness has been supported by the implementation of the country-specific recommendations since 2014. Progress has been made in aligning wage growth with productivity developments, which has resulted in a slower increase of unit labour costs and improved cost competitiveness relative to competitor economies. In 2016, the social partners agreed on measures that would reduce labour costs further in 2017. The Competitiveness Pact increased annual working time without additional compensation, included a wage freeze of 12 months and shifted social security contributions partly towards the employees. A new Finnish wage-setting model has emerged. In this model, pay rises in the non-tradable sector are linked to the increases first agreed in the tradable sector. However, no formal agreement on this model has been reached. Reforms in the labour market have advanced. In order to increase incentives to work, the earnings-related unemployment insurance has been cut in time. Several measures to activate unemployed job seekers, such as increasing the conditions for benefits, have been introduced. Measures to increase entrepreneurship have also been launched. Finland has made limited ( ) progress in addressing its 2018 country-specific recommendations. To improve the long-term sustainability of public finances, work to reform the regional government, health and social services continued. However, parliament has not finalised and adopted the necessary legislation by February 2019. On addressing labour market and social challenges, the government’s budget proposal for 2019 introduces limited measures to foster employment. The focus is on addressing the need to improve the position of those with low employment potential, combating skill shortages and reducing the time spent gaining employment. On incentives to work, the Finnish authorities are waiting for the outcome of the basic income experiment, whose preliminary results were presented on 8 February. The experiment is expected to provide some information for revising the social security system. Limited progress is observed on monitoring the household debt. An expert working group has been set up to assess developments in the household debt and possibilities to introduce new legal macroprudential instruments. The Ministry of Justice has commissioned a report proposing the establishment of a centralised comprehensive (collecting both positive and negative information on debtors) credit registry. The proposal is now under consultation, after which the matter will be further assessed. Any legislation in this area would not be tabled before the next general elections in April 2019. Table 2.1:Assessment of 2018 CSR implementation Source: European Commission The European Structural and Investment Funds are important in addressing key challenges to inclusive growth and convergence in Finland, notably by supporting competitiveness and boosting research and innovation, creating employment and facilitating education and training. The European Structural and Investment Funds also contribute to enhancing labour market access for migrants and other vulnerable groups. Box 2.1: EU funds help overcome structural challenges and foster development in Finland Finland is a beneficiary of European Structural and Investment Funds support. EU funds allocated to Finland in facing development challenges amount to EUR 3.8 billion in the current multiannual financial framework (2014-2020), potentially representing around 0.2 % of GDP annually. At of the end of 2018, some EUR 2.8 billion (around 73 % of the total) was already allocated to specific projects. In addition, EUR 139.8 million was allocated to specific projects on strategic transport networks through a dedicated EU funding instrument, the Connecting Europe Facility. Furthermore, numerous Finnish research institutions, innovative firms and individual researchers benefited from other EU funding instruments, notably Horizon 2020 which provided EUR 766 million. EU funding has helped to address policy challenges identified in the country-specific recommendations. The European Structural and Investment Funds contribute to enhancing Finland’s capacity to deliver innovative products, services and high-growth companies and help to create employment opportunities by promoting labour market access, education, training and social inclusion for people in unemployment or inactivity. The European Social Fund helps to create employment opportunities by promoting labour market access, education, training and social inclusion for people in unemployment or inactivity. It contributes also to tapping the full potential of the workforce by enhancing labour market outcomes for migrants and other vulnerable groups. By 2018, 190 000 people attended projects investing in human capital, 9 000 companies in projects run by research and development institutions, and 4 300 companies in projects to promote growth and international business operations. Over 1300 companies started to export or expand their exports. More than 1800 products and services were developed and piloted in innovation platforms. Horizon 2020 supported over 1200 research projects covering a very broad thematic spectrum from accelerating uptake of nanotech materials to smart electric mobility in cities. EU funding contributes to mobilisation of private investment. The European Structural and Investment Funds mobilise additional private capital by allocating about EUR 21.5 million in the form of guarantees and equity. With national co-financing, this is expected to leverage additional private investment amounting to EUR 220 million. In addition, the approved operations by the European Investment Bank with the European Fund for Strategic Investments amount to EUR 1.9 billion, which is set to trigger a total of EUR 7.8 billion in additional private and public investment. 7 301 small and medium-sizes enterprises and mid-cap companies are expected to benefit from this support. "Epiqus social impact bond" is a notable example of such project in Finland. The European Investment Fund is investing EUR 10 million into the scheme, which will support the integration of up to 3 700 migrants and refugees into the Finnish labour market by providing training and job-matching assistance. EU actions strengthen national, regional and local authorities and the civil society. Partnership has an important role to play at all stages of implementation of the European Structural and Investment Funds. The representatives of different levels of governance together with the social partners and the civil society have taken part in preparation, monitoring and implementation of the Partnership Agreement and the Operational Programmes. Advice, training and information sessions are organised regularly to all stakeholders. https://cohesiondata.ec.europa.eu/countries/FI 3. Reform priorities 3.1.Public finances and taxation 3.1.1.fiscal policies The fiscal reforms undertaken in recent years reduced public expenditure, which remains one of the highest in the EU. The crisis and the prolonged recession pushed up social and, consequently, total government expenditure in Finland until 2014. Between 2008 and 2014, general government expenditure increased more steeply in Finland than in the EU on average, from an already higher level (see Graph 3.1.1). However, this trend has since been reversed. Between 2014 and 2016, it fell from 58.1 % to 56.0 % of GDP. This reduction was driven mainly by lower spending on health (-1.1 % of GDP), economic affairs (-0.4 % of GDP) and education (0.3 % of GDP). The total public spending remained still far above the EU average. The difference is mainly due to higher spending on social