Executive summary 1

1. Scene setter: economic situation and outlook 3

2. Imbalances, risks and adjustment 9

2.1. External sustainability and competitiveness 10

2.2. Debt overhang and deleveraging 18

2.3. Labour market 25

3. Other structural issues 34

3.1. Taxation, fiscal framework and other fiscal structural policies 35

3.2. Social policies 40

3.3. Education and vocational training policies 42

3.4. Structural measures to improve competitiveness 44

AA. Overview Table 51

AB. Standard Tables 62

LIST OF Tables

1.1. Key economic, financial and social indicators for Portugal 7

1.2. The MIP scoreboard for Portugal 8

2.1.1. ICOR (5-year average growth) in selected euro area countries 10

2.1.2. Structure of the NIIP 11

2.1.3. Structure of goods exports by broad economic category (in %) 16

2.1.4. World market shares for services (in %) 16

2.2.1. Debt-to-equity and return on equity ratios, broken down by sector 18

2.2.2. Importance of SMEs in the Portuguese economy 19

2.2.3. Corporate solvency risk heat map 20

AB.1. Macroeconomic indicators 60

AB.2. Financial market indicators 61

AB.3. Taxation indicators 62

AB.4. Labour market and social indicators 63

AB.5. Expenditure on social protection benefits (% of GDP) 64

AB.6. Product market performance and policy indicators 65

AB.7. Green growth 66

LIST OF Graphs

1.1. Real GDP growth and its components 3

1.2. Poverty indicators in Portugal 3

1.3. Contributions to potential growth in 2003-19 5

2.1.1. Breakdown of Portugal's Net International Investment Position (NIIP) 10

2.1.2. Current account financing 10

2.1.3. NIIP sensitivity to macroeconomic shocks 11

2.1.4. External position and its components 12

2.1.5. Net lending/ borrowing by sector 12

2.1.6. Portugal's headline and structural current account balance 12

2.1.7. Breakdown of Portugal's current account into cyclical and structural components 12

2.1.8. Imports and exports of goods and services as a proportion of GDP 13

2.1.9. Nominal ULC trends in tradable and non-tradable sectors 13

2.1.10. Relative prices of tradables and non-tradables in Portugal 14

2.1.11. Real effective exchange rates in relation to the EA-17 14

2.1.12. Average growth rate in profit margins (2010-13) 14

2.1.13. PULCs, quality and prices of Portuguese exports, by comparison with the EU28 average 15

2.1.14. Geographical and sectoral breakdown of export market share growth in Portugal 15

2.2.1. Household indebtedness as a percentage of GDP 17

2.2.2. Private NFC indebtedness as a percentage of GDP 17

2.2.3. Breakdown by sector, total debt-to-GDP ratios 18

2.2.4. Distribution of corporate solvency risk by sector 20

2.2.5. Macroeconomic risk - growth and interest rates 22

2.2.6. Fiscal consolidation and ageing costs 22

2.3.1. Employment and unemployment 24

2.3.2. Employment and unemployment rates and long-term unemployment 24

2.3.3. Unemployment rate, actual and predicted based on Okun's law 25

2.3.4. Real compensation per employee and labour productivity 25

2.3.5. Nominal unit labour costs 26

2.3.6. Gap between employment growth in the tradable and in the non-tradable sectors: 2010-13 26

2.3.7. Employment by education level 27

2.3.8. Beveridge curve 27

2.3.9. Temporary employmen tand self-employment 27

2.3.10. Number of collective agreements and workers covered 29

2.3.11. Nominal compensation per employee and the minimum wage 29

LIST OF Boxes

1.1. Economic surveillance process 6

Between May 2011 and June 2014, Portugal benefited from financial assistance in support of an economic adjustment programme which also covered the surveillance of imbalances and monitoring of corrective measures. Portugal is still affected by very high private and government debt, vulnerability of the financial sector due to weak bank profitability and an ongoing deterioration of asset quality, limited access of corporations to credit, high levels of unemployment and bottlenecks in network industries, services, regulated professions and public administration. These weaknesses constitute risks for economic growth and financial stability, thus requiring decisive policy actions.

This Country Report assesses Portugal's economy against the background of the Commission's Annual Growth Survey, which recommends three main pillars for the EU's economic and social policy in 2015: investment, structural reforms, and fiscal responsibility. In line with the Investment Plan for Europe, it also explores ways to maximise the impact of public resources and unlock private investment. Finally, it assesses Portugal in the light of the findings of the 2015 Alert Mechanism Report, in which the Commission found it useful to further examine the existence of macroeconomic imbalances or their unwinding. To this end, this Country Report also provides an in-depth review (IDR) of Portugal's economy in line with the scope of the surveillance under the Macroeconomic Imbalances Procedure.

The main findings from the IDR analysis as regards imbalances and macroeconomic risks are:

· Portugal tackled thoroughly its external imbalances but, starting from deep-seated external weaknesses, the rebalancing is still ongoing. The traditionally high structural current account deficit has been closed, exports increased, helped also by improved efficiency and product quality, and the tradables sector gained in importance. However, the net international investment position is still very negative and rebalancing through sustained current account surpluses will not only take time but requires stronger economic growth, higher exports, and more attractiveness for foreign direct investment.

· The high debt of Portuguese firms still weighs on firms' performance and impedes new investments, one of the key priorities of the new Commission, while households' indebtedness declined markedly. Deteriorating growth prospects and changing attitudes towards risk have prompted non-financial corporations to adjust their balance sheets, although to a lesser extent than households.. The high corporate debt ratio represents also a concern for banks’ balance sheets and Portugal's wider financial stability.

· General government debt has reached very high levels, also by bringing off-budget operations on record. While the increasing path in gross public debt is expected to reverse in the short term, government debt dynamics remain vulnerable to adverse shocks and impose a high interest burden on public finances.

· The economic crisis has led to a sharp decline in employment. Although the labour market situation has recently improved, unemployment remains high and the labour market segmented. However, the economy experienced a substantial real wage adjustment in recent years, and Portugal's real effective exchange rate trends are conducive to falling unemployment and the necessary further external rebalancing. Yet there is a risk that unemployment stabilises at high levels in a low growth environment.

The Country Report also analyses other macroeconomic and structural issues, and the main findings are:

· Portugal is advancing reforms of the fiscal system. This applies for strengthening the fiscal framework and implementing new measures to fight tax fraud and evasion and reforms of the public administration, including at the local and regional level. Initiatives to improve the operating balance of state-owned enterprises continue and renegotiations of several Public-Private Partnerships are near conclusion. The sustainability of state-owned hospitals is being addressed, but their stock of arrears is still high.

· Portugal is making some progress with structural reforms. In the energy sector, excessive rents and the electricity tariff debt are being addressed. Several infrastructure projects listed in Portugal's long-term transport plan are progressing. Reforms of product markets, services and regulated professions are advancing, although not in a comprehensive way. However, the lack of a systematic approach to monitoring and evaluating reforms makes it difficult to assess their full impact on the functioning of the economy.

Overall, Portugal has made some progress in addressing the 2014 country-specific recommendations. Decisive measures have been taken to stabilise the financial sector and to overhaul the corporate insolvency and debt restructuring framework. Active Labour Market Policies have been strengthened. The assessment of recent reforms of collective bargaining is mixed, as not all of them promote the alignment of wages and productivity at firm level. No progress has been achieved on strengthening social assistance, including the minimum income scheme. Education and training have undergone important reforms and implementation is now crucial to prove their effectiveness in improving students' performance. Network industries are still facing efficiency and sustainability challenges. Housing, product and services markets reforms are facing delays, especially the full implementation of the European Services Directive. While the competition and regulatory framework is being improved, no progress has been made in reducing the late payment of commercial debts by the administration. Some progress has been made to increase transparency in public procurement and the judiciary.

The country report reveals the policy challenges stemming from the analysis of macro-economic imbalances:

· Low competition in product markets and low responsiveness of wages to productivity at the firm level impact on the competitiveness of exports and thus on external imbalances.

· Slow restructuring of highly indebted but viable companies and slow orderly exit of those firms that have no viable operating models keep the corporate debt levels high.

· Relying on cyclical effects does not facilitate compliance with the medium-term budget framework or help to reduce the high public debt level in a sustainable manner.

· Labour market policies and the functioning of the collective bargaining system influence the risk that unemployment stabilises at its current high level.

Other challenges are:

· Coverage of social assistance is low.

· Education and training outcomes are not clearly aligned with the labour market and links between public research organisations and business are weak.

· In the transport sector, the new transport regulatory authority is not operational yet. Liberalisation measures in ports concessions, railways and metropolitan public transport are slow, thus not stimulating investment.

After a prolonged recession, the Portuguese economy started to recover in 2013. Real GDP has been growing in year-on-year terms since the fourth quarter of 2013, following eleven consecutive quarters of negative growth. Recently, economic growth has been driven by accelerating private consumption and investment. The latest economic sentiment data and confidence indicators suggest that domestic demand is continuing to recover, with imports growing faster than exports. Economic expansion is expected to accelerate slightly in the medium term as a result of gradually improving financing conditions and external demand.

Graph 1.1: Real GDP growth and its components

Source: European Commission

Inflation is projected to rise moderately in the medium term. As measured by the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP), it fell to -0.2% in 2014, mainly as a result of sharp fall in energy prices. Positive figures are expected by the second half of 2015 as wages rise and oil prices stabilise. However, high unemployment levels, subdued domestic demand and low oil prices are expected to contain inflationary pressures in the near future.

The labour market situation has been improving since the spring of 2013. In the first three quarters of 2014, employment growth averaged 2% year-on-year, thereby outpacing GDP growth. However, the decline in unemployment has recently come to a halt and the unemployment rate has stabilised since October 2014 with the employment reduction. Looking ahead, job creation is set to slow down and employment growth is expected to become more aligned with GDP growth.

