COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMVKJNITIES 
. C0M(91) 29 final 
Brussels, 13 February 1991 
FINAL REPORT ON THE SECOND EUROPEAN POVERTY PROGRAMME 
1985 - 1989 
CONTENTS 
Page 
INTRODUCTION 1 • 
PART I - POVERTY IN EUROPE: THE FACTS 2. 
I - Poverty is not just a shortage of money 2. 
A. Monetary poverty: 50 million Europeans have a low income.2. 
B. The different dimensions of poverty 5. 
II - The face of poverty has changed 6. 
A. Less poverty among the elderly, although they remain a 
vulnerable group 6. 
B. Aspects of economic and social change that constitute new 
poverty factors 7. 
C. Limitations of social protection 9. 
III - Poverty has become a subject for public debate 11. 
A. The perception of poverty has changed 11. 
B. Poverty, new poverty? 12. 
C. The parties involved In the fight against poverty 13. 
PART II - THE SECOND EUROPEAN POVERTY PROGRAMME (1985-1989) 15. 
I - Activities under the Second European Poverty Programme 16. 
A. 91 action-research projects 16. 
B. European coordination 18. 
C Poverty statistics.' 19. 
II - Experience gained from the Second European Poverty 
Programme 19. 
A. Organisational experience 19. 
B. Experience gained from the action-research projects 20. 
III - PROSPECTS FOR SOLIDARITY IN EUROPE 27. 
I - Certain aspects of economic and social change and of the 
construction of Europe represent a challenge for the fight 
against exclusion 27. 
A. Required responses to economic and social change 27 
B. The internal market and the fight against exclusion 28 
II - Towards a coherent overall policy in the fight against 
exclusion 28 
A. The principles of solidarity in Europe 29 
B. Action for solidarity in Europe 30 
ANNEXES 
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INTRODUCTION 
Designed to assist the Member States with their anti-poverty policies, 
the Second Community Programme was seen as a contribution towards two 
ambitious objectives: to propose innovative and universally applicable 
measures based on field trials, and to cast light on the causes of 
poverty. 
The purpose of this report is to take stock of the situation, evaluate 
the measures implemented and set out the lessons to be learnt. 
It has been drafted on the basis of contributions from four independent 
experts, Brian Abel-Smith, Aristos Doxiadis, Françoise Euvrard and 
Giovanni SarpelIon. 
A number of benefits have already been drawn from the Interim report 
presented by the Commission In 1988. In addition, the Commission 
department responsible (Organisation and Dissemination Unit) has 
produced various publications and continuously assessed the 91 action-
research projects under the Programme. 
On the basis of this experience, the Commission has drafted a proposal 
for the Third Poverty Programme, which has been transmitted to the 
Council with a view to ensuring the continuity and effectiveness of 
Commun i t y i n i t i a t i ves. 
Part I of this report sets out the facts of poverty in Europe, 
discussing its extent, where it is found and which population groups it 
affects. 
Part M traces the various stages of the Second European Poverty 
Programme, which finished at the end of 1989. It summarises the 
different activities under the Programme and attempts to draw lessons 
from them. 
Part III suggests approaches for consistent overall anti-poverty 
policies to be implemented at all levels of the Community. 
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PART I 
POVERTY IN EUROPE: THE FACTS 
1. How many poor people are there in Europe today, and who are they? 
Whilst poverty has existed for a long time - It might even be said to 
have always existed - Its form has changed In line with economic and 
social changes, and new poverty groups have recently appeared. 
The existence, persistence and development of poverty are subjects 
which have given rise to varying degrees of public debate in one form 
or another In all Member States. 
I - Poverty Is not Just a shortage of money 
2. The definition and measurement of poverty are operations which are 
full of Implications, as they Involve Identifying and counting those 
people whose situation Is unacceptable and who therefore merit priority 
help, and because they require responsibilities and approaches to be 
established and policies to be proposed. 
A complete objective definition of poverty refers to individual or 
family situations characterised by shortages or Insufficiencies In 
various fields, i.e. Insufficient resources, but above all many and 
varied weaknesses and shortcomings in non-monetary areas such as 
training, work capacity, health, housing and isolation. Poverty has 
many aspects, which combine in diverse ways for each Individual. Its 
many different forms and dimensions mean that it does not generate a 
homogeneous group whose problems can be solved simply by Increasing 
monetary Input. 
3. An assessment of the shortcomings and insufficiencies which 
characterise poverty is based on a set of norms stretching from the 
concept of a subsistence minimum (absolute poverty) to that of 
discrepancies between the living conditions of different citizens In 
the same society at the same time (relative poverty). In launching 
the Second European Poverty Programme (1985 -1989), the Council of 
Ministers defined the poor as "persons whose resources (material, 
culturel and social) are so limited as to exclude them from the minimum 
acceptable way of life In the Member State In which they live". 
Referring to the various types of resources to be taken into account 
(material, cultural and social), the Council stressed the multi­
dimensional nature of poverty, and also its relative nature, as it is 
defined with reference to the living conditions of other citizens in 
the same society. According to this definition, poverty is the 
extreme form of inequality in standards of living. 
A. Monetary poverty: 50 million persons have a low income (1985).(1) 
4. An insufficient income is only one of the aspects of poverty, but it 
is the common denominator of all poverty situations and can therefore 
be a good Indicator of the extent of poverty. 
(1) Expenditure per equivalent adult has been used throughout as an 
approximation of average per capita income. 
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5. The interim report on the Second European Poverty Programme1 
estimated that the number of poor In the twelve Member States of the 
Community had increased from 38 million in 1975 to 44 million in 1985. 
This estimate related to income poverty only, the poverty threshold 
being defined as 50% of the average disposable Income per head in the 
country in question. The consumption units applied were 1 for a 
single person, 0.7 for an additional adult in the household, and 0.5 
for each child. However, these figures were provisional and based on 
unofficial sources. 
6. The Commission has now prepared its own estimates based on the 
same definitions but using the family budget surveys now available. 
The new estimates increase the number of persons with low income in 
1985 from 44 million to 50 million, corresponding to 15.4% of the total 
population of the twelve Member States (Table 1).2 
The same calculations for 1980 give a figure of 49 million persons 
with low income, which means that the number of poor stabilised between 
1980 and 1985, as did the percentage of the population beset by income 
poverty (15.6% in 1980). 
In contrast, between 1975 and 1980 the number of low-income households 
in the then nine Member States seemed to increase, although the 
quality of the sources was less satisfactory (Annex 1, Table A3).3 
7. This stabilisation of poverty in the Community of Twelve as a whole 
between 1980 and 1985 is the net result of different developments at 
national level. The proportion of low-income persons remained more or 
less the same over this period in Denmark, Germany and Portugal, 
increased in the Netherlands, Ireland, Italy and above all in the 
United Kingdom, but fell in Belgium, Greece, Spain and France (Annex 1 
Table A1).4 
1 Social Europe, Supplement 2/89. 
2 These figures are likely to be too low - see Annex 1. 
3 Detailed statistics are contained in Annex 1, whilst this report 
concentrates on presenting general trends. 
4 The sources used do not permit an assessment of the situation in 
Luxembourg. 
In 1985 the proportion of low-Income persons in the population as a 
whole was particularly high (18 - 32%) in the poorer countries of the 
Community, i.e. Portugal, Greece, Spain, Ireland and the United 
Kingdom. It was very much lower (6-11%) in Belgium, Denmark, 
Germany and the Netherlands, and around average (15%) in France and 
Italy (Annex 1, Table A1). 
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8. Any interpretation of the figures contained in this report on 
poverty in Europe must take account of the definitions and calculation 
methods used. Even if a purely monetary approach In terms of income 
is adhered to, fixing the poverty threshold at 40% of average 
disposable income per head instead of 50% is sufficient to reduce the 
number of low-income persons In 1985 from 50 million to 26 million -
in fact it reduces the number of poor by half or more in a good number 
of countries, particularly Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands (Table 
1). 
9. Similarly, the poverty threshold adopted may be the European 
average instead of the national average. The income of each 
individual is then compared with the average disposable income per head 
in the twelve Member States as a whole rather than in the country 
concerned. The difference between the results obtained by the two 
methods increases with the difference between the standards of living 
of the Member States. For example, with European average income as 
the point of reference 69.5% of the Portuguese population in 1985 was 
poor, compared with 32% when applying the national average. By 
contrast, 1.8% of the Belgian population was classified as poor on the 
European scale, against 5.9% on the national scale (Annex 1, Table A8) 
10. Other approaches are also possible. One of these consists in 
taking people's perception of poverty to establish the number of poor. 
A representative sample of families was taken, and each one asked to 
place itself on a scale going from poor to rich. Only 2% of the 
families questioned classified themselves as "poor" and 9% as "poor or 
just above the poverty line". In other words, according to this 
approach there would be far fewer poor than the experts claim. In 
actual fact these results must be interpreted taking into account the 
fact that the most deprived are not generally asked to reply to such 
surveys, and the stigma attached to poverty causes people in very 
difficult situations to deny being poor. 
11. To understand and take action against poverty it is important to 
know whether the persons with low incomes are the same from year to 
year or whether there is a significant turnover. It is too early to 
draw conclusions from the various Commission-financed panel studies 
monitoring the situations of households. However, it is known that 
more than half (60%) of the households in Belgium identified as being 
poor in 1985 were still poor in 1988, and 14% of households who did not 
consider themselves poor in 1985 did so in 1988. 
12. 1985 is the most recent year for which usable data on the monetary 
aspect (income) of poverty are available. It can be assumed that the 
amount of poverty has fallen a little since then, as unemployment is 
slightly down and some countries have improved their social protection 
system and introduced measures to guarantee income, e.g. the minimum 
integration income in France and the guaranteed minimum income in 
Luxembourg. 
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B. The different dimensions of poverty 
13. The information available Is not sufficient to permit as systematic 
an analysis of the non-monetary aspects of poverty as for income, but 
it is intended to improve the comparability of statistics on non­
monetary aspects in the near future. 
14. Poverty is expressed in terms of Insufficiency and deprivation in 
a large number of areas: 
- The educational aspects include illiteracy, leaving school early and 
irregular attendance at school. The people affected will remain poor 
or become poorer, as their capacity for employment and participation in 
social life is very much restricted. 
- In the same way as insufficient education, poor health Is both a 
cause and a consequence of poverty. It is known that the mortality 
rate, the proportion of chronically ill and the feeling of being in 
poor health are indicators which are very closely related not only to 
social class, but above all to job and financial problems. Numerous 
studies have shown that unemployment can cause depression, mental 
iIIness and suicide. 
- Poverty can also restrict access to health services, not just because 
of the advance payment often required, but also because behaviour and 
cultural habits mean that people tend not to seek treatment as soon as 
it is needed, if at all. 
Furthermore, less-favoured regions are often short of medical 
infrastructure and services. 
- As far as accommodation is concerned the poor generally live in the 
least comfortable housing and the most adverse environments. Many 
poor people live in isolated suburbs far from the town's services and 
facilities. Families in need, such as unemployed persons evicted from 
their dwelling for non-payment of rent, or families with only one 
parent following a separation (sometimes due to violence), have to live 
in housing which no one else wants. The poorest people sometimes 
squat in condemned buildings or even live in caravans or lorries. 
Some are homeless or, particularly in southern Europe, live in 
completely unacceptable conditions in cellar's, basements or huts 
without any amenities. 
15. Towards the middle of the 1980s the number of homeless in Germany 
was estimated at between 1 and 2 million. The number of persons in 
debt, particularly those with rent arrears, increased in many Member 
States, with the result that persons with housing debts were threatened 
with evict ion. 
- 6 -
For example, evictions of defaulters In the United Kingdom increased 
almost tenfold between 1979 and 1986. In Belgium more than 700 000 
persons were threatened with having their gas and electricity cut off 
in 1985, and 65 000 had major difficulties paying their debts. A 
study in the Netherlands estimated that in 1985 150 000 households did 
not have the money to settle their debts. 
16. Chain reactions can lead to an accumulation of handicaps. 
Unemployment and the resulting low level of income may be caused by a 
combination of poor qualifications and bad health, in turn leading to 
unsatisfactory living conditions and social isolation. Unemployment 
and a drop in living standards can lead to depression and apathy, 
reducing the chances of obtaining work even further. Sexual or racial 
discrimination can also be a factor behind low, irregular income and 
intermittent unemployment, situations which lead to substandard living 
conditions, health deterioration and the risk of a I col ho I ism or drug 
abuse. 
11 - The face of poverty has changed 
17. Poverty did not decline between 1975 and 1985, but above all it 
changed its appearance, in that poverty among the elderly 
decreased although the total population of elderly people rose 
steeply during the same period. In other words, poverty 
increasingly tended to strike the population groups of working age 
and their children. This is linked to the rise in unemployment and 
the change in family structures, particularly the growing number of 
single-parent families. 
A. Less poverty among the elderly, although they remain a vulnerable 
group. 
18. Between 1975 and 1985 there was a sharp increase in the number of 
elderly persons in Europe. In the United Kingdom the proportion 
of isolated people among those aged 75 or more rose from 19% in 
1961 to 30% in 1981. In Germany the increase was from 37% in 1975 
to 55% in 1985. There are more women than men in this category. 
In the United Kingdom and France more than 40% of elderly women 
live alone, compared with only around 20% In Ireland and France. 
Between 1980 and 1985 the proportion of elderly among those with 
low incomes went down in the Member States (Table 2) despite the 
rise in the number of elderly people and in the proportion of the 
total population which they represent. There was a particularly 
sharp decline in the number of low-income elderly people in Spain, 
France, Ireland, Belgium and to a lesser extent Germany and the 
United Kingdom. On the other hand, the number went up in Denmark, 
Italy, Portugal and especially the Netherlands. It remained 
almost unchanged in Greece. 
In all countries the younger group of elderly persons with their 
own rights linked to a complete employment career were able to 
benefit from pensions schemes, which tended to concentrate poverty 
at the older end of the scale and among women. 
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Table 2 - Elderly persons 
Number of elderly persons with Income of less than 50% 
of the average national Income in 1980 and 1985 
Be Ig Ium 
Denmark 
Germany 
Greece 
Spain 
France 
Ireland 
Italy 
Nether­
lands 
Portugal 
United 
KIngdom 
Total Thousands 
1980 
175 
140 
1 374 
382 
1 379 
2 198 
109 
1 426 
69 
504 
1 988 
9 744 1985 
144 
157 
1 263 
371 
1 080 
1 513 
54 
1 447 
91 
545 
1 846 
8 511 Increase or Decrease 
Thousands 
- 31 
+ 17 
- 111 
11 
- 299 
- 685 
- 55 
+ 21 
+ 22 
+ 41 
- 142 
- 1 233 % 
- 17.7 
+ 12.2 
- 8.0 
- 2.9 
- 21.7 
- 31.2 
- 51.0 
+ 1.5 
+ 31.3 
+ 8.2 
- 7.1 
- 12.7 
Source : Eurostat 
B.Aspects of economic and social change that constitute new poverty 
factors. 
19. In the social sphere, changes with a far-reaching effect on the 
organisation and functioning of the family are found to varying degrees 
in all Member States and contribute towards Increasing Isolation and 
the risk of poverty. In the economic field, unemployment In Its 
various forms directly or Indirectly leads to poverty, and social 
protection systems are not sufficient to check these developments. 
20. The increase in the number of single-parent families is 
particularly marked. In Ireland the percentage doubled between 1975 
and 1985, and by 1985 It had reached more than 10% In Belgium and 
France, more than 11% In Germany, approximately 13% in the United 
Kingdom and 20% In Denmark. The figures are lower in the south of the 
Community, but In 1985 single-parent families accounted for 10% of 
families in Europe as a whole. 
The financial situation of such families depends on the proportion of 
them receiving a pension (as Is the case for widows) and on the 
proportion of women who are able to exercise a gainful activity and 
find someone to look after their children while they do so, 
particularly where the children are very young. Chlldminding 
facilities for young children are very much lacking In most Member 
States. This means that where women go out to work they often take 
part-time jobs, which tend to be badly paid. On average, women earn 
only two-thirds to three-quarters of average men's wages when full-time 
equivalents are compared. Thus, between 1975 and 1985 the number of 
single-parent families dependent on social assistance Increased in 
Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. 
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21. Rise In unemployment. The main cause of poverty In the 
Member States Is, directly or Indirectly, the rise In unemployment, 
particularly long-term unemployment. Compared with the number of 
persons looking to enter the labour market, not enough new Jobs have 
been created, and the recent recovery of the labour market has been 
accompanied by selectivity to the detriment of the long-term 
unemployed. 