protection and general public services. Since 2016, Finland has further reduced central government expenditure through appropriation cuts and lower social transfers. The public wage bill has come down gradually over time and more recently also due to the measures in the Competitiveness Pact (wage freeze in 2017 and a temporary reduction in annual holiday bonuses). This trend, however, may level-off or even reverse in the years ahead as wage growth pressures are increasing amid favourable cyclical conditions. The favourable economic cycle is helping the government further consolidate public finances. Revenue from taxes is expected to increase in 2018-2019 on the back of growing production, employment and wage rises, while expenditure growth is projected to remain moderate. The government headline balance is forecast to slightly deteriorate from -0.7 % of GDP in 2017 to -0.8 % of GDP in 2018 due to some temporary factors ( ), but to improve markedly to -0.2 % of GDP in 2019. Finland’s gross debt-to-GDP ratio increased from 40 % in 2005 to 63.6 % in 2015. However, it has started to decrease since. The public debt ratio reached 61.3 % in 2017 and is expected to have fallen below 60 % in 2018, continuing the downward trend thereafter. Graph 3.1.1:General government expenditure as a share of GDP, broken down by function, Finland and the EU Source: European Commission Taxation Finland's tax structure is characterised by a high overall tax burden skewed to labour. In 2017, the total tax burden (43.3 % of GDP) and the level of personal income taxation (12.6 % of GDP) were among the highest in the EU (European Commission, 2019). Revenues from capital taxes, including recurrent immovable property taxes, are below the EU average (7.5 % vs. 8.6 % of GDP), while revenues from consumption taxes (14.2 % of GDP) and environmental taxes (3.0 % of GDP) exceed the EU average. Changes to the tax system that have led to a decrease in the base for personal income taxation and economic growth might contribute to a reduction in the total tax burden. Finland has created an Income Register to improve access to real-time individual income data for authorities in order to improve tax compliance and prevent the development of a shadow economy. The Income Register is a national electronic database, which includes comprehensive salary, pension and benefit information at individual level. The obligation to report information in real time will apply to all employers as of 2019 and to all payers of benefits as of 2020. The Income Register will be used by many public and private institutions, including the Tax Administration, the Social Insurance Institution of Finland, the Unemployment Insurance Fund as well as earnings-related pension providers and the Finnish Centre for Pensions. The number of parties using the information will increase in 2020, including the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment agencies, Statistics Finland, the Education Fund, non-life insurance providers, unemployment funds and occupational safety and health authorities. Another key function of the Income Register will be to prevent the growth of a shadow economy. It will make it possible to detect omissions in reports very soon after payment. Moreover, the information in each report will be accessible to all entitled users of the Income Register data. Real estate taxation reform has been postponed. Revenues from the recurrent immovable property taxes, considered as one of the least growth-distortive taxes, account for only 0.8 % of GDP, well below the EU average of 1.6 % of GDP. Both land and buildings are subject to a recurrent property tax. While building values are updated yearly according to a construction index, taxable property values are generally below market values and have been found to move further away from them. In accordance with a long-term project by the Ministry of Finance, there was a plan for a two-step reform of real estate taxation starting in 2019. Based on the consultation feedback, the reform has been postponed until after the elections in April 2019. It is to be carried out in one step, whereby the increase in tax values and decrease in tax rates would be introduced at the same time. This is set to be implemented in 2022 at the earliest.

Further revenue could be raised by reforming environment-related taxes. In Finland, environmental taxes accounted for 3.11 % of GDP in 2016 (EU average: 2.44 %) (see Graph 3.1.2), and energy taxes for 2.11 % of GDP against an EU average of 1.88 %. However, the design of environmental taxes could be improved to encourage more efficient use of resources. For instance, environmental taxes are not indexed, which can lead to a gradual reduction in revenues as share of GDP over time. Reduced energy tax rates or refunds are in place for fossil fuels used in transport, leisure flights, mobile machinery, agriculture, energy intensive enterprises, heating, etc. These exemptions reduce incentives to increase energy efficiency (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2018a). Graph 3.1.2:Environmental tax revenues as share of GDP 2016, in % Source: European Commission An increase in the taxation of heating fuels has been approved as one of the actions under the government’s medium-term climate policy plan. It aims at achieving the 2030 emissions reduction target. The relevant amendments came into force on 1 January 2019. Despite this, energy taxation is not fully linked to CO2 emissions. As noted in the International Energy Agency 2018 Finland review report, the Finnish taxation designed to favour domestic peat is not fully consistent with decarbonisation objectives (International Energy Agency, 2018). While progress has been made on reducing the petrol-diesel price differential since 2005, the gap remains sizeable. In 2016, there was a 32 % gap between petrol and diesel tax rates, while in 2005 it amounted to 84 % (European Environment Agency, 2017). Excise tax rates levied on petrol and diesel in 2016 remained broadly constant in comparison with those in 2015 (European Commission, 2018a). Diesel cars are a major source of nitrogen oxide emissions. These need to be reduced to comply with the applicable national emission ceilings — especially in Helsinki. Fiscal framework Finland is the only euro area country where the macroeconomic forecast underpinning the budgetary planning is prepared by the Ministry of Finance. The management of the Economics Department and the Budget Department of the Ministry of Finance are separated and the Economics Department is independent in its forecasting activities. Questions about the realistic and unbiased nature of the Ministry’s macroeconomic projections, that were raised in the 2017 stability programme (European Commission, 2018b), have not been present in the last surveillance cycle. However, the particular arrangement for macroeconomic forecasting underpinning the budgetary planning warrants regular surveillance to ensure that the separation and independence of both functions within one institution are preserved. 