Poverty indicators are traditionally very high in Portugal compared to the EU average and have deteriorated further in the wake of the financial and economic crisis. The number of people threatened by poverty or social exclusion rose by 220,000 between 2007 and 2013. This represents an increase to 27.4% of the total Portuguese population in 2013 (see Graph 1.2). The gap between Portugal and the rest of the euro area (23%) has thus widened. Low-work-intensity households and households with children have been particularly badly affected by poverty and social exclusion.

Graph 1.2: Poverty indicators in Portugal

(1) AROPE: People at-risk-of poverty or social exclusion, i.e. individuals who are at-risk-of poverty and/or suffering from severe material deprivation and/or living in household with zero or very low work intensity. (2) AROP: At-risk-of poverty rate, i.e. share of people with an equivalised disposable income below 60% of the national equivalised median income. (3) Severe material deprivation: Share of people who experience at least 4 out of 9 type of deprivations: people cannot afford to i) pay their rent or utility bills, ii) heat their home adequately warm, iii) cope with unexpected expenses, iv) eat meat, fish, or a protein equivalent every second day, v) take a week's of holiday away from home once a year, vi) have a car, vii) have a washing machine, viii) have a colour TV, or ix) have a telephone. Source: European Commission

Poor labour market performance has been a key factor in the increase in poverty. The proportion of low work intensity households rose by 5.9 pps between 2008 and 2013. In the same period the number of jobless poor (at risk of poverty and living in low work intensity household) went up by almost 50%. The disparity between the top and bottom 20% of the income distribution grew bigger in 2013 and the Gini coefficient remains above 34%, compared to a EU28-average level of 30.5% in 2013. The 7.6 pps. increase in the poverty gap([1]) between 2008 and 2013 was the second largest in the EU after Greece and the poverty gap now stands at 31.2%.

Fiscal consolidation continued in 2014, while the accumulation of arrears has been halted and the stock of arrears reduced. The general government deficit reached an estimated 4.6% of GDP at the end of 2014 (3.6% of GDP without one-offs), down from 4.9% of GDP in 2013 (5.2% of GDP without one-offs). Risks to the projection relate to cash-accrual adjustments and to the one-off operation related to Novo Banco. The arrears strategy has halted the accumulation of new arrears and begun to reduce the outstanding stock (by about 0.3% of GDP over 2014). According to the Commission's winter forecast, the plans underpinning the 2015 budget are not sufficient to reach the deficit target, revised by the government to 2.7% of GDP, but would instead lead to a deficit of 3.2% of GDP. Under the no-policy-change assumption, the deficit is forecast to stand at 2.8% of GDP by 2016. Risks around the projections relate to macroeconomic developments, continued efficiency gains in revenue collection, budget-neutral implementation of the envisaged tax reforms, and possible spending slippages.

The consolidation effort has been slackening since the end of the economic adjustment programme. In 2014, the Constitutional Court overturned key provisions on public wage and pension cuts in the initial 2014 budget and the budgetary plans for 2015. There were no measures of similar quality and scale to compensate for the resultant shortfalls, which have been offset mainly by additional revenue from the economic recovery. Thus, the scale of the discretionary measures underpinning the recent budgetary strategy has been substantially reduced over time and the projected improvements in headline deficit derive mainly from the ongoing cyclical recovery. The structural balance is forecast to decline by 0.1% of GDP over 2014-2016, with a procyclical loosening of the fiscal stance of around 0.6% of GDP in 2015. The current budgetary strategy is hence considered to be less sustainable than the one in place at the end of the Programme. Given the high level of public debt and financing needs, significantly more ambitious reforms - especially on the expenditure side - will be needed to comply with the medium-term budget framework.

The gross debt-to-GDP ratio is forecast to have reached about 129% of GDP by the end of 2014 and to fall to 125% of GDP in 2015. Higher deposits and the depreciation of the euro are the main reasons for the recent upward revisions in the projected debt stock at the end of 2014, while the net debt is estimated to have reached 121% of GDP at the end of 2014 (lower than previously anticipated). The downward path expected from 2015 should be supported by debt-reducing operations, the projected economic recovery and primary budget surpluses if fiscal discipline is maintained.

After Portugal joined the European Monetary Union, competitiveness was undermined by rapidly rising nominal unit labour costs and deep-seated structural problems in the product and labour markets. As a consequence of persistent current account deficits, Portugal accumulated a high external debt, which was mirrored domestically in the rising indebtedness of both the private and the public sectors. Portugal started to address these imbalances when the financial and economic crisis broke out in 2008. Gradual deleveraging in the private sector and some rebalancing of production from the non-tradable to the tradable sector have since helped to improve external sustainability and contain macro-financial risks. After its peak in 2013, unemployment has been reduced but remains at high levels.

Portugal's deep-seated structural problems have set potential growth on a downward trajectory since the late 1990s. This was aggravated by an inefficient allocation of resources, as investment was mainly channelled to the non-tradable sectors. During the 2000s, potential growth showed a downward trend mainly due to negative growth contributions of labour supply and investment, while the growth contribution of total factor productivity (TFP) has been fairly stable. Between 2009 and 2013, strong increases in unemployment and a slump in investment activity accelerated the decline in potential growth. In the medium term, potential growth is expected to be supported by a recovery in investment and further improvements of the labour market (Graph 1.3).

Graph 1.3: Contributions to potential growth in 2003-19

Source: European Commission

However, potential growth is not projected to resume the growth rates it experienced before the economic and financial crisis. The main impediments to a further acceleration of potential output are ongoing deleveraging pressures in the corporate sector (holding back investment), an unfavourable demographic outlook and persistently high unemployment (dampening labour supply), as well as the workforce's low average skill levels combined with outstanding inefficiencies in product and labour markets (dragging on TFP growth). Structural rigidities keep the potential growth rate from returning to around 2%, which would be necessary to ensure public debt sustainability.

Box 1.1: Economic surveillance process The Commission’s Annual Growth Survey, adopted in November 2014, started the 2015 European Semester, proposing that the EU pursue an integrated approach to economic policy built around three main pillars: boosting investment, accelerating structural reforms and pursuing responsible growth-friendly fiscal consolidation. The Annual Growth Survey also presented the process of streamlining the European Semester to increase the effectiveness of economic policy coordination at the EU level through greater accountability and by encouraging greater ownership by all actors. In line with streamlining efforts this Country Report includes an In-Depth Review — as per Article 5 of Regulation no. 1176/2011 — to determine whether macroeconomic imbalances still exist, as announced in the Commission’s Alert Mechanism Report published on November 2014. This Country Report includes an assessment of progress towards the implementation of the 2014 Country-Specific Recommendations adopted by the Council in July 2014. The Country-Specific Recommendations for Portugal concerned public finances, labour market and social policies, the financial sector and access to finance, network industries, housing, product and services markets, the modernisation of public administration and the evaluation of structural reforms.

Table 1.1: Key economic, financial and social indicators for Portugal

(1) Domestic banking groups and stand-alone banks. (2) Domestic banking groups and stand-alone banks, foreign-controlled (EU and non-EU) subsidiaries and branches. (3) Real effective exchange rate. (*) Indicates BPM5 and/or ESA95 Source: European Commission, 2015 winter forecast; ECB

Table 1.2: The MIP scoreboard for Portugal

Flags: b: break in time series. e: estimated. Note: Figures highlighted are the ones falling outside the threshold established by EC Alert Mechanism Report. For REER and ULC, the first threshold concerns Euro Area Member States. (1) Figures in italic are according to the old standards (ESA95/BPM5). (2) Export market shares data: the total world export is based on the 5th edition of the Balance of Payments Manual (BPM5). Source: European Commission

Portugal's Net International Investment Position (NIIP) remains very negative, notwithstanding the recent substantial current account adjustment.([2]) The NIIP deteriorated sharply in the first decade after the introduction of the euro, but its decline slowed down after 2010, reaching about -115% of GDP in 2014 (Graph 2.1.1). A high level of net external debt makes the economy vulnerable to reversals of capital flows or sudden hiatuses. To improve the NIIP in the long term, persistent and sizeable current account surpluses are needed. The problem is aggravated by the fact that past current account deficits fuelled inefficient spending on private consumption and investment in construction and property, rather than increasing the productive capital stock, which would have improved the economy's ability to repay foreign debt. Indeed, low investment efficiency appears to be a particular problem in Portugal as its 'incremental capital-output ratio' (ICOR)([3]) is relatively high, pointing to low investment productivity (Table 2.1.1).([4])

Graph 2.1.1: Breakdown of Portugal's Net International Investment Position (NIIP)

Source: European Commission

Table 2.1.1: ICOR (5-year average growth) in selected euro area countries

Source: European Commission

Low investment efficiency may be the consequence of Portugal's lost attractiveness as an investment location. Since the mid-1990s, other investment, mostly through banks, has been the most important source of current account financing, fuelling the credit booms which preceded the economic and financial crisis (Graph 2.1.2). At the same time, inward FDI dried up, partly as a result of Asia and Eastern Europe's emergence as competitors for FDI, and partly because of home-made problems such as rigid labour and product markets and a difficult business environment. The recent pick-up in the inflow of FDI is related to privatisation. Portfolio investment became increasingly important in financing the current account between 2007 and 2009 reflecting to some extent a hunt for yield.

Graph 2.1.2: Current account financing

Source: European Commission

Sustained sizeable current account surpluses would be required in order to halve the very negative NIIP within ten years. The Commission estimates that Portugal would need to run average current account surpluses of around 2.5% of GDP over the next decade to halve the negative NIIP (currently about -115% of GDP) by 2024. Average current account surpluses of around 0.5% of GDP would reduce the NIIP to -80% of GDP by 2024 (Graph 2.1.3). However, Portugal's external debt position is sensitive to macroeconomic shocks. For instance, a simultaneous 1 pp. permanent drop in the increase of real GDP and the GDP deflator, combined with a fall in the trade balance of 2 pps of GDP, would stop the decline in the negative NIIP from falling further. Conversely, a positive growth, inflation and trade balance shock of similar size would lead to a substantial improvement in the NIIP to around -47% of GDP by 2024.