There Is a considerable risk of two different societies developing 
within the Member States, one of them active, well-paid, well-protected 
socially and with ah employment-conditioned structure, the other poor, 
deprived of rights and devalued by Inactivity. 
The high level of unemployment In the Community Is partly explained by 
the economic recessslon In the late 1970s and early 1980s, which 
brought with It a decline In public and private Investment. The 
second reason Is linked to major restructuring of the Community's 
economic activities over the past 15 years In response to competition 
from Japan and newly industrialised countries. Many regions In 
northern Europe, particularly those previously dominated by traditional 
manufacturing Industries, have become blackspots of unemployment. 
22. The underdeveloped rural regions of the Community such as 
Portugal, part of Spain, southern Italy, Ireland and Greece have long 
had to contend with structural underemployment. Even In periods of 
rapid economic growth, these regions are beset by unemployment. Many 
of them suffer a population exodus, and the long-term decline In 
employment and an unbalanced population structure result In a high 
proportion of elderly people. A further factor, In the south, has 
been the return of migrant workers to their country of origin; more 
than 300 000 Greeks returned home between 1974 and 1980, and many of 
them found it hard to reintegrate into a traditional society. 
Refugees returned to Greece, and former colonial settlers to Portugal. 
23. Between 1975 and 1985, In EUR-10, the unemployment rate rose 
from 3.7% to 9.5% of the workforce, with long-term unemployment (one 
year or more) going up from 0.7% to 4.6%. In the Community as a 
whole, the unemployment rate In EUR-12 reached 10.7% In 1987 (8.2% in 
EUR-10) with 15.1 million unemployed and fell back in EUR-10 to 9% in 
1988 (10% In EUR-12). 
a) "New poverty" 
24. The direct consequence of the restructuring of economic 
activities in the Member States Is the creation of new forms of 
poverty. Persons In apparently secure, full-time, qualified Jobs are 
made redundant on economic grounds. They find themselves faced with a 
decline In their prosperity and can eventually become poor. These are 
relatively well-qualified, young and healthy people, but most of them 
find It difficult to contend with a situation made worse by loans and 
other commitments taken on while they were well-off. Such groups are 
both unaccustomed and unable to manage their lives with a low Income; 
this Is illustrated by the level of their debts, their inability to 
help themselves and their unwillingness to ask for the assistance to 
which they entIt led. 
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b) Invisible unemployment and Insecure forms of employment 
25. Several action-research projects under the Second European 
Poverty Programme have revealed how official statistics underestimate 
the extent of unemployment. Few figures are available on 
underemployment, particularly In southern Europe. For example, 
persons in temporary employment or following a training course, elderly 
workers taking early retirement with a reduced pension, nomads, 
potential migrant country-dwellers, the homeless and women 
(particularly women who are heads of families) are all under-
represented. Many of them are discouraged from seeking work. 
Unemployment statistics do not count family workers in agriculture or 
persons with temporary Jobs who are looking for more secure employment. 
In 1986 France had 1.4 million persons In this situation. 
26. The sharp rise in the number of part-time Jobs means that such 
work is not always the preference of people who accept it. In 1985 
more than 40% of women in Denmark, the Netherlands and the United 
Kingdom worked part-time, whereas many of them would have preferred a 
full-time job; they do not appear in unemployment statistics even when 
they are looking for alternative employment. 
27. The labour market is tending towards a split between a 
restricted market offering secure, well-paid employment and an 
expanding secondary market where employment is temporary, Irregular, 
part-time and often badly paid. The aim here is not to question the 
usefulness of these particular types of employment, which reflect the 
need of employers for flexibility and which can In certain 
circumstances meet the wishes of certain workers. In the absence of 
alternatives, they have enabled and still do enable deprived persons to 
gain access to the labour market. However, it is true that they are 
likely to help Institutionalise insecure employment. Frequent 
alternation between periods of unemployment and atypical employment 
means that unemployment Insurance rights cannot be accumulated and 
makes it difficult to obtain steady employment. 
C. Limitations of social protection. 
28. Although they have reached a high level of sophistication, the 
social protection systems of the Member States do not always take 
account of poverty as such. For example, unemployment Insurance 
schemes always favour the core of employees who have built up rights by 
working full-time and earning a good wage or salary. When schemes 
were set up, provision was not made for the sharp growth in the number 
of persons looking for their first job (young people), wanting to 
return to the labour market (women) or still unemployed following a 
badly-paid, part-time, temporary Job as often held by women or created 
for young people with the help of the authorities., in 1987 more than 
a third of the Community's unemployed (5.9 million) were under 25 years 
of age, and more than half of these (3.1 million) had never worked. 
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Benefit payments for long-term unemployment are not generally as high 
as payments Immediately following the loss of a Job. However, the 
duration of unemployment has Increased significantly; In 1987 more 
than half of the Community's unemployed had been without a Job for over 
a year, and more than a third for over two years. 
29. Social assistance Is then often the only recourse, subject to 
fulfilment of the qualifications. But of course It does not always 
provide an Income which Is sufficient to avoid poverty. 
In Germany, the percentage of unemployed receiving payments from 
unemployment Insurance schemes fell from 66% In 1975 to 38% In 1984. 
Accordingly, in 1975 less than 14% of unemployed persons' households 
were dependent on social assistance, but by 1985 the figure was close 
to 33%. in the Netherlands 20% of the unemployed were receiving 
social assistance In 1975, rising to 57% In 1985. However, social 
assistance does not always provide an Income In excess of the threshold 
of 50% of average disposable Income per head. The same applies, In 
certain countries, to the guaranteed minimum Income. 
30. Overall, a significant percentage of those people officially 
counted as unemployed (available for and seeking work) receive neither 
unemployment benefits nor social assistance, being excluded by the-
rules. There are also a large number of persons who do not claim 
their rights, either because they are unaware of them or because they 
are afraid of the authorities (migrant workers without the necessary 
permits). Furthermore, those In the greatest need of help, the 
homeless, often have no rights because they cannot, meet the residence 
conditions. 
Finally, women and young people who are the most prone to unemployment 
are also the most likely not to qualify for assistance. This makes 
them dependent on family solidarity, which is on the decline even In 
the countries of southern Europe, where It is threatened by the 
development of urbanisation and Industrialisation.. 
Table 3 
Unemployed persons receiving neither unemployment benefits 
nor social assistance 
% of total % of unemployed aged 
unemployed under 25 
Belgium 17 22 
Denmark 26 39 
Ireland 32 40 
Netherlands 40 41 
Germany 42 50 
France 60 67 
Luxembourg 79 
Italy 83 86 
Greece 96 
Source: EUR0STAT, Community Labor Force Survey, 1985. 
- 11 -
31. During the 1980s soc la I protect ion systems certainly helped to 
alleviate the effects of the crisis and limit the spread of poverty. 
But although poverty seemed relatively stabilised, it still existed, 
owing to gaps or shortcomings in basic social protection. It has been 
estimated that social protection saves 85% of households from poverty 
in Belgium, around 80% of households In Lorraine, Luxembourg and the 
Netherlands, but only two-thirds of households in Ireland. In Greece 
48% of households escape income poverty thanks to social security, 
which means that 52% remain poor despite social protection. 
32. These gaps and shortcomings in the social protection system 
must be assessed in the light of national situations. The absence of 
mechanisms to guarantee resources in some countries, the selective 
nature of such mechanisms in others and the insufficient level of 
guaranteed resources contribute towards the persistence of poverty. 
Furthermore, to eliminate poverty it is not sufficient to introduce a 
minimum income, as not all households always claim their rights. 
Ill - Poverty has become a subject for public debate 
33. The characteristics of poverty in Europe have changed in 
recent years. As well as traditional poverty, there are now new forms 
affecting population groups which are all the more unable to deal with 
the situation given that they had previously been spared. A whole 
range of economic, political and social bodies are now involved to 
varying degrees in the fight against poverty. 
A. The perception of poverty has changed 
34. The opinion polls carried out periodically by Eurobarometer 
suggest that after an increase between 1976 and 1983 the percentage of 
Europeans who considered themselves poor fell between 1983 and 1989. 
The limitations of these surveys as a measure of poverty were described 
in §10, and the results are therefore mentioned here only as a guide to 
changes in opinions. In 1976 7.6% of the Europeans interviewed 
(excluding Greeks, Spaniards and Portuguese) regarded themselves as 
living in poverty. The percentage rose to 10.7% in 1983 (excluding 
Spaniards and Portuguese), followed by a fall to 8.6% in 1989. 
However, there are significant differences between countries; the 
percentage of persons considering themselves poor in 1989 was 2% in 
Luxembourg, 4.7% in Germany, 15.5% in Spain and 12.5% in Ireland. One 
fifth of Europeans agree that poverty exists in their district or 
village, the number rising to a third if those who agree that there is 
a risk of poverty are included. 
The change in the perception of the causes of poverty means that 66% of 
the persons interviewed want the authorities to do more to combat 
poverty. Furthermore, half of them said that they would be prepared 
to make a financial contribution, and 59% would be willing to give 
their time to help the poor. 
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35. The main factor revealed by the Eurobarometer surveys is the 
change in the perception of poverty: in 1989 laziness and 
unwillingness are less often cited as causes of poverty than in 1976, 
whereas the situation is reversed as far as the shortcomings of the 
social system are concerned. 17% of the persons interviewed think 
that poverty is an Inevitable part of the development of the modern 
world, and 18% think that the poor have been unlucky. This suggests 
that between 1976 and 1989 Europeans became aware of the social origins 
of poverty. 
B. Poverty, new poverty? 
36. More than ever, poverty in Europe now seems to have taken on 
different forms, aspects and dimensions. There is no lack of 
typologies developed to record this diversity, nor of attempts to make 
a careful distinction between the many different words used to describe 
it (poverty, insecurity, marginalisation, social exclusion, fourth 
world). This report will not attempt to judge these various terms, 
which often reflect national or cultural sensitivities, although it 
should be stressed that the Council Resolution of 29 September 1989 did 
adopt the concept of social exclusion. The different situations 
identified in the Member States seem to fall into three main 
categories. 
37. First of all there is the type of poverty which besets 
individuals and households with a recognised status and income which is 
regular and safe, but particularly low. This is referred to as worker 
poverty. These persons have a modest standard of living supported by 
their own resources. However, the balance is extremely precarious and 
likely to be tilted by the loss of their job, their spouse giving up 
work, long-term illness, etc. 
38. Secondly, there is a new type of poverty affecting people 
whose participation in society is becoming subject to chance, either 
because they do not have a regular, safe income (e.g. young people who 
do not succeed in entering the labour market, or single women and 
widows who are looking for a job), or because there is a change in the 
regularity, certainty and/or level of their income. Such a situation 
results in, for example, the non-repayment of instalments on goods 
purchased, failure to keep up with mortgage payments, the non-payment 
of taxes, or even the failure to pay rent, gas, electricity and 
telephone bills, etc. 
These new poverty situations are caused, first of all, by the 
restructuring of the labour market and the recurring or long-term 
unemployment which results. The limitations of anti-poverty measures 
and social protection systems are a further factor. 
39. Finally, there is poverty of what is referred to as the fourth 
world, i.e. the population stratum situated right at the bottom of the 
social ladder. The income of these people is extremely low, irregular 
and uncertain. The social services are often aware of them, not 
because they are covered by the social protection system, but because 
their situation tends to reproduce itself from one generation to the 
next, and especially because their difficulties mount up to the extent 
that it is difficult for them to comply with the conventional criteria 
for assistance. 
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C. The parties Involved In the fight against poverty 
40. First of all, the fight against poverty is a subject for 
national social policies. The central government, the provider of 
national solidarity, must ensure that a certain level of social 
cohesion is maintained. In all countries the central government 
traditionally develops sectoral policies to help combat poverty 
(housing, education and training, health, employment, etc.). 
For these policies to be effective in helping the poor, it is necessary 
to ensure that the most deprived people are not excluded from their 
scope. Furthermore, the authorities concerned have for a number of 
years been aware that responding to the needs of the poor is less a 
matter of implementing different policies through institutions and 
groups of persons working side by side than of providing simultaneous 
and coordinated aid in various fields. 
Thus, in addition to their traditonal sectoral policies, the Member 
States have gradually created and developed overall approaches to 
poverty by setting up global action programmes where necessary. For 
example, area revival programmes based on similar principles have been 
undertaken in several Member States. Government funds are use to 
supplement those provided by local authorities to finance concerted 
projects aimed at improving life in such areas (better housing, youth 
training schemes, cultural and sports events, employment possibilities, 
etc.). 
41. The central governments of a number of Member States have 
recently demonstrated their recognition of the existence and extent of 
poverty either by introducing and developing new policies to help the 
poor (introduction of a minimum income), by setting up a national 
commission on poverty as in Italy or by making poverty the subject of a 
ministerial portfolio as in Belgium. 
42. Local or regional authorities are responsible for the 
practical implementation of measures to combat poverty. Procedures 
vary first of all as a function of the degree of decentralisation of 
administrative action and political structures. These authorities 
traditionally play an important role in providing social assistance and 
nowadays they can act more efficiently through the local policies which 
exist in most Member States. Such policies do not just aim to combat 
poverty; they can also promote overall action on the various factors 
leading to exclusion and dependence (housing, education, health, 
income, employment, sociability, etc.). Such overall action calls for 
a partnership approach, so that the responsible persons in the 
different institutions, which previously went their own separate ways, 
can act together, in a coordinated manner, and therefore more 
efficiently. 
- 14 -
43. Apart from the authorities and government bodies, the main 
parties involved in the fight against poverty are the large general-
interest associations. These non-governmental organisations have 
developed in all Member States, some of them on an international basis. 
They are of course very different In nature and cover many different 
aspects; they may be charitable organisations or activist groups, they 
may be concerned with practical policies, or they may engage In 
political or media lobbying, etc. Those in direct contact with the 
most deprived are in a position to speak on their behalf. 
They also keep public opinion and decision-makers informed, with a view 
to increasing solidarity with the poor. Some of them work closely 
together with local, area, regional and national authorities. 
45. With a few exceptions, the bodies and institutions responsible 
for the economy have tended not to get involved in the fight against 
poverty. However, it seems that they are now beginning to show 
awareness of the problem particularly on account of the clear link 
between unemployment trends and poverty. Local development and 
economic and social integration programmes should provide an 
opportunity for the more active involvement of companies and trade 
unions in the major campaign required to combat poverty. 
* 
- 15 -
PART II - SECOND EUROPEAN POVERTY PROGRAMME (1985-1989) 
46. A growing number of Europeans are unemployed or in a marginal 
situation as regards employment and social status.. Studies indicate 
that the Single European Market will create jobs in the medium term, 
but in the short term it may make things precarious for the more 
fragile groups in certain regions which are undergoing conversion to 
other industries or are underdeveloped, and also in other more 
competitive regions. Faced with this challenge, the Commission of the 
European Communities is contributing towards the fight against poverty 
on several fronts, which will be discussed further in Part III. One 
of these is the continuation and extension of specific measures 
launched in the mid-1970s. The objective is to promote the exchange 
of information, experience and models for action. 
47. Following the first European programme of pilot schemes and 
studies to combat poverty, which ran from 1975 to 1980, four years of 
evaluation and reflection were needed before the conditions were 
established for the Commission to be able to put forward a proposal for 
a new programme. The Second Programme did not in fact become reality 
until December 1984. It finished at the end of 1989, and this time -
in contrast to the previous occasion - a third programme (Poverty 3) 
aimed at fostering economic and social integration of the least 
privileged groups was launched to cover the period 1989-1994, thus 
avoiding any hiatus between programmes. 
48. In doing things this way the Commission is trying to avoid 
disruptions to measures in force at European level. While recognising 
that solidarity towards the most deprived is basically a matter for 
each Member State, at the same time it must acknowledge that the fight 
against poverty has its roots in the economic and social policies 
discussed at Community level. The fight against poverty thus 
constitutes an area for research and experiment, an area in which the 
problems to be dealt with and the solutions adopted or tried out in the 
different countries have much in common. Exchanges of experience are 
therefore possible, permitting the exploitation throughout the 
Community of useful information and thus limiting the need for working 
by trial and error, which is a feature of all activities in an area 
where the institutional and social problems to be dealt with are 
particularly complex. 
The desired continuity of action must also be accompanied by 
improvements to the methods used. It would therefore appear essential 
to take account of the lessons learnt from the Second Community Poverty 
Programme, which included both strong points and weaknesses - the 
latter usually linked to the persistent causes of poverty, which are 
the most difficult to eliminate. An interim report provided an 
opportunity to identify these strengths and weaknesses1 and also 
allowed a number of lessons to be learnt, which were taken into account 
in designing Poverty 3. 
