EUROPEAN COMMISSION Strasbourg, 17.4.2018 SWD(2018) 153 final COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Turkey 2018 Report Accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions 2018 Communication on EU Enlargement Policy {COM(2018) 450 final}

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Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1.1. Context 1.2. Summary of the report 2. Fundamentals first: political criteria and rule of law chapters 2.1. Functioning of democratic institutions and public administration reform 2.1.1 Democracy 2.1.2 Public administration reform 2.2. Rule of law and fundamental rights 2.2.1 Chapter 23: Judiciary and fundamental rights 2.2.2 Chapter 24: Justice, freedom and security 3. Fundamentals first: Economic development & competitiveness 3.1. The existence of a functioning market economy 3.2. The capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the EU 4. Regional issues and international obligations 5. Ability to assume the obligations of membership 5.1. Chapter 1: Free movement of goods 5.2. Chapter 2: Freedom of movement for workers 5.3. Chapter 3: Right of establishment and freedom to provide services

5.4. Chapter 4: Free movement of capital 5.5. Chapter 5: Public procurement 5.6. Chapter 6: Company law 5.7. Chapter 7: Intellectual property law 5.8. Chapter 8: Competition policy 5.9. Chapter 9: Financial services 5.10. Chapter 10: Information society and media 5.11. Chapter 11: Agriculture and rural development 5.12. Chapter 12: Food safety, veterinary and phytosanitary policy 5.13. Chapter 13: Fisheries 5.14. Chapter 14: Transport Policy 5.15. Chapter 15: Energy 5.16. Chapter 16: Taxation 5.17. Chapter 17: Economic and monetary policy 5.18. Chapter 18: Statistics 5.19. Chapter 19: Social policy and employment 5.20. Chapter 20: Enterprise and industrial policy 5.21. Chapter 21: Trans-European Networks 5.22. Chapter 22: Regional policy and the coordination of structural instruments 5.25. Chapter 25: Science and research

5.26. Chapter 26: Education and culture 5.27. Chapter 27: Environment and climate change 5.28. Chapter 28: Consumer and health protection 5.29. Chapter 29: Customs union 5.30. Chapter 30: External relations 5.31. Chapter 31: Foreign, security and defence policy 5.32. Chapter 32: Financial control 5.33. Chapter 33: Financial and budgetary provisions Annex I – Relations between the EU and Turkey Annex II – Statistical annex



1. Introduction 1.1. Context Turkey remains a key partner for the European Union. Turkey has been linked to the EU by an Association Agreement since 1964 and a Customs Union was established in 1995. The European Council granted the status of candidate country to Turkey in December 1999 and accession negotiations were opened in October 2005. Within the framework of accession negotiations, 16 chapters have been opened so far and one of these was provisionally closed. The Turkish government reiterated its commitment to EU accession but this has not been matched by corresponding measures and reforms. On the contrary, Turkey has been moving away from the European Union. The Presidency conclusions of December 2016 stated that under the currently prevailing circumstances, no new chapters are considered for opening. The EU and Turkey continued their dialogue and cooperation in the areas of joint interest including with a number of high-level visits, Leaders' meetings in May 2017 and March 2018 and a High Level Political Dialogue in July 2017. Dialogue was pursued on foreign and security policy, notably on Syria, Libya and Iraq, and a counter-terrorism dialogue was held in November 2017. Turkey and the EU further developed their cooperation in the areas of energy, transport and economy and trade, supported by high level dialogues. In December 2016, the Commission adopted a recommendation to open negotiations in view of the extension and modernisation of the EU-Turkey Customs Union, which has since been under consideration in the Council. During 2017, the implementation of the March 2016 EU-Turkey Statement has continued to deliver concrete results in reducing irregular and dangerous crossings and in saving lives in the Aegean Sea. Turkey sustained its outstanding efforts to provide massive and unprecedented humanitarian aid and support to more than 3.5 million refugees from Syria and some 365 000 refugees from other countries. Turkey and the EU further built on the fruitful cooperation under the Facility for Refugees in Turkey. By the end of December 2017, the full envelope of EUR 3 billion had been contracted, with 72 projects and almost 1.2 million of the most vulnerable refugees benefited from monthly cash-transfers. Disbursements reached EUR 1.95 billion to date. 1.2. Summary of the report The state of emergency declared in the wake of the attempted coup of 15 July 2016 remains in force, aiming at dismantling the Gülen movement, designated by the Turkish authorities as a terror organisation responsible of the coup attempt, as well as at supporting the fight against terrorism, against the background of repeated attacks in Turkey. The EU, which immediately and strongly condemned the attempted coup, reiterated its full support for the country's democratic institutions, and recognised Turkey's legitimate need to take swift and proportionate action in the face of such a serious threat. However, the broad scale and collective nature, and the disproportionality of measures taken since the attempted coup under the state of emergency, such as widespread dismissals, arrests, and detentions, continue to raise serious concerns. Turkey should lift the state of emergency without delay.

Serious shortcomings affect the 31 decrees taken to date under the state of emergency. They have not been subject to a diligent and effective scrutiny by parliament. Consequently, the decrees have long not been open to judicial review and none of them has yet been subject to a decision by the Constitutional Court. These emergency decrees have notably curtailed certain civil and political rights, including freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and procedural rights. They also amended key pieces of legislation which will continue to have an effect when the state of emergency is lifted. Since the introduction of the state of emergency, over 150 000 people were taken into custody, 78 000 were arrested and over 110 000 civil servants were dismissed whilst, according to the authorities, some 40 000 were reinstated of which some 3 600 by decree. A State of Emergency Appeal Commission became operational and received altogether some 107 000 appeal requests. This Commission only started to take decisions in December 2017 and it has so far provided redress to only few applicants. Its decisions are open to judicial review. It still needs to develop into an effective and transparent remedy for those unjustly affected by measures under the state of emergency. Beyond the Appeal Commission, the capacity of Turkey to ensure an effective domestic legal remedy in the sense of the European Court of Human Rights has been further undermined by a number of unfortunate precedents. In one instance a lower court refused to observe a ruling of the Constitutional Court regarding an emblematic case; a follow up ruling by the Constitutional Court for one of the defendants was eventually abided with by a lower court. Several court rulings favorable to prominent defendants, including Human Rights Defenders, were swiftly reversed by another or even by the same court, in some instances following comments from the executive. Key recommendations of the Council of Europe and its bodies are yet to be addressed by Turkey. Allegations of wrongdoing need to be established by transparent procedures and on an individual basis. Individual criminal liability can only be established with full respect for the separation of powers, the full independence of the judiciary and the right of every individual to a fair trial. Turkey should lift the state of emergency without delay. In April 2017, Turkey held a referendum which approved by a close majority constitutional amendments introducing a presidential system. The amendments were assessed by the Venice Commission as lacking sufficient checks and balances as well as endangering the separation of powers between the executive and the judiciary. The referendum itself raised serious concerns in relation to the overall negative impact of the state of emergency, the 'unlevel playing field' for the two sides of the campaigns and undermined safeguards for the integrity of the election. Under the state of emergency, the Parliament's key function as legislative power was curtailed, as the government resorted to emergency decrees with 'the force of law' to also regulate issues which should have been processed under the ordinary legislative procedure. In light of the worsening political frictions in the country, the space for dialogue among political parties was further narrowed in Parliament. Following the one-off lifting of parliamentary immunities in May 2016, many lawmakers of the opposition party HDP have been arrested and ten of them were stripped of their seats. The President role over the executive increased, following several transfers of powers to the Presidency through emergency decrees. The appointment of trustees to replace municipal executives and elected representatives led to an important weakening of local democracy. Civil society came under increasing pressure, notably in the face of a large number of arrests of activists, including human rights defenders, and the recurrent use of bans of demonstrations and other types of gatherings, leading to a rapid shrinking space for fundamental rights and freedoms. Many rightsbased organisations remained closed as part of the measures under the state of emergency and an