Graph 2.1.3: NIIP sensitivity to macroeconomic shocks

Source: European Commission

The sustainability of Portugal's external position also depends on the structure of its financing. The composition of the NIIP has changed significantly since 2004 with the share of other investment now clearly predominant (Table 2.1.2).([5]) This shift from portfolio investment to debt in financing the NIIP increases external vulnerabilities.([6]) NIIP financing through FDI, which can be viewed as the most sustainable option, as it not only allows risk sharing with foreign investors but also brings technology and entrepreneurial spirit to the economy, has improved recently as a result of the privatisation process.

Table 2.1.2: Structure of the NIIP

Source: European Commission

Portugal had a substantial current account deficit for many years which started to reverse with the onset of the economic and financial crisis. Starting from a deficit of around 12% of GDP in 2008, the current account is expected to have posted a surplus for the second consecutive year, at around 1% of GDP in 2014 (Graph 2.1.4).([7]) The positive trajectory of the current account has been mainly due to the remarkable improvements in the trade balance, reflecting both import compression due to weak domestic demand and improved external competitiveness. This contrasts with the persistently negative primary income balance, which is linked to the past strong increase in net external debt and includes interest payments linked to portfolio and other investments. The deficit in the primary income balance will be a drag on the current account balance for some time to come. However, owing to a reversal in migration flows and additional support from family members abroad in times of crises, remittances from Portuguese citizens working abroad have risen significantly in recent years (reaching 1.6% of GDP in 2013), thereby contributing to a substantial increase in the balance of transfers. Traditionally positive, the balance of capital transfers, mainly from the EU, is also likely to remain stable in the coming years. The improvement in the current account is reflected in Portugal's net external lending position, which turned positive in 2013 as a result of the gradual deleveraging in the household and non-financial corporations sectors and the fiscal consolidation leading to reduced general government deficits (Graph 2.1.5).

Graph 2.1.4: External position and its components

Source: European Commission

Graph 2.1.5: Net lending/ borrowing by sector

Source: European Commission

The adjustment of the current account has been largely structural. Despite the import compression during the recession, cyclical drivers played a limited role in the current account adjustment between 2010 and 2013 (Graph 2.1.6), accounting for only about 18% of the 10 pps. of GDP total increase in the current account balance (Graph 2.1.7).([8]) Structural fiscal consolidation is estimated to have contributed about 10% to the current account rebalancing in 2010-13, while the fall in private sector debt, the slump in construction activity and the slowdown in private sector borrowing each contributed around 5% to the total adjustment of the current account.

Graph 2.1.6: Portugal's headline and structural current account balance

Source: European Commission

Graph 2.1.7: Breakdown of Portugal's current account into cyclical and structural components

Source: European Commission

Despite the substantial structural improvement of the current account, Portugal's external position remains vulnerable. In particular, the highly negative net foreign asset position has become a major drag on the current account, in itself implying a structural deficit of around 3.5% of GDP.

A robust export performance contributed to the external rebalancing of the Portuguese economy. Export growth was subdued in the 2000s. Since 2008, however, this trend has been reversed by significant improvements in external competitiveness, and exports' share in GDP rose from 27% in 2009 to around 40% in 2013 (see Graph 2.1.8). This is still a relatively low level compared with other small and open economies in the euro area. It is a reminder that the rebalancing towards export-led growth needs to continue in order to sustain the improvement in the current account.([9]) Export growth was driven mainly by exports of goods, which increased their share in GDP from 19% in 2009 to 29% in 2013. In the same period, Portugal's export market share increased as annual export growth outpaced growth in foreign demand for Portuguese exports products by 3.7% on average, In National Accounts terms.

Graph 2.1.8: Imports and exports of goods and services as a proportion of GDP

Source: European Commission

Imports have been compressed by falling domestic demand during the economic and financial crisis. Falling expenditure on investment and consumption weighed on import demand during the economic downturn and compensated for the additional boost to imports provided by the recovery in exports. As a result, the import share in GDP remained fairly constant at around 38% between 2010 and 2013 (Graph 2.1.8). However, this share is set to increase as the economic recovery is increasingly led by domestic demand (see Section 1).

The recent upswing in exports was supported by favourable trends in nominal unit labour costs (ULCs) developments. In the first decade after the introduction of the euro, nominal unit labour costs rose faster than in other euro area countries, due to faster increases in nominal compensation per employee and lower growth rates in productivity. This was particularly the case in the first years of the euro. The upward trend in ULCs in the tradable sector reversed in 2010 and ULCs fell by an average of almost 7% by the end of 2013, owing to productivity increases coming along with job cuts (Graph 2.1.9). However, the fall in ULCs in the tradable sector seems to have reversed recently, highlighting the challenge of generating employment while containing price pressures in the tradable sector. The correction of nominal ULCs in the non-tradable sector did not get under way until 2011, and this adjustment was dampened at the end of 2013 by a reinstatement of a part of the wages in the public sector that had been cut to support fiscal consolidation.

Graph 2.1.9: Nominal ULC trends in tradable and non-tradable sectors

Source: European Commission

Successful rebalancing of the economy from the non-tradable sector to the tradable sector also requires flexibility in product markets. Further product market reforms are necessary to tackle structural weaknesses and rigidities in the non-tradable sector, especially the network industries. This would cut production costs for exporters and boost competitiveness in general. Relative prices rose until the onset of the economic crisis but adjusted markedly in 2010-12 (Graph 2.1.10) as structural reforms dampened the rising prices of non-tradables; another even more significant factor was the shift in the export product mix to higher value-added exports with higher price tags. Both trends are conducive to the further rebalancing towards the tradable sector.

Graph 2.1.10: Relative prices of tradables and non-tradables in Portugal

Source: European Commission

In addition, the real effective exchange rate has adjusted significantly in recent years. The stronger adjustment occurred in the ULC-based real effective exchange rate (Graph 2.1.11). That adjustment was particularly marked between 2010 and 2012, when unit labour costs fell with productivity growing faster than the nominal wage. The significant drop in employment contributed to productivity growth, while nominal wage rigidities limited the extent of nominal wage adjustment, which might only have occurred at the margin, i.e. for new contracts.

Graph 2.1.11: Real effective exchange rates in relation to the EA-17

Source: European Commission

Graph 2.1.12: Average growth rate in profit margins (2010-13)

Source: European Commission

The adjustment in both real wages and unit labour costs is consistent with the challenges of unemployment absorption and external rebalancing. The adjustment achieved needs to be preserved in view of the internal and external equilibria.([10]) In addition, wage differentiation may facilitate the reallocation of resources towards tradable sectors, contributing to productivity growth and higher export capacity. Graph 2.1.11 shows that the sharp downward adjustment in ULC-based real effective exchange rate (REER) was accompanied by a more muted decline in the REER based on the GDP deflator. This is consistent with the adjustment of real wages to the labour market slack, but may indicate a more limited responsiveness of price-cost margins to weak economic conditions. Nonetheless, developments in unit labour costs alone could play an important role in boosting the export sector as long as profit margins are higher in the tradable sectors, so that resources are shifted to tradable industries. Graph 2.1.12 shows that profit margins in the tradable sectors grew somewhat faster than in the non-tradable sectors between 2010 and 2013.

Graph 2.1.13: PULCs, quality and prices of Portuguese exports, by comparison with the EU28 average

Source: European Commission, Joint Research Centre, IPTS institute

Portugal has improved its capacity to compete in export markets by improving in production efficiency and product quality. Relative physical unit labour costs (PULCs)([11]) in Portugal fluctuated at about 90% of the EU average until 2011, but have since dropped markedly, highlighting the competitiveness gains resulting from lower production costs (Graph 2.1.13). This fall, however, has not been matched by a similar fall in relative export prices, which suggests that Portuguese exporters have managed to extract higher profit margins from their exports, possibly by 'upgrading' their export product portfolio. Indeed, there is evidence of continued improvement in the quality of Portuguese exports by comparison with the EU average. This is captured by the 'Quality Index' (Graph 2.1.13), which measures the capacity of exporting companies to charge higher prices. However, while the quality of Portuguese exports has outperformed the rest of the EU in some specific sectors, Portugal's export sector still specialises in products with lower average prices and quality.

Graph 2.1.14: Geographical and sectoral breakdown of export market share growth in Portugal

Source: European Commission

Both product and geographical specialisation have contributed to the increase in export market shares since 2010. The unfavourable geographical specialisation and product mix of Portugal's exports led to falling export market shares between 2008 and 2010. However, this trend has since reversed and export market shares are now being boosted as Portugal's exporters make inroads into faster growing export markets with export products that are in greater demand. Due to the recovery in the main European trading partners,([12]) the initial geographical specialisation has recently boosted Portugal's export market shares (Graph 2.1.14).

Despite recent improvements in the structure of its exports, Portuguese firms are still specialised in relatively cheap and low-quality products. Since 2006, the share of capital goods in Portuguese exports has only increased by 1.4 pps, while the share of consumer goods fell by 1.3 pps. Capital goods are generally high value added products which compete through good quality. In 2013, the share of capital goods in Portuguese exports was still markedly lower than their share in aggregate EU28 exports (see Table 2.1.3). Portugal's higher proportion of consumer goods in total exports signals the need to strengthen higher value-added production.