3.1.2.debt SUSTAINABILITY analysis and fiscal risks Public debt falls over the forecast horizon. On the basis of the Commission 2018 autumn forecast and the commonly agreed assumptions on debt sustainability analysis ( ), the public debt ratio is projected to decline to about 54.5 % of GDP around 2026, supported by a favourable contribution of the snowball effect and the structural primary balance. Subsequently, it is projected to start increasing in 2028, inching up to 55.1 % of GDP in 2029 (see Annex B). If the costs of ageing (pensions, long-term care and healthcare expenditure) were left out of the debt projections, the debt ratio would gradually decline to about 45 % of GDP in the same period. Sustainability risks of public finances have decreased for the medium term, although longterm challenges remain. In the short term, there are no fiscal or competitiveness-financial risks to sustainability of public finances ( ). The medium-term risk assessment also improved compared to last year on the back of the estimated lower public debt levels and the fiscal sustainability gap indicator S1 pointing to low risk ( ). In particular, with a value of -0.1 percentage point of GDP, the S1 indicator implies that no adjustment is necessary in the structural primary balance over 2021-2025. In the long term, notwithstanding the low debt burden, the fiscal sustainability gap indicator S2 ( ) points to medium risks. The S2 indicator is estimated at 2.7 percentage points of GDP, based on the slightly unfavourable initial budgetary position (0.7 percentage point of GDP) and the projected increase of ageing costs (2.0 percentage points of GDP). The latter are driven in particular by the projected increase in long-term care expenditure (1.6 percentage points of GDP). The regional government, health and social services reform A reform of the regional government is expected to be adopted by the general elections in April 2019 and to enter into force from early 2021. The reform aims to rationalise the organisation of public administration at the state, regional and municipal levels. It envisages the transfer of some functions into 18 counties, new administrative entities. The responsibilities of the counties will be based on a clear division of duties between the local government, the county and the central government. Counties will be responsible for healthcare and social welfare, rescue services, environment protection, regional development, promotion of business as well as promoting the regional identity and culture. General spending on healthcare in Finland is close to the EU average while spending on long-term care is relatively high and bound to increase. With 9.2 % of GDP expenditure on healthcare in 2017, Finland remains just below the EU average while per capita expenditure is slightly above the EU average. The financing of healthcare consists mainly of government schemes: 61 % compared to 36 % of the EU average (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2018b). The level of out-of-pocket payments is higher than the EU average and has been increasing in the last three years. Expenditure on long-term care (usually referred to as social care in Finland) is, at 2.2 % of GDP, one of the highest in EU. Health and long-term care spending is expected to grow in the coming years due to the population aging. The reform will have two major consequences for the health sector. Firstly, it envisages a transfer of healthcare responsibilities from more than 300 municipalities to the counties. Secondly, the health sector will open up to private service providers. The publicly-funded healthcare will be provided to patients under the same conditions by a public or private provider of their choice. Competition between service providers and public management at a more central level are expected to lead to cost savings and better access. Whereas by EU standards access to healthcare in Finland is good, waiting time is still suboptimal for those patients who do not benefit from an employer-provided voluntary occupational sickness care. The centralisation is expected to enable better management of the system and the opening to private providers should yield some efficiency gains thanks to increased competition. The risk pooling of the population and the access to relatively rare specialists are likely to improve in the counties. The government has quantified the savings from the reform at EUR 3 billion by 2031. The expected ratio of increase in expenditure is reduced from 2.4 % to 0.9 % over the 10 years after the reform (see also European Commission, 2018b). The main factor for enhancing efficiency will be the ability of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health to monitor and manage the performance of the 18 healthcare entities. However, the recentralisation will also pose new challenges for the authorities, particularly in relation to the additional investments needed to implement the reform and the planned public financing of private healthcare services, currently covered mostly by outofpocket payments. The opening of the healthcare sector will grant patients freedom of choice between public and private healthcare providers. This could be a positive development since the Finnish system is currently very restrictive. It could reduce waiting times and thus improve access to healthcare services. At the same time, there is a risk that the type of patients that currently have most access problems such as pensioners, the unemployed and people living in rural areas will remain relatively expensive to treat. This could lead to cherry picking of patients by the private providers and put the burden of the economically most difficult patients onto public healthcare. 3.2. Financial sector 3.2.1.Banking sector The banking system is resilient but structural vulnerabilities persist. Finland’s banking sector is concentrated, with the top three banks (two pan-Nordic banks and a domestic cooperative banking group) occupying over 70 % of the market across all main segments. Following the move of Nordea’s headquarters from Stockholm to Helsinki in October 2018, Finland’s banking sector became one of the largest in Europe when compared to the size of the economy, with balance sheet size over four times the country’s GDP. The general risk resilience of the banking system as a whole remains strong relative to the top three risks faced by local lenders: the credit risk strongly linked to high households’ indebtedness, the liquidity risk associated with the dependence on market funding and the exposure to potential disruptions in other Nordic economies and their financial systems. The banks are well capitalised. The Common Equity Tier 1 ratio for the sector stood at 20 % at the end of Q1 2018, while the total capital ratio stood at 22.5 %, well above EU averages. At 1.3 %, the non-performing loans ratio of the banking sector remained one of the lowest in Europe. Nevertheless, the expansion of the banking sector from 2.5 times to over 4 times the GDP has increased the already high structural vulnerabilities of the Finnish banking system and may put pressure on the sovereign in case of a major crisis. High reliance of banks on wholesale funding is mitigated by the increasing use of long-term debt. The system-wide loan-to-deposit ratio remains high at 142.8 %, much higher than the euro area average. Deposits remain a popular way of saving money, but the net saving rate of Finns remains negative. This requires Finnish banks to rely on confidence-sensitive market funding to a certain extent. Even though access to market-based funding continues to be relatively easy and the price is favourable, the credit institutions’ exposure to changes in investor risk sentiment is one of the long-lasting structural vulnerabilities of the Finnish banking sector. Looking at the credit institutions’ funding, the wholesale funding represents overall 55 % of the funding mix with 8 % of the funding being short-term. Finnish lenders’ increased usage of long-term covered bond and the pool of liquidity reserves largely mitigate the refinancing risks associated with market funding. Extending funding maturities through covered bonds increases the interconnectedness of credit institutions and their exposure to disruptions on the Nordic housing markets.