effective legal remedy has not been available with respect to confiscations. The government overhauled the legal framework governing the civil-military relations and increased the powers of the executive over the military significantly, thereby strengthening civilian oversight. As part of the constitutional amendments, high military courts were effectively abolished. The military and intelligence services continue to lack sufficient accountability in Parliament. The situation in the south-east has continued to be one of the most acute challenges for the country. The deteriorated security situation has in part shifted to rural areas. The government’s pledge to continue security operations, against the background of recurrent violent acts by the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which remains on the EU list of persons, groups and entities involved in acts of terrorism, remained as a defining element of the situation in the region. While the government has a legitimate right to fight against terrorism, it is also responsible for ensuring this is done in accordance with the rule of law, human rights and fundamental freedoms. Antiterror measures need to be proportionate. The government's investment plan for the reconstruction of damaged areas in the south-east has resulted in the ongoing construction of thousands of dwellings but only few internally displaced persons received compensation so far. There were no developments on the resumption of a credible political process which is needed to achieve a peaceful and sustainable solution. Turkey is moderately prepared in the area of public administration reform, with a strong commitment to a more open administration and the use of e-government. However, there has been serious backsliding in the area of public service and human resources management and in the area of accountability of the administration with regard to the right to administrative justice and the right to seek compensation. A transparent and effective remedy still needs to be provided for the large-scale dismissals. Turkey’s judicial system is at an early stage of preparation. There has been further serious backsliding in the past year, in particular with regard to the independence of the judiciary. The Constitutional amendments governing the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (CJP) entered into force and further undermined its independence from the executive. The CJP continued to engage in large-scale suspensions and transfers of judges and prosecutors. No efforts were made to address concerns regarding the lack of objective, meritbased, uniform and pre-established criteria in the recruitment and promotion of judges and prosecutors. The country has some level of preparation in the fight against corruption, where no progress has been achieved. The legal and institutional framework needs further alignment with international standards and continues to allow undue influence by the executive in the investigation and prosecution of high-profile corruption cases. Turkey’s track record of investigation, prosecution and conviction in corruption cases remained poor, particularly regarding high-level corruption cases. No progress was made in bolstering the accountability and the transparency in the work of public bodies. A broad, inter-party political consensus and strong political will are required to fight against corruption decisively. Turkey still needs to follow up on nearly all recommendations of the Council of Europe's Assembly of the Group of States against Corruption. Corruption remains prevalent in many areas and continues to be a serious problem. Corruption perception also remains high. Turkey has achieved some level of preparation in the fight against organised crime and some progress was made with the adoption of a new strategy and improved institutional capacity. Turkey needs to improve its legislation on cybercrime, asset confiscation and witness protection. Data protection legislation is in place but it is not yet in line with European standards. Financial investigations remain underused. Precautionary freezing of assets is rarely applied and the level of confiscated assets is low. In the fight against terrorism, a comprehensive legal framework on terrorism financing is in place. Both the criminal and anti-terror legislation need to be aligned with European Court of Human Rights case-law. The proportionality principle must be observed in practice. Turkey made good progress in the area of migration and asylum policy and remained committed to the implementation of the March 2016 EU-Turkey Statement effective management of migratory flows along the Eastern Mediterranean route. As regards the implemenation of the Visa Liberalisation Roadmap, at the beginning of February, Turkey submitted to the European Commission a work plan outlining how Turkey plans to fulfill the seven outstanding visa liberalisation benchmarks. The Commission is assessing Turkey's proposals and further consultations with the Turkish counterparts will follow. The Turkish legal framework includes general guarantees of respect for human and fundamental rights, which have however been further challenged and undermined by a number of emergency decrees. The serious backsliding on the freedom of expression continued, an area where Turkey is at an early stage of preparation. The scope of actions taken under the state of emergency has been extended over time to many critical voices, in media and academia amongst others, in contradiction with the principle of proportionality. Criminal cases against journalists – more than 150 of them remain detained – human rights defenders, writers, or social media users, withdrawal of press cards, as well as the closure of numerous media outlets or the appointment by the government of trustees to administer them, are of serious concern and are mostly based on selective and arbitrary application of the law, especially provisions on national security and the fight against terrorism. The Internet Law and the general legal framework continue to enable the executive to block online content without a court order on an inappropriately wide range of grounds. There was also serious backsliding in the areas of freedom of assembly, freedom of association, procedural and property rights. Freedom of assembly continues to be overly restricted, in law and practice. Measures adopted under the state of emergency also removed crucial safeguards protecting detainees from abuse thereby augmenting the risk of impunity, in a context where allegations of ill-treatment and torture have increased. Emergency decrees imposed additional restrictions to procedural rights including on the rights of defence. The enforcement of rights is hindered by the fragmentation and limited mandate of public institutions responsible for human rights and freedoms and in a context where the judiciary's independence has been undermined. Extreme poverty and a lack of basic necessities remain common among Roma households in Turkey. The rights of the most vulnerable groups and of persons belonging to minorities should be sufficiently protected. Gender-based violence, discrimination, hate speech against minorities, hate crime and violations of human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons are still a matter of serious concern. Turkey expressed support for the talks on the Cyprus settlement between the leaders of the two communities, and for the efforts of the UN Secretary-General and his Special Adviser. A Conference on Cyprus, convened in Geneva in January 2017 and in Crans-Montana in July 2017, closed without an agreement. Turkey has still not fulfilled its obligation to ensure full and nondiscriminatory implementation of the Additional Protocol to the Association Agreement and has not removed all obstacles to the free movement of goods, including restrictions on direct transport links with Cyprus. There was no progress on normalising bilateral relations with the Republic of Cyprus. The conclusions on Turkey that were adopted by the Council of the European Union and endorsed by the European Council in December 2006 remain in force. They stipulate that negotiations will not be opened on eight chapters relating to Turkey’s restrictions regarding the Republic of Cyprus and no chapter will be provisionally closed until the Commission confirms that Turkey has fully implemented the Additional Protocol to the Association Agreement. Cooperation with Greece and Bulgaria on migration further intensified. However, tensions in the Aegean Sea and Eastern Mediterranean were not conducive to good neighbourly relations and undermined regional stability and security. Bilateral relations with several individual EU Member States deteriorated, including at times offensive and unacceptable rhetoric. In March 2018, the European Council strongly condemned Turkey's continued illegal actions in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean Sea and recalled Turkey's obligation to respect international law and good neighbourly relations and to normalise relations with all EU Member States. The European Council also expressed its grave concern over the continued detention of EU citizens in Turkey, including two Greek soldiers, and called for the swift and positive resolution of these issues in a dialogue with Member States. Turkey needs to commit itself unequivocally to good neighbourly relations, international agreements, and to the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter, having recourse, if necessary, to the International Court of Justice. In this context, the EU has expressed once again serious concern and urged Turkey to avoid any kind of threat or action directed against a Member State, or source of friction or actions that damages good neighbourly relations and the peaceful settlement of disputes.