Table 2.1.3: Structure of goods exports by broad economic category (in %)

Source: European Commission

Portuguese exports of services have remained broadly constant as a proportion of worldwide service exports over the last decade. Growing exports of transport services were broadly offset by the decline in tourism and other services (Table 2.1.4). Transport sector services are characterised as high value added and their expansion may reflect significant productivity gains. Overall, exports of services have been growing in importance in the Portuguese economy. Portuguese exports of services accounted for 27% of total exports of goods and services between 2007 and 2013 - 3 pps. higher than between 2000 and 2006. The ratio of Portuguese exports of services to GDP also rose from an average of 6.5% (2000-06) to 8.9% between 2007 and 2013. Despite this increase, Portuguese exports of services as a proportion of GDP are still lower than in other small and open European countries, such as Belgium, Ireland or the Netherlands.

Table 2.1.4: World market shares for services (in %)

Source: European Commission

So far, Portugal has made significant progress to date in adjusting its external and internal imbalances. However, despite major improvements, the adjustment is not complete and large external liabilities still represent a major source of vulnerabilities. The NIIP position has worsened further, as recent improvements in the current account are not sufficient to counterbalance the negative changes in the NIIP. In the past, substantial improvements in cost developments, particularly in the non-tradable sector, along with the improved quality of exported goods, have boosted competitiveness and exporters' capacity to participate successfully in international markets. Further improvements of cost developments will have to take place in a low inflation environment and may be hampered by existent inefficiencies and rigidities in the domestic market. Wide-ranging reforms in product and services markets could help ensure that capital is allocated efficiently to where it is most productive and would produce higher productivity and long-term growth.

Portugal has undergone a severe recession characterised by corporate financial distress, a struggling banking sector and accelerating public debt. In the post-Programme context, the high financial leverage of Portuguese firms continues to be a critical factor constraining firms' performance and impeding economic recovery. This section first looks at trends in household and, in particular, non-financial corporate sector indebtedness and at key policy measures taken to improve the financial situation of non-financial corporations (NFCs). The second part of this section highlights public debt sustainability issues.

Deleveraging dynamics in the private sector

Portugal has made significant progress with reforming its economy in the context of a deep economic crisis. Three years of determinated efforts have enabled the country to successfully exit the economic adjustment programme in June 2014. Undeniably, Portugal has come a long way in improving its private sector imbalances, one of the Programme's key areas. In recent years, the households' savings rate rose considerably to about 10% of disposable income (from 7% in 2008), while indebtedness fell from nearly 95% of GDP in 2009 to just over 80% of GDP in the final quarter of 2014. This allowed the highly leveraged financial sector to significantly lower its loans-to-deposit ratio which resulted from a higher stock of deposits and decreasing stock of loans. The household sector adjustment is even more remarkable as it occurred in the midst of a pan-European financial crisis and against the background of declining disposable income. Nonetheless, the difficult financial situation of Portuguese households is reflected in the large number of insolvent borrowers, which started to rise as far as back in 2008. Between January and November 2014, the number of individuals filing for bankruptcy reached 12,979, over three times as much as in 2010, according to Instituto Informador Comercial (IIC). However, 2014 marks a 2% improvement when compared with the same period in 2013. According to Banco de Portugal, the ratio of non-performing household loans continues to rise, reaching 4.9% in the third quarter of 2014 (up by 0.2 pp. quarter-on-quarter), and around 660,000(individuals – representing about 15% of all individual borrowers – had overdue loans.

Graph 2.2.1: Household indebtedness as a percentage of GDP

Source: European Commission

Graph 2.2.2: Private NFC indebtedness as a percentage of GDP

(1) Excluding trade finance and intercompany lending. Source: European Commission

Deteriorating growth prospects and changing attitudes to risk have prompted non-financial corporations to adjust their balance sheets, although to a lesser extent than households. The very high indebtedness of non-financial corporations, both by historical standards and compared to other euro area economies, remains a major vulnerability of the Portuguese economy. There is a vast literature confirming the importance of liquidity, financial structure and financial distress on firm performance. Recent empirical studies, often based on experience from previous economic and financial crises, suggest that corporate debt levels above 90% of GDP([13]) can act as a major drag on economic growth, as higher indebted companies are less likely to invest and hire. Portuguese private corporate debt stood at 149.2%([14]) of GDP in September 2014, which is some 18 pps. lower than the peak level of 167.4% in 2012. Accounting for the total NFC sector debt including public corporations and all inter-company lending, the stock of debt amounts to a staggering 172% the GDP, which is close to double the above mentioned threshold. For a significant set of corporations the balance sheet adjustment has been rather disappointing on average, and Portugal's corporate sector remains one of the most indebted in Europe. This high level of corporate indebtedness hinders corporate profitability and has a negative impact on the investments required to stimulate growth in the tradable sector.([15]) Moreover, the high debt ratio of Portuguese non-financial corporations represents a major concern for the banks’ balance sheets and the country's wider financial stability, through the large number of non-performing loans (NPLs) and corporate bankruptcies.

Pursuing orderly deleveraging in the various highly indebted sectors of the Portuguese economy, while at the same time stimulating economic growth, remains a key challenge. The banking sector plays a crucial role in this context by reallocating of resources to the most productive and innovative segments of the economy. A selective approach to corporate credit is essential to ensure the long-term viability and competitiveness of private sector firms. The internal rebalancing of the Portuguese economy depends on striking the right balance between deleveraging on the one hand and reallocating resources on the other. This is further complicated by a low-growth and low-inflation environment in Portugal, representing a challenge to the operations and profitability of Portuguese firms and to the domestic banking sector, which is highly exposed to low interest rates through a large stock of legacy mortgages.([16])

Graph 2.2.3: Breakdown by sector, total debt-to-GDP ratios

Source: Banco de Portugal

Table 2.2.1: Debt-to-equity and return on equity ratios, broken down by sector

Source: INE

The leverage picture is quite mixed across different economic sectors. Measuring indebtedness against the level of economic activity conceals the major differences that exist between sectors. Breaking figures down by sectors and key corporate ratios – such as debt-to-equity and return-on-equity (ROE) – is far more telling from an analytical perspective. The optimal debt-to-equity ratio may be considered to be about 1, i.e. when a firm's liabilities are equal to its equity, but the ratio is very industry-specific as it depends on the proportion of current and non-current assets. The optimal ratio also varies according to the size and ownership structure of the business. Nevertheless, for most companies the maximum acceptable debt-to-equity ratio is 1.5-2. In Portugal, the NFC debt-to-equity ratio, defined as total liabilities over total equity, was recorded as 2.82 in 2008, falling to 2.51 by the end of 2013. For SMEs this ratio reached almost 3 in 2008 and declined to 2.48 in 2013. Looking at individual sectors, the largest financial imbalances in the economy at the end of 2013 were to be found in the construction and real estate sector, with a debt-to-equity ratio of 3.1, accommodation and food services (3.48), and transport and storage (12.11). The corporate sector's difficult economic situation is also highlighted by the return on equity (ROE). The ROE (Table 2.2.1) for the construction and real estate sector (-4% in 2013) has remained negative since 2008. Accommodation and food services fared even worse with a ROE of -20.1% in 2013. Generally, close to half of private-sector firms have been burning their equity or posting negative profits over the past 5 years.

Table 2.2.2: Importance of SMEs in the Portuguese economy

Source: EC Enterprise and Industry, 2014 Small Business Act for Europe (SBA), Portugal factsheet

SMEs have traditionally played a much bigger role in the Portuguese economy than in other EU Member States and are the most vulnerable companies. According to the 2014 Small Business Act for Europe (SBA), in 2013, they accounted for 79% of jobs and 66% of value added, both of which are considerably higher proportions than the EU average. Moreover, 95% of firms in Portugal - about three percentage points above the EU average - are microenterprises. They also generate more than 40 % of private sector jobs. Most SMEs are active in services, manufacturing and trade, and in all of these areas they provide the majority of jobs.

Given their size, SMEs (especially microenterprises) are heavily dependent on the domestic banking sector. This makes them vulnerable to the sharp tightening in credit conditions that has occurred in recent years, as banks have experienced funding pressures and rapidly deleveraged their balance sheets. Typically, microenterprises have far less power than larger firms to negotiate debt rescheduling with banks. The high refinancing needs linked to short-term liquidity for financing current operations have only aggravated microenterprises' liquidity constraints. As most Portuguese SMEs entered the crisis already highly leveraged (with debt-to-equity ratios approaching 3, or financial debt amounting to 12 times EBITDA,([17]) rolling over debt became difficult as profits fell. High leverage has forced Portuguese SMEs to dismiss staff and engage in rapid deleveraging. Not surprisingly, between 2008 and 2013 Portuguese SMEs shed over 350,000 jobs, a 13.5% cut in their total workforce in 2008. Value-added and the total number of SMEs also declined, the latter to a much lesser extent. Most of deleveraging by NFCs after the peak in June 2011 (some EUR 18 billion in nominal terms) was attributable to SMEs. Their share in the debt-to-GDP ratio dropped from 94.5% in 2012 to 84.8% in the third quarter of 2014. In general, over 20% (Table 2.2.3) of Portuguese firms were finding it difficult in 2013 to cover their debt service expense from EBITDA and were encountering some solvency problems. This suggests that there will be more deleveraging and, probably, insolvencies in future.

Table 2.2.3: Corporate solvency risk heat map

Source: European Commission, ORBIS Database

Graph 2.2.4: Distribution of corporate solvency risk by sector

Source: European Commission, ORBIS Database

Debt can pose systemic risk to the banking sector. Recent years have been marked by the worst financial crisis that has ever faced the Portuguese banking sector. Portuguese banks' funding structure and business model based on a reliance on wholesale funding, an oversized branch network and generous financing of mortgages and non-tradable sector activities, are currently undergoing major changes. Most banks have sought to boost market confidence by reducing their loans-to-deposits leverage and raising capital, despite the low profitability environment. But many credit institutions remain fragile on the asset side, as non-performing loans (NPLs) have continued to rise until recently. Portuguese banks' exposure to NFCs has been a major challenge since the onset of the economic crisis. The non-performing loan ratio in this segment reached 18.7% by the third quarter of 2014, with some banks facing corporate NPL at well above 20%. About 90% of credit to the NFC sector is concentrated in 10% of the firms with bank credit.([18]) Among these firms, overdue credit as a proportion of the total shot up to nearly one third by mid-2014. This mainly reflects the position of the over-leveraged construction sector, in which around half the debtors with big bank exposures have credit overdue.