1 Social Europe, Supplement 2/89 
- 16 -
I - Activities under the Second European Poverty Programme 
49. The Second Programme was allocated a relatively modest budget 
given the size of the problem: 25 million ECU initially, increased to 
29 million following its extension to Spain and Portugal. Activities 
were based on two principles: 
- the need to avoid approaches which were too theoretical or 
ideological, by taking account of actual experience; 
- the study of new methods developed locally by associât ions or other 
bodies active in the field. 
Adopting these principles the Commission 
- supported 91 local action-research projects throughout the twelve 
Member States, 
- attempted to coordinate projects and assess their progress 
throughout the programme, 
launched a parallel series of studies and statistical projects on 
the nature, measuring, development and perception of poverty in Europe. 
A. 91 action-research projects 
50. Following the First Programme, which was not subject-based, it 
seemed sensible to group projects together around common themes. 
Projects under the Second Programme were therefore divided into eight 
subject groups agreed with the Member States to take account of the 
traditional targets of their anti-poverty activities, as follows: 
- integrated action in urban areas 
- integrated action in rural areas 
- long-term unemployed 
- youth unemployment 
- the elderly 
- single-parent families 
- migrants and refugees 
- marginals. 
51. On the basis of these subjects, the Commission invited 
proposals from the Member States. After a study of those received, 91 
action-research projects were selected, taking account of strict 
criteria (which applied to the whole Community) and the objective of 
the programme, which was to explore the eight subjects and analyse the 
twelve Member States' methods and know-how. 
- 17 -
52. Distribution by subject: "integrated action" accounts for 26 
of the projects (13 in urban areas and 13 in rural areas). As for the 
vulnerable population groups there were 13 action-research projects 
relating to "migrants and refugees", 12 on "the elderly", 11 on "long-
term unemployed" and 9 each on "youth unemployment" and "single-parent 
famiIies". 
53. The scope of the projects varied, and distribution between the 
different countries is not significant. 
54. The Commission financed each project's operating budget to the 
amount of 50% (55% in special cases). The balance was financed by 
other organisations: national or local government, local authorities 
or national or local charitable organisations in most cases, sometimes 
religious organisations and, more rarely, trade unions. 
The modest Community budget allocated to the programme to investigate 
the eight subjects resulted in a tendency to finance projects of more 
limited overall scope. The size of projects does seem to have had an 
effect on their efficiency; the available budget, the size of the 
project management team, the qualifications of the persons employed and 
the ability of the project leaders to involve voluntary workers and the 
population groups concerned do indeed play an important role in making 
it possible to achieve the aspired goals. Even where they 
concentrate on particular groups of vulnerable persons, projects must 
be very specific to ensure the fostering and maintaining of links with 
other local or national bodies for the purpose of dealing with the 
multiple aspects of poverty. This explains the very considerable 
differences between the budgets allocated to action-research projects 
under the programme, which varied in a ratio of one to ten, and the 
management teams, which consisted of between two and 27 full-time 
staff. Similarly, some projects were dependent on volunteers, whereas 
others had more than 200 people working for them. 
55. In some countries poor people themselves participated in the 
running of the majority of projects, though in others such 
participation was very limited. An analysis of the difficulties 
encountered in involving beneficiaries in the design and management of 
projects will help to establish integration strategies for the model 
projects under Poverty 3. 
56. Projects were based on various approaches to poverty, which 
meant that the underlying logic also differed. In some cases the 
principal (if not the only) activity was to "socialise" persons with 
medico-psychological problems. Such action was more or less ambitious 
depending on whether the aim was to return the person concerned to a 
normal life or to help him or her adapt to some form of permanent 
sheltered life. Other projects attempted to make up for the 
shortcomings of the social protection system where this creates 
dependence on benefits such as the single-parent allowance. The aim 
then was to help the people concerned integrate or reintegrate into 
normal life and achieve an independent existence by gaining access to 
the labour market. 
- 18 -
Unlike the projects relating to specific population groups, the 
integrated action projects in rural and urban areas were closely 
concerned with exclusion processes originating for example in schools 
or from housing association contacts or neighbourhood relations. The 
approach here was more sociological than medI co-psycho log lea I. 
57. In addition to variations In project scope, objectives and 
strategies, the team responsible for European-1eve I coordination also 
had to cope with differences between local and national situations. 
B. European coordination 
58. The Commission had entrusted a social research Institute based 
in Cologne with the task of coordinating and promoting the 91 action-
research projects. This Involved cooperation with two teams recruited 
by a specialised institute at the University of Bath and a member of 
staff at the Catholic University of Louvaln. 
59. The plan had been for the programme to be monitored by these 
two teams, Including an assessment with regard to national situations 
and exploitation of the know-how of the people working in the field 
through a transnational comparison of their experience In each subject. 
60. Information on the programme was disseminated through regular 
publications in several languages: 
- a monthly internal liaison bulletin 
- a quarterly review translated with wider distribution than the 
bulletin 
- annual supplements to this review. 
The transnational exchanges held at the project locations presented an 
opportunity to organise, under the patronage of the Commission, events, 
seminars, conferences and discussions to provide local communities with 
Information on poverty situations and appropriate remedial action. 
The Commission's Organisation and Dissemination Unit has produced 
various documents on the programme, including a description of the 
action-research projects. Evaluation reports have also been 
pub 11 shed. 
61. Finally, the Commission itself looked after the financial 
administration of projects. 
- 19 -
C. Poverty stat istles 
62. Overall official statistical informat ion on poverty, 
particularly its development In time and distribution in space, was 
clearly insufficient. 
The Commission, through the Statistical Office of the European 
Communities, therefore proceeded to identify and collect comparable 
data on poverty and engaged independent experts to carry out research 
into methods of measuring poverty (both quantitative and qualitative) 
and to estimate the number of poor. 
The Statistical Office (Eurostat) based Its work on the results of the 
Community family budget surveys and the administrative statistics 
available in the Member States. 
63. The University of Antwerp's Social Policy Centre coordinated 
the design of instruments to measure poverty, using as a basis the 
information provided by representative samples of households 
(subjective measurement of poverty) in seven countries, and testing 
five measuring methods. 
64. Finally, in 1989 Eurobarometer repeated its 1976 survey on the 
perception of poverty In Europe. 
65. All these various measuring instruments and data represent a 
major step forward in the establishing of basic principles for adequate 
anti-poverty policies. Although they are still far from complete, 
they have enabled a relatively detailed picture of poverty in Europe to 
be compiled, covering its development over the past ten years (see Part 
I of this report). 
II - Experience gained from the Second European Poverty Programme 
66. The lessons learnt from the Second Programme can be divided 
into two categories: 
- administrative experience in the broader sense, covering project 
organisation and implementation methods 
- policy lessons resulting from the actual content of the projects 
carried out in the field. 
A. Organisational experience 
67. The 91 action-research projects under the Second Programme 
reflected the adopted approach, which was to explore new methods 
implemented at local level and aimed at specific population groups. 
Activities were restricted in scope, rather dispersed and varied in 
nature. Furthermore, the people in charge of them were field-workers 
who were often very dutiful and did much to promote the development of 
project activity, but were not trained to monitor and analyse this 
act ivity. 
- 20 -
68. The people responsible for evaluation and coordination at 
Community level have therefore been faced with a considerable need on 
the part of projects for technical assistance with self-evaluation and 
the preparation of strategies. This role was not foreseen originally 
and has sometimes been inconsistent with the assessor/organiser's 
independent status. 
The geographical and functional dispersion of project organisation, 
financial administration, evaluation and dissemination, etc., entrusted 
to different persons employed in different bodies in different places, 
constituted a stumbling-block for overall consistency and combination 
of projects into a genuine Joint project. 
Generally speaking, coordination suffered from the limitations of the 
intermediate stages between European level and local activities. The 
scope of action-research projects was a significant factor in their 
ability to become integrated into local action networks. Some of them 
were big enough to be able to make use of these networks or even serve 
as references on a local basis, but this was not always the case. 
69. In an attempt to achieve a Community dimension, which had not 
been the case with the First Programme, the Commission did not propose 
specific national activities. This meant that national implications 
often were not fully developed. Action-research projects often seemed 
only loosely connected with national projects, and their intended role 
as an example and test was not very obvious. 
70. It is true that the projects under the Second Programme did 
not so much seek to echo policies as to provide for the needs of the 
poor and find a concrete solution to their problems. The people 
responsible for implementing projects in the field have often stressed 
that poverty must above all be fought at local level. But the battle 
cannot be fought just in the field, and what can be achieved at local 
level largely depends on the decisions taken at national and Community 
level. 
B. Experience gained from the action-research projects 
71. The objective of the action-research projects under the Second 
European Poverty Programme was to Integrate the population groups at 
which they were aimed. It was essential to combat the dangerous 
phenomenon of growing population fringes experiencing difficulties -
primarily as a result of industrial restructuring and social changes -
in adapting to their environment and becoming integrated into economic, 
social and political structures. Activities were aimed at maintaining 
or restoring social links, and either concerned the poor directly or 
attempted to improve economic and social structures. 
- 21 -
72. These activities served as a social laboratory for testing a 
number of innovations. The conditions of implementation and project 
results provide a new view of the equilibrium between the three 
components of all policies to benefit the poor. The first component is 
the market, the constraints of which vary from country to country, but 
which imposes a certain number of statutes or de facto laws-, it is 
hoped that the market can supply at least the basic conditions for the 
employment of persons currently regarded as marginals. Secondly, 
there are the various support points, or society institutions (family, 
neighbourhood, associations, miscellaneous solidarity groups), whose 
efficiency can be improved and their area of activity extended if they 
seem capable of playing a positive part in the fight against poverty. 
Finally, taking account of the market and society support points, there 
are activities which can be implemented by the various pub Iic 
author it ies, particularly at local level. 
73. The often very different fields in which the programme 
projects have involved investigating approaches, testing methods and 
exchanging experiences can be grouped together by target subject 
(employment, family and neighbourhood, social protection and social 
institutions, local development). 
1. Employment 
74. Employment is one of the main problems in the fight against 
exclusion. Since employment guarantees income and provides the basis 
for social identity, exclusion from employment is a process which, 
without special intervention, is almost certain to lead to social 
exclusion. Action-research projects provided opportunities to test 
various hypotheses concerning local, national and European situations 
and policies. They led to the implementation of new approaches 
inspired by current discussions relating to the future of employment 
and the nature of poverty. 
75. Whilst unemployment policies differ, it is still possible to 
identify common factors. Policies are largely centered on youth 
unemployment and the supply of labour, involving vocational training, 
job hunting, and making aid conditional on being active in some way. 
However, the people benefitting from these measures rarely find a 
steady job, and the activities developed under certain action-research 
projects therefore do not just aim to reintegrate the unemployed into 
the labour market, but also to help them avoid becoming demoralised. 
The various strategies adopted for the projects are described below. 
a) Action aimed at persons 
76. One of the priority objectives of action-research projects was 
to encourage unemployed people to make an effort to get out of their 
isolation and to avoid becoming resigned and démotivated. This was an 
initial step to more direct action on training and job-seeking. To 
attain this goal, meeting places were set up (reception centres, 
information centres, social centres for the unemployed, etc.), or 
events were organised by the population groups concerned (public 
debates, or even fetes and other social gatherings, etc.). 
- 22 -
77. The second stage was to Improve the position of persons who 
were not or no longer employable. Young people who would not 
otherwise have found work were able to acquire vocational experience 
under a monitored, ongoing programme. Limited-period contracts were 
used systematically to act as staging-posts towards steady jobs. 
In other cases action-research project teams offered intermediate 
practical work between training and reentering the labour market. 
"Occupational" activities enabled some people to relearn the patterns 
of a working life or just a social life. 
Genuine vocational training courses were also offered, in particular to 
prepare people for often very specialised jobs expected to become 
available following the arrival of new companies in the region or 
distrlet. 
78. Finally, for some of the unemployed, help was provided in the 
form of an opportunity to play an active role In the community. Some 
of them had together analysed their needs and assessed their abilities 
to participate in joint activities, e.g. formation of various groups, 
help with training young people, consultancy and advisory activities. 
b) Changes in the environment. 
79. Activities under the Programme were not restricted to helping 
persons, and project teams also concerned themselves with the immediate 
environment of the unemployed, fostering links with local authorities 
in order to amend certain regulations and thus facilitate the existence 
and functioning of groups or centres for the unemployed. Some of 
these centres were officially recognised as non-profit-making 
associations and were able to use municipal premises free of charge, 
and unemployed persons were allowed to use public transport free of 
charge, etc. 
It seemed important to develop a real policy of communication, to bring 
out the problems encountered by the unemployed and the possible 
solutions. Other measures in this context included the publication of 
bulletins and brochures and the distribution of video films produced by 
groups of unemployed. All these activities brought overall benefits 
and had a positive effect on public opinion about the unemployed. 
80. However, the effectiveness of these practices was limited by 
the insufficient number of jobs available. A number of teams 
therefore devoted themselves to creating activities for persons in 
danger of remaining permanently unemployed (formation of companies, 
production or service cooperatives, and agencies). 
- 23 -
81. As project scopes were limited, it is not possible to evaluate 
their effects in terms of reducing the number of particularly deprived 
unemployed persons In the project area. However, the most innovative 
lesson provided by projects in connection with unemployment is a 
qualitative one: how to guarantee a minimum quality of life to persons 
who must often live for a long time at the edge of the labour market, 
and which active social measures to provide for. Projects demonstrate 
the importance of developing national income support policies and the 
need to guarantee resources. They offer examples of the need to adapt 
national employment and vocational training policies to take account of 
the least privileged groups. 
2. Social protection institutions 
82. Up to a certain point, action-research projects served to test 
the efficiency of social protection systems for the most deprived. in 
more than half the cases the projects came up against institutional 
obstacles. The limitations of the systems concern both the low level 
of allowances and the restrictive eligibility conditions, which do not 
always take account of new poverty situations. Some benefits place a 
social stigma on those who apply for them, whilst in other cases the 
calculation procedures are difficult to understand, and others still 
have the perverse effect of creating new forms of poverty. 
83. in this connection there is a universal need for potential 
beneficiaries to be informed and advised. At the same time, the 
authorities need to be made aware of the existence of persons living in 
poverty and the problems facing them. This means that there is a need 
for intermediaries to act as an interface, i.e. to enable the 
population groups concerned to gain access to information and to enable 
the instutions to gain access to the population groups. 
a) Facilitating access to social services and entitlements 
84. A large number of projects carried out under the Programme 
were aimed at making the poor aware of their rights and helping them to 
claim those rights. Activities included systematic and general 
dissemination of information to certain groups such as single-parent 
families and immigrants (immigrants likely to return home were provided 
with information on social measures in force there), private 
consultations provided through a local "surgery", and legal assistance 
to help applicants bring their cases to court if they were otherwise 
unable to obtain their rights. 
b) Improvement of relations between services and users 
85. it is not necessarily sufficient to organise services at local 
level to improve relations with users and respond to their specific 
needs. However, what did seem essential almost everywhere was an 
improvement in the coordination of measures implemented by the 
different institutions, whether public or private, central or local, 
and professional or voluntary. Efficiency improved wherever the 
responsible persons in the different institutions involved at local 
level managed to harmonise their working methods and coordinate their 
act ion. 
- 24 -
86. The efficiency of services can also be Improved by 
systematically consulting the population groups before establishing 
policies or measures designed to meet their needs. Participation by 
these groups in the organisation and management of services represents 
an advanced form of such consultation. 
87. Social services staff should be given training specific to the 
needs of the poor population groups, e.g. courses to enable them to 
offer help to persons who are weak in reading and writing, or language 
courses in the mother tongues of potential applicants. More 
generally, staff should be provided with information on the problems 
encountered by the different groups living in poverty. 
88. Similarly, training programmes in methods of intercultural 
education have been successfully developed with the help of teachers 
and with the children of families in difficulty in mind. 
Some staff have participated in actions aimed at allowing young people 
who have left school early to return, to avoid them ending up on the 
streets. 
It goes without saying that there must be absolutely no racist or 
sexist behaviour on the part of social services staff, although it may 
sometimes be difficult to define such behaviour. 
c) Provision of the most appropriate benefits for fighting poverty 
89. The complexity of procedures and length of formalities act as 
a deterrent to certain applicants. A periodic examination of the 
conditons of eligibility for assistance should be carried out, with a 
view to their systematic simplification. 
90. Some benefits (e.g. family allowances) could probably play a 
more Important role in the fight against poverty. 
91. For all that, it is necessary to avoid creating an assisted 
population which remains dependent on financial aid and social workers. 