Regarding the economic criteria, the Turkish economy is well advanced and can be considered a functioning market economy. The economy supported by government stimulus measures, managed to recover from the contraction witnessed in the wake of the attempted coup of 2016 and achieved strong growth in 2017. However, high growth is coupled with significant macroeconomic imbalances. The current account deficit remains high and increased towards the end of 2017, making the country dependent on capital inflows and vulnerable to external shocks. Inflation moved to double-digit rates (11.1 %) in 2017, and the depreciation of the Turkish lira continued, highlighting concerns over the degree of commitment of monetary policy decision-makers to price stability. Turkey's economy continued to be characterised by a high level of informality. Overall, there was backsliding in this area. The tendency to increase state control in the economic sphere and the actions targeting companies, businessmen and political opponents and their businesses harmed the business environment. Turkey has made some progress and has a good level of preparation to cope with competitive pressures and market forces within the EU. Turkey is well-integrated with the EU market in terms of both trade and investment. Some progress was made in the energy sector, particularly in the gas market, and in increasing research and development spending. However, significant problems remained with regard to the quality of education. There was no progress in improving the transparency of state aid. Regarding its ability to assume the obligations of membership, Turkey has continued to align with the acquis, albeit at a limited pace. There have been more instances of backsliding regarding a number of key aspects in the areas of information society, social policy and employment and external relations. Turkey is well advanced in the areas of company law, trans-European networks and science and research and it has achieved a good level of preparation in the areas of free movement of goods, intellectual property law, financial services, enterprise and industrial policy, consumer and health protection, customs union and financial control. Turkey is only moderately prepared on public procurement as important gaps remain in its alignment. Turkey is also moderately prepared in the area of statistics and transport policy where further significant efforts are needed across the board. Turkey has only reached some level of preparation on environment and climate change where more ambitious and better coordinated policies still need to be established and implemented. In all areas, more attention needs to be given to enforce legislation whilst many areas require further significant progress to achieve legislative alignment with the EU acquis.

2. Fundamentals first: political criteria and rule of law chapters Measures under the state of emergency The state of emergency declared after the attempted coup of 15 July 2016 remains in force. It has been extended six times, each time for a three-month period, and currently runs until 18 April 2018; its renewal for another three-month period, until July 2018, has been announced. Its primary objective is to dismantle the Gülen movement, designated as a terror organisation by the Turkish authorities in May 2016 and considered responsible for the organisation and execution of the attempted coup of 15 July 2016. The state of emergency is aimed more generally at supporting the fight against terrorism, against a background of repeated attacks in Turkey, overall a traumatic period in Turkey. The EU, which immediately and strongly condemned the attempted coup, reiterated its full support for the country’s democratic institutions and recognised Turkey’s legitimate need to take swift and proportionate action in the face of such a serious threat. However, the broad scale and collective nature of measures taken since the attempted coup under the state of emergency, such as widespread dismissals, arrests and detentions, continue to raise very serious concerns. Under the state of emergency and until early March 2018, the Council of Ministers issued a total of 31 decrees, which have ‘the force of law’ according to the Constitution. These emergency decrees provided the basis for limiting certain civil and political rights, including defence rights, expanding police powers and those of prosecutors for investigations and prosecutions, large-scale dismissals of public officials and closures of entities and the liquidation of their assets by the state. The decrees raise serious questions over the proportionality of the measures taken. They have not been subject to a diligent and effective scrutiny by parliament which received them for adoption only belatedly; 23 decrees were so far adopted by parliament, most of which only in the first quarter of 2018. Consequently, the decrees have long not been open to judicial review, as parliament adoption was a necessary prior step to any legal challenge before the Constitutional Court; none of them has yet been subject to a decision by the Constitutional Court. They affect key rights under the European Convention on Human Rights, such as the right to a fair trial, the right to an effective remedy and the right to protection of property. They introduce amendments to key pieces of legislation which will continue to have an effect after the state of emergency, notably in relation to property rights, local authorities, public administration and audiovisual policy. They also extend to a wide range of issues unrelated to the attempted coup, stipulating among other things the requirement for university rectors to be directly appointed by the President and the exemption of private radio and TV stations from monitoring for purposes of fair campaigning during elections. Overall, over 150 000 people have been taken into custody since the state of emergency began. This included a large number of critical voices. Over 78 000 people have been arrested based on terrorrelated charges, of which, at the end of January 2018, 54 000 had been released pending trial with judicial control and 24 660 remained in pre-trail detention. Judicial processes involving suspected members of the Gülen movement and coup plotters raised serious questions about the respect of international standards. It is of particular concern that relatives of suspects were directly or indirectly targeted by a series of measures, including dismissal from public administration and confiscation or cancellation of passports. A set of unofficial criteria were relied upon to determine alleged links to the Gülen movement, including the attendance of a child at a school affiliated with the organisation, the deposit of money in a bank affiliated with the organisation or the possession of the mobile messaging application ByLock. In September 2017, the Court of Cassation held that the possession of ByLock constitutes sufficient evidence for establishing membership of the Gülen movement. In October 2017, however, it ruled that sympathising with the Gülen movement does not amount to being a member of it and therefore does not constitute sufficient evidence of membership. Several people who had been arrested as a result of alleged usage of ByLock were released, after it was proven in December 2017 that hundreds of people had been wrongfully accused of using the mobile application. In the reporting period, the government also continued its large-scale dismissals of officials from public service. A total of 115 158 civil servants, judges and prosecutors have been dismissed since the introduction of the state of emergency. While a relationship of trust and loyalty should exist between civil servants and the state, the broad scale and collective nature of these measures raised serious questions with regard to the lack of transparency in the administrative processes leading to dismissal from the civil service, and the vagueness of the criteria used to determine alleged links to the Gülen movement and establish personal involvement in the attempted coup. Dismissals have particularly affected the Ministries of Interior and Education. Thousands of police officers, teachers, academics, health workers and members of the judiciary are among those who have been removed from office. Among those dismissed from the education sector are teachers who are members of a left-wing teachers’ union, and academics who had signed the ‘Peace Declaration’ of January 2016. Until the State of Emergency Appeal Commission was established and started handing down decisions in December 2017, 3 604 people had been reinstated to office by decree whilst another 36 000 reinstatements took place (according to the authorities), following an unclear and opaque administrative process across various institutions. In its December 2016 opinion, the Venice Commission assessed in detail the state of emergency and the decrees and found a number of shortcomings. In January 2017, some improvements were made to the measures taken under the state of emergency in response to scrutiny by the Council of Europe and the recommendations made by its Secretary-General including the establishment of a State of Emergency Appeal Commission. In addition, the maximum length of police detention was reduced from 30 days to a maximum of 7 days, with the possibility of prolonging this by another 7 days, and a limit of only 24 hours without access to a lawyer was introduced. The task of the seven-member State of Emergency Appeal Commission, which became operational in July 2017, is to individually review all complaints it receives. Its decisions will be open to judicial review before a designated administrative court in Ankara and then before the Constitutional Court. 220 staff, including judges, prosecutors, inspectors, experts and civil servants, have been seconded to the Appeal Commission. In August 2017, the Constitutional Court ruled some 70 000 individual applications were inadmissible as they had not exhausted all earlier domestic remedies, directing applicants to the Appeal Commission and/or to administrative courts. The European Court of Human Rights also re-directed some 28 000 applications it had received to the Appeal Commission. As a result, the Appeal Commission had by early March 2018 received altogether some 107 000 appeal requests. Decisions began to be handed down in December 2017. Until early March 2018, a total of 6 400 cases was examined, including 1 984 preliminary examination decisions regarding people who were reintegrated by decree. The Appeal Commission took over 4 400 examination decisions. Of these, 100 were favourable and 4 316 were rejected. There is a need for increased transparency in the Appeal Commission’s work and for clear reasoning to be provided for its decisions, following an individualised examination of each file based on its own merits. The Appeal Commission still needs to develop into an effective and transparent remedy for those unjustly affected by measures under the state of emergency. It is also crucial that the judicial safeguards for all those who have been dismissed or imprisoned are based on the European Convention on Human Rights and on case-law from the European Court of Human Rights. Beyond the Appeal Commission, the capacity of Turkey to ensure an effective domestic legal remedy in the sense of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has been further undermined by a number of unfortunate precedents. In one instance a lower court refused to observe a ruling of the Constitutional Court regarding an emblematic case; a follow up ruling by the Constitutional Court for one of the defendants was eventually abided with by a lower court. In its decisions of 20 March 2018, the European Court of Human Rights expressed support to the reasoning and the role of the Turkish Constitutional Court. Several court rulings favourable to prominent defendants, including Human Rights Defenders, were also swiftly reversed by another or even by the same court, in some instances following comments from the executive. In April 2017, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe decided to reopen its full monitoring procedure in respect of Turkey, closed since 2005, until its serious concerns about the respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law have been addressed. This will entail regular visits by rapporteurs to conduct a dialogue with authorities and plenary debates to review progress. In February 2018, the Assembly's Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights submitted to the plenary a report which found a number of serious shortcomings regarding the proportionality of the state of emergency in Turkey and urged Turkey to lift the state of emergency. Similar findings were recorded by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in a Report issued in March 2018 on the impact of the state of emergency on human rights in Turkey, including an update on the South-East (January – December 2017). 