Finland’s banks have a strong track record of being profitable. The risk resilience of Finnish lenders is boosted by the relatively strong capacity to generate earnings. Over the past years, the profitability ratios of Finnish banks have remained at good levels, generally much higher than those of their European peers. Profit margins have been supported by business diversification (especially into asset management), low levels of non-performing assets and impairment losses, and better cost-efficiency of Finland’s lenders than elsewhere in the EU. However, net profit figures have been consistently declining over the last three years. Profitability is reduced by the low interest rates, increasingly tighter interbank competition and growing competition in payment services. In addition, the financial sector profitability and capital adequacy are increasingly reliant on developments in the residential and commercial real estate markets. The sector has also invested heavily in further modernisation of information technology. Going forward, in case the low-interest environment persists, the banking sector’s earnings generation capacity may be at risk. Nordea’s relocation implies a heavier workload and increased responsibilities for the Finnish Financial Supervisory Authority. Nordea’s balance sheet is equivalent to 2.6 times the Finnish GDP, which makes it the largest bank in the banking union in comparison with the size of its home country’s economy. The relocation of such a large financial institution alters in many ways the structure of the entire banking sector and the systemic risks at play. Finland’s participation in the European Banking Union and the many regulatory reforms implemented over the past years moderate these risks. Through its move to Helsinki, Nordea has also moved under the direct supervision of the European Central Bank. Nonetheless, as in other jurisdictions, most of the supervisory work falls on the local financial supervision. This means that the move has also major implications for both human and financial resources of the Finnish financial watchdog that has already recruited 30 new staff members. Furthermore, the Finnish Parliament approved in November 2017 an amendment to the Credit Institutions Act to include a systemic risk buffer. This allows the Board of the Financial Supervisory Authority (from 2018) to enforce additional capital requirements of up to 5 % of Tier 1 capital on credit institutions and investment firms based on the structural vulnerability of the financial system. The authorities are currently well equipped to manage cyclical and structural systemic risks, staying focused on keeping the banking system well capitalised and curbing households’ indebtedness. 3.2.2.Access to Finance Lending has continued to increase in Finland. By June 2018, loans to firms had grown by 6.7 % compared to June 2017, while loans to households had increased by 4.3 %. Low interest rates, solid (albeit declining) consumer confidence and a booming construction sector were the driving forces behind the household demand for loans. Due to the increase in GDP, the household debt expressed in terms of GDP has changed only marginally, but the underlying trend of an ever-rising stock of household indebtedness has continued. Due to the low interest rates, most businesses and retail clients can easily afford bank credit. The interest burden for households is lower in Finland than in the euro area, but higher for firms (see Graph 3.2.1). Most of the credit stock is taken at variable rates, with a tendency to further increase (in 2017, 97.3 % of new mortgages had variable rates). This makes both households and firms vulnerable to potential rapid changes in the monetary policy. Access to finance is easier when compared with most other EU countries. The results of the 2018 survey on access to finance of enterprises (European Commission, 2018) show that only 4 % of the surveyed Finnish small and medium-sized enterprises indicated access to finance as their most important concern, compared with 7 % for the EU. Large firms are able to obtain financing in financial markets, whereas small and medium-sized enterprises use banks as the main source of funding. In 2018, the three most relevant sources of financing for small and medium-sized companies were (i) credit lines, (ii) leasing and (iii) bank loans (relevant for respectively 65 %, 65 % and 61 % of small and medium-sized enterprises in Finland). While bank loans appear a priori less attractive than other forms of financing (crowdfunding, peer-to-peer lending or business angels’ investment; European Central Bank, 2017), easy access to it is the key. 15 % of Finnish small and medium-sized enterprises did not manage to get the full bank loan they had asked for during 2018 (EU average: 18 %). A number of initiatives taken in recent years have improved small and medium-sized enterprises’ access to finance, including a growth funding programme, junior loans and the investment programme for industrial renewal. Graph 3.2.1:Interest burden of households and non-financial corporations Source: European Commission 3.2.3.Housing market House prices in real terms remained broadly stable. In both 2017 and 2018, prices increased modestly in nominal terms, fluctuating around the inflation rate. The valuation gap closed in 2017 (see Graph 3.2.2). Overall, there are no signs of a price overvaluation at national level. Large regional price disparities are a constant feature of the Finnish housing market. Most of the housing demand is concentrated in the Greater Helsinki area and other growth centres, where most of the new jobs are to be found. The average price per square metre in 2018 in the Greater Helsinki area was hovering above EUR 3 600 whereas in the rest of the country (Greater Helsinki area excluded) it was around EUR 1 600. Despite the moderating effect of a large supply of new housing units in recent years, prices have been increasing faster than income in growth centres. Migration from the countryside to urban areas is continuing, which is clearly having an impact on prices upwards in growth centres and downwards in rural areas. The larger the price gap is, the greater the barrier to labour mobility, especially for lower-skilled workers and families with limited revenues. Graph 3.2.2:Overvaluation gap with respect to price/income, price/rent and fundamental model valuation gap Source: European Commission It seems that housing construction peaked in 2018. Residential construction expressed as a share of GDP (see Graph 3.2.3), after increasing rapidly in 2016-2017, is estimated to be in 2018 on a similar level as in years 2005-2007 (6.4-6.6 %). Strong housing demand, coupled with low interest rates and rising incomes underpinned the construction sector in recent years. However, the data on residential building permits (in square metre of useful floor area) shows that the construction growth is levelling off. In addition, reported labour shortages indicate that the construction sector is reaching its full capacities. Due to the many projects already started, the momentum might still be strong enough to keep construction level in 2019 similar to 2018. Given the outlook of accommodative monetary policy, it is unlikely that the demand for housing starts to fall markedly, in particular in the prospering regions. Graph 3.2.3:Residential construction, % GDP Source: European Commission 3.2.4.HOUSEHOLD debt At 67.2 % of GDP in 2017, the household debt level is high. Household indebtedness has increased steadily over the last two decades, although it remains below Finland’s Nordic peers. In 2017, it increased by 0.2 percentage points only. The relatively low increase can be attributed to a higher growth of GDP. In terms of debt-to-gross disposable income ratio, household debt increased by 2.1 percentage points to 116.0 %. As the value of households’ assets increased, the debt-to-financial assets indicator decreased by 0.2 percentage point to 46.1 %. Quarterly indicators for Q2-2018 show that the debt-to-GDP ratio started to marginally decrease. In parallel, the household savings rate, while at historically low levels, started to increase marginally. If this momentum persists in the second half of 2018, it might represent a turning point in the trend. The stock of mortgage loans continues to grow. At the end of July 2018, the stock of mortgage loans amounted to EUR 97.1 billion (equivalent to 78 % of the households debt), reflecting an annual growth rate of 2.1 % (see Graph 3.2.4) compared to July 2017. The stock of loans to non-financial corporations amounted to EUR 83 billion, of which loans to housing corporations and rental housing companies accounted for EUR 30.2 billion. The latter segment displays the strongest year-on-year growth rate of over 10 % in the same period due to both ongoing new construction and renovation works. Graph 3.2.4:Lending growth year-on-year Source: European Central Bank Average repayment periods are increasing and mortgages are taken at variable rates. Most of the new loans have longer average repayment periods than the existing stock. For the new loans taken in July 2018, the average repayment period was around 20 years, with 60 % of loans being between 20 and 26 years. The majority of the current stock of loans have variable interest rates (usually linked to euribor) and 97 % of new loans have variable rates. Households’ total debt includes the exposure to debt contracted by housing corporations. Some households may rely on financing their equity share in housing corporations through unsecured high yielding non-bank loans, which creates potential risks. Overall, the share of loans secured by real estate property in the banks aggregate balance sheet increased over the past three years from 35 % to 43 %.