With this in mind, financial incentives to accept a job may be 
considered, although they give rise to difficult problems in respect of 
reconciliation with the market, the functioning of which must not be 
impeded by unfair competition, and with the combined effects of taxes, 
social contributions and amounts of aid paid (particularly where the 
payment of aid leads to further benefits). 
- 25 -
92. The most interesting lesson learnt from the projects was 
seeing how it was possible to construct an Interface between the 
measures and services offered by the public sector and the people 
entitled to them and to develop cooperation between the public and the 
private sectors with a view to providing more efficient aid for the 
most deprived. 
3. Family and neighbourhood 
93. The demographic and social changes now taking effect in our 
societies play a part in créâting situât ions of isolation and 
dependence. The increasing number of divorces, development of the 
feminist movement, and increase in the number of elderly persons both 
in absolute terms and as a percentage of the total population are 
factors which have affected the composition of families and their 
ability to take responsibility for dependent persons. 
94. In this respect, action-research project teams have reacted 
different ways in different cultures. In some countries and for some 
teams, one of the main objectives is to avoid the institutionalization 
of persons in a marginal position. It is necessary to avoid long-stay 
establishments or hospices, keep dependent people at home and develop 
relations between them and the rest of the community. Some teams have 
successfully experimented with the local development of inter-
generation relations; the experience, professional qualifications and 
availability of people who have taken early retirement or single women 
(heads of family) who cannot find work can help to meet the needs and 
combat the isolation of the dependent elderly, sick and disabled. By 
taking responsibility for providing part of the necessary care, 
together with the neighbourhood community, these teams have contributed 
towards helping families to look after their sick and have helped the 
sick to leave their institutions. They have also drawn attention to 
the high cost of caring for the sick at home, the promotion of which 
can certainly not be regarded as a solution to budgetary constraints. 
95. As in the case of the unemployed, activities were aimed at 
bringing about a positive effect on the behaviour of dependent persons 
and the image which their environment has of them, by giving them the 
means to control their life, organise themselves as a group and 
themselves take the decisons which concern them. 
Other teams, however, took the view that the burden on a family of an 
elderly or sick person at home was too much, particularly as this 
burden normally falls on the women. 
96. The most valuable lesson learnt from projects in this field 
was a broader knowledge of the nature and dimensions of poverty and 
recognition of the potential ability of the most deprived to look after 
themselves if given the chance. 
- 26 -
4. Local development, mobiI Isation of local resources 
97. Many action-research projects experimented with special 
integrated action procedures, including provisions for enabling 
deprived local communities to work together or allowing volunteer 
workers and institutions to cooperate actively in a bid to fight 
exclusion. 
Programme activities showed that it is possible to involve both the 
population groups concerned and local bodies and authorities in the 
battle against marginalisation. 
Methods exist which allow the population groups to participate in the 
launching, realisation and promotion of economic, social and cultural 
activities. Economic activities frequently involve cooperatives or 
collective enterprises associating the population groups with decision­
making and management. 
As far as cultural activities are concerned, local culture and 
traditions can be exploited, e.g. enhancement of natural or 
archeological sites. In the social field, services and even 
infrastructures have been provided or improved after consultation of 
the population (social services, transport, communications, etc.). 
98. More specifically, the creation of information and meeting 
centres was very successful, providing clear evidence of the existence 
of collective projects. The participation of development agencies and 
consultants was considered necessary to give impetus to local economic 
activities by helping with technical preparations. These agencies and 
consultants were also required to be able to draw up applications for 
financing and to argue for them at the various levels of government, 
including the Commission of the European Communities. 
99. The lessons drawn from the projects which were based on an 
integrated approach, encouraging local development, were the most 
fruitful as far as definition of the key principles for Poverty 3 were 
concerned. 
100. Overall, activities under the Second Programme had the 
tremendous advantage of being carried out in the direct environment of 
the poor, and in some cases by the poor themselves. They were able to 
demonstrate the weaknesses of our economies and gaps in the social 
policies intended to remedy these faults and also revealed the need for 
action covering all the dimensions of poverty by coordinating the 
policies and activities of the various public and private bodies. 
Policies and activities must be directed towards encouraging 
independence, with the participation of the beneficiaries. The Third 
European Programme decided by the Council in July 1989 to foster 
integration of the least privileged groups (Poverty 3) has been 
designed to put all this into practice by drawing on the experience of 
the Second Programme. This ambitious aim represents the basis for the 
social and economic reintegration of the poor. 
- 27 -
PART III - PROSPECTS FOR SOLIDARITY IN EUROPE 
101. Completion of the Single Market, a major step forward for the 
Community, will not be seen as an unqualified success If it does not 
take the phenomenan of social exclusion Into account. 
The Commission believes that solidarity Involves efforts and measures 
linked to completion of the Enternal Market. 
This essential task Is made even more difficult by the fact that 
economic and social changes represent a challenge In the fight against 
exclusion. It therefore necessitates the involvement of the various 
levels of responsibility in activities which are decentralised but as 
consistent with each other as possible. 
I - Certain aspects of economic and social change and of the 
construction of Europe represent a challenge for the fight against 
exclusion. 
102. The economic and social changes currently being witnessed or 
likely to occur in the Member States suggest that Isolation and 
exclusion will continue to spread. At the same time, the economic 
modernisation expected as a result of the Single Market is poised to 
produce major positive changes In terms of both growth and employment, 
although it may also cause a certain amount of exclusion, particularly 
in the initial stages. This Is why this twofold trend may well give 
rise to a series of challenges to the fight against ex Ius ion. How can 
we reply to these, without endangering growth and the Improvement in 
the employment situation? 
A. Required responses to economic and social change 
103. These challenges can be either social and demographic, or 
economic. Of course they are not equally In evidence in all Member 
States, but they do develop according to Identical lines of force all 
leading to an Increase In Isolation and poverty situations. 
As far as social and demographic changes are concerned, the birth rate 
and the steady rise in life expectancy are altering the age pyramid, 
i.e. populations are ageing. The percentage of elderly (over 60) and 
old (over 75) is set to continue rising, and although age and poverty 
no longer systematically go hand In hand, the large number of elderly 
persons who have suffered long periods of unemployment or temporary, 
badly-paid work will not enjoy good retirement pensions, even if 
retirement schemes have matured, because they will not have been able 
to accumulate rights. Where social protection Is still 
underdeveloped, there is also a risk that some people will not be 
sufficiently protected against exclusion and poverty. 
- 28 -
At the same time, the sharper decline In family solidarity and the 
instability of the family unit are causing an increase In single-parent 
families and isolation. 
As far as economic changes are concerned, It looks as though there will 
be In overall Improvement in the labour market as a result of Increased 
growth following completion of the Single Market. 
Nevertheless, this generally favourable trend still has important 
limitations, which may be reflected by an Increase In certain exclusion 
situations. The fall In unemployment levels will be gradual, It will 
not benefit all categories equally, and It will no doubt be accompanied 
as by a trend towards less secure Jobs. 
B. The internal market and the fight against exclusion. 
104. The completion of the Single European Market guarantees a more 
dynamic, efficient market likely to create more Jobs, but It Is also 
likely to have two further consequences with adverse effects on the 
fight against poverty. 
The first of these Is the limitation of margins for manoeuvre 
traditionally employed by the Member States In their social policies, 
increasing the redistribution of Incomes through tax changes, recourse 
to a national budget or bajance of payments deficit, and competitive 
devaluation, etc. will no longer be possible. These limitations are 
largely wanted and accepted as one of the conditions for the 
modernisation of Europe, but at social level they can cause substantial 
difficulties In making short-term adjustments. 
there is In the second place - as shown by studies relating to the 
internal market - an Increased risk, at least In the short term, of 
insecurity and marginalisation affecting certain categories. 
105. These are the complex conditions in which the national 
authorities have to establish an overall and consistent policy to 
combat exclusion, with help from the Community Institutions. 
II - Towards a coherent overall policy In the fight against exclusion 
106. In presenting Its contribution towards solidarity in Europe, 
the Commission is aware that it must find a path between two extremes: 
- The first extreme would be to go Into the details of the measures to 
be taken, which would be doomed to failure, as It would be largely 
Illusory, Introduce a threat of technocracy, and It Is not the 
Commission's Job to do the work of the Member States, let alone that of 
the local authorities-, 
- 29 -
- The other extreme would be to abstain from taking any Initiatives 
against poverty. This would be dangerous in the face of the 
challenge1 represented by the completion of the Internal market. 
Furthermore, not to make a contribution to this problem would be to 
risk triggering extreme reactions or social divisions, which could 
well compromise the construction of Europe as a whole. 
107. The Commission Is therefore proposing a course of action 
midway between these extremes, on the following basis: 
- stimulation and coordination of Ideas, experience and practices In 
the fight against exclusion, and pooling of results - thus 
contributing to the development of debate and policies on the subject; 
- development of a certain number of initiatives to fight or help 
fight exclusion In the context of Community policies. 
These approaches can draw on the measures taken in various fields by 
the Commission. 
They are based on general principles. 
A. The principles of solidarity in Europe 
108. There are three such principles: 
a) The first Is that of Inteorat Ion. It is important to promote a 
global and coherent policy In the matter. 
It is Important to avoid creating a process of exclusion In the 
various fields of action (education, training, housing, health, 
regional development, etc.). The aspects affecting deprived groups 
should be taken Into consideration right from the drafting stage of 
general economic and social policies. General policies could then be 
supplemented by more specific policies aimed directly at eliminating 
exclusion situations once these have been Identified. 
b) The second principle Is that of subsldlarItv. which concerns the 
respective roles of the different bodies responsible for designing and 
Implementing policies. The measures Introduced under the Second 
European Poverty Programme (1985-1989) demonstrated the Irreplaceable 
role of the local level In effective action to help persons threatened 
by exclusion. On the other side of the coin, It Is up the national 
authorities to ensure that effective action Is taken at grass-roots 
level and that the conditions exist for securing the Information, 
cooperation and financing needed for such action. 
1 See above 
- 30 -
At Community level, the main activities are to promote the exchange of 
Ideas, experience and practices and thus to stimulate global reflection 
on the policies and measures to combat poverty and exclusion, and to 
take a limited number of initiatives to guarantee the exercise of 
fundamental rights in the fields of Community competence. 
c) The third principle, which is closely linked to the second, Is that 
of partnership: It Is by working together to create policies and carry 
out measures or local projects that the parties concerned with fighting 
exclusion (both private, e.g. voluntary organisations, both sides of 
Industry, citizens' groups, and local, national and Community 
authorities) will be able to develop an Integrated and multi­
dimensional approach, the only way to attack both the causes and 
effects of poverty. 
B. Action for solidarity in Europe 
109. The Community has already Introduced a number of Initiatives 
relating to the fight against exclusion. 
First, as a political undertaking, the Council's Resolution of 
29 September on the fight against social exclusion Illustrates its 
deslreto develop an overall, consistent policy based on a guarantee of 
resources and a policy of economic and social Integration. 
The Community Charter of Fundamental Social Rights for Workers 
recognizes the right of persons excluded from the labour market and the 
elderly to sufficient resources and benefits. 
On this basis, the programme of action adopted by the Commission In 
November 1989 for Implementation of the Charter calls for a direct 
Instrument on the fight against exclusion In the form of a 
recommendation on common criteria for guaranteeing resources and 
benefIts. 
Parallel to this, it provides for a follow-up to the poverty programme. 
This new Third Poverty Programme constitutes the final and most visible 
aspect of these initiatives. Modest in scope and based on the 
experience gained from the two previous programmes, It alms to promote 
action models based on three principles (local level, partnership and 
multi-dimensional activity) by supporting and spreading Innovative 
projects and measures. 
The Commission also encourages cooperation with non-oovernmental 
organisations active in the field, particularly by supporting the 
creation of a European forum to allow these organisations to put 
forward their points of view and encourage dialogue with the Community 
institut ions. 
- 31 -
Finally, the observatory on ant I-exclus Ion policies - currently at the 
feasibility stage - should become an instrument of comparative analysis 
and evaluation of measures and policies, in other words a basis of 
reflection to stimulate political debate at the appropriate levels. 
110. Furthermore, a series of more general activities may have a 
significant effect on the fight against social exclusion. 
First of all, the Community is providing a very large amount of aid 
through the Structural Funds, for large-scale activities devoted to 
training and employment for the young and long-term unemployed, 
especially In less-favoured areas. 
Special mention can be made In this context of recent Community 
Initiatives proposed by the Commission, particularly those benefitting 
the disabled and certain deprived groups (HORIZON), 
Secondly, a series of legal initiatives have been provided for In the 
Commission's programme of action relating to Implementation of the 
Charter of Fundamental Social Rights for Workers. We might mention In 
particular the draft directives on certain working relationships 
(Atypical work) based respectively on Articles 100,, 100A an 118A of the 
Treaties, the planned Directive on protection of youth, the planned 
Recommendation on convergence of objectives In the area of social 
protection and the Recommendation on guarantee of sufficient resources 
for European citizens as will as the Opinion on Just pay. 
111. An important role can also be played by certain programmes In 
the field of employment (e.g. LEDA and ERGO) and training (especially 
the PETRA programme). 
112. The action programmes benefitting certain vulnerable 
categories, e.g. the one on equal opportunities for women or the HELIOS 
programme for the disabled, can be particularly Important, especially 
in the context of a strategy to prevent exclusion. 
113. Mention should also be made of the various observation 
mechanisms, particularly In the field of employment (employment 
observatory), social protection (MISSOC) and family policy (family 
policy observatory), which provide analysis helping to Identify 
problems and measures relating to exclusion and poverty. 
114. To achieve greater Impact, the measures must be better 
coordinated, thus creating the necessary synergy. This will call for 
a strengthening of Internal cooperation within the Commission, 
particularly through the inter-servlce group set up In 1989, and also 
means more account has to be taken of efforts to prevent exclusion In 
projects at both Community and national level. 
Much significance will be attached to the results of the HORIZON 
programme, and also - perhaps especially - the outcome of the promotion 
of policy convergence approaches (particularly In social protection) 
and the measures relating to employment and the promotion of programmes 
aimed at specific categories of persons. 
- 32 -
115. The approach developed In the Third Community Poverty Programme 
stressing the need to develop partnership between all the parties 
concerned, both in the public and private sectors, and to promote a 
multi-dimensional approach to avoid disjointed and uncoordinated action 
must of course be put Into practice In the first Instance by the 
Community and the Commission. 
116. All these provisions and activities must allow the people 
responsible to establish contacts with each other In order to acquire 
new information and broaden their approach. They should also 
represent the basis for overall reflection on the fight against 
exclusion, which needs more than Just the Input of Increased financial 
resources. Perhaps the most Important requirements are a sustained 
Innovative approach relating to the methods and practices of 
institutions and the painstaking development of partnership at local, 
national and Community level. The Commission's aim Is progressively 
to introduce innovation, make policies more complementary to each other 
and develop the principle of partnership in order to achieve the 
integration of all Europeans into a Europe which is not only 
economically and politically stronger, but also offers more justice and 
solIdarIty. 
APPENDIX I. STATISTICS AND METHODOLOGY 
The measures of income poverty used in the main text are percentages of 
average expenditure per adult equivalent - "relative Poverty". Adult 
equivalent scaLes are used to take into account differences in household 
size and composition. The scales are : first adult in a household - 1,0,. .ill 
other adults = 0,7 and children less than U years = 0,5. • Th«S has the advantage of 
consistency with the measure used in the final report on the first programme and the interim 
report on the second programme. While it might be more appropriate to make comparisons 
with the median rather than the mean, the median cannot be calculated for the year 1975. 
The main criticism made of this approach is that it is a measure of inequality rather than 
of poverty. Other approaches to the measurement of poverty have been examined as part 
of the Second Programme. They are set out below and both the findings from these 
approaches and the drawbacks of using them are pointed out. 
1. RELATIVE POVERTY IN MEMBER STATES 
A. The imperfections of the data 
Before describing these other methods the imperfections of the data used for applying 
the main measure should be pointed out. The calculations are made from family budget 
studies collected for other purposes. The use of these data is likely to lead to the 
underestimation of poverty for the following reasons: -
(1) Persons who are homeless are excluded and those who are nomads, repatriated 
immigrants, political refugees, illegal immigrants or living in shanty towns are 
inevitably under-represented. 
(2) Persons living in institutions of all kinds are not included in the figures. Such 
persons are likely to be disproportionately poor. 
(3) The figures are based on expenditure, which is taken as a proxy for income, 
simply because, in some countries, income is substantially under-reported in family 
budget surveys. Expenditure is more likely to exceed income in poor households as 
they are more likely to be running up debts than saving. This is particularly likely to 
be the case when income is precarious - varying from day to day. 