2.1. Functioning of democratic institutions and public administration reform 2.1.1 Democracy Constitutional amendments In April 2017, Turkey held a referendum which approved constitutional amendments introducing a presidential system. The Venice Commission assessed the constitutional amendments as lacking sufficient checks and balances as well as endangering the separation of powers between the executive and the judiciary. The referendum itself raised serious concerns for international monitors in relation to the overall negative impact of the state of emergency, the 'unlevel playing field' for the two sides of the campaigns and undermined safeguards for the integrity of the election. Turkey should use the period of adjustment to the new system in order to introduce checks and balances and to safeguard the basic principle of democracy, in line with its commitments and obligations as a candidate country and a member of the Council of Europe. In view of the farreaching implications of the constitutional amendments and the close referendum result, the Turkish authorities also need to seek the broadest possible societal consensus on the implementation of the constitutional amendments. Turkey needs to address all the recommendations made by the OSCE/ODIHR relating to the constitutional referendum and past elections. In the aftermath of the attempted coup, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) agreed on amendments to the Constitution, aimed at introducing a presidential system in Turkey. The constitutional amendments were subsequently approved, in January 2017, by a three fifths majority in Parliament. The parliamentary process suffered from certain procedural shortcomings. There was no genuine opportunity for open discussion with all political forces nor did it involve civil society, and was held against a background of a general ban on assemblies and rallies in Ankara and in other parts of Turkey. The constitutional changes were endorsed in a close-run referendum (51.41 % in favour and 48.59 % against) which took place on 16 April 2017, while the state of emergency was in force. The Electoral Commission and Turkish courts rejected all objections to the results of the referendum. The presidential system is set to be fully operational following the next presidential and legislative elections, due to be held in November 2019 at the latest. The International Referendum Observation Mission conducted by the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) concluded that the constitutional referendum held on 16 April 2017 was generally well administered and that referendum day proceeded in an orderly manner. However, it highlighted serious concerns, particularly in relation to the broader environment in which the referendum took place, underlining the overall negative impact of the state of emergency. It found that the one-sided media coverage and the limitations on fundamental freedoms did not create a level playing field in which the two sides of the campaign could enjoy equal opportunities. The power the Supreme Election Council normally has to penalise private radio and television channels for making one-sided, biased broadcasts during election and referendum campaigns had been removed under an emergency decree. The OSCE/ODIHR further found that instructions issued on referendum day, which relaxed the validity criteria for ballots, had undermined an important safeguard protecting the integrity of the election.

Each sovereign state has the right to decide for itself on the form of its government and state. However, in its March 2017 opinion, the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission highlighted several features of the new political system which raise particular concerns with regards to the basic principles of democracy. It concluded that the constitutional amendments, which were drafted without consultations with the Council of Europe, represent a dangerous step backwards in Turkey’s constitutional democratic tradition. The Venice Commission underlined that the future presidential system was characterised by a lack of the necessary checks and balances required to safeguard against an excessive concentration of power in one single office and to ensure the independence of the judiciary. Under the new system, the President’s political accountability will be mainly limited to elections. Several provisions curtail the independence of the judiciary from the executive and run contrary to European standards. Under the new political system brought about by the constitutional amendments, elections of the President and of Members of Parliament (which increased from 550 to 600 members) are to be held on the same day. The entry into force of the presidential system will abolish the office of Prime Minister, and vice-presidents and ministers will be appointed directly by the President, with no role for Parliament. The President will have the power to: →appoint and dismiss senior government officials; →set national security policies and take the necessary implementation measures; →declare a state of emergency; →issue presidential decrees on executive matters outside the scope of the law; →indirectly dissolve Parliament by calling for new Parliamentary and Presidential elections; →draw up the government budget; →veto laws; and →appoint 4 out of 13 members of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors and 12 out of 15 judges of the Constitutional Court. Parliament’s traditional instruments for scrutiny of the executive, such as a vote of confidence and the possibility of oral questions to the executive, will no longer be possible; only written questions will be able to be addressed to vice-presidents and ministers. If three fifths of its members agree, Parliament will be able to launch a parliamentary investigation into alleged criminal actions by the President, vice-presidents and ministers related to their functions. The principle of precedence of laws over presidential decrees is enshrined in the new system and the President may not issue decrees in areas reserved to the legislature by the Constitution. The President has the power to veto any law although Parliament can override this veto if an absolute majority agrees, while Parliament can only apply to the Constitutional Court to annul presidential decrees. Three constitutional amendments were implemented in May 2017: the reform of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (see Chapter 23 — Judiciary and fundamental rights); the right for the President to also chair a political party; and the abolition of high military courts. In these constitutional amendments, Parliament was given six months to harmonise ordinary legislation with the amendments to the Constitution, but this extensive work has not yet been completed. Parliament Under the state of emergency, Parliament’s key function as the legislative power was curtailed, as the government resorted to decrees with ‘the force of law’ to regulate issues which should have been processed under the ordinary legislative procedure. Parliament discussed only a handful of key pieces of legislation, notably the law amending the Constitution and controversial changes to its rules of procedure. Following the worsening political frictions in the country, the space for dialogue among political parties was further narrowed in Parliament. The opposition People's Democratic Party (HDP) was particularly marginalised, with many HDP lawmakers being arrested on the grounds of alleged support for terrorist activities and ten of them being stripped of their seats. The system of parliamentary immunity in Turkey should be reinforced to ensure the freedom of speech of Members of Parliament. The ordinary legislative process was applied only to a handful of key pieces of legislation, since the government resorted extensively to emergency decrees with ‘the force of law’ according to the Constitution. The 31 issued emergency decrees were used, under a broad interpretation of the needs of the state of emergency, for a wide range of social and economic policy issues (including the regulation of horse riding races and use of winter tyres), amending some altogether over 360 pieces of legislation, effectively circumventing the ordinary legislative process. Amendments to Parliament’s rules of procedure were jointly put forward by the AKP and MHP in July 2017 without any involvement of the other political parties. They provide for shortened procedures and interventions by Members of Parliament (MPs) and/or party groups; penalties for MPs who bring any protest-related materials into Parliament; and the possibility of temporarily suspending a MP who makes insults and accusations against the history and past of the Turkish nation, makes statements in violation of the first four articles of the Constitution in relation to the integrity of the Turkish state, its republican form, its anthem and symbols, or uses names and adjectives for the administrative structure of the Republic of Turkey that are contrary to the Constitution and Turkish legislation. These changes run contrary to a long-standing recommendation to Turkey to improve the inclusiveness, transparency, and quality of lawmaking. They also carry the risk of limiting the freedom of expression of MPs, in contravention of the principle of parliamentary privilege, an essential element of parliamentary immunity. Parliamentary oversight of the executive, which was already weak, was further curtailed under the state of emergency. There was a lack of effective parliamentary scrutiny of emergency decrees issued by the government. As of February 2018 all 31 emergency decrees had been submitted to Parliament but well beyond the set deadlines, whilst only 23 decrees have been so far discussed and approved, in some instance with limited adaptations. There was