Consumer credit is rapidly expanding. At a 5 % yearly growth rate (in September 2018 compared to September 2017), it is backed by growing private consumption and the popularity of small non-deposit taking (and thus unregulated) lenders. In view of that, the authorities have stepped up work on a comprehensive Credit Registry that would collect both positive and negative information on debtors and would thus provide a full picture of the creditworthiness of each borrower. Launched in 2019, the registry will take a few years before it is up and running. Meanwhile, a working group comprising the authorities and stakeholders also discusses additional steps to limit the ability of households to take on further debt, in particular a legislation aiming to cap the debt-to-income ratio. There are large regional disparities in indebtedness. The disparities grew over the last decade and their development is strongly correlated with house price developments. Indebtedness increased in the country overall but the highest increases were in growth centres (Bank of Finland, 2018). The authorities have taken pre-emptive macroprudential measures to restrict rising households’ indebtedness. The Finnish Financial Supervisory Authority has imposed since January 2018 a minimum average risk-weight of 15 % on all residential mortgages and, since July 2018, a mortgage cap at 85 % of the fair value of the collateral posted at the time of loan approval. The government is also phasing out the tax deductibility of the mortgage interest service. While Finland gradually reduced the share of interest eligible for tax deduction, it still amounted to 50 % in 2018. Mortgage tax relief creates a bias for higher household borrowing and can lead to an increase in macroeconomic risks. 3.3. Labour market, education and social policies 3.3.1.Labour market Labour market and supply The labour market has started to reap the benefits of the recovery. Employment and activity rates are nearing pre-crisis levels. In 2017, the employment rate (age group 20-64) increased by almost 1 percentage point compared to the previous year, to 74.2 % (see Graph 3.3.1). It continued to increase in 2018 (to 76.3 % in the third quarter of 2018). It was above the EU average (72.2 %) although still below the country’s Nordic peers ( ). The activity rate has also improved, reaching 80.7 % in 2017. These improvements are due to the growing labour demand and an increase in the employment of older workers. The labour force participation rate in the age group 55 to 64 has been constantly increasing, from 54 % in 2007 to 65 % in mid-2018 (Eurostat, 2018a). Graph 3.3.1:Activity, employment and unemployment rates (quarterly data) Source: European Commission Structural unemployment remains relatively high despite continued employment growth across the main sectors of the Finnish economy. The employment growth accelerated in 2018 (up 2.3 percentage points from the third quarter of 2017 to the third quarter of 2018) and was particularly high in non-tradable services, the public sector, industry and construction (see Graph 3.3.2). This pushed the unemployment rate down to 7.4 % in the third quarter of 2018, close to its structural level of 7.0 % ( ), compared to 8.5 % in the third quarter of 2017. The trend is set to continue. Graph 3.3.2:Employment growth by sector Source: European Commission In a context of increasing labour demand and falling unemployment, there are signs of labour shortages. With the expansionary phase of the business cycle, the upward movement along the Beveridge curve (see Graph 3.3.3), which depicts the relationship between the unemployment rate and the vacancy rate, continued in the second quarter of 2018. This could point to a tightening labour market and may eventually put upward pressure on wages. The number of vacancies continued to increase in 2018 and the job vacancy rate averaged 2.4 % for the first two quarters of 2018. Out of the 109 600 vacancies in the first two quarters of 2018, 49 % were hard to fill compared to 39 % during the same period in 2017 ( ). Box 3.3.1: Monitoring performance in light of the European Pillar of Social Rights The European Pillar of Social Rights is designed as a compass for upward convergence towards better working and living conditions in the European Union ( I ). It sets out twenty essential principles and rights in the areas of equal opportunities and access to the labour market; fair working conditions; and social protection and inclusion. Finland performs well on the indicators of the Social Scoreboard supporting the European Pillar of Social Rights. Income inequalities are among the lowest in the EU. In 2017, the income of the richest 20 % was stable at 3.5 times that of the poorest 20 %, compared to the EU average of 5.1. The risk of poverty or social exclusion remains low, though some differences exist across regions. The share of population at risk of poverty or social exclusion fell to a 10 years low in 2017, to 15.7 % (17.4 % in 2007), well below the EU average of 22.5 %. The income transfer system performs above the EU average in reducing income inequality. However, evidence suggests that children of low skilled parents face a high and increasing risk of poverty or social exclusion (from 45 % in 2010 to 63.1 % in 2017, EU from 59.8 % to 62.9 %). Finland continues to have a generally well performing education system, even though education outcomes have slightly declined and gaps between different groups have increased. Early school leaving slightly increased to 8.2 % in 2017. It is among the best performers in terms of digital skills with 76 % of the population having basic or above basic digital skills (the average EU level is 57 %). Self-reported unmet needs for medical care have slightly decreased but remains among the highest in the EU (3.6% in 2017, EU 1.6%), nearly exclusively due to long waiting lists. The integration of services poses challenges. The range of services for active support to employment is appropriate but these services are dispersed among a number of separate providers and there is a lack of coordination to produce a seamless services' chain. The vulnerable claimants are often falling in between different programs and measures. The social impact bond for migrants helps migrants find a job. The social impact bond aims at training and employing at least 2 000 migrants between 2017 and 2019. Through integrated personalised measures, the social impact bond provides fast-track integration training and employment for migrants who have participated in the first stage of integration measures including initial language training. One of the investors is the European Investment Fund with a bid of EUR 10 million. Digitalisation, automation and artificial intelligence create new challenges and opportunities in the labour market. It is estimated that 7 % of the workforce in Finland are employed in jobs with a high risk (over 70 %) of being automated in the future (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2018c; Koski and Husso, 2018). By 2030, artificial intelligence alone could eliminate 15 % of current jobs (Koski and Husso, 2018). At the same time, it could generate a similar number of new jobs directly or indirectly linked to automation (McKinsey, 2017). The changing working life due to artificial intelligence and automation calls for continuous training and reskilling of the workforce (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2017). This