On the other hand it is difficult to measure expenditure from income in kind. In so far as 
this is underestimated, it is likely to understate the resources of lower income rural 
households. Nor is the contribution to households of unpaid work, particularly of women, 
taken into account. Moreover the figures are based on households rather than family units 
and the assumption has to be made that income is pooled and shared fairly within the 
household. In many households this will not be the case. Women who are not in paid work 
may be disadvantaged compared with earners. 
It should also be pointed out that the size of the samples in Denmark and the Netherlands 
was small and that the rc-r.pcr.se rate to the Danish survey was poor. Moreover, fiats ere net 
wholly comparable between countries in several different ways. First the assumption has to 
be made that relative prices do not vary between the different Member States. Second, it has 
to be assumed that the expenditures needed to attain a minimum acceptable way of life do 
not differ. One example is the need for heating in cold climates and the importance cf 
refrigerators in hot climates. A second is variations in the extent to which low income housing 
is subsidised or services such as those for health are available free or heavily subsidised and 
for v;hich income groups. 
On balance it is likely that the extent cf poverty is more likely to be underestimated than 
overestimated through the failure to include many poor persons in the surveys. 
B. Relative poverty in households 
In table A 1 is shown the number of persons which are below half national 
average income per head. *ThS 
table shows a quite stable number cf peer persons C49.1 miilicn in IScOand 49.6) 
miilicn in 1SS5. This is in centras! to the finding that poverty has increased slicrv.iy arr.cng 
hcusehcics cue to the increase >, the number cf srr.aii house hole's arte -.he r.cresse ;n 
pevenv in. such households. . . L 
* The'chart AO shows the percentage distribution by Member State of these persons. 
!n chart A.1 is shewn, -cr the year 1955, the geographical distribution by l/.ember Sts'.e of 
all households in the Community which are below naif national average ir.ccme OZT head. In 
1SB5, 23,5% of the poor households in the Community lived in the United Kingdom, 
^18.-3% in France and 17,1% in Italy. 
In table A.2 the number cf households below 40 per cent and below 50 percent cf 
average income per head are compared. 
While the number of poor persons (below 50 per cent of average national income 
per head) has been more cr less the same between 1980 and 1985 the number of poor 
households has slightly increased. (Table A3) 
C. Relative income poverty lines in national currencies 
In table A. 4 is shown the monthly income in 1S80 national currencies corresponding to 
40 per cent and 50 per cent of average income per head in 1980 for a one adult household 
and a four person household (two adults end two children). Table A.5 gives the 
corresponding figures for 1955. 
2. CHANGES IN POVERTY WITH A CONSTANT POVERTY LINE 
A. All persons 
It is also of interest to lock at the change in the number of households and in the number 
of persons who were below 50 per cent of average income per head in each year using the 
same real income level in 1S65 as in 1S80. 
Average income increased slightly in real terms between 1950 and 1955 in the 
Community as a whole. But it is important to nole that there was a slight fall in average real 
sonicv.h,'; c;it?<'::«".' cecities :n ôvc-faciî c.v:l ir.ccir.o in Spain. i:ck-.r.tJ ar.d '.ho I••»'cî/*.cr10:~.<• JC-. 
B. Children, the aged and olhers 
The extent to which children were below 50 per cent of 1980 average national 
income is shown in table A.6. 
Between 1SS0 and 1955, the number of poor children fell by about 3 percent, but this 
conceals a small increase in the incidence of poverty among children. The incidence in ',955 
was about 50 per cent higher than among lhose of working age and almost the same as the 
incidence cf poverty among the aged. The fall in the number of poor children is partly due 
to a decline in the number cf large families. Contrary to the genera! trend there has been a 
marked increase in :he number of poor children in Ireland (24 %), the Netherlands (26%) and 
a smaller increase in the United Kingdom H2%)and Germany (3.5%). 
The extent to which children and aged persons and others were below 50% of 1980 average 
Community income per head in real terms (1980 prices) is shqj^in^tabl^A.7. 
way, the number cf peer children fell by 1.2 miilicn among children but there were increases 
in Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands. " The number cf peer seed fell 
by r.eariy1,5 ... .but there were increases in ;r,e Ne'.r.eriar.cs and the Portugal. _. million • • 1 • Li. 1 , . . _ . ;;-.e r.umcers ~, zcver.y increasea slightly am.cng ".r.cse cf wcrksng ace. mere 
were increases In Spain, Ire'enp, :r.e ..'e'.r-.erlenc's, Portugal and the United Kincc'cm. 
3.. CHANGES :N' INECUALITY IN THE CiST?.i5UT!CN CF !.\"CCME 
A. A!i perscr.s 
In Chart A.5 is shown trie estirrea cumulative oistribution of persons in the Corrmunity by family expenditure 
19S0 and 1955 in ',980 ECUs fer both years. 
The chart shews that expenditure patterns were mere evenly distributed in 1985 than in 1950. 
B. Children, the aged and others 
In chart A. 6 is shown the cumulative distribution of children, the aged and ethers by 
family expenditure in i96 0. 
The chart shows considerably greater inequality among children and the elderly than 
among these of working age. 
4 . INEQUALITY BETWEEN MEMBER STATES 
In chart A. A is shown average income per head Dv Member State for 1980 and 1S85 (in 
1960 ECUs for both years) compered wiih the average income per nead of the Community. 
The chart shows that average family expenditure was over two and half times greater in 
Denmark ihan in Portugal. (The chart dees not include Luxembourg). It also shows that 
Denmark achieved the largest increase in living standards between 1960 and 19S5. 
5. RELATIVE POVERTY WITHIN THE COMMUNITY 
In table A. f,is shown the number cf perçons below 50 per cent cf the averaoe income 
Per head cf the Community. 
Calculated in this way, there were abt. 51 million peer in the Community in 19c5 (ccmpaied 
lo ^9 million calculated in 1 elation cf n.v.ionc-.l r.vcraçjc income per head) znd nearly 53 
million in 1960 (cempated with -to.6 million calculated in ir-lr.linn to national average ir.ee.mo 
per head). The largest number cf poor in iS65 were in Spain (1^.-3 million). HILIC wi.r»: jimost 
9 million in the United Kingdom, nearly 8 million in Italy and around 6.7 million in France. By 
this standard over 69 per cent of the population of Portugal were poor and 32 per cent cf the 
population of Spain and over a quarter of the population of Ireland were poor. 
The geographical distribution of persons below 50 per cent cf the Community average income per 
head in each Member Sate in 1985 is shown in chart A.8. 
Nearly a quarter of the Community's "peer" were in Spain, nearly 13 per cent were in the 
United Kingdom, over 15 per cent were in Italy and under 14 per cent were in Portugal. 
The number cf persens belcv.' 40 per cent cf the ccmmur.ity average inccm.e per head 
is shewn :n table A. 9. 
Lowering the povery line to -0 ne: CET.*, cf '.ne C c mrr. un It v's averace income reduces the 
number cf 'z-zzr :z 20 miilicn in 1355 cf v.r.crr, 7.3 miilicn were in Spa:n anc around five 
miiiicn were in zc.n itaiy and Portugal. The calculation also shews a slight increase in "poverty" 
between ISSQ and '335. The incidence cf "pcver.y" '.n Portugal remains as high as 57 per 
cent in cctn years. 
The geographical distribution of persons below 40 per cent of the Community average in«>™e per head in each Member State-are shown in pie chart A 9 The chart shows that 
KK.Î ^rVperlenHnlS T^.T^J^^ SitSliW 
* in 1985 
6. SUBJECTIVE POVERTY 
It has been argued that the decision on what constitutes poverty should not be made by 
"experts" cr governments but by the population as a whole or that section cf the population 
whose incomes are relatively low. Attempts to apply this approach operationally were 
financed as part cf the research carried out for the First Programme. Since then these 
methods have been extended to more Member States. 
Two somewhat different ways of doing this have been developed and tested. Families are 
asked to state the minimum income that the family in its current circumstances needs to 
manage. The method developed by the Centre of Social Policy at the University of Antwerp 
(the CSP method) identifies the level of income at which lower income families say they 
would have "some difficulty' in making ends meet and averages the result for households of 
different composition. The second method developed at the Universities of Leyden and 
Tilburg (the SPL method) uses replies from all households on what income is "barely 
sufficient" from a ten point scale. The results found by these methods for five countries and 
two regions of countries are shown in Table A. 10. 
Table A. 10 
Percentage of Households in Relative and Subjective Poverty 
(Five Countries and two Regions) 
Country or Year UNDER CSP SPL 
Region 50% Standard Standard 
Belgium 1985 5.2" 21. A 2^.9 
Greece 1988 17.4" 42.6 42.0 
Ireland 1987 17.4" 35.3 32.4 
Luxembourg 1985 -- 14.7 23.2 
Netherlands 1985 7.9" 12.4 8.6 
Catalonia 1988 15.1* 31.3 37.3 
(Spain) 
Lorraine 1985 9.7* 26.6 29.1 
(France) 
" 1985- estimates of Eurostat 
* Calculated from the small regional surveys of Catalonia (1988) and Lorraine (1985) 
In comparing these results with those derived from comparisons with average income 
per head, the following points should be noted:-
(1) The results are in every case higher. A large number of people above half average 
income per head have some difficulty in making ends meet. As a result one of the authors 
of the surveys describes the results as measuring "insecurity of subsistence" and only uses 
the term poverty to avoid the cumbrousness of this phrase. 
(2) The results produce a much higher incidence of "poverty" in Lorraine than in the 
Netherlands, with Belgium in between, although these three countries have about the same 
level of average income. 
(3) The two subjective measures do not necessarily produce similar results for the same 
country. For example, the CSP method produces similar results for Lorraine and Luxembourg 
in contrast to the SLP method. 
There is a further striking difference when the results are analyzed at greater depth. Both 
the subjective methods indicate very low equivalence scales. This is particularly the case for 
children. Nor are they fully consistent in this respect either between countries or between the 
two methods. The SPL method leads to fairly large equivalence scales for Ireland, Catalonia 
and Luxembourg while they are small for the Netherlands and in the case of the CSP method 
small for Luxembourg. In several countries, the CSP equivalence scales drop after the first 
child as if the cost of children is not so much dependent on their number as on whether there 
are children or not. Equivalence scales are of crucial importance in measuring poverty. While 
calculations in terms of average income per head show, for nearly all countries, poverty to 
be increasing with the number of children, the subjective measures of poverty in many cases 
do not. Thus using the subjective measures, small households (often elderly, pensioners and 
female headed) are shown as being much more at risk of poverty than when the objective 
measure of the proportion of income per head is used. 
Finally the results are not consistent over time, at least in the case of Belgium, where the 
surveys were done both in 1985 and 1988. The CSP standard rises at rates varying between 
3% and 13%. But the SLP standard rises for all households with children but decreases for 
all other types of household by as much as 12%. 
While subjective poverty lines have a value in a particular country at a particular time, they 
appear to be unsuitable for comparisons between countries or over time. A poverty standard 
used for the Community needs to be robust in these respects. Moreover the equivalence 
scales are so far below those used in social assistance scales throughout the Community 
that they lack credibility and acceptability. By this comparison the equivalence scales used 
above in comparisons with income per head may be on the high side. 
7. PERCEIVED POVERTY 
Measures of perceived poverty differ from measures of subjective poverty as only 
households considering themselves to be poor are counted. The poverty standard is thus 
established by each household considering itself to be poor rather than by averaging 
estimates of the minimum income on which households can manage to make ends meet or 
have incomes which are "barely sufficient". 
Three such studies have been financed by the Commission in 1976, 1983 and 1989. The 
results for the three studies are shown in Table A.11 Column 1 refers to those saying they are 
poor and column 2 refers to those placing themselves on the next point above on the seven 
point scale. 
The answers roughly correspond to the absolute average standards of Member States 
in so far as Spain,Greece Ireland and Portugal show the highest perceived poverty and very 
few people perceive themselves as poor in Luxembourg. There was an increase in perceived 
poverty between 1976 and 1983 and then a fall in 1989 but not to the levels of 1976, except 
for Italy. 
Table A. 11 
Percentage of Households Perceiving Themselves as MPoor"(1) 
poor" (2) 
(1976, 1983 and 1989) or "Near 
• 
I Member 
State 
Be 
De 
Ge 
Gr 
Sp 
Fr 
Ir 
It 
Lu 
Ne 
Po 
U.K. 
EU 9 
EU 10 
EU 12 1976 
1 2 1+2 
1.0 
1.5 
1.1 
1.6 
2.2 
3.0 
1.1 
1.2 
2.5 
2.0 4.0 
2.7 
3.3 
6.0 
4.4 
7.8 
1.1 
3.2 
6.8 
5.6 5.0 
4.2 
4.4 
7.6 
6.6 
10.8 
2.2 
4.4 
9.3 
7.6 1983 
1 2 1+2 
1.8 
0.7 
1.0 
8.0 
8.1* 
3.6 
3.6 
1.3 
2.1 
4.1 
2.9 7.1 
4.1 
4.9 
12.7 
8.5 
11.0 
10.5 
3.0 
7.2 
7.4 
7.8 8.9 
4.8 
5.9 
20.7 
11.6 
14.6 
14.1 
4.3 
9.3 
11.5 
10.7 1989 
1 2 1+2 | 
0.4 
2.2 
0.9 
3.4 
4.2 
2.8 
4.4 
1.5 
0.3 
1.3 
3.4 
3.2 
2.3 .4.5 
3.4 
3.8 
10.5 
11.3 
7.2 
8.1 
4.7 
1.7 
3.7 
9.0 
6.6 
6.3 4.9 
5.6 
4.7 
13.9 
15.5 
10.0 
12.5 
6.2 
2.0 
5.5 
12.4 
9.8 
8.6 
I 
8. DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGE 
In Table A.1 2 is shown the population of the European Community divided into age 
groups for 1975, 1985 and projected for the year 2000. 
Between 1975 and 1985, the population under age 15 decreased by 11.6 million and the 
population aged 15-24 rose by 5.8 million. Those aged 65-74 fell by 1.6 million and those 
aged over 75 rose by 5.2 million. The Community has had to find jobs for six million more 
young people entering the labour force and support four million more older people, most of 
whom have retired. The most striking change is the increase in those over the age of 75 by 
37.4 per cent. Of this age group in 1985, 65.7 per cent were women. 
Table A.1 2 
The Age Structure of the Population of the Community 
(1975, 1985, and projected for 2000) 
Age Group 1975 1985 2000 
0-14 
15-24 
25-64 
65-74 
75 + 
TOTAL 75.1 
46.6 
150.1 
25.9 
13.9 
311.6 63.5 
52.7 
162.2 
24.3 
19.1 
321.8 54.1 J 
40.0 
178.0 
31.6 
25.7 
329.4 
Source: Eurostat 
Over the period 1985 to 2000, the population of the Community is expected to increase 
by 7.6 million. The number of persons under the age of 15 is expected to fall by 9.4 million. 
Of critical importance is the projected decline in the number of persons aged 15-24 by 12.7 
million. By the year 2000 the Community population of working age will have fallen by 2.6 
million. These projections do not account for the population of East Germany. During the 
same period those 65 or over are expected to increase by 13.9 million, of which 6.6 million 
will be aged 75 or over. 
9. CHANGES IN THE LABOUR MARKET 
A. The composition of the working population 
In Table A.13, are shown the changes in the working population between 1975 and 1985 
by age group and sex. 
8 
Table A.1 3 
The Population of Working Age in the 12 Member States 
1975 and 1985 
(Millions) 
Age Group 
1975 Maie 
1985 1975 Female 
1985 
15-24 
25-34 
35-44 
45-54 
55-64 
TOTAL 23.7 
21.6 
20.0 
18.5 
13.5 
97.3 26.8 
23.5 
21.2 
19.2 
16.6 
107.3 22.9 
20.8 
19.7 
19.9 
16.1 
99.4 25.9 
23.0 
20.9 
19.4 
18.9 
108.1 
Source: Labour Force Survey 
In what is now the community, the population of working age has increased by nearly 19 
million with the increase concentrated on the younger population. And most of them have 
wanted paid work. This has been difficult to provide in a period of relatively slow economic 
growth and strong competition - particularly from the Pacific basin countries which have 
experienced much faster rates of economic growth. 
In Table A.14 is shown the distribution of households separating those headed by one 
parent with and without an earner and other households with no earner, one earner or more 
than one earner. 