no improvement in executive follow-up to ordinary parliamentary oversight, such as committee work, parliamentary questions or parliamentary inquiry committees. Some parliamentary committees scrutinise government work by assessing implementation of the major policies and legislation, but there is no systematic approach. Parliamentary oversight of public spending also continues to need improvement. The audit reports from the Turkish Court of Accounts are only considered in the Planning and Budget Committees in connection with the approval of the final accounts and the draft government budget for the following year, but there is no formal parliamentary discussion of these audit reports. The special parliamentary investigation committee set up in October 2016 to probe the attempted coup held hearings with many witnesses. Its draft report from May 2017 provides a very detailed account of the attempted coup and of the attribution of responsibility to the Gülen movement. The opposition criticised the fact that key individuals only submitted written testimonies and the committee allegedly failed to reveal the full details of the attempted coup. There was no progress on aligning the legal framework on elections and political parties with European standards, including the 10 % threshold requirement for parties to obtain seats in national elections and funding for political parties and elections, in line with outstanding recommendations by the OSCE/ODIHR and the Council of Europe's Group of States against Corruption (GRECO). In March 2018, amendments to the laws on elections and political parties were approved by the ruling AKP supported by MHP and strongly criticised by the opposition CHP and HDP. They provided for the possibility to form electoral alliances between parties, gave new powers to the Supreme Board of Elections to relocate or merge polling stations on security grounds and removed a requirement for ballot papers to be sealed by the polling station officials, regarded as an important safeguard for the integrity of the election. Following the one-off lifting of parliamentary immunity in May 2016, a series of detentions of and/or arrests of MPs began, mainly from the HDP, mostly based on public speeches and on the grounds of alleged support for terrorist activities. As of early March 2018, nine MPs from the HDP, including its two co-chairs Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ, remained under arrest. Six of them have been convicted. In addition, one MP from the CHP was arrested and initially received a sentence to 25 years imprisonment, which was reduced to five years and ten months, on charges of revealing state secrets, following review by the regional court of appeal. In all these cases, MPs were subjected to long pre-trial detention before charges were presented before the courts. Until January 2018, requests by HDP MPs to appear in person at court hearings were systematically rejected, the courts only granting them the right to take part through a video-conferencing system. Despite numerous attempts, international observers, including from the European Parliament, were denied the right to visit the two imprisoned HDP co-chairs. Ten MPs from the HDP, including one of its co-chairs, were stripped of their seats in Parliament. This emphasises that the restrictive interpretation of guarantees provided by the Constitution and shortcomings in anti-terror legislation continue to pose a direct risk to the freedom of expression of MPs. Freedom of expression of MPs is an essential part of democracy and should also be protected when they speak outside Parliament. Governance

The President's role over the executive increased further, in particular with several transfers of power to the Presidency through emergency decrees. A partial government reshuffle took place in July 2017. The government’s activities continued to be marked by efforts to dismantle the Gülen movement and by the security challenges it is facing, including in the south-east. The appointment of trustees to replace municipal executives and elected representatives led to a significant weakening of local democracy. The President continued to weigh in over the executive, notably by regularly chairing the Council of Ministers and the National Security Council and steering the country’s domestic and foreign policy, in line with the current Constitution. The powers of the President were further strengthened as, under the state of emergency, decrees are made by the Council of Ministers under the chairmanship of the President. The President was also given authority over the National Intelligence Agency and the power to directly appoint rectors of public universities. In May 2017, in accordance with one immediately applicable change to the Constitution, President Erdoğan was elected chair of the ruling AKP. The presidential system will enter into full force from the next presidential election. Turkey faced major domestic and foreign policy challenges during the reporting period. Following the attempted coup in July 2016, the government’s primary focus has been dismantling the Gülen movement and tackling its influence over and infiltration of state structures and society. The government increased its diplomatic efforts to curb the presence and influence of the Gülen movement abroad. Internal and cross-border security also remained major priorities, with the continued risk of spillover from developments in Syria and Iraq. Following frequent terror attacks in late 2016, the government further intensified its fight against the PKK and conducted frequent operations against Da’esh cells inside Turkey. In July 2017, there was a partial cabinet reshuffle affecting 11 out of 26 ministerial posts. The cabinet now includes two women, increased from one. As regards local government, the detention or arrest under terrorism-related charges of elected representatives and municipal executives in the east and south-east continued. As of November 2017, 93 mayors and co-mayors had been dismissed and arrested within the last three years, of which 22 were released following proceedings and 71 are still in prison. Eleven local administrators were sentenced to a total of 89 years and 3 months of imprisonment due to terror-related charges. The number of municipalities to which a trustee has been appointed increased from 33 up to 99. 94 of these were municipalities run by the Democratic Regions Party (DBP), the regional affiliate of the HDP, in relation to alleged links with the PKK, and a trustee was also appointed to administer the Union of south-eastern Anatolia Region Municipalities. Trustees were appointed to four municipalities run by the AKP, one by the MHP, mainly on the grounds of alleged links to the Gülen movement. It is crucial that citizens are permitted to choose new local elected representatives in accordance with Turkish law and with the European Charter of Local Self-Government, to which Turkey is a party. In its October 2017 opinion, the Venice Commission expressed concerns over the introduction of structural changes to the system of local government through emergency decree. In March 2017, the Council of Europe’s Congress of Local and Regional Authorities adopted a resolution on the situation of the mayors who had been removed from office. In a separate development, seven mayors from the ruling AKP, including the mayors of Istanbul and Ankara, were asked to resign from office, as part of a renewal of officials launched by the AKP in the aftermath of the constitutional referendum, a move also seen as a further erosion of local democracy in Turkey. The Ombudsman further built up its track record. In 2017, it received 17 131 new applications in 2017, almost three times as many as on average in the previous four years. It completed its examination of some 14 700 cases, and adopted 422 recommendations or partial recommendations. The public administration acted on about 65 % of these recommendations, confirming a trend of steady increase in their follow-up. The Ombudsman has been active in raising awareness of the role. However, lacking powers to initiate investigations and to intervene in cases with legal remedies, the Ombudsman remained silent on certain human rights concerns, most notably on reported human rights violations in the south-east. The limited powers of the Ombudsman reduce the effectiveness of his contribution to the fields of human rights and good governance. The legal framework insufficiently protects Turkey’s eight independent regulatory authorities from undue political interference. They have a broad legal mandate to undertake quasi-judicial regulation, inspection and supervisory functions in their sectors, including determining standards and tariffs. Given these important responsibilities, there is a need to ensure greater accountability and independence for the independent regulatory authorities. Civil society There has been serious backsliding regarding civil society as it came under increasing pressure, notably in the face of a large number of arrests of activists, including human rights defenders, and the recurrent use of bans of demonstrations and other types of gatherings, leading to a rapid shrinking of space for fundamental rights and freedoms. Many rights-based organisations remained closed as part of the measures under the state of emergency and they have not been offered any legal remedy in relation to confiscations. Despite this, civil society remained active and involved in public life as far as was possible. The map of civil society organisations has started to change significantly, with a more visible role given to the pro-government organisations. Administrative burdens, including for international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), continue to hamper civil society activities. Systematic and inclusive mechanisms for consulting a wide spectrum of civil society, notably on new legislation and policies, need to be put in place and used consistently. An empowered civil society is a crucial component of any democratic system and should be recognised and treated as such by the state institutions. Turkish civil society organisations (CSOs) continued to make crucial contributions on key challenges facing the country, notably in the areas of education, female workforce participation, awareness-raising regarding ethnic and social tolerance, and support for refugees. Many of the more than 23 000 CSOs in Turkey are dedicated to researching or advocating on political and social issues such as education, gender rights and environmental justice or to supporting refugees. There are a limited number of CSOs operating in the field of human rights. Civil society continued to face increasing pressure, in particular following the high number of detentions and arrests of civil society activists and human rights defenders. Smear campaigns in some media outlets against some of these activists, including for accepting funds from international donors, became a recurrent feature and a matter of serious concern. Defamatory public rhetoric cast serious doubt on Turkey’s respect for due process and the presumption of innocence. International NGOs also faced difficulties in their work in Turkey, including those providing humanitarian aid to refugees. More than 1 400 associations were closed on the basis of emergency decrees. These associations were active in a wide spectrum of activities, such as children’s rights, women’s rights, cultural rights, and victims’ rights, among others. 