could concern up to one million people in the Finnish labour market (Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment, 2017). Employees report lack of time as one of the main reasons for non-participation in adult learning (Prime Minister’s Office, 2018a). Graph 3.3.3:Beveridge curve Source: European Commission The population is ageing fast and the labour force is shrinking. The share of the working age population is projected to shrink from 63 % in 2016 to 58.3 % by 2050 (European Commission, 2018e). Increasing the labour force will require providing the right skills, activating the unemployed and inactive people as well as including groups with only marginal labour market attachment such as non-EU nationals. Activity rates are low compared to the country’s EU Nordic peers, especially for the low skilled. Activity rates are lower than in other Nordic countries for all levels of education and age groups (see Graph 3.3.4). The share of low-skilled workers is rather low (11.7 %) in Finland. However, their activity and employment rates (respectively 47.5 % and 53.2 % in 2017) are below the EU average (53.6 % v 55.6 %). Graph 3.3.4:Activity rate by age and educational attainment in 2017 (20-64, %) Source: European Commission The main reason for the inactivity of working age men is disability or illness. This is the case especially for men in the age group of 35-54 years (see Graph 3.3.5). Prevalence of mental health disorders could be one explanation for drivers of inactivity (Eurostat, 2018b). The number of discouraged male workers has remained above EU average since 2010, although the share thereof decreased from 10.4 % in 2016 to 9.5 % in 2017. The situation is different for women, for whom inactivity is mainly due to caring responsibilities and family or personal reasons (see Section 3.3.2). Based on estimates by Statistics Finland, there are approximately 600 000 people with disabilities of whom 240 000 are receiving disability pension and roughly half are working. Some of them would be able to work full-time with their educational level being the same as for the overall population. The government has recently launched projects to increase the working ability of people with disabilities but the service system seems not to respond fully to the special needs of these people (Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, 2018). People with disabilities, although willing to work, face obstacles in entering the labour market due to the lack of coordination between supporting services and a fragmented social security system. Youth unemployment has slightly decreased but remains above the EU average. In the second quarter of 2018, youth unemployment was 17.5 % (EU average 15.1 %). However, the rate of young people not in employment, education or training is lower than the EU average (10.9 % compared to the EU average of 13.4 % for the age group 15-29 in 2017). The Finnish Youth guarantee scheme reached 66 % of young people not in employment, education or training aged 15-24 in 2017 (European Commission, 2018f). The one-stop guidance centres for young people were made permanent, with financial support secured until 2021. There are more than 50 one-stop-shops. The first national results from year 2016 were promising, showing that more than 13 000 people were directed to services or measures by the guidance centres (Kohtaamo, 2018). The test phase and the extension of the service model were co-financed by the European Social Fund.

Graph 3.3.5:Reasons for inactivity by age (men, 2016) Source: European Commission Graph 3.3.6:Reason for inactivity by age (women, 2016) Source: European Commission While the share of the foreign-born population remains small by international standards, its growth has been among the fastest in member countries of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. In 1990, the foreign-born population in Finland accounted for only 1.0 % of the population, but the share increased to 6.5 % in 2016 (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2018d). The total foreign population in 2017 was 249 500, of whom approximately 20 % were Estonians (Statistics Finland, 2018a). Over 65 % of the foreign population lives in 10 largest cities, most of them in Helsinki where 10 % of the population are migrants. The net migration is expected to remain positive in the coming years with an increasing number of people moving to Finland from non-EU countries. The employment gap of Finland’s foreign-born population is high. Foreign-born population in Finland has lower employment rates than people born in the country (49.9 % in 2017 compared to EU average of 57.4 %), particularly for foreign-born women (36.1 %, compared to EU average of 47.1 %). The employment gap is one of the largest in the EU, which may be due to the family benefit system. It could also affect the integration of children with foreignborn parents, who are struggling to thrive in the Finnish school system (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2018e). Several integration policies have been developed in response to the inflows of asylum seekers in 2015. The Ministry of Education and Culture is implementing measures, such as funding educational institutions to improve immigrants’ educational services. In the past few years, considerable efforts were made to update the integration system. It included efforts related to settlement, early labour market contact and workplace diversity management. The social impact bond in particular aims to employ at least 2 000 migrants after a four to six months trial period. Full time employment is promoted by combining individual training needs with work trials in a flexible way. Private companies and institutional investors have invested in the fund that is implementing the measures. The Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment will pay into the fund according to the results that the project delivers. The project started in 2016 and runs until the end of 2019. Incentives to accept work and activation measures The government has put more emphasis on activating the unemployed. A benefit scheme with financial sanctions, called ‘active model’, came into force in 2018 (European Commission, 2018b). The aim was to increase conditionality by reducing the benefit for the unemployed of the model. In June-July 2018, 158 000 unemployed faced cuts in their unemployment benefits (Yleisradio Oy, 2018). It seems that the possibilities for the unemployed to demonstrate sufficient activity are limited ( ) and the public employment offices cannot offer sufficient activation services. The shortcomings in the system may drive the unemployed to seek compensation from social assistance, thus pushing them deeper into the benefits system rather than towards labour market inclusion. New rules to activate the unemployed through more intense job application and reporting to the employment services are being prepared. A multi-professional working culture would allow better outreach to all target groups. Finland spends less on public employment services per unemployed than its Nordic peers (International Monetary Fund, 2017). It will be increasingly difficult to reduce and prevent long-term unemployment and inactivity without a multi-professional approach to deal with also non-work related problems (such as health issues and substance abuse). An integrated approach exists for some target groups, but not for all. The public employment and entrepreneurship services will be integrated into public growth services. In the context of the regional government, health and social services reform, the current resources of the public employment offices and the entrepreneur service centres will be transferred to the counties (some 2 600 person-years). The growth services are expected to promote entrepreneurship, business growth, transformation and internationalisation of companies, meeting at the same time the evolving needs of the labour market. The aim of this part of the reform is to offer transparent, customer-oriented and more efficient services, including multi-professional services and integrated services for those who are hard to employ. Pilot projects are ongoing or planned to test the reform and the cooperation between municipalities, regions and private companies on how to provide effective employment services. There is a risk that the employment services especially for the long-term unemployed could deteriorate in particular from the vicinity point of view (European Commission 2018g). 