While coverage ratios (loan loss provisions as a percentage of NPLs) in the NFC segment have improved (currently standing at about 60%), the capacity of the banking sector to withstand losses from a wave of NPLs appears to be limited without additional capital injections. In a worst-case scenario where all NPLs were fully written off and without taking the collateral into account, banks’ capital would be cut by about a third. Nonetheless, the results of the Comprehensive Assessment of Portugal's three biggest banks,([19]) which the European Central Bank finalised in published in autumn 2014, suggest that the top-three Portuguese banks covered in the test are adequately capitalised under the baseline assumptions.([20]) Even though, at the current juncture, risks to the banking sector's capital position appear to be contained, financial stability could be strengthened by adopting a more pro-active approach to cleaning up specific large and risky corporate loan exposures. Granting credit to viable projects and not compromising non-financial sector deleveraging remains a key challenge for banks. This means that the criteria for granting and monitoring credit must be appropriate to the current situation, so that new credit is used efficiently to finance profitable and productive projects. Furthermore, in a scenario of prolonged low interest rates, it remains paramount to ensure that incentives are not created to delay recognition of losses by the banks.

The policy response has been appropriate although its impact has been slow. Most Portuguese NFCs are chronically short of capital, and the country in general would benefit greatly from more foreign direct investment. Action has been taken at various levels to address the multiple and challenging aspects of the complex high corporate indebtedness issue. It is imperative to accelerate restructuring by corporations that, although indebted, are still viable. Equally authorities must enable firms that have no viable operating models to make an orderly exit from the market.

Portugal has taken major steps to overhaul its corporate insolvency and restructuring framework, giving it a stronger focus on the recovery of firms rather than their liquidation. A new debt restructuring mechanism inspired by US Chapter 11 provisions has been added to the bankruptcy code to allow fast-track restructuring before an insolvency proceeding begins. One of its features is the possibility for courts to enforce out-of-court agreements between the debtor and a majority of creditors. For micro and small firms, a specific out-of-court mechanism (SIREVE) has introduced more rapid mediation by a new public mediator agency with electronic platforms to reduce paperwork and guarantees to companies and creditors during the negotiation phase. SIREVE and PER (special revitalisation process) have both been recently revamped; SIREVE becoming leaner and now has a financial assessment system, financial filters and improved seniority rules for new money and investors. The number of businesses starting insolvency proceedings fell by 7.6% in 2013, the first drop in five years, one reason for this being the efficient use of PER that covered 985 companies, according to 2014 Small Business Act for Europe (SBA). In general, the authorities have stepped up efforts as regards corporate debt rescheduling since the launch in May 2014 of the Strategic Plan for Corporate Debt Restructuring. Changes to the Commercial Code now promote the issuance of quasi-equity/hybrid instruments such as non-voting shares, while also allowing for easier and fast-track procedures to issue company bonds, thus promoting restructuring rather than company liquidation. Portugal also continues to offer relatively good conditions (in comparison with its European peers) for entrepreneurs who, despite past failure, wish to start a new business. Changing social attitudes towards insolvency are reducing the stigma of business failure.([21]) Banco de Portugal is promoting debt rescheduling among NFCs and has continued to introduce tighter supervision of credit institutions. In addition to cross-cutting inspection programmes, Banco de Portugal has recently implemented an 'Early Warning System' for supervisory purposes, to identify firms (including SMEs) that are very likely to default because their debts are too high. This may indirectly promote early corporate debt rescheduling. Moreover, Banco de Portugal has issued a set of recommendations on procedures to identify and manage credit at risk (Special Assessment Programme). This will encourage more conservative impairment standards across the banking sector. All these initiatives have had a positive impact on reducing financial difficulties and indebtedness in the corporate sector. Debt rescheduling tools have been made available to highly leveraged corporations and incentives to capitalise have been set up, but an arduous task still lies ahead. According to the IMF, episodes of high growth in corporate indebtedness are generally followed by deleveraging processes, in which approximately two thirds([22]) of the original increase in debt is subsequently reduced. Applying this percentage to Portuguese firms, debt reduction would still have to shave off some 40 percentage points of private corporations' indebtedness.

Public debt sustainability

General government debt has reached very high levels. In the context of the global financial crisis and subsequent recession, the very high fiscal deficits, the reclassification of off-balance items and entities in the general government perimeter and the stabilisation interventions in the financial system have put general government debt on a steeply rising trend. From 2010 to 2013 the gross debt-to-GDP ratio increased by over 30 pps and it may have approached 129% of GDP by the end of 2014, one of the highest public debt levels in the euro area. Higher deposits and the depreciation of the euro are the main reasons for recent upward revisions in the projected gross debt stock at the end of 2014. The level of net debt reached an estimated 121% of GDP at the end of 2014, slightly lower than previously anticipated, as a result of recent cash management operations. The primary balance, which records surpluses since 2013, reached an estimated 0.4% of GDP in 2014 and should be above 1.5% of GDP in 2015 and 2016, moderating future financing needs.

While the the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio is expected to reverse its current rising trend in the short term and public debt is considered sustainable under plausible scenarios, debt dynamics are vulnerable to adverse shocks. Supported by the projected economic recovery, expected primary surpluses and debt-reducing operations, the debt-to-GDP ratio is expected to fall to 125% of GDP in 2015 and to continue falling gradually after that. Furthermore, model simulations of debt sustainability have been carried out that incorporate the scenario of the 2015 winter forecast until 2016 and other technical assumptions for the medium term (i.e. structural primary fiscal balance at 2.1% of GDP surplus as of 2018; nominal interest rates at around 4-4.5% of GDP; nominal GDP growth rate of 3-3.5%; ageing costs in line with the Commission's 2012 Ageing Report). For the baseline scenario, the results point to a gradual fall in the debt ratio in the long term. Nevertheless, given the very high starting point, the debt ratio is projected to remain above its pre-crisis level (66% of GDP in 2008) for many years to come, not falling below 100% of GDP before 2030.

Sensitivity analysis suggests that the declining debt-to-GDP trajectory is sensitive to financial market volatility and vulnerable to adverse economic developments. Overall, the debt sustainability analysis reveals that the debt reduction path of the baseline is robust across a number of reasonable scenarios, but plausible shocks could considerably worsen the dynamics of Portugal's public debt (see graphs 2.2.5 and 2.2.6). Shortfalls in nominal growth, sharp interest rate rises or slackening fiscal efforts could put the public debt ratio out of control. An unsustainable debt trajectory would potentially have a very adverse impact on Portugal's economic stability and could have negative outward spillovers via the sovereign risk channel.

Graph 2.2.5: Macroeconomic risk - growth and interest rates

Source: European Commission

Graph 2.2.6: Fiscal consolidation and ageing costs

Source: European Commission

The very high level of government debt places a heavy burden on public finances. High public debt implies less fiscal room for manoeuvre in the event of adverse shocks, with potential detrimental implications for growth and jobs. This highlights the need for continued stabilisation of public finances.

Budgetary discipline and fiscal and growth-enhancing structural reforms are needed to safeguard fiscal sustainability and achieve a significant reduction in the debt path. The current very high debt ratio implies a significant adjustment burden, requiring the conditions underpinning falling debt to be steadfastly maintained in the coming decades. In particular, sustainability is attainable only if budgetary discipline is maintained over time, with continued progress towards the medium-term budgetary objective. Achieving the deficit targets and lowering the primary expenditure-to-GDP ratio in the medium term would generate fiscal space for growth-enhancing public expenditure and further tax reforms. In addition to making progress with fiscal adjustment, it will be essential to strengthen fiscal responsibility through stronger control over government expenditure and to improve revenue collection, if budget promises are to be kept. In particular, fiscal structural reforms designed to strengthen the framework for public financial management and continued reforms of the revenue administration must be firmly implemented in the years that lie ahead (see further details under Sections 3.1.2 and 3.1.1). Finally, a sound path to reduction depends on medium and long-term economic growth. This means perseverance with structural reforms will be essential (further details under Section 3).

The Portuguese labour market is showing signs of recovery as of 2013, following the deep-rooted adjustment in recent years. Recent wage developments have been conducive to the adjustment process and the overall labour market performance is starting to benefit from reforms implemented during the adjustment programme. Nonetheless, several challenges remain, the most important being the prompt absorption of the large pool of unemployed, which weighs heavily on both economic growth and the social situation. For economic growth to be sustainable and with a view to strengthening the export sector and contributing to external rebalancing, a substantial part of the unemployment needs to be absorbed by the tradable sector. A well-functioning labour market is key to achieve this goal, while contributing to lift Portugal's growth potential.

Graph 2.3.1: Employment and unemployment

Source: European Commission

The economic crisis has had a drastic impact on employment. Total employment fell by about 730,000 (14.5%) between the peak in the second quarter of 2008 and the trough in the first quarter of 2013 (Graph 2.3.1). Unemployment rose by 525,000 in this period. The construction sector alone lost 244,000 jobs, almost halving employment in the sector. Manufacturing also lost about 180,000 jobs (about 20%); however, employment in the sector has risen in the recent quarters. A key facet of Portugal's economic recovery will be absorbing of the large pool of unemployed people.

The labour market situation has recently improved, but unemployment rates remain high, while employment rates are far below their 2008 peak. The employment rate among 20-64 years old - traditionally high in Portugal - has fallen significantly since the start of the economic crisis, from 73.1% in 2008 to 65.6% in 2013 (Graph 2.3.2). However, it has been rising since the first quarter of 2013 and, according to the most recent data, stood at 68.3% in the third quarter of 2014 (72.3% for men and 64.6% for women).