358 were allowed to reopen following a re-examination of their case. While there has been no effective domestic remedy available in respect of confiscation of assets from CSOs closed by emergency decrees, it remains to be seen whether the State of Emergency Appeal Commission will become effective for the re-establishment of such entities. Other barriers to civil society remain. Administrative burdens imposed on NGOs by the authorities are still in place. Some associations and foundations are subject to disproportionately long and repetitive audits. The legislation on freedom of association for national and foreign organisations and the implementation of this legislation should be brought in line with European standards. Provisions restricting registration, procedures for obtaining required permissions and the functioning of associations need to be revised to meet these standards, including to facilitate the work of international NGOs working with refugees in Turkey. The EU-Turkey civil society dialogue programmes have so far involved approximately 900 Turkish CSOs together with their counterparts in the EU. These programmes support the development of civil society and enable greater recognition of CSOs at local level. However, there is no comprehensive government strategy in place in relation to cooperation with civil society. Independent rights-based CSOs are mostly excluded from consultations as part of law and policymaking processes and monitoring. Overall, the legal, financial and administrative environment needs to be more conducive to developing civil society, as there is still no coordination body for monitoring, no transparent mechanism for public funding and no appropriate fiscal incentives. Civilian oversight of the security forces The government overhauled the legal framework governing civil-military relations in the aftermath of the attempted coup of July 2016 and significantly increased the powers of the executive over the military, thereby strengthening civilian oversight. High military courts were abolished. A large number of highranking officers were dismissed and arrested on the grounds of their alleged involvement in the attempted coup. Security personnel who have counter-terrorism duties continue to enjoy extensive legal protection. The military and intelligence services continue to lack sufficient accountability before Parliament. Emergency decrees introduced major changes to the organisational structure of the Turkish armed forces. The force commands were attached to the Ministry of National Defence. In a similar vein, the coast guard commands were attached to the Ministry of Interior. The Supreme Military Council was convened in August 2017. It pursued established practice to a large extent in promoting and appointing military staff. Alongside a number of other security and defence issues, the organisational structure of the National Intelligence Agency (MIT) was overhauled outside the ordinary legislative process through an emergency decree. The MIT was brought under the authority of the President. The MIT’s powers to gather intelligence about the Turkish armed forces and its personnel, abolished in 2011, were reintroduced. As part of the constitutional amendments, high military courts were effectively abolished. Despite credible reporting of serious allegations of human rights violations and of the disproportionate use of force by the security forces in the south-east, the track record of judicial and administrative examination of these cases remains poor. A law enforcement oversight commission, set up in 2016 but lacking independence from the executive and with no powers to launch its own investigations, remained ineffective. Parliamentary, administrative and judicial oversight and accountability of security and intelligence forces remains inadequate. The parliamentary security and intelligence committee continued to have a very limited mandate for oversight. The legal framework for overseeing military expenditure has not yet been improved. Situation in the east and south-east The situation in the south-east has continued to be one of the most acute challenges for the country. The deterioration of the security situation in the region since the collapse of the Kurdish settlement process in 2015 continued, affecting urban areas to a lesser extent in 2017, instead shifting to rural areas. The government’s pledge to continue security operations, against the background of the recurrent violent acts by the terrorist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and PKK-affiliated groups, remained a defining element of the situation in the region. The PKK remains on the EU list of persons, groups and entities involved in acts of terrorism. While the government has a legitimate right to fight against terrorism, it is also responsible for ensuring that this is done in accordance with the rule of law, human rights and fundamental freedoms. Antiterror measures need to be proportionate. The government’s investment plan for reconstructing damaged areas in the south-east, announced in September 2016, has resulted in the ongoing construction of thousands of dwellings. Only a small number of internally displaced persons have so far received compensation. There were no developments on the resumption of a credible political process which is needed to achieve a peaceful and sustainable solution.

The PKK or its affiliated groups continued to commit a large number of violent terrorist attacks during the reporting period, including the killing of individual politicians. The PKK killing of a minor in Trabzon stirred anger and condemnation in Turkish society and from all political parties. Dozens of other terrorist attacks by the PKK targeted cities in the south-east and east of Turkey and Istanbul. The EU unambiguously condemned these attacks and expressed solidarity with the families of the victims. Province governorates reacted by declaring curfews and security zones, at times open-ended, in at least 47 districts in 11 provinces. These have only been lifted in some areas. These curfews disrupted the daily lives of the 1.8 million inhabitants of the affected areas, affecting their access to healthcare and education. The Venice Commission’s recommendations in their June 2016 opinion on the legal framework governing curfews have yet to be implemented. Investigations into the deaths of civilians in 2015 during security operations under curfews in towns such as Cizre have not progressed. In March 2017, the Council of Europe’s Human Rights Commissioner asked to intervene as a third party in 34 ongoing applications before the European Court of Human Rights in relation to curfews and to basements where people lost their lives in Cizre, in the province of Şırnak and in the Sur district of Diyarbakır. Human rights organisations and opposition parties reported serious violations of human rights by security forces, including alleged instances of torture, ill-treatment, arbitrary arrests and breaches of procedural rights. Ten citizens have filed criminal complaints regarding alleged use of torture in Hakkari. There were several reported instances where civilians were allegedly killed in anti-terror operations. A report by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights published in February 2017 stated that it has seen no evidence that effective and independent investigations had been conducted into the reported killings and the numerous other serious human rights violations allegedly committed between July 2015 and December 2016 in relation to security operations. The UN Commissioner reported that human rights defenders face major difficulties in accessing areas affected by ongoing violence, also impeding their work in the field on forced disappearances that occurred in the 1990s. Using a very broad interpretation of the fight against terrorism, increasing restrictions were put in place on the rights of journalists and human rights defenders working on the Kurdish issue. Other associations and Kurdish-language media outlets were closed. There were numerous new detentions and arrests of elected representatives and municipal executives in the east and south-east, under terrorism-related charges, and trustees were appointed in their place (See section above — Governance). The clearance of landmines continued. The South-eastern Anatolia Project (GAP) continued to run, with the aim of improving socioeconomic development in the region. The government’s investment plan for reconstructing damaged areas in the south-east, announced in September 2016 and worth more than EUR 3 billion, has resulted in the ongoing construction of thousands of dwellings. There were some initial work done by the government to restore the cultural, historical and religious heritage sites damaged in 2015 and 2016. However, civil society has continued to be critical of projects such as the Ilısu Dam which risks damaging natural habitats, agricultural land and historical heritage sites such as Hasankeyf. Some neighbourhoods of Sur district in Diyarbakır continued to be closed to the public. It was reported that only a small percentage of internally displaced persons have been offered new housing and only limited overall assistance, including compensation, has been made available. The expropriation of Sur district in 2016 by the government remains a legal issue. Cases brought by people against the expropriation have been lost in administrative courts. There is still no comprehensive, consistent approach in relation to missing persons, the exhumation of mass graves and the independent investigation of all alleged cases of extrajudicial killing by security and law enforcement officers. The February 2017 Council of Europe report on missing persons and victims of enforced disappearance in Europe highlighted the excessive length of trials. Most of the investigations into cases of enforced disappearances from the 1990s are, or will soon be, facing the 20-year statute of limitations. The 2011 Uludere/Roboski case on the killing of 34 civilians by the military is pending before the European Court of Human Rights. The 2015 recommendations by the UN Special Rapporteur to tackle the lack of prosecutions over extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions have not been followed up. The village guard system is still in place, despite criticism. There were reported incidents of human rights violations by village guards and of the PKK kidnapping and killing village guards. Refugees and internally displaced persons At the end of 2017, Turkey hosted the largest number of refugees worldwide for the third consecutive year, comprising about 3.5 million Syrians and 365 000 people of other nationalities. Around 228 000 Syrians live in 21 camps managed by the Disaster and Emergency Management Agency (AFAD) along the Turkish-Syrian border. Significant efforts were made to provide wider access to schooling and healthcare. Out of 1.5 million Syrians of school age in Turkey, about 605 000 now have access to primary and secondary education. By the end of 2017, 15 700 work permits had been issued to Syrians under temporary protection (see Chapter 24 — Justice, freedom and security). There has been only limited progress on the situation of internally displaced persons resulting from the violence in the south-east, and only a small percentage of them have been offered new housing (see section above — Situation in the east and south-east). 