3.3.2.SOCIAL POLICIES The risk of poverty or social exclusion remains low, though some regional and group differences exist. The share of population at risk of poverty or social exclusion fell to a 10-year low in 2017. At 15.7 %, it was well below the EU average of 22.5 %. Poverty rates of self-employed are higher than for employees (European Commission, 2018h). This is mainly because of their lower declared incomes and lower share of membership in voluntary insurances. Western Finland performed worst in 2017, with a share of population at risk of poverty or social exclusion at 18.5 %, while Helsinki-Uusimaa registered the lowest level (11.8 %). Children of low-skilled parents face a high risk of poverty or social exclusion (63.1 %, marginally higher than the EU average of 62.9 %). Children with a migrant background face a significantly higher risk of poverty than children of nationals, with a 20-percentage points difference. As part of the Europe 2020 strategy, Finland made a commitment to reduce the number of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion by 150 000 by the year 2020. Although statistics show that this target is currently short of reach by approximately 100 000, if Finland continues its 2016-2017 trend (reduction by 47 000), the goal remains achievable. Income inequalities are among the lowest in the EU. In 2017, the income of the richest 20 % was stable at 3.5 times that of the poorest 20 %, compared to an EU average of 5.1. The tax-and-benefit system performs above the EU average in reducing income inequality. Inequalities in educational outcomes are low. The variation in the Programme for International Student Assessment 2015 scores due to socio-economic background of parents is among the lowest in the EU. Women still earn on average some 16 % less than their male counterparts. The Finnish Ombudsman for Gender Equality considers that wage transparency could help prevent discrimination against women and other lower-paid workers (Maarianvaara, 2018). Reform of social assistance administration has not yet improved the service. The administration of the basic social assistance was transferred from municipalities to the Social Insurance Institution of Finland in 2017. The reform merged varying municipal systems aiming to simplify the application processes. However, the system is rigid and struggles to recognise individual circumstances, which is important in reaching out to the inactive. Waiting periods are long and contacts between the Social Insurance Institution and the municipal social assistance offices are difficult due to different information technology systems. In certain regions, service provision in the Swedish language has proven problematic. Food aid is not part of the official social security scheme, but it is delivered by voluntary organisations as a combination of food donated and purchased, together with social measures to accompany the aid recipients. Despite the recent economic growth, the demand has not decreased proportionally and is not expected to decrease. Inactivity traps and social benefits Inactivity and unemployment traps remain high. Social assistance and the housing allowance as well as other benefits are phased out rapidly as income increases, which creates the risk that taking up work might not be sufficiently financially rewarding. Furthermore, adequacy of benefits is very high ( ) but their rules are very complex. Combined with administrative practices, this can result in ‘bureaucratic traps’. Uncertainty surrounding the level of benefits and the time to reinstate them reduces the attractiveness of short-term or part-time work. The real-income register available to various authorities (see section 3.1) has the potential to address some of the bureaucratic traps related to reinstating the benefits. From 1 April 2019, the uncertainty surrounding the level of benefits will be partly alleviated by a change in the regulations concerning the period when income from part-time or short-time employment is taken into account and has an effect in the amount of unemployment benefit change. An in-depth reform of the social benefits system is yet to take place. Despite actions taken in recent years, there is widespread consensus that the social benefit system should be reformed. An expert group will make suggestions to the next government after the parliamentary elections. The universal basic income experiment is expected to provide some information on possible options for reform. The tested reform simplifies the current benefit system by merging various basic security benefits paid by the Social Insurance Institution (Kansanelakelaitos, 2019). Preliminary results were presented on 8 February 2019. Another experiment on participative social security that is exploring different models of inclusive social security practices started in five municipalities in 2018 and will end in 2019. The aim of this experiment is to test if intensive counselling and more targeted labour market services could bring back to employment those caught in unemployment traps. A reliance on home care is a hindrance to female labour force participation. Long spells of home care allowance weaken caretakers’ — usually women — labour market position. However, the level of the allowance is low and often complemented by social assistance, especially if there is no other income in the household. The long caretaking responsibilities for women contribute to the gender employment gap as well as the gender pay gap (16 %). The government initiated a process to reform family leave, but did not carry it through. The long-term care system is delivered at municipal level, which may limit its accessibility and funding. The cost of service provision varies considerably between populous and sparsely populated areas. At the same time, the municipalities rely on informal care delivered by family members, which may hinder labour market participation of the (mostly female) informal carers. Finland figures significantly above the EU average for informal homecare provision (8.9 % and 6.2 % respectively of the 16 years old population and over), especially with regards to less than 10 hours of weekly care. The municipalities support informal care by different measures, including training and financial support. However, there are challenges in coordinating the services delivered in home environment.