Graph 2.3.2: Employment and unemployment rates and long-term unemployment

Source: European Commission

After a steep rise between 2008 and 2013, the unemployment rate has been falling since the second quarter of 2013. However, it was still high at 13.7% in the third quarter of 2014 (13% for men and 14.5% for women). Long-term unemployment as a proportion of total unemployment stands at over 60% (Graph 2.3.2). It has risen significantly in the last year, reflecting a fall in the separation rate and a slow pick-up in the hiring rate. The large proportion of people unemployed for more than one year, in turn, can create difficulties with absorbing unemployment (i.e. "hysteresis" effects).([23])

Youth unemployment is particularly high, but is on a decreasing trend. The youth unemployment rate stood at 32.2% in the third quarter of 2014 (34.5% among women). Nonetheless, joblessness is declining, down from a peak of 42.5% in the first quarter of 2013. The percentage of under-30s currently not in education, training and employment (NEETs) has been rising since 2009, reaching 16.7% in 2013.

Graph 2.3.3: Unemployment rate, actual and predicted based on Okun's law

Source: European Commission

Over the past year, the fall in unemployment outpaced GDP growth. The drop in the unemployment rate has been much more pronounced than expected on the basis of the historical relationship between unemployment and GDP (Graph 2.3.3). This suggests that specific factors might have played a role, such as the decline in active population([24]) and the effect of the labour market reforms, including the substantial adjustment in real wages that has occurred in recent years and the stepping up of active labour market policies.([25])

The economy has undergone a substantial real wage adjustment over the past few years. Real wages had already been growing below productivity before the economic crisis (Graph 2.3.4). This trend became more pronounced after 2010, owing to a moderation in nominal wages growth and a sustained growth in labour productivity.

Graph 2.3.4: Real compensation per employee and labour productivity

Source: European Commission

In addition, nominal unit labour costs adjusted significantly. Also in this case, the adjustment was more relevant after the crisis, after a period when unit labour costs in Portugal grew significantly faster than the euro area average (Graph 2.3.5). During the period 2010-2012, unit labour costs declined (see also Section 3.1).

Graph 2.3.5: Nominal unit labour costs

Source: European Commission

The adjustment carried out so far has increased the share of employment in tradable sectors. Between 2010 and 2013, employment growth in the tradable sector outpaced that in the non-tradable sector; indeed, the difference was the highest among the euro area countries (Graph 2.3.6). However, these data also reflect the fact that more jobs have been lost in the non-tradable sector. Once employment has recovered, there will be a need to assess whether labour has been actually reallocated across sectors (see also Section 3.1).

The skills composition of the labour force weighs on productivity and on the reallocation of labour to higher value-added sectors. In 2008, low-skilled workers accounted for some 68% of total employment, compared with a euro area average of just 27% (Graph 2.3.7). The proportion of highly skilled workers has since increased, owing to rising workforce education levels and higher unemployment rates among low-skilled workers. In 2014, low-skilled workers accounted for 50% of the total (against a euro area average of about 21%), while the share of highly skilled workers in the labour force rose to 25% (7 percentage points below the average in the euro area). The share of middle-skilled workers remains relatively low. That underlines the importance of quality and attractiveness of vocational and educational training as well as the prevention of early school leaving. In this regard, the recent increase in numbers of young people not in employment, education or training (NEETs) is particularly worrying. The skills composition of the Portuguese labour market is a factor explaining the very wide gap in value added per worker between Portugal and the rest of the euro area.([26])

Graph 2.3.6: Gap between employment growth in the tradable and in the non-tradable sectors: 2010-13

(1) The tradable sector comprises: i) agriculture, forestry and fishing; ii) industry (excluding construction); iii) wholesale and retail trade, transport, accommodation and food service activities. The non-tradable sector comprises: i) construction; ii) financial and insurance activities; iii) real estate activities; iv) professional, scientific and technical activities; v) administrative and support activities; vi) public administration, defence, education, human health and social work activities; vii) arts, entertainment and recreation; other service activities; activities of household and extra-territorial organizations and bodies. Source: European Commission

Job-matching has become less efficient during the crisis, but shows signs of improvement. The estimated Beveridge curve (Graph 2.3.8), plotting the unemployment rate against the job vacancy rate, has shifted outwards since 2008. In particular it showed a significant leap after the end of 2011, indicating less efficiency in job-matching (both unemployment and the number of job vacancies rose), along with a general deterioration of labour market indicators. However, the situation seems to have been improving since the end of 2013, as the unemployment rate has started to decline alongside a roughly constant job vacancy rate.

Graph 2.3.7: Employment by education level

(1) ISCED 0_2: less than primary and lower secondary education; ISCED 3_4: upper secondary and post-secondary non-tertiary education; ISCED 5_8: tertiary education. Source: European Commission

Graph 2.3.8: Beveridge curve

(1) Job vacancy rate = total number of vacancies/ (total number of vacancies + total employment). Source: European Commission

The proportion of employees on temporary contracts remains high, although a substantial share of new contracts are being concluded on a permanent basis. Legislation enacted during the Programme aimed at aligning incentives for employers to hire on open-ended contracts for permanent posts. The share of fixed-term contracts has dropped during the crisis, as they are the first to be hit by economic downturns. More recently, with rising employment, the share of people on temporary contracts has risen again (Graph 2.3.9). Nonetheless, a very significant fraction of employment is being created on permanent contracts, which could be evidence of an improved balance in employment protection between permanent and fixed-term contracts. An effective reduction in labour market segmentation could contribute to enhance labour productivity. In addition, the share of self-employed people without employees in total employment fell, possibly indicating lower use of self-employment contracts in situations where work is being done by employees.

Graph 2.3.9: Temporary employmen tand self-employment

(1) Self-employment as a proportion of total employment. Source: European Commission

The labour market needs to support the economy's adjustment challenges. Substantial adjustment needs remain: (i) the employment rate is a long way below the 2008 peak and there is a risk of unemployment stabilising at high levels, given the low growth and the increase in labour market mismatch, reducing potential growth and entailing a negative impact in terms of poverty and social exclusion; (ii) the external adjustment carried out so far needs to be sustained, given the sizeable level of negative net foreign assets.

Portugal implemented a comprehensive labour market reform agenda during the economic adjustment programme. To encourage job creation in open-ended contracts and address duality, severance payments for permanent contracts have been reduced, while the definition of fair dismissals has been eased. Working time has become more flexible to contain employment fluctuations over the cycle, accommodate differences in work patterns across sectors and firms better, and enhance firms’ competitiveness. To facilitate wage adjustment, measures have been taken to increase scope for bargaining at firm level. Unemployment insurance benefits have been revised to increase incentives for a rapid return to work, while guaranteeing a sufficient level of protection and easing eligibility. Active labour market policies have been streamlined to make them more effective in supporting job creation, strengthening activation and providing more effective training opportunities. The remainder of this chapter provides an overview of the most recent measures.

Three measures have been taken recently in the area of collective bargaining, but not all of them favour the alignment of wages and productivity at firm level. Law 55/2014, adopted on 25 August 2014, encompasses two measures. First, it reduces the survival of collective agreements that have expired and not been renewed; second, it introduces the possibility of temporarily suspending sectoral collective agreements at firm level. The reduction of the survival period of expired collective agreements, by curbing automatisms in their renewal, has the potential to induce greater dynamism in collective bargaining.([27]) The possibility of temporarily suspending sectoral collective agreements might make contractual adjustment more flexible at firm-level, but it requires the intervention of the original signatories of the sectoral agreement, which is likely to limit its effective application.([28]) A third recent additional legislative measure alters the criterion for extending([29]) collective agreements. According to this measure, a decision to extend an agreement no longer has to take into account the representativeness of signatories in the sector, as was required since 2012. A less stringent criterion based on the composition of signing employers' associations has been introduced instead.([30]) The consequent potential renewed generalisation of extensions of collective agreements is likely to hinder efficient wage adjustment at firm level.

During the crisis collective bargaining has declined substantially. The number of sectoral collective agreements fell from 172 in 2008 to 36 in 2012, while the number of extensions fell from 137 to 12 in the same period. Firm-level collective agreements also declined considerably (Graph 2.3.10). The number of employees covered by collective agreements fell from almost 1.9 million in 2008 to some 225,000 in 2014. These developments show the difficulty social partners were facing in reaching agreements during the crisis. However, collective bargaining is slowly picking up. Differentiation of wages, including a broader scope for adjusting wages at firm level, is necessary in order to facilitate job creation in the tradable sectors and to avoid a situation where the burden of adjustment falls entirely on new contracts. In this regard, scarce diffusion of work councils poses a limit to the take-up of firm-level bargaining.([31])

Graph 2.3.10: Number of collective agreements and workers covered

Source: MSESS - DG for Employment and Industerial Relations

Having been frozen during the economic adjustment programme, minimum wages were raised in October 2014. During the programme, the minimum wage would have been raised only if justified by economic and labour market developments. This implied its freeze during the programme. The Council of Ministers decided in September 2014, following an agreement with social partners, and effective from October 2014 until December 2015, to increase the monthly minimum wage (paid 14 times per year) from EUR 485 to EUR 505 (i.e. by 4.1%) and to cut employers' social security contribution (TSU) for workers already receiving the minimum wage by 0.75pp. to 23%.([32]) Despite the freeze in recent years, the minimum wage has risen significantly faster than the average wage in nominal terms since 2008 (by 18.5% vs. 3.5% between 2008 and 2014, see Graph 2.3.11). Consequently, it became more binding, with the proportion of workers covered by the minimum wage rising from 5% in 2005 to 12.9% in 2014. That proportion reaches 21% in the accommodation and food service activities sector and in the other service activities sector. The expected immediate effects of the latest increase on employment and competitiveness are relatively small. A continued monitoring of the possible effects on the employment prospects of the most vulnerable groups is envisaged.([33]) At the same time, this measure contributes to preserving labour incomes for those at the bottom of the wage scale.