2.1.2 Public administration reform Turkey is moderately prepared in the field of public administration reform. There has been serious backsliding in the areas of public service and human resources management: no effective remedy has been provided for large-scale dismissals or in relation to the administration’s accountability, notably the right to administrative justice and the right to seek compensation. At the same time, very good progress has been made on e-government. The European Commission’s recommendations from 2016 have not been implemented. There is still neither a comprehensive public administration reform strategy nor political ownership of this reform. Inclusive and systematic public consultations and regulatory impact assessments for major legal reforms have either not been carried out or have not been publicised. The politicisation of the administration and the low level of female representation in the higher echelons of bureaucracy continue to be of serious concern. In the coming year, Turkey should in particular: → ensure that the State of Emergency Appeal Commission becomes an effective remedy safeguarding the right of every individual to a fair administrative process; → prepare changes to its legislation to introduce merit-based, competitive recruitment for senior managerial positions in the civil service; → start to systematically conduct impact assessments for planning documents and legislative proposals, in line with the legislation in force. Policy development and coordination Turkey has a coherent policy-making system. Policy coordination among central government institutions has been traditionally strong, but annual planning, monitoring and reporting of wholeof-government performance continue to be lacking. The planning process could be further improved, with greater participation by stakeholders and by ensuring that objectives are better formulated and targets are properly quantified. The lack of systematic links between policy and fiscal planning has continued to jeopardise the implementation of strategies, reform programmes and legislation. With regard to European integration related issues, a comprehensive legal framework exists for planning and legislative harmonisation with the acquis. The main shortcoming stems from unrealistic planning, with a large backlog of legislation to be adopted or amended, and a low implementation rate. Based on the latest available implementation information for 2017, progress has only been made on only one third of planned European integration-related legislative commitments. Legislation and policy formulation do not follow an inclusive and evidence-based policy development process. Draft policies and laws are not subject to public consultation, despite legal requirements. The legal requirement to produce medium-term cost estimates and fiscal impact assessments for draft policies and laws continues not to be respected. Regulatory impact assessments are a formal exercise and they are neither sent to Parliament nor published. The lack of uniform monitoring and reporting on implementation of key government programmes and sector work hinders effective public scrutiny of government work, especially as most reports are not made publicly available.

Public financial management Turkey still does not have an overarching public financial management reform programme. Overall, fiscal discipline is ensured, despite the absence of an independent fiscal council. Budget transparency still needs to be further improved at various levels. Transparency of public investment programmes and state assets is weak. Participation by civil society in the budgetary process remains limited. Legislation to bring revolving funds into the budget process is progressing slowly. Public service and human resources management The Law on Civil Servants gives an extremely broad definition for public service, including different categories of public servants such as contractual civil servants, temporary staff and other workers who do not all fall under the same legislation. Women’s participation in public service, which was around 37 % both in 2016 and 2017, needs to be improved, as does the percentage of women in senior managerial positions (7.8 % in 2017 and 7.6 % in 2016). The employment rate for staff with disabilities remains short of the 3 % target. The civil service legal framework does not fully guarantee neutrality, continuity or merit-based recruitment and promotion procedures. Investigations into the entry exam procedures have been further extended, following allegations that these had been rigged by the Gülen movement. The government continued its large-scale dismissals of public servants. While the legal framework normally guarantees application of uniform criteria for demotion, dismissals and disciplinary measures, with provision for appeal against these, the large-scale dismissals made under the state of emergency did not identify verifiable evidence relating to each individual case and lacked minimum procedural safeguards in the absence of judicial review. At the end of February 2018, out of a total number of 110 778 people who had been dismissed, 3 604 people had been reinstated to office by decree whilst another 36 000 reinstatements took place (according to the authorities), following an unclear and opaque administrative process across various institutions. The State of Emergency Appeal Commission had received some 107 000 appeal requests by early March 2018 and by that date had completed the examination or pre-examination of 6 400 cases. The Appeal Commission started to make decisions in December 2017, but so far provided redress to only a small number of applicants. There is a need for increased transparency in the Appeal Commission’s work and for clear reasoning to be provided for its decisions, following an individualised examination of each file based on its own merits. The Appeal Commission needs to examine all alleged wrongdoings by these public servants on an individual basis, with due process and transparent procedures, thus safeguarding the right of every individual to an equitable administrative process. It still needs to develop into an effective and transparent remedy for those unjustly affected by measures under the state of emergency. It remains difficult to precisely assess the effect of dismissals on the institutional capacity of public administration in Turkey, in particular as the situation varies from one ministry or governmental agency to another. The impact on institutional capacity has been significant in those public institutions, including in the judiciary, the security forces and key regulatory bodies in the areas of public finance, energy, banking and capital markets, where a large percentage of staff, including senior management, and decision-making structures have been affected. The State Personnel Presidency continued to lack the necessary coordination and monitoring capacity to ensure implementation of modern human resources management policy and standards across the administration. The civil service remuneration system is not standardised across institutions and lacks transparency. Although central institutions offer some training and are responsible for some aspects of training policy, the administration lacks sufficient tools to support the professional development of civil servants. While integrity in public service is boosted by ethics committees and an ethics board, set up in the Prime Ministry, no integrity plans have been issued since 2014. Accountability of the administration The state administration is organised in a hierarchical and rational way, ensuring basic lines of accountability. Most executive agencies are formally embedded under ministries, while they have a lot of autonomy in operational management. Some institutions have a culture of managerial accountability and delegation of responsibilities (see Chapter 32: Financial control). Internal and external oversight arrangements regarding the citizens’ right to good administration need to be better implemented. The role of oversight institutions such as the Ombudsman remained limited, in the absence of ex officio powers (see Governance). The rate at which oversight institutions’ recommendations are implemented is difficult to assess due to a lack of data collection. Citizens' right to access public information is regulated by the law on the right to information, which does not require proactive disclosure of information and provides for broad exemptions on grounds of protecting state secrets, commercial secrets and personal data. A simplified online access system received about 1.5 million applications for access to information in 2017. The percentage of requests refused remained small (approximately 8 % in 2017, similar to 2016). The Board of Review of Access to Information is responsible for considering appeals filed against a refusal to provide access to public information. Filing an appeal is free of charge. Citizens’ rights to administrative justice and their right to seek compensation could not be directly exercised by natural and legal persons affected by measures under the state of emergency. While the State of Emergency Appeal Commission was created to fill this legal vacuum, it only began to make decisions in December 2017. These will be open to judicial review, and the commission has yet to develop into an effective remedy. The lack of compensation remains an issue of concern for people in the east and south-east of Turkey. Service delivery to citizens and businesses Strong commitment to a user-oriented administration has led to the expansion of egovernment services and provision of smart identity documents. Very good progress has been made on egovernment. The number of registered users has reached 35 million in 2017, up from 25.2 million in 2015 Public services are to a large extent accessible through e-government tools. Onestopshops and points of single contact for citizens, particularly at local level, need to be further extended. A monitoring system is to be set up to reduce barriers in accessing services for people with disabilities. Simplifying administrative procedures and cutting red tape is hindered by the absence of a law on general administrative procedures, which is necessary to provide citizens and businesses with greater legal certainty. Strategic framework for public administration reform Turkey has no overarching public administration reform strategy. There are various planning documents and sub-strategies relating to different aspects of public administration reform, but the lack of political support and administrative ownership hinders comprehensive reform efforts. An administrative unit with a legal mandate to coordinate, design, implement and monitor public administration reform needs to be set up. The financial sustainability of overall public administration reform is not guaranteed, as key planning documents do not specify the expected costs of reform measures. 2.2. Rule of law and fundamental rights 2.2.1 Chapter 23: Judiciary and fundamental rights The EU’s founding values include the rule of law and respect for human rights. A properly functioning judicial system and an effective fight against corruption are of paramount importance, as is respect for fundamental rights in law and in practice.