Table A.U 
Households with head aged 15 to 65 by number of earners 
in 1985 and 1987 
(All Community in millions) 
1985 1987 
One Parent 
No member employed 
One or more employed 
Other households 
No member employed 
One member employed 
Two or more employed 1.6 
4.2 
11.7 
31.9 
29.3 
TOTAL 78.6 
Source: Labour Force Survey 1.7 
4.3 
12.1 
31.9 
30.0 
79.9 
The table shows in one parent families, most of which are headed by a female, over two-
thirds of the heads of household are employed. It also shows that there are now almost as 
many two earner households as there are one earner households - mainly because of the 
extent to which women as well as men are in paid work.Jhere were in 1987 nearly 14 million 
households with no earner in which the head was of working age. 
B. Statistics of unemployment 
Partly as a result of these structural changes and partly because of relatively low rates of 
economic growth, officially measured unemployment was considerably higher in 1987 than 
in 1975. In Table A. 15 the percentage unemployed is shown for each Member State. 
Table A.1 5 
Percentage of Unemployed by Member State 
(1975, 1985 and 1987) 
Member State Percentage Unemployed 
1975 1985 1987 
Belgium 3.2 11.3 11.3 
Denmark 6.8 7.8 6.1 
Germany 2.9 6.9 6.8 
Greece — 7.8 7.4 
Spain -» 21.9 20.6 
France 3.3 10.3 10.7 
Ireland 9.6 18.0 18.1 
Italy 3.3 9.2 10.7 
Luxembourg (0.6) 3.0 2.5 
Netherlands 3.2 10.5 10.0 
Portugal — 8.6 7.4 
United Kingdom 4.6 11.5 11.0 
TOTAL EUR 12 — 10.7 10.8 
EUR 9 3.7 9.6 10.7 
Source: Labour Force Survey 
In the nine older Member States, unemployment has increased from 3.7% to 10.7% 
between 1975 and 1987. For the community as a whole there was a very small increase in 
unemployment between 1985 and 1987. By 1989 unemployment had fallen to 9.0 per cent 
and is expected to fall to 8.7 per cent in 1990. The duration of the search for work is shown 
in table A.16. 
10 
Table A.1 6 
Unemployment by Duration of Search for Work 
(As a proportion of the total unemployed) 
Member State One Year or More Two Years or More 
1975 1985 1987 1985 1987 
Belgium 29.7 68.2 74.6 51.5 56.7 
Denmark 9.4 32.0 29.5 13.3 12.6 
Germany 11.8 46.9 48.1 26.7 31.0 
Greece — 43.4 45.8 19.5 20.4 
Spain — 57.8* 65.7 --- 47.8 
France 16.3 43.8 49.4 21.8 29.8 
Ireland 19.1 62.2 66.1 41.1 47.0 
Italy 33.8 63.6 66.3 38.1 42.2 
Luxembourg — (36.8) (34.2) (13.8) (15.6) 
Netherlands 18.6 56.4 45.7 35.7 29.6 
Portugal — 48.4* 56.7 — 35.3 
United Kingdom 14.8 48.7 45.2 33.2 30.5 
EUR 12 - 53.8* 55.4 - 36.8 
EUR 9 18.4 48.5 52.7 29.5 34.1 
Source: Labour Force Survey 
* Data for Spain and Portugal have been derived from national publications of LFS results: 
for Spain the data relate to the population aged 16 years or over while for Portugal the figures 
are for person aged 10 years and over. 
11 
Tableau A.1 Personnes ayant un revenu inférieur à 
moyen par tête 50 X du revenu national 
Table 1: Poverty Incidence Comp/uod for 1000 nnd 19G5 (Poverty Une Takon a: 
50% of National Average Equivalent Expenditure In Respective Yoars) 
Country HOUSEHOLDS PERSONS 
1980 1985 1980 19£5 
V. Abs (000) y. Abs (000) X Abs (000) V Ai>« (000) 
Belgium 
Denmark 
Germany 
Greece 
Spain 
Franc» 
Ireland 
Italy 
Netherlands 
Portugal 
United tQngdom 
Source : EUROSTAT 6.3 
8.0 
10.3 
20.5 
20.3 
18.0 
18.5 
120 
6.9 
31.4 
14.1 226 
166 
2.592 
604 
2.129 
3.503 
167 
2.237 
345 
906 
2.808 5.2 
8.0 
9.2 
17.4 
17.8 
14.8 
17.4 
14.7 
7.9 
31.7 
18.9 189 
166 
2.306 
527 
1.924 
2.947 
162 
2.760 
403 
948 
3,790 7.1 
7.9 
10.5 
21.5 
20.9 
19.1 
18.4 
14.1 
9.6 
32.4 
14.6 701 
407 
6.448 
2.073 
7.829 
10.313 
62S 
7.941 
1.363 
3.167 
6.226 5.9 
8.0 
9.9 
18.4 
18.9 
15.7 
19.5 
15.5 
11.4 
32.7 
18.2 583 
409 
6.074 
1.817 
7-257 
8.681 
684 
8.830 
1.661 
3.310 
10.324 
12 
Table A.2 Households with income of below 40% and below 50% of national 
average income per head (thousands) 
Tableau A.2 Ménages dont le revenu est inférieur à 40 % et à. 50 % du 
revenu national moyen par tête (en milliers) 
Below 1980 ^lou 
Inférieur à Inférieur à 
40 % 50 % Below 1985 Below 
Inférieur à Inférieu 
40 % 50 % r à 
Belgique 
Danemark 
Al 1emagne 
Grèce 
Espagne 
France 
Irlande 
Italie 
Luxembourg 
Pays Bas 
Portugal 
Royaume Uni 
TOTAL 70 
72 
1 119 
342 
1 250 
2 009 
92 
1 451 
122 
591 
1 258 
8 378 226 
166 
2 592 
604 
2 129 
3 503 
167 
2 237 
345 
906 
2 808 
15 682 54 
72 
949 
274 
1 065 
1 559 
84 
1 6^3 
129 
621 
2 120 
8 555 ip.g 
166 
2 306 
527 
1 924 
2 9-7 
152 
2 760 
*03 
948 
3 790 
16 121 
Source : EUR0STAT 
13 
«-^•w>™r.: ue ménages dont le revenu est 
inférieur à 50 X du revenu moyen par tête dans 
chaque état membre entre 1975 et 1985 (en millions) 
Table A.3 Change in the number of households with inromo of brlow 50*i 
, of average income per head in each Member Slate between 1975 
and 1985 (millions) 
1975 
Households 1980 
-Houcoholds 1985 Evolution du % 
! Change 
Householdo 
Ménages % Ménages % Ménages % 75-8580-85 
Belgique 0,21 
Danemark 0,33 
Allemagne 1,53 
Grèce -
Espagne -
France 2,63 
Irlande 0,17 
Italie 3,82 
Luxembourg 0,02 
Pays Bas 0,23 
Portugal -
Royaume Uni 1,24 6, 6 
13,0 
6,6 
14 ,8 
2 3,1 
21,8 
14,6 
4,8 
6,3 0,23 
0, 17 
2,59 
0,60 
2,13 
3,50 
0, 17 
2,24 
0,00 
0,34 
0,91 
2,81 6,3 
8,0 
10,3 
20,5 
20, 3 
18, 0 
18,5 
12,0 
6,9 
31,4 
14,1 0, 19 
0, 17 
2,31 
0,53 
1,92 
2,95 
0,16 
2,76 5,2; 
8,o! 
9 2' 
17 , 4> 
17,8| 
14 , 8| 
17,4! 
4,7 
0,40 7,9! 
0,95 31,71 
3,79 18-,9 " 1,4}- 1,1 
- 5,00,0 
2,6^- 1,1 
- - 3,1 
- - 2,5 
0,0r 3,2 
- 5,77. 1,1 
- 7,1:2,7 
_ i_ 
3,l!l,0 
- |0,3 
15,4-7,6 
TOTAL EUROPE 9 ... 10,18 
TOTAL EUROPE 12 ... -11,4'- 12,04 
- '. 15,68 14,1 12,73 
16,12 14 ,4 0,8 
U 
Table A.4 1980 Monthly expenditure at current prices expressed in national currency A- n correspon­
ding to 40% and 50% of national average income for one-person households 
and households consisting of four persons (2 adults + 2 children) 
Tableau A. 4 1980 Dépenses mensuelles en prix courants exprimées en monnaie nationale 
correspondant à 40 X et 50 X de la moyenne des dépenses ' DOnr Hûc , 
d une personne et de quatre personnes (deux adultes + deux enfants)9" 
,4CK of naticnaI...av/eragp. SOV nf nitinnil agc„ ^ 5Q^i_^^ ^>., a-^^. 
40 r. de la 
moyenne nationale 50 r. de la 
moyenne nationale 50 X de la 
moyenne communautaire 
Ménage d'une Ménage de Ménage d'ix>e Manage de 
personne 4 personnes personne 4 per; Ménage d'une Ménage de 
personne 4 personnes 
Belgique 
Danemark 
Al 1emagne 
Grèce 
Espagne 
France 
Irlande 
Italie 
Luxembourg 
Pays Bas 
Portugal 
Royaume Uni 8.374 
l.e20 
0.513 
6.0)8 
10.165 
1.075 
0.035 
141.737 22.610 
4.914 
1.305 
16.248 
27.498 
2.911 
0.222 
282.S26 
0.567 1.530 
3-4?5 9.2*8 
0.093 0.2S1 
1-person 4-person 
ïrosencTtci hoasmjw 10.468 
2.275 
0.641 
7.522 
12.731 
1.2*3 
0.10B 
177.234 
0.703 
4.zei 
0.116 
1-person 28.263 
6.142 
1.731 
20.310 
34.373 
2.639 
0.290 
478.532 
1.913 
1 .560 
0.314 
4-person 
" housèhôlcT 4.338 
0.940 
0.288 
4.2es 
7.527 
0.53B 
0.05 7 
90.232 
-.025 
0.058 
1-person 
"riôusèric.i<r 11.714 
2.538 
0.717 
11.578 
20.593 
1.724 
0.154 
2-3.897 
0.772 
10.668 
0.158 
4-person 
~ficX!5e7ïo"tcr 
15 
laoie A.5 1985 Monthly expenditure at current prices expressed in national currency 
Tableau A. 5 1985 Dépenses nensuelles en prix courants exprimées en monnaie nationale, 
correspondant à 40 X et 50 X de la moyenne des dépenses 
d'une personne et de quatre personnes (deux .dult.i • Seux enfants)9" 
Belgique 
Danemark 
Al 1emagne 
Grèce 
Espagne 
France 
Irlande 
Italie 
Luxembourg 
P«ys Bas 
Portugal 
Royaume Uni 4f)% nf nation^ PYfxrf, 50% of national average 
40 X de la 
moyenne nationale 50% of Community averaç 
50 % de la 
moyenne nationale 50 X de la 
moyenne communautaire 
**?* dVle ^9** «naged'me «nage de iënage d'ine Ménagea 1 
personne 4 personnes perseme 4 persemes personne ^pels^es 
12.074 
2.960 
0.610 
16.777 
9.570. 
1.772 
0.145 
266.713 32.599 
7.991 
1 .646 
45.297 
25.840 
4.784 
0.391 
774 .124 
0-573 î.eia 
^•581 2 5.R68 
O.UO 0.377 
1-person 4-person 
1 mucoid— 15.092 
3.700 
0.762 
20.971 
11.963 
2.215 
o.iei 
358.391 
0.84 2 
11.976 
0.175 
1-person 40.749 
9.989 
2.057 
56.122 
32.300 
5.980 
0.489 
967.655 
2.2 73 
32.336 
0.472 
4-person 
TOEhatd imube-hold huuwhoid 6.095 
1.375 
0.348 
10.955 
13.447 
1.009 
0.102 
171.902 
0.350 
11 .435 
0.083 
1-person 
•1tou,ëhold -16.457 
3.715 
0.940 
29.606 
36.306 
2.723 
0.274 
464.136 
0.945 
30.875 
0.223 
4-person 
16 
Table A. 6 Incidence of poverty among children and elderly people 
Comparison for the years 1980 and 1985 
(Poverty line equal to 50% of the national average of equivalent 
A-fc- expenditure at national level for respective years) 
TABLEAU $& Tnrarirncc del* pnrviaé pram lor enfant* n \r* f^rwrr»,-* faré 
CcnxpanrâoQ poor les années 1980 et 1985 
(U£Pedcparâct£égalgiSO%<telamor^^ 
as niveau ntrifntT poor les taaécs respectives.) 
Pays 
Country 
BHgiqpfc 
R_F. d'ADenagne 
Grèce 
Expagae 
France 
Trirarir, 
IuHs 
P*ys-Bas 
Pcctnçftl 
Royssme-Um 1980 
% AJbs(ÛO0) 
8.0 
8J 
11.5 
20.7 
22,1 
20.7 
22.4 
MU 
13.1 
362 
20,1 15? 
92 
1244 
473 
2L124 
2.453 
231 
L972 
403 
901 
1354 ENFANTS 
ChiIdren 
1985 
% Abs (000) 
6.7 
9J 
13.7 
18.9 
20,2 
19,5 
27,9 
15,1 
17.7 
346 
24.0 126 
87 
U87 
395 
L817 
2290 
286 
L688 
506 
880 
2S& PERSONNES AGEES 
Elderly people 
1980 
12,4 
18,8 
14,3 
312 
32$ 
30.4 
30.0 
18,6 
42 
44,9 
23.8 175 
140 
L374 
382 
L379 
2-198 
109 
L426 
69 
504 
L988 1985 
% AbsCpOO) % Abs(000) 
10,7 
20,4 
14,0 
282 
23.6 
21.4 
14,2 
20,0 
52 
453 
21.7 144 
157 
1263 
371 
1.080 
1.513 
54 
L447 
91 
545 
1.846 
17 
Table A.7 
TABLEAU Btf: Incidence of poverty among children and elderly people 
Comparison for the years 1980 and 1985 
(Poverty line equal to 50% of the Community average of 
equivalent expenditure in 1980) 
Iix&aicg de la psnvietfpaffiii les osants ei les pe^ : 
comparaison pour les années 1980 et 1985 
(Egne de pauvreté égale à 50 % de la moyenne communautaire 
de dfpmy* équivalentes de 1980) 
Pays 
Country ENFANTS 
ChiIdren PERSONNES AGEES 
Elderly people 
1980 1985 IStO 1985 
% Abs (000) % Abi(ÛÔO) % Abc (000) % Abs (000) 
Belgique 
Danemark. 
RJ*. d'Allemagne 
Grèce 
Espagne 
France 
Iriande 
ItaUe 
Pays-Bas 
Portugal 
Royaume-Uni 3.1 
43 
1$ 
28.1 
32,1 
17,8 
25,9 
17.1 
5,0 
703 
20,4 61 
45 
852 
6<2 
3.088 
2.110 
266 
2.092 
153 
1-751 
2392 2,1 
3J 
9,8 
21.6 
33.6 
L5.0 
35.0 
13.4 
7.1 
712 
21.0 39 
29 
919 
450 
3.022 
1.761 
359 
1.504 
202 
1-713 
2309 
19.7 13.452 19.4 12307 4.7 
93 
9,8 
39,9 
435 
27.1 
33,6 
19.6 
1.6 
803 
242 
2Z5 67 
69 
942 
488 
1.840 
1.956 
122 
1.506 
26 
902 
2.018 
9.938 33 
7.1 
10.0 
312 
392 
17.8 
195 
18.0 
2,1 
81,0 
192 
19.6 54 
902 
410 
1.790 
1252 
75 
1307 
36 
975 
1.630 
S.47S 
18 
Table A.8 Persons with income of below 50% of Community average income 
Tableau A.8 Personnes dont le revenu est inférieur à 50 % du revenu 
communautaire moyen 
Number of persons (thousands) Percentage of total population 
Nombre de personnes Pourcentage de la 
(en milliers) population totale 
1980 1985 1980 1985 
Belgique 268 182 2.7 1.8 
Danemark 201 136 3.9 2.7 
Allemagne 4 416 4 335 7.2 7.1 
Grèce 2 784 2 062 28.9 20.9 
Espagne 11 512 12 453 30.8 32.4 
France 8 997 6 685 16.7 12.1 
Irlande 729 898 21.4 25.6 
Italie 8 437 7 912 15.C 13.9 
Luxembourg 
Pays-Bas 517 664 3.7 4 6 
Portugal 6 701 7 023 68.6 59* 5 
Royaume Uni 3 368 8 944 l4^g 
T0TAL 52 930 51 292 15.8 
Source : EUROSTAT io.8 
15.9 
19 
laoie.a.y Persons with income of below 40% of Community average income 
Tableau A.9 Personnes dont le revenu est inférieur à 40 % du revenu 
communautaire moyen 
Number of persons (thousands) Percentage of total population 
Nombre de personnes Pourcentage de la 
(en milliers) population totale 
1980 1985 1980 1965 
Belgique 76 54 0.8 0 5 
Danemark 83 '56 16 
Allemagne 1 821 1 705 3.0 
Grèce 1 636 1 077 17 0 
Espagne 7 578 7 518 18 9 
France 4 875 3 413 90 
Irlande 395 506 11 6 1.1 
2.8 
10.9 
19.7 
6.2 
14.4 
1.3 Italie 5 31 ô 4 847 94 s 5 
Luxembourg 
Pays-Bas 169 186 1 2 
Portugal 5 573 5 879 
Royaume Uni 3 732 4 739 
T0TAL 3C 736 30 040 Portugal 5 573 5 879 57 *. 1 58*2 
Royaume Um 3 732 4 739 66 3°'^ 
9.3 
20 
FIGURE A.O. 