Equal access to social and healthcare services The Finnish population enjoys a comparatively good health status. Even if life expectancy has slightly decreased in 2016, it remains 0.5 year higher than the EU average of 81 years (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2018b). Inequalities in health status, measured by the gap in life expectancy between people with the lowest and highest education, are smaller in Finland than in the EU. Finland performs well in health promotion and disease prevention, and the government expects that the planned regional government, health and social services reform (see Section 3.1.) will lead to efficiency gains and reduced waiting times for health services. 3.3.3.EDUCATION AND SKILLS The education system performs well, but educational outcomes have declined and gaps between different groups have increased. International tests in reading carried out for the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement confirmed the important performance gap between boys and girls (Leino et al., 2017) but reading skills of 10 year-olds remain strong and unchanged compared to 2011. The Programme for International Student Assessment 2015pointed to the country’s strong position on basic skills even though its performance has been continuously weakening (European Commission, 2018i). Early school leaving increased slightly. It amounted to 8.2 % in 2017 compared to the EU average of 10.6 % with differences between young people in rural areas (10.1 %) and those in cities (7 %). Foreign-born pupils drop out of school almost twice as often as pupils born in Finland (15.2 % compared to 7.9 %) and the gap between these groups on baseline levels of proficiency in all main domains (literacy, mathematics, science) is significant (42 percentage points compared to the EU average of 22 percentage points) (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2018f). This is compounded by the worsening performance of pupils with a migrant background (European Commission 2018b). The participation rate in early childhood education has improved. Between 2007 and 2016 it grew to 32.7 % for under 3-year-olds and to 87.4 % for those 4 years and older. The share of the former is at EU average but remains below other Nordic countries, while the share of the latter remains still 7.9 percentage points below the EU average. Slowly increasing differences are observed in education outcomes between regions and between schools, however, the causes are not yet fully understood. Recent initiatives aim to increase the quality and fairness of education. The new Act on childcare (January 2018) is overhauling regulation, better defines qualification of staff and improves data collection. By 2030, at least 2 out of 3 staff members will have a relevant tertiary degree instead of only one staff member right now. Municipalities have currently access to an annual total grant amount of EUR 12 million for improving childcare education and ensuring equal opportunities for all in basis education. The government has launched a set of initiatives that are promoting new approaches to strengthen the quality and relevance of education, such as a new proposal on upper secondary education. The government is providing some additional strategic investment in education that is partly counterbalancing recent structural spending cuts. Government spending on education in Finland is well above the EU average and in line with spending of its EU Nordic peers (6.1 % of GDP in 2016 in Finland, 6.6 % in Sweden and 6.9 % in Denmark, respectively; Eurostat, 2018c). However, between 2010 and 2019 education budgets in Finland were cut by cumulative EUR 2.2 billion (Trade Union on Education, 2018). An important part of the financial burden for primary and earlier education was shifted to the municipalities as the state contribution was reduced from 50 % to 25 %. Furthermore, the government has reserved about EUR 1 billion for the initiatives to improve the quality of education. This investment is positive but falls short of offsetting the imposed cuts in spending at all levels of education, and particularly in higher education and vocational education and training system. Tertiary education attainment is high, but not for all social groups. 44.6 % of 30-34 year-olds have obtained tertiary education in 2017, 2.7 percentage points less than in 2007. The gender imbalance remains large and, in 2017, only 27 % of people not born in Finland had obtained tertiary education, much less than in other Nordic countries. Tertiary attainment is the highest in Helsinki-Uusimaa (52.5 %) and the lowest in northern and eastern Finland (38 %). Cities show the highest share of tertiary graduates with 55.3 % and rural areas the lowest with 30.4 %. Between 2010 and 2017 the share of graduates in cities hardly changed (+0.2 percentage points) but it dropped around 9 percentage points in towns, suburbs and rural areas. Graph 3.3.7:Participation in early childhood education and care participation for less than 3- years -olds and younger (above) and participation for 4-year olds until school age (below) Source: European Commission Undergoing restructuring and budget cuts could compromise the quality of higher education. Higher education was subject to cumulative budget cuts of EUR 850 million in 2011-2018. This led to staff reductions and deterioration of teaching and research conditions that have caused some of the best professors and key researchers to leave the country. The ‘Vision for higher education and research in Finland 2030’ aims to mobilise the higher education sector to find solutions to these challenges. It targets having 50 % of the 25 to 34-year-olds to finish at least a bachelor degree, improving opportunities for life-long learning and providing some additional resources for high quality research. The complex admissions process to universities could explain why Finnish students are older when they start studying, with 22 years as the median age (Prime Minister’s Office, 2017). Finland has introduced policy measures on the student admission process to promote early take up of tertiary studies, but the trend has not yet reversed. Graph 3.3.8:Trends in tertiary attainment in Finland by country of origin and gender (30-34 year olds) Source: European Commission A comprehensive reform of the vocational education and training system is being implemented since early 2018. The proportion of students in upper secondary education in vocational education and training remained stable in 2016 at the level of 71.3 %, which is well above the EU average of 49.3 %. The employment outcomes of vocational education and training participants in 2017 (at 76.9 % of the recent graduates from vocational education (age 20-34) and training participants) are slightly above the EU average (76.6 %). The key elements of the reform are to enhance the competence-based and customer-oriented approach, to offer individual, flexible and customer-oriented pathways for individuals and to integrate separate funding systems (institution-based, apprenticeship, vocational adult education and partly employment training) into one coherent funding system. It also aims to develop and increase apprenticeship training and other forms of work-based and life-long learning. The reform introduces individual study plans for all learners. A successful implementation of the reform could improve labour market matching and contribute to a well-qualified workforce, as well as to the diffusion and adoption of latest technologies. The highly performing adult learning systems continue to improve. Adult participation in learning is at 27.4 % of the age group 25-64 of the total adult population, the second highest in the EU. Each year, between 3 000 and 5 000 adults take part in basic education. New provisions on basic education for adults adopted in 2017 entered into force on 1 January 2018, with the aim to speed up the educational pathway to the basic education certificate. A personal study programme is drawn up for each student in which the student’s prior learning is identified and acknowledged. The target group includes those 17 years of age and older, lacking basic education. Migrants make up more than 95 % of the target group. The personal study programme replaces the integration training for migrants. The new legislation gives greater responsibility to training institutions to provide language and vocational training to facilitate the integration of migrants and refugees. Obligatory national language proficiency tests are abolished. This has the potential to facilitate migrants’ entry to vocational education and training, and to find employment. Digital skills Digital skills are one of Finland’s strongest competitive advantages. Despite Finland’s high ranking in terms of digital skills, almost 60 % of Finnish companies reported hard-to-fill vacancies for jobs requiring information and communications technology specialist skills. Nevertheless, in terms of human capital, 76 % of the population have basic or above basic digital skills, way above the EU average (57 %). However, companies in specific niches of information and communications technology report difficulties in finding the skilled workforce. Finland does not have a national Digital Skills and Jobs Coalition (DSJC), neither a Digitising Industry strategy in place. The Digital Skills and Jobs Coalition brings together companies, education providers, social partners and public authorities to act to reduce the digital skills gap for four target groups: labour force, education, information and communications technology professionals and citizens. A critical success factor of the approach of the Digitising European Industry initiative is to mobilise all stakeholders, notably at high political level in the Member States, around meaningful actions that meet the needs of industry. The development of these national initiatives is an important element of the European Platform of National Initiatives on Digitising Indus