Graph 2.3.11: Nominal compensation per employee and the minimum wage

Source: European Commission

The reform of the employment protection legislation implemented during the economic adjustment programme eased the definition of dismissal based on redundancy and unsuitability and lowered severance payments. Severance payments for open-ended contracts were cut from 30 to 12 days per year of work. For temporary contracts, severance payments were cut from 36 (or 24 for contracts longer than 6 months) to 18 days during the first three years of the contract. One of the objectives of this reform was to align incentives for employers to hire on an open-ended contract for permanent posts, reducing segmentation. Continued monitoring of the impact of this reform is needed to analyse both job creation involving permanent contracts and transition rates from temporary to permanent contracts. Aggregate data show a decline in the share of temporary employment during the crisis, explained by more intensive job shedding among temporary contracts. More recently, the proportion of temporary contracts is rising with the growth in employment. As the macro data hide labour market flows, detailed analysis is needed, based on data on employment creation by type of contract.

During the economic adjustment programme, Active Labour Market Policies (ALMPs) were streamlined to make them more effective in supporting job creation, strengthen activation and offer more effective training opportunities. Over the same period, the Public Employment Services (PES) were also reformed to improve their efficiency. In January 2015, Portugal adopted a new framework law for employment policy,([34]) which aims at further rationalising the set of ALMPs and the role of PES, as well as at establishing the principle of systematic evaluation of the different ALMP programmes in the Standing Committee for Social Dialogue. Portugal continues to make progress in this area. Overall, the total number of unemployed people covered by employment measures([35]) rose from 141,335 in 2013 to 205,247 in 2014, while numbers of participants in training measures, according to IEFP data, went up from about 466,547 to 524,821 in the same period. ALMPs seem to have played a key role in reducing unemployment over the past year with a 25% increase in the number of placements, from 84,402 in 2013 to 105,518 in 2014. However, the measures need careful monitoring to ensure that they are effective. In particular, transition rates from employment subsidies into regular employment need to be analysed, as already happens with traineeship measures. The same applies to the effectiveness of the training programmes in making the groups concerned more employable.

Despite improvement throughout the Public Employment Services (PES) reform, the PES caseload remains very heavy. Efficiency can be improved further by taking a bolder approach to the digitalisation of services, including automated matching, and by further specialising staff to deal with more difficult cases. In addition, the PES's role - in profiling, providing appropriate job counselling and job search assistance, and enforcing sanctions where job search requirements have not been met - needs ongoing monitoring. The diploma([36]) which frames the cooperation between public and private employment services has been approved and there are plans for two pilot projects involving of partnership between the public and private employment services.

Measures have been taken to fight the upsurge of youth unemployment and NEETs, notably through the implementation of the Youth Guarantee (YG). Implementation of the Youth Guarantee started on 1st January 2014 and progress is underway. Between March and December 2014, 67,317 people aged under 30 and not in employment, education or training (NEET) took part in measures classed as a 'Youth Guarantee quality offer' once they had been registered by the Public Employment Services for a maximum of four months. These included, on the basis of IEFP data, work placements, vocational training and traineeships.

Portugal is making substantial efforts to put the Youth Guarantee into practice([37]) and involve all relevant governmental and non-governmental partners in implementing it. The PES – Youth Guarantee Coordinator Entity – is conducting awareness-raising campaigns to involve partners better able to reach out to young people not in employment, education or training, namely NGOs and social institutions. An IT Youth Guarantee platform has been set up to enable monitoring of the young people benefitting from the programme. In spite of these progresses, there are substantial challenges to be addressed, including the PES' capacity as Youth Guarantee coordinator to engage the Youth Guarantee network's various partners, and the need to reach all non-registered NEETs. Additionally, there is little evidence that future skills needs are identified before youth guarantee offers are designed.

Taxation

The tax policies adopted recently imply a slight shift towards a more growth-friendly tax structure. Under the 2015 budget, the corporate income tax (CIT) reform initiated in 2014 is to be continued by cutting the standard rate by a further 2 percentage points. The CIT reform was designed to promote competitiveness and investment, to help make Portuguese companies more international and to simplify the complex CIT system. It also addressed the high debt-bias in corporate taxation by strengthening the limits for the deductibility of net financial expenses. The burden-reducing reform of personal income tax introduced in 2015 is designed to address demographic issues (e.g. by introducing a family quotient system and reforming tax credits for family expenses), simplify the taxation system (e.g. by introducing simplified pre-filled tax statements) and help entrepreneurs (e.g. by reducing their taxable income during the first two years of activity, to help start-ups). In parallel, the green taxation reform is designed to help promote a more sustainable economic development model. New green taxation measures include raising the rate of tax on the purchase of polluting vehicles, depending on CO2 emissions, and introducing a tax on plastic bags. The additional revenue raised by this green taxation reform is to be allocated to reduce the tax burden on labour (i.e. assumed revenue-neutrality of the above-described personal income tax and the green taxation reforms). Higher revenue is also expected in 2015 from recurrent property taxation (from the non-continuation of a safeguard clause that impeded too sharp increases in the property tax bill), while the transaction tax has not yet been phased out. Some excise duties and indirect taxes (e.g. on tobacco) will also rise under the 2015 budget. Overall, these reforms mark some progress towards the goal of improving the growth-friendliness of the tax structure. The scope for further shifting taxation towards less distortionary taxes should be explored on the basis of a comprehensive evaluation of recent tax reforms. The yields from a relatively growth-friendly but little used source, such as inheritance, estate and gift taxes, could be improved.

The action taken by Portugal in recent years to broaden its VAT base and improve VAT efficiency needs to be assessed. The country has reduced the scope of application of reduced and intermediate rates.([38]) Although the VAT policy gap was estimated at 52% for 2009-2012 (the arithmetic average for the EU is 41.4%,([39]) the indicator may not yet reflect the base-broadening measures introduced in 2011 and 2012. Instead of introducing further legal changes, Portugal could consider comprehensively assessing whether efforts to broaden the VAT base have actually made the VAT system more efficient.

The full budgetary and economic impact of recent tax reforms will need to be monitored. In particular, close attention should be paid to ensuring that the personal income tax and green taxation reforms are implemented budget-neutrally. The impact of these reforms on the progressive nature of the tax system must also be closely monitored, as there is a risk that high- income households may benefit more than low- income households. The impact of the green taxation reform on the Portuguese economy should also be closely monitored, to make sure that competitiveness and investments are not adversely affected. The impact of the CIT reform on productive investment and on the high level of corporate debt (as detailed in section 3) is a key issue for the Portuguese economy. In 2014, the gap between the effective marginal tax rate on investment financed with equity and debt in Portugal was still one of the highest in the EU.([40]) The CIT reform included a number of measures designed to boost investment, such as revamping the R&D tax credit (SIFIDE II) and extending the carry-forward period for tax losses from 5 to 12 years. Portugal lags behind the EU average as regards gross domestic expenditure on R&D (1.4% of GDP in 2013) and it had a foreign direct investment inflow of only 1.4% of GDP in 2013. Effectiveness of the patent box system also needs to be monitored.

Portugal has continued to improve tax compliance and combat tax evasion by making the tax administration more efficient. Over the past few years, the country has been investing in tax-related IT systems, such as the e-invoice system, which has proven successful in improving tax compliance and yielded significant additional revenue. According to available statistics, around 9 billion invoices were registered and communicated to the tax administration in 2013-2014, with a 10% increase in the last year over 2013. The resources allocated to auditing have also been increased with the recruitment of 1,000 additional tax auditors. The 2015 budget announced further measures to increase efficiency in curbing tax fraud and evasion, including the reinforcement of the Large Taxpayer Office and the recently adopted 2015-2017 Strategic Plan to combat tax and customs fraud and evasion. Some of these measures mainly imply further exploiting the potential of e-invoicing and the unified monthly returns, by strengthening existing procedures and better cross-checking all relevant information. Other recent measures (e.g. the mandatory communication of inventories for taxpayers with turnover above EUR 100,000) can also be fairly effective, especially those targeting sectors where fraud is likely to be high, such as the rental market. Overall, given the high reliance of the revenue projections underpinning the budget on yields from anti-fraud measures, implementing these measures effectively is a top priority. For the plan to be effective in yielding additional revenue, critical capacity must be developed within the tax administration to handle the vast amount of relevant data gathered through the e-invoice system.

The revenue administration needs to pursue its reform agenda, and more must be done to improve taxpayer compliance. Organisational reforms are under way in the tax administration, including the planned integration of local tax offices into the Aproximar programme, the progress made by the Risk Management Unit, and the recently created Taxpayers' Services Department. Yet there is ample scope for further reforms to modernise the revenue administration and further improve taxpayer compliance. These include more efforts to combat tax fraud in the housing market, improving information-sharing arrangements with financial institutions, and strengthening the anti-money-laundering framework. Interaction between the judicial system and tax collection also remains an issue, with a high level of litigation, whereas a high level of undisputed tax debt as a percentage of the annual net revenue collection remains. The special task forces of judges assigned to tribunals dealing with high value cases are no longer in place. Although some efforts have been made to increase the availability of IT systems, and thresholds for tax appeals have been raised so as to reduce the burden on the tax courts, the present situation suggests that a more thoroughgoing reform of litigation procedures for taxation is needed.