Répartition des personnes dont le revenu est inférieur à 50 % 
du revenu national moyen par Etat membre en 1985 
Breakdown by Member State of persons with income of below 50% 
of national average income in 1985 
Frcnce 0~.*r;)" 
21 
FIgure A.1 
Breakdown by Member State of households with Income of below 50% 
of national average Income In 1985 
Hepartitiori des ménages dont le revenu est inférieur à 50% du revenu 
national moyen par Etat membre en 1985 
eelçium (1.25:) 
Oenmcrk (l.05i) 
United Kingdom (2 
Pertugol (5 çr.) 
'<«lherlcr.cs {2.ZT.) \ i~ 3T.) 
Creecç (j j^) 
itcty (17.-,?; 
î-c-.c- (•.c.jr:) 
i'eicr.d (•,££) 
22 
F igure A.4 
Average family expenditure per head by Member State In 1980 and 1985 
(1980 ECU for the two years In question, compared with the Community average) 
Dépenses familiales moyennes par tête selon les Etats membres en 1980 et en 1985 
(écus de 1980 pour les deux années considérées, comparées à la moyenne communau-
tai re) 
a « rz "o •o c 
C O 
O M 
C. 3 
.* ° 
U £ 1 O u c c> o 
i960 V7~\ 19E5 
FIGURE A.5. 
Estimated breakdown of persons (cumulative percentages) by amount of family 
expenditure in 1980 (upper curve) and 1985 (lower curve) in 1980 ECU 
Répartition estimée des personnes,, en pourcentages cumulés, selon le montant des dépenses familiales 
en 1980 (courbe supérieure) et en 1985 (courbe inférieure) en écus de 1980 
(Thouscnds) 
'crr.;iy Exptntfi'.urc In 1ÇS0 ECU «C Bo'.h Yecrs 
?4 
Figure A.6 
Répartition estimée en pourcentages cumulés des enfants, personnes âgées et autres 
personnes selon les montants des dépenses familiales en 198U 
A 4 000 écus la courbe supérieure concerne les personnes âgées, la courbe 
± * i-, ,.«..-Ko •;«*A^ir>..r.« w«s autres personnes 
intermédiaire des enfants et la courbe ...... i.-.- >-^ 
1C0 
4 6 
(Thousonds) 
•Fcmily Expenditure in 1980 ECU -.0 
Figure A.8 
Breakdown by Member State of persons with income of below 
50% of Community average income In 1985 
- 1 -
ANNEX 2 
STRUCTURE OF THE SECOND EUROPEAN POVERTY PROGRAMME 
1. General description 
With its decision of 19 December 1984, the Council of Ministers 
launched the Second European Poverty Programme (1985-1989) comprising 
91 local action-research projects, an "Organisation and Dissemination 
Unit" responsible for coordinating and evaluating projects and 
disseminating the results, and studies of poverty statistics. The 
Programme's objective was to combat poverty more effectively and 
implement positive measures to help the under-privileged and identify 
the best means of attacking the causes of poverty and alleviating its 
effects in the Community (Decision of the Council of Ministers of 19 
December 1984 Article 1.1). 
The fundamental elements of the Programme, which may be regarded as an 
experimental programme, were the 91 action-research projects, the eight 
themes under which the projects were classified, project coordination, 
evaluation and dissemination, and transnational action at European 
level. 
- 2 -
Initially, the Programme involved 65 action-research projects; a 
further 26 projects based in Spain and Portugal were added in summer 
1987. All projects were chosen by the European Commission, after 
preliminary selection by the national governments, on the basis of 
their potential use of particularly interesting methods of combating 
poverty. They dealt with the population groups particularly vulnerable 
to poverty, i.e. the long-term unemployed, the young unemployed, the 
elderly, single-parent families, second-generation migrants, refugees 
and returning migrants and various "marginal" population groups, 
particularly the homeless. Many of the projects were concerned with 
poverty in under-privileged urban areas and impoverished rural areas. 
Inter-project cooperation was organised through transnational groups. 
The primary aim was for this cooperation and exchange of views to 
provide project leaders with new insights and new methods of attacking 
poverty, which they could then apply. Secondly, practical cooperation 
was intended to produce results which could be made available to anyone 
outside the Programme engaged in anti-poverty activities. The value of 
this transnational programme thus lay in increasing the innovative 
capacity and effectiveness of each project, pooling the projects' 
collective experience, and drawing on their implications for action at 
national and Community level. 
2. Selection 
In July 1984 the Commission presented a draft Decision to the Council, 
which was adopted on 19 December of that year. Following the Council 
Decision, the Commission drew up the necessary application procedures, 
and during the first half of 1985 the national governments called for 
applications from potential contractors. 
The publicity given to this call for applications differed from country 
to country, which meant that the number and scope of applications also 
var ied. 
In the summer of 1985 the Commission then chose from among the projects 
which had been submitted those which were of sufficient technical merit 
and could be allocated to transnational teams in accordance with the 
Programme's subject groups. 
Of course it is not only the Commission and the national governments 
which have been concerned with the projects and Programme. Many other 
bodies have been involved, not only as the projects have developed, 
but also at the design stage. They have included national and 
international voluntary organisations and trade unions. 
Although an initial definition phase had not formally been provided for 
by the Programme, many projects encountered major difficulties in 
getting under way and setting up in the field the structure described 
in their applicat ions. 
3. Country distribution 
In its Decision to launch a Second European Poverty Programme, the 
Council of Ministers approved the Commission's proposal that the 
various types of action should be centred on subjects common to all 
Member States. 
- 3 -
The following points are worth noting: 
i) the poor representation of small northern countries in the 
Programme; 
ii) some regions were completely unrepresented in the Programme, 
despite their high levels of deprivation; 
ill) some countries had only one rural project, despite the extent 
of rural poverty in those countries (an imbalance to some 
extent compensated for by the additional funding which the 
governments provided for projects not selected by the 
Commission); 
iv) initially only a few projects were submitted under the subject 
of "marginals"; the addition of the Iberian projects corrected 
this imbalance, although it can be argued that this was only 
achieved by the contrived classification of some of these. 
4. Sponsors 
Although some projects were completely autonomous, most of them - more 
than four-fifths - were part of larger parent organisations which 
signed the contract with the Commission and are ultimately responsible 
for the project. And of course, regardless of whether or not a project 
is part of a larger organization, different sponsors may have helped 
to set it up, and many of them may continue to be actively involved 
either formally or informally. 
In many cases projects were proposed by organisations already familiar 
with anti-poverty work. However, in some cases the existence of the 
European Programme encouraged organisations relatively new to the field 
to submit projects, e.g. trade unions. Sponsors tended to influence 
project strategy in accordance with their background, whilst projects 
were in turn significant in respect of sponsors' own development. 
Among the most obvious elements of variation are the following: 
i) the levels of involvement of religious organisations; 
ii) the involvement of local and regional government; 
iii) the level of involvement of the local voluntary sector; 
iv) the low level of involvement of trade union organisations. 
The part played by a particular type of sponsor is not, of course, the 
same in all countries. For example, the role and powers of voluntary 
organisations or local government in the welfare field vary 
considerably. 
- 4 -
5. Staff 
The skills, experience and enthusiasm of a project's staff are a major 
force in shaping its direction and progress. 
A number of projects have experienced major recruitment problems. 
As shown in Table 1, according to the information available for 85 of 
the projects, there were approximately 400 full-time staff, an average 
of 4.8 per project, and a similar number of part-time staff. 
70% of the projects used volunteers, some extensively. Several 
projects employed temporary or part-time staff through government-
sponsored work experience and community employment schemes. To some 
extent the staffing of these projects illustrates the effects of more 
general changes in the labour market, with an increasing proportion of 
workers being employed on short-term and temporary contracts, even in 
the pub Iic sector. 
TABLE 1 
STAFFING LEVELS: 1987-88 
Total Number Men Women Poor Non-Poor 
Full-Time Staff 412 
Part-Time Staff 418 
Full-Time Equivalents 615 
Volunteers 2204 169 
153 
242 243 
265 
373 108 
95 
159 304 
323 
456 
No of projets: 91 (including 5 with multiple sub-projects) 
If the figures for each country are considered separately, it is seen 
that the Belgian and Danish projects on the whole were the best 
staffed, with an average of more than 11 full-time equivalent staff. 
The Irish and French projects were at the other end of the scale, with 
an average of only three and four full-time equivalent staff 
respectively. The solitary Dutch project had only two (the figures are 
not broken down by sub-projects). The largest project in terms of 
full-time equivalent staff was No 3 (27 persons), in Belgium. 
As for the composition of staff within different countries, Belgium and 
Luxembourg stand out as being the only countries where the numbers of 
male full-time equivalent staff exceeded the numbers of female staff. 
France, Italy and Luxembourg had only small proportions of their staff 
drawn from among the poor, whereas Portugal was the only country where 
a major ity of the staff came from disadvantaged backgrounds. 
- 5 -
Finally, very large variations are to be seen In the number of 
volunteers used by projects, ranging from an average of more than 200 
in the case of the Danish and Dutch projects, to hardly any in France 
or Luxembourg. 
6. Budgets 
Projects varied greatly in terms of annual budget (taking both European 
and complementary funds). The four largest projects (located in 
Luxembourg, Spain, Belgium and Germany) were around ten times bigger 
than the smallest. Such different levels of resources affect the 
capacity of projects to develop effective strategies. 
Table 2 summarises the sources of complementary funds, 
the projects were dependent on a single source. One third of 
It is evident that in most countries all levels of government are well 
represented among the sources of project finance. Leaving aside 
Denmark and the Netherlands, where the number of projects was very 
small, the most obvious exceptions are the lack of central government 
funding in Italy and the lack of regional and local government funding 
in Ireland. 
Table 2 
Percentage of projects which received 
complementary funds from the various sources 
B DA EL ES IRL 
Central government 
Local government 
Regional government 
Self-generated funds 
Other (*) 67 
50 
67 
67 
33 50 
0 
0 
0 
100 37 
50 
37 
50 
12 37 
50 
37 
37 
25 87 
50 
87 
37 
12 100 
71 
57 
71 
43 89 
0 
0 
33 
11 
IT NL UK EC12 
Central government 
Local government 
Regional government 
Self-generated funds 
Other (*) 0 
62 
25 
50 
25 100 
67 
33 
67 
33 100 
0 
100 
100 
0 80 
20 
50 
30 
10 36 
57 
29 
64 
50 62 
45 
45 
48 
26 
(*) Including donations and finance from parent organisation 
No of projects : 92 (including 5 with multiple sub-projects). 
- 6 -
7. The eight subject groups 
1. Long-term unemployed. Although unemployment affects all countries 
of the European Community, It is not distributed evenly. It is 
particularly serious in the traditional industrial areas where national 
and European policies have brought about the relocation or 
restructuring of traditional Industries and/or the introduction of new 
technologies. Most projects In this group are in areas suffering from 
economic and social decline, where unemployment is well above the 
national average. There are eleven projects in all under this group, 
three in Germany, one in Ireland, one in Italy, two in the United 
Kingdom and four in Spain. 
The objectives of these projects were many and varied, including local 
economic development, community development, elimination of isolation, 
improvement of awareness of the political nature of unemployment, 
organisation of educational courses for adults, and the development of 
methods aimed at guaranteeing a minimum subsistence income and 
procedures to put the poor In contact with local government. The 
common denominator of all these objectives was to try to influence 
employment and social policies at all decision-making levels in order 
to improve the lot of the long-term unemployed. 
2. Youth unemployment. The projects under this group were widely 
spread throughout the Community, reflecting the extent of the 
phenomenon. There were nine projects located in Belgium, Germany, 
France, Ireland, Italy, United Kingdom, Luxembourg, Spain and Portugal, 
mostly in urban or semi-rural regions, where unemployment rates are 
generally higher than the national average. 
The starting point of the projects was the fact that the crucial 
question for deprived young people is how to get a job with a 
reasonable income allowing them to live like anyone else and escape 
from social isolation. With this in mind, projects have introduced 
various systems to provide general training and vocational 
reintegration by facilitating access to existing jobs or supporting 
job-creation schemes. 
3. The elderly. How is it possible to restore deprived elderly 
people's links with the outside world and their ability to get about 
and satisfy their needs and aspirations? How can they be offered a 
lifestyle which, from both the material and social point of view, is 
acceptable and more suited to their needs and objective abilities? 
These are the questions which the projects in thts group tried to 
answer, through activities in two main, mutually-complementary 
direct ions: 
i) Avoidance of instI tutionalisation, i.e. allowing the elderly to 
remain in their own surroundings, In optimum conditions, for as long as 
they want to-, 
- 7 -
II) Participation, I.e. to achieve more active participation by the 
elderly In economic and social life. The twelve projects under this 
group were distributed between seven countries, namely France, Italy (2 
projects), Luxembourg, Netherlands, United Kingdom (4 projects), Spain 
(2 projects) and Portugal. One of the main results was to raise the 
standing of elderly people in their own eyes and the eyes of their 
environment. Others were socialisation and integration into social 
networks, and the establishing of mutual help and solidarity groups 
able to look after the immediate needs of their members. 
4. Single-parent families. 
Out of the nine projects in this group, eight are in northern Europe 
(Denmark, Germany, France, Ireland, Luxembourg and three projects in 
the United Kingdom), whilst the ninth is a Portugese project which was 
added in summer 1987. Throughout Europe more and more single parents 
are bringing up their children alone. For some this is by choice, and 
for many it is an option which is preferable to marriage or the 
relationship which they have ended. Most single-parent families 
consist of a mother and her children, and the difficulties encountered 
in responding to their needs represent a major factor in the growing 
poverty among women, in Europe. 
The discrimination in education, training and employment, to which all 
women may fall victim, is liable to be intensified against women who 
are bringing up their children alone. The projects are based on the 
two methods of self-help and assumption of responsibility. In the 
first case all services (reception, guidance, support, counselling on 
social rights, etc.) are provided by a group of persons who themselves 
are single parents. In the second case, women are directed towards 
training facilities or temporary employment by professional 
counsellors. 
Almost all projects are run by non-profit making associations, and all 
have recognised the need to work together with other voluntary 
organisations, the social services and all types of private and public 
institution concerned with the problem of single-parent families, i.e. 
the need for mutual partnership. 
5. Migrants and refugees. 
The material and financial aspects of poverty among refugees, 
immigrants and ethnic minorities represent only part of a much more 
complex phenomenon. In a more conventional sense, poverty may be 
regarded as an indicator of the degree of people's social and economic 
integration or non-Intégrât ion. The objective of the projects was to 
achieve optimum psycho-social, political and legal integration or 
reintegration without adversely affecting the personal and cultural 
identity of individuals. They aimed to improve people's self-
organisation potential by encouraging them to participate in the life 
of their host community. There were twelve projects In this group (two 
in Belgium, one each in Denmark and Germany, four in Greece, one in 
Italy and two in Portugal), all of which had their own identity. In 
general, activities were concentrated at local level in a bid to 
establish satisfactory relations and contacts with the people 
responsible at that level (local authorities, churches, trade unions, 
training centres, social services. Job creation initiatives, etc.) 
- 8 -
They involved regular direct contacts with the immigration authorities, 
employment ministries, and local and regional authorities etc. In one 
case there was even transnational cooperation and official contacts 
between the migrants' country of origin and their host country. Various 
approaches to spreading information and awareness were used, with 
varying degrees of success. The multi-sectoral organisation of teams 
and the involvement of legal, social, psycho-social and medical experts 
(often on a voluntary basis) was considered very effective. 
6. Marginals 
Marginality is a complex phenomenon which occurs in many different 
specific situations. As a result, the projects in this group are also 
rather different from each other. They are distributed between five 
countries (one each In France, Belgium, Ireland and the United Kingdom, 
five in Spain and three in Portugal). The problems dealt with can be 
summarised as follows: loss (or inaccessibility) of a "normal" job; 
loss of social roles and cultural identity; marginalisation and 
deterioration of the victims' environment; desocialisation, loss of 
ability to live in a normal domestic situation and more or less forced 
recourse to illegitimate activities. The projects were oriented towards 
both the social reintegration of the target population groups through 
vocational reintegration and towards the immediate meeting of the 
urgent needs of persons in distress, without being able to change the 
basic situations. As well as providing assistance, most projects 
included "promotional" activities and attempts to rationalise help and 
social action. Employment was used as a priority instrument of social 
reintegration policy, either in the form of "protected work" or by 
using the possibilities offered by the secondary markets (low 
profitability). Effective use was made of social solidarity 
cooperatives, the members of which belonged to both marginal and non-
marginal population groups. 
7. Integrated action in rural areas 
Apart from the Belgian projects, the thirteen rural action projects 
under the Second European Poverty Programme are located in the most 
economically deprived regions of Europe. The Spanish, Portuguese, 
Greek, Italian and Irish projects are in peripheral regions in the 
south and west of Europe, in areas characterised by their remoteness, 
low population density and isolation. The Belgian project is in a rural 
region situated in a very urbanised environment, and the Welsh project 
is in an area which could be described as being hit by economic 
dec Iine. 
The projects have developed new methods of action and more systematic 
approaches on the basis of a rural development model founded on the 
principles of integration and participation. 
- g -
The common denominators of this rural development model are as follows-. 
- a marked tendency to work within cooperative structures or systems to 
make progress at project level, 
- development of a series of Information and training activities as 
part of every project, such activities being regarded as an essential 
aspect of the process of commitment and participation on the part of 
the population group concerned, 
- many rural-action projects have Identified the needs of specific sub­
groups in the local rural community (the elderly, unemployed young 
persons and single-parent families) and have found the necessary 
resources to work with them. 
8. Integrated action in urban areas 
The thirteen projects in this group were divided between eight 
countries, with each in Belgium, Spain, France, Ireland and Italy, and 
one each in the United Kingdom, Greece and Portugal. Their objective 
was to give new impetus to mutual help networks, social regulation 
mechanisms and the communal use of available space, to rally local 
potential and goodwill, to involve people in the development of an 
activity by giving them responsibility, to fulfil the wishes of women 
wanting to participate in economic life, to promote the participation 
of children, adults and the elderly in projects relating to their area 
or their house (renovation projects), to help people become independent 
of social protection by encouraging their active and socially useful 
participation in community life, and to make aid a right. 
Independently of the problem of minorities needing support in their own 
language, special attention has been given to the smallest population 
groups, which live right on the edge of society and risk being 
overlooked by the development work designed primarily to help them. 
Specific measures were introduced to enable them to increase their 
margin of independence. 
- 1 -
ANNEX 3 
PUBLICATIONS OF THE ORGANISATION AND DISSEMINATION 
UNIT. SECOND EUROPEAN POVERTY PROGRAMME 
Over the four years of the Second European Poverty Programme, the three 
sections of the Organisation and Dissemination Unit have published and 
distributed three different series of documents. 
1. Coordination Section publications 
1.1 Final reports 
Two documents are published (in French, English and Spanish), as final 
reports on the work done by the Coordination Section and the eight 
transnational teams. 
- J.P. Hiernaux: Combating Poverty in Europe - Results and Prospects of 
the Transnational Exchange of Experiences in the Field. 
Prepared on the basis of contributions by the transnational teams, 
their coordinators and the members of the Coordination Bureau. December 
1989. 
- J.P. Hiernaux, A. Ganty, M. Silvestre and C. Marques Balsa-. 
Transnational Action Evaluated by the Participants in the Projects. 
December 1989. 
1.2 Brochures produced by the transnational teams 
A comprehensive brochure on the results and prospects of the work on 
each of the eight themes of the Second European Poverty Programme has 
been published in the series "Results and Prospects" in French and 
English: 
- Transnational team "Integrated urban action" (coordinator and author: 
C. Chi got): Integrated Action for Socio-economic Development in 
Deprived Urban Areas. May 1988, third edition January 1989. 
- Transnational team "Integrated rural action" (coordinator and author: 
S. Kennedy): Rural Poverty and Deprivation in Europe. February 1988. 
- Transnational team "Elderly people" (coordinator: S. Greengross, 
author: M. Silvestre): Elderly People and Poverty in Europe. May 1988. 
- 2 -
- Transnational team "Single-parent families" (coordinator: C. 
Hartmann-Hirsch, authors: C. Hartmann-Hirsch and D. Robbins): Poverty 
Among Single-parent Families. March 1989. 
- Transnational team "Young unemployed" (coordinator: C. Carracillo, 
author: A. Ganty): Training and Reintegration of Marginalised Young 
Unemployed People. May 1988. 
- Transnational team "Long-term unemployed" (coordinator: A.K. 
Papantoniou, authors: A.K. Papantoniou and the transnational team): 
Unemployment and Poverty - the Experience of 11 Projects. December 
1989. 
- Transnational team "Migrants" (coordinator: P. v. Bethlenfalvy, 
author: P. v. Bethlenfalvy in collaboration with D. v. Bethlenfalvy and 
P. Rbsiger): Refugees, Migrants, Ethnic Minorities and Gypsies in 
Europe. October 1989. 
-Transnational team "Marginals" (coordinator: A, Guiglia, authors: C. 
Marques Baisa and A. Guiglia): Action Involving Marginalised 
Populations and Groups. October 1989. 
1.3 Cross-subject documents 
The Coordination Section has published several documents on cross-
subject matters in the series "Working Papers". 
- Programme coordination team: Transnational Action in the European 
Programme to Combat Poverty - Conditions, Achievements and Prospects 
(January 1986 - June 1987). Document GEI/RPI (in French, English, 
Spanish and Portuguese). 
- J. P. Hiernaux: Production and Animation in the Meetings of the 
Transnational Teams. September 1987. Documents GE-2/IM-1 (in French and 
English). 
1.4 Transnational meetings 
Documents resulting from the transnational meetings of the eight theme 
group teams (synoptic reports, proceedings, memoranda) and the working 
memoranda of the transnational teams are published in the series 
"Working Papers". They include: 
- Transnational team "Integrated urban action" (coordinator: C. Chigot) 
Poverty and Local Economic Development. Transnational meeting in 
Nola, 13-17 May 1987. Author: F. Euvrard. March 1988. Document 
TR-9a/IU-2A (in French and English). 
Participation of Inhabitants and Integrated Action to Combat 
Poverty. Transnational meeting in Dublin, 2-7 May 1988. Author: C. 
Jacquier. September 1988. Document TR-31/IU-4 (In French and English). 
- 3 -
- Transnational team "Integrated rural action" (coordinator: S. 
Kennedy): 
Integrated Rural Action - Diagnosis and Methodological Orientations. 
Transnational meeting In Leuven, 13-17 January 1988. Author: C. 
Marques-Balsa. March 1988. Document TR-24/IR-3 (in French and English). 
Women in Rural Areas. Transnational meeting in Vila de Rei, 16-18 
April 1989. Author: S. Kennedy. April 1989. Document TR-39/IR-7 (in 
French and English). 
- Transnational team "Migrants and refugees" (coordinator: P. v. 
Bethlenfalvy): 
Language training, Culture, Education and Employment within the 
Context of Poverty. Transnational meeting In Copenhagen, 14-18 December 
1987. Author: P. v. Bethlenfalvy in cooperation with F. Peuliche, T. 
Wedege, I. Boesen, A. Christiansen and D. v. Bethlenfalvy. 1988. 
Document TR-35/MI4 (in French and English). 
Development of Ethnic Communities in a Deprived Urban eEvironment. 
Document TR-36/MI-5 (in French and English). 
- Transnational team "Long-term unemployed", coordinators: G. Mourgelas 
(1986-1988), A. Papantoniou (1988-1989): 
Alliances in Action in Support of the Long-term Unemployed. 
Transnational meeting in Dublin, February 1988. Author: C. Marques-
Balsa. March 1988. Document TR-25a/LT2a (in French and English). 
- A Survey of Projects in the Long-term Unemployment Theme Group, 
transnational meeting in Bielefeld, 11-16 November 1989. Author: P. 
McGinn. November 1989. Document TR-45/LT-3 (in English). 
- Transnational team "Marginals/Homeless" (coordinator: A. Guiglia): 
The Homeless in Europe - Innovative Field Work - Experiments in 
Action. General report on the transnational seminar in Vierset. 
Authors: J.P. Hiernaux, D. Neufcoeur, C. Chigot and A. Guiglia. June 
1987. 
Document TR-11/MA-1 (in French and English). 
The Process and Procedures of Integrated Action - From Marginalised 
Groupings towards Communities. Transnational meeting in Rabo de Peixe, 
24-29 October 1988. Author: C. Marques-Balsa. February 1989. Document 
TR-32/MA-4 (in French, English and Portuguese). 
- 4 -
2. Publications of the Evaluation Section 
2.1. Final Report 
- The Final Report of the Evaluation Section was published in April 
1990. 
G. Room In collaboration with G. Abou Sada J. Benlngton, J. Breda, 
M.G. Giannichedda, E. Guillen, B. Henningsen, F. Laczko, J. Madeira, D. 
Mylonakis, S. O'Clnneide, D. Robblns and C. Whittlng : Final Report of 
the Programme Evaluation Team. April 1990. 
This final report is accompanied by ten national reports written by 
the national evaluators in the Evaluation Section. 
2.2. General publications on evaluation : 
The Evaluation Section published working papers on the methodological 
questions of evaluation in the context of the European Programme : 
- G. Room : The Evaluation of the European Programme to Combat 
Poverty. 1988. Document ESWP 33. 
- G. Room, G. Whitting : Criteria for Project Evaluation. 1988. 
Document ESWP 34. 
- G. Whitting : Measuring the Cost-Effectiveness of Anti-Poverty 
Projects. 1989. Document ESWP 35. 
- G. Whitting : A Good Practice Guide to Self-Evaluation. 1989. 
Document ESWP 36. 
2.3. National Contextual Papers 
In the first phase of the European Programme, a series of contextual 
papers on the poverty situation and the anti-poverty policies in the 
Member States, written by independent experts, was published by the 
Evaluation Sect ion. 
- G. Vandenbroucke : Contextual Paper on Poverty in Belgium. 
September 1987. Document ESWP 10. 
- P. Abrahamson, J. Henderson, J.P. Henriksen, JE. Larsen : Poverty 
and Poverty Politics In Denmark in the 1980s. June 1987. Document 
ESWP I I. 
- J. Bolz : Poverty in the Federal Republic of Germany. July 1987. 
Document ESWP 12. 
- D. Karantinos : Poverty and Anti-Poverty in Greece. June 1987. 
Document ESWP 13. 
- A. Duran, P. Lopez Arribas : Poverty in Spain. June 1987. 
Document ESWP 14. 
- 5 -
- P. Kelleher : Poverty In Ireland. July 1987. Document ESWP 16. 
- E.M. Brandolini, V. Razzano : Poverty and Social Policies in 
Italy. July 1987. Document ESWP 17. 
- R. Muffels, A. de Vries : Poverty in Debate - a Study on 
Evidence, Policy, and Public Opinion on Poverty in the Netherlands. 
July 1987. Document ESWP 18. 
- A Bruto da Costa : Contextual Paper on Poverty In Portugal. July 
1987. Document ESWP 19. 
- C. & A. Walker : Poverty in Great Britain. September 1987. 
Document ESWP 20. 
2.4. Theme contextual Papers 
A further series of published working papers deals with specific themes 
of poverty ("Theme Contextual Papers") : 
- R. Lawson : Unemployment, Social Security and Poverty - European 
Comparisons. October 1986. Document ESWP 21. 
- P. Burton M. Stewart : Urban Deprivation - A Theme Paper for the 
European Programme to Combat Poverty. August 1987. Document ESWP 22. 
- M. O'Higgins : Lone-Parent Families in the European Community -
Numbers and Socio-Economic Characteristics. August 1987. Document 
ESWP 23. 
- F. Laczko : Poverty and the Elderly in the European Community. 
January 1988. Document ESWP 24. 
- H. Newby : Rural Restructuring and Rural Poverty in Europe. 
January 1988. Document ESWP 25. 
- T. Ress : Poverty and the Young Unemployed in Europe. 1988. 
Document ESWP 26. 
- F. Laczko J. Benington, J. Breda : Employment and the Labour 
Market. 1989. Document ESPW 37. 
- F. Laczko. D. Robbins, M. Giannichedda : The Family and the Local 
Community. 1989. Document ESWP 38. 
- G. Whitting, B. Henningsen, J.P. Tricart : Social Institutions 
and Social Protection. 1989. Document ESWP 39. 
- G. Whitting, S. O'Cinneide, D. Mylonaki : Integrated Area 
Development and the Mobilisation of Local Ressources. 1989. Document 
ESWP 40. 
- 6 -
2.5. Community Contextual Papers 
The last series of publications deals with anti-poverty strategies and 
problems at Community level ("Community Contextual Papers") : 
- E. L. Drury : European Community Policies and Actions of 
Relevance to the Second EC Programme to Combat Poverty. August 1987. 
Document ESWP 30. 
- A.B. Philip, J. St Wabe : Regional Disparities in the European 
Community. August 1987. Document ESWP 31. 
- P. Col Iett: Decision-Making In the Institutions of the European 
Communities and in particular in the Commission Programmes to Combat 
Poverty. October 1987. Document ESWP 29. 
3. Publications of the Dissemination Section 
3.1. "Short Descriptions" 
As a first source of detailed and comprehensive information on the 
Programme as a whole, the projects and the tasks of the Organisation 
and Dissemination Unit, the Dissemination Section published the book 
"Action Research Projects, Short Descriptions of the 65 projects" in 
English and French (1987). After the extension of the Programme to 
Spain and Portugal, a revised version was published in two editions 
under the title "Second Programme of the European Communities to Combat 
Poverty : Short Descriptions of the Projects", with a preface by Vasso 
Papandreou, Member of the Commission (1989). 
3.2. Builetin 
For the regular and continuous information of all the parties concerned 
with the European Programme, the Dissemination Section also published a 
monthly Information Bulletin in French and English. 400 copies of the 
Bulletin were distributed to all the projects and staff of the other 
sections as well as to members of the Advisory Group, the European 
Parliament and the various European institutions and organisations. 
3.3. Review "ECHANGE/EXCHANGE 
For the information of the general public, the mass media, and the 
parties concerned with social policies in the Member States etc., the 
Dissemination Section published the quarterly review "ECHANGE/EXCHANGE" 
in English, French, German, Italian, Spanish and - for a certain period 
- also in Greek. In the final stage, 4000 copies were distributed 
regularly. 
3.4. EXCHANGE SPECIAL 
Besides the regular quarterly review, the Section published special 
editions ("EXCHANGE SPECIAL") on specific topics of the Programme, e.g. 
Winter Aid, Unemployment Centres, New Poverty, Poverty in Southern 
Europe etc. 
- 7 -
3.5. Press clips 
Press publications on the Programme as a whole or on specific projects 
were collected, reproduced and distributed as a general source of 
information. Single press clips were distributed in the series 
"ACTUELS", and a collection of press clips was published in 1988 as 
"ECHO DE LA PRESSE". For some member countries, special collections 
were pub Iished. 
3.6. Exhibition 
In 1989, the Dissemination Section organised an art exhibition and 
published a catalogue entitled "Poverty in Painting and Sculpture". The 
exhibition was shown in DUsseldorf. Luxembourg and Brussels. 
3.7. Leaflets and brochures 
As a means of providing brief overall information, the Section 
published general leaflets in 1987. 1988 and 1989 In the nine languages 
of the Community, as well as short brochures on the projects in Spain 
(Espana participa en el segundo programa europeo de lucha contra la 
pobreza, 1988), Portugal (Portugal participa no segundo programa 
europeu de luta contra a pobreza, 1988) and Germany 
(Aktionsforschungsprojekte in der BundesrepublIk Deutschiand, 1988 and 
1989). A special brochure on each of the eight theme groups of the 
Programme was published in three languages (English, French, German). 
3.8. "Info-Package" 
The Dissemination Section received daily requests for information on 
the Programme, the theme groups or other special topics from 
politicians, scientists, social institutions and journalists etc. In 
order to be able to provide the specific information requested, the 
section distributed regularly-updated information packages on special 
subjects (General Information, Projects of the Theme Groups, Projects 
in Member States, Transnational Coordination, Evaluation, etc.). 


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