Fiscal framework

The reform of the Budget Framework Law and other Public Financial Management reforms will further improve the domestic fiscal framework. The proposed Budget Framework Law reform, based on an analysis of outstanding fragilities in the system and recommendations by relevant stakeholders, is designed to: improve the formulation of numerical fiscal rules; streamline budget appropriations; reduce budget fragmentation, which remains high; make the various budget units more accountable; improve the budgetary cycle calendar and strengthen the medium-term budgetary framework, which includes defining more stringent expenditure ceilings. Technical complexities have delayed the reform process by comparison with initial plans, and the legislation is now expected to be put in place in the first quarter of 2015. Once the legislative process is completed, the focus should move to implementation under the strong leadership of the Ministry of Finance. Another major improvement in the fiscal framework is the recently concluded reform of the Commitment Control Law (CCL), which should further strengthen discipline and budgetary control and prevent any new accumulation of arrears.

Efforts should continue to improve The accounting and reporting framework needs further improvement. The October 2014 IMF Fiscal Transparency Evaluation([41]) identified further challenges to be met to achieve advanced levels of fiscal transparency and suggested that Public Financial Management be strengthened further. The Ministry of Finance and the standard-setting body are preparing a new public-sector accounting framework based on internationally accepted standards. Following public consultation, the plan is to submit the project for Government approval and draft the implementation manual in 2015, while practical implementation will extend into 2017.

Challenges related to structural-fiscal policies in the fields of pensions and the health system

The budgetary impact of population ageing poses a challenge to Portugal's medium and long-term sustainability, especially as regards pensions and healthcare policies. A challenge in these areas was identified in the 2014 European Semester (CSR1).

Pensions

Portugal's recent pension reforms have made the system more financially sustainable, but the impact on future pension adequacy is less certain. According to ESSPROS data, pension expenditure rose from 11.3% of GDP in 2007 to 13.9% of GDP in 2012 (EU-28 in 2012: 12.8%). The recent reform measures were designed to cut pension system costs in the short, medium and long term. Measures to improve the financial situation of the pension system include suspending pension indexation (except for the lowest benefits); introducing disincentives to early retirement; cutting the highest pensions; raising the pensionable age from 65 to 66 for both sexes, and linking future increases to life expectancy at age 65. Updated calculations of ageing costs based on the reform measures and the latest available demographic projections will be made available in the first half of 2015.

Lower pensions have been protected comparatively well during the crisis. Between 2011 and 2012 (last data available from the Institute for Social Security), the average annual old-age pension (all schemes included) fell from EUR 4,907 to EUR 4,748. There are substantial differences between the average pension entitlements of (i) men and women; and (ii) pensioners under the general statutory scheme and the scheme for public employees (CGA, now closed).([42]) Overall, however, the economic crisis has affected pensioners' income less than that of the rest of the population. The median relative income ratio rose from 92% to 94% between 2012 and 2013 (EU-28: 93% in 2013), showing convergence between the median equivalised disposable income of the over-65s and that of persons up to the age of 64.([43]) Further, recent trends in poverty and social exclusion among the elderly suggest that the incomes of the most disadvantaged have been relatively well protected during the crisis (see Section 3.2).

In the medium and long run, the adequacy of pensions will crucially depend on longer and less interrupted working lives for both men and women, given that the Portuguese population is set to age substantially over the next few decades. Based on Eurostat data, the old-age dependency ratio is expected to increase from 29.4% in 2013 to 63.9% in 2060 (EU-28 in 2060: 50.2%), posing a threat to both the adequacy and the sustainability of the pension system. The labour market participation of older workers, however, has tended to fall over the past decade. The employment rate of men aged 55 to 64 fell from 62.1% in 2003 to 58.5% in 2008, and a low 53.2% in 2013 (EU-28 in 2013: 57.5%), while the employment rate of older women has stagnated slightly above 40% (EU-28 in 2013: 43.3%). Currently, only 4.1% of 55-64-year-olds are engaged in life-long learning. There are hiring incentives in place that target unemployed people over the age of 45.

The rise in the legal retirement age and the link with changing life expectancy in the future is expected to improve the medium-term sustainability of the pension system. The fact that the mechanism is automatic makes the pension system more transparent and may also signal to individuals and to the social partners that retirement practices must change. If pensions are to cover pensioners' needs, people will need to retire later in the future.([44]) This is why the recent pension reforms must be accompanied by measures to incentivise longer working lives, support the employability of older workers, and allow for a more gradual transition from work to retirement.

Health system

The Portuguese health system faces a fiscal sustainability challenge as, according to the 2012 Ageing Report, public health expenditure is projected to rise more than the EU average.([45]) In 2012, health expenditure accounted for 9.5% of Portugal's GDP. Portugal has one of the lowest shares of public expenditure in total health spending (63%, compared with the EU average of 73%). Out-of-pocket payments as a share of total health expenditure increased between 2007 and 2012 by 4.5 pp (the highest increase in the EU). The fact that some 14% of the population have no family doctor continues to pose problems. Waiting times for selected types of planned surgery lengthened between 2010 and 2013, reversing the previous trend and confirming the recent rise in unmet medical needs. This indicates that there is a need to step up efforts to maintain existing levels of access to healthcare.

Health system reforms in Portugal continue to produce results. Hospital-sector reforms and cost optimisation have contributed in recent years to savings in the healthcare sector. Arrears in the hospital sector remain a challenge, although they have been significantly and steadily reduced since 2012. Total debt was reduced by EUR 150 million in 2014, and EUR 250 million are still available from the equity injections in state-owned hospitals earmarked to further reduce the stock of arrears during 2015 (around EUR 560 million, in December 2014). The National Health Service budgets for 2015 and 2016 will probably include significant increases in staff costs, as there are plans to reverse public officials' wage cuts. However, the 2015 budget is still set to cut overall health spending, showing a continuing commitment to reform.

Progress has been made on hospital reform and other healthcare-related reforms. A report on establishing reference centres has been adopted, and the Portuguese authorities are in the process of reclassifying hospitals, an important task. Centralised procurement continues to save the National Health Service money. Generics eligible for public reimbursement in the outpatient sector have continued to expand their market share, resulting in less spending on medicines. Similarly, spending on pharmaceuticals can be cut by negotiating pharmaceuticals prices with the industry. The new role of Family Nurse should improve prevention and health promotion in Primary Care Centres. The authorities have also launched initiatives to increase and incentivise the supply of health professionals in areas where access to healthcare is particularly problematic.

Other fiscal-structural policies

Thanks to the restructuring of operations in state-owned enterprises (SOEs), their operating performance continued to improve in 2014. A further EUR 309 million was allocated to state-owned hospitals to halt new arrears, improve their operating balance and provide additional healthcare services. The 2015 budget provides for state-owned hospitals to reach an operating balance on their own in 2015. As with transport sector SOEs, the restructuring of operations that started during the Programme continued throughout 2014. The adjusted EBITDA is close to positive for the third year in a row. The operating improvements, mainly stemming from a general rise in commercial revenue, combined with further personnel cost compressions (despite the Constitutional Court ruling) have more than offset the drop in public compensation of EUR 50 million (from the 2013 level) or EUR 250 million (from 2010). Downsizing continued successfully in 2014, with some 3,400 jobs shed by comparison with 2010 levels.

Mergers of several SOEs and urban passenger transport concessions continued in 2014 and will be concluded this year. The mergers between the railway (REFER) and the road (EP) infrastructure operators, and between the water and sewerage branches of Águas de Portugal are progressing. As regards the latter, the consultation of the municipalities involved in the merger of 19 companies into 6 was concluded. The legislative process will follow and is expected to be finished during the first half of the year. The urban transport concessions in Porto are expected to close in January, bringing about EUR 150 million savings to the public exchequer during the 10-year length of the contract. Similarly, the Lisbon services are to be put out to tender at the beginning of February, just after the public service obligation (PSO) contracts have been finalised. It is expected that contracts will be awarded by the end of the second quarter of 2015. The purpose of the tender is to further cut that part of taxpayers' costs that relates to public compensation.

Public-private partnership relating to roads saved more money than expected in 2014. Savings from renegotiating concessions, lower toll collection costs, fewer financial rebalances, and more toll revenue resulted in savings of over EUR 370 million in relation to the base case, exceeding the latest Government forecast by 10%.

Privatisations continue with a view to freeing additional capital and refocusing SOEs on their core business. Taking advantage of improved financing conditions for the sovereign, the Government began to refinance bank loans of SOEs inside the general government and outside it (notably CP, Carris, STCP, Parque Expo, Empordef and EDIA), as their debt has matured to replace the more expensive bank loans by cheaper Treasury funds. The Treasury covered EUR 5.7 billion of SOEs' financing needs in 2014, thereby alleviating their interest burden. To further strengthen the financial position and refocus several SOEs on their core business, the plan to privatise some subsidiaries is being pursued, including EGF, CP Carga, EMEF and Carristur. Given the TAP airline's need for an equity injection, the Government relaunched a privatisation process after a failed attempt in 2012. These privatisations are all expected to be concluded by mid-2015.

Public administration reforms designed to improve the efficiency and quality of public expenditure have continued, but more slowly and with a smaller budgetary impact than initially expected. Employment in the public administration is expected to continue falling, mainly through attrition, but probably at a much slower rate than in recent years. The termination of fixed-term contracts, the implementation of the requalification scheme and the termination of contracts by mutual agreement are contributing much less to reductions in the number of jobs than previously planned. The introduction of the single wage-scale and the single supplement-scale in 2015 will make the remuneration system fairer and more transparent, but is not expected to save any expenditure.

Portugal experienced a sharp increase in poverty and social exclusion in 2013. The number of people living at risk of poverty or social exclusion increased by 210,000 between 2012 and 2013, making it more difficult to reach the national 2020 target. The increase in the percentage of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion was the highest in the EU (2.1 p.p. from 25.3% in 2012 to 27.4% in 2013). Severe material deprivation increased by 2.3 p.p., affecting 10.9% of the population in 2013. The poverty gap for the working age population([46]) stood at 31.2% in 2013, marking the second largest increase in the EU compared to beginning of the crisis.([47])

The increasing levels of poverty and social