Turkey is at an early stage of applying the acquis and European standards in this area. There was serious backsliding in this area and the recommendations in the previous report were not implemented. Continued political pressure on judges and prosecutors and collective dismissal of a large number of judges and prosecutors following the 2016 attempted coup had a significant negative effect on the independence and the overall quality and efficiency of the judiciary. There has been no progress in addressing the many gaps in the Turkish anti-corruption framework. Corruption remains widespread and is an issue of concern. Fundamental rights have been considerably curtailed under the state of emergency and pursuant to the decrees issued under it. As a result, there was no progress on the outstanding issues identified in previous reports. On the contrary, further backsliding continued in all areas of human rights, most notably on freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and association, protection of human rights defenders, property rights and procedural rights. Emergency decrees also removed crucial safeguards protecting detainees from abuse in a context where allegations of ill-treatment and torture increased. In the coming year, Turkey should in particular: → lift the state of emergency; →reinstate the necessary conditions to ensure the independence, accountability, quality, efficiency and professionalism of the judiciary; →effectively implement its international obligations in relation to the fight against corruption, including the United Nations Convention against Corruption and the Council of Europe Conventions; →respect its international obligations in relation to respect for fundamental rights and freedoms and effectively address serious human rights violations, including effectively investigating allegations of ill-treatment and torture. Functioning of the judiciary Turkey is at an early stage in this area. There has been serious backsliding and the independence of the Turkish judiciary was severely undermined following, among other issues, the dismissal and forced removal of 30 % of Turkish judges and prosecutors following the 2016 attempted coup. These dismissals had a chilling effect on the judiciary as a whole and risk widespread selfcensorship among judges and prosecutors. No measures were taken to restore legal guarantees ensuring the independence of the judiciary. On the contrary, constitutional changes in relation to the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (CJP) have further undermined its independence from the executive. No changes to the institution of criminal judges of peace were made. No measures were taken to address concerns regarding the lack of objective, meritbased, uniform and preestablished criteria for recruiting and promoting judges and prosecutors. The Commission’s 2016 recommendations therefore remain valid. In the coming year, Turkey should: → create a political and legal environment that allows the judiciary to perform its duties independently and impartially; strengthens judicial responsibilities, with the executive and legislature fully respecting the separation of powers; and ensures that judgments by the Constitutional Court, whose decisions should follow European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) jurisprudence, are respected by lower courts; → limit the role and influence of executive power within the CJP and provide effective guarantees against transfers of judges against their will; → introduce further safeguards against any interference by the CJP in judicial proceedings. In addition, Turkey should: → limit any suspension of judges, as a major infringement of guaranteed judicial independence under the Constitution, to cases where there are well-founded suspicions of serious misbehaviour; and ensure that the system of disciplinary proceedings is guided by objective criteria without undue influence from the executive; → in relation to the measures taken against individuals following the attempted coup, ensure that any allegation of wrongdoing or crime is subject to due process, based on evidence, in line with fully transparent procedures under the authority of an independent judiciary. These procedures must fully respect fundamental rights, including procedural rights, including in particular the presumption of innocence, individual criminal responsibility, legal certainty, the right to a defence, the right to a fair trial, equality of arms and right to an effective appeal. Strategic documents

Implementation of the judicial reform strategy for 2015-2019 has continued. However, no measures were taken to revise the strategy following the substantial changes within the judiciary in the aftermath of the 2016 attempted coup. Changes to the strategy should include measures to improve the planning of legislative changes and move away from frequent and hasty changes, made without sufficient prior consultation with the relevant stakeholders or via emergency decrees. Management bodies The constitutional amendments adopted following the referendum of April 2017 regarding the restructuring of the CJP became effective in May 2017. The number of members of the CJP was reduced from 22 to 13. While four members are now appointed by the President (almost one third of the members), seven members are appointed by Parliament by a qualified majority. Although nine of these members are judges and prosecutors, none of them are any longer elected by the judiciary itself. The remaining two seats are attributed ex-officio to the Justice Minister and his Undersecretary, who will also be appointed by the President when the presidential system enters into force. The CJP continues to enjoy autonomy in managing a budget of some EUR 14 million for 2018. The changes to the CJP, and in particular to the procedure governing the appointment of its members, raise serious concerns in relation to its independence from the executive. The election of the presidents of CJP chambers and CJP’s acting president and the appointment of members to the different chambers were done in the absence of secondary legislation. The perceived close ties of some candidates for CJP membership with the governing party and the government stirred controversy regarding further politicisation of the judiciary. In December 2016, the European Network of Councils for the Judiciary (ENCJ) decided to suspend the CJP’s observer status and to exclude it from participation in ENCJ activities. This decision was explained by the CJP’s failure to comply with the ENCJ Statutes and its lack of independence from the executive and legislative powers. Improved transparency, full independence from the executive and strict adherence to procedures in line with European standards are needed to restore not only the CJP’s credibility, but also public trust in the entire judiciary. Independence and impartiality While the principles of independence and impartiality are set out in the amended Constitution, the CJP continued to engage in large-scale suspensions and transfers of judges and prosecutors without their consent. There is a need for legal and constitutional guarantees to prevent judges and prosecutors from being transferred against their will, except where courts are being reorganised. In total, since the attempted coup, 4 399 judges and prosecutors have been dismissed from their positions of which 454 were later reinstated to their positions by the CJP. There are currently over 4 000 judges and prosecutors against whom legal action has been taken (dismissals or suspension). Judges and prosecutors who were in pre-trial detention, remained without an indictment for more than a year on average. In its December 2016 opinion, the Venice Commission stated that every decision ordering the dismissal of a judge needs to be individual and reasoned, must refer to verifiable evidence, and that the procedures before the CJP must respect at least minimal standards of due process. The Venice Commission also emphasised that an appeal against disciplinary measures should normally be available to judges who have been dismissed, which was not the case in these decisions. Dismissals in circumstances such as these have the potential to cause general self-censorship within the judiciary. This may weaken the judiciary as a whole, its independence and the separation of powers. No changes to the institution of ‘criminal judges of peace’ were made. The perceived influence of the executive over their decisions and their jurisdiction and practice continue raising serious concerns. These particularly relate to their extensive powers, such as to issue search warrants, detain individuals, block websites or seize property, with considerable financial consequences; and to the fact that objections to their decisions are not reviewed by a higher judicial body but by another single-judge institution. Their rulings increasingly diverge from European Court of Human Rights case-law and rarely provide sufficiently individualised reasoning. The recommendations of the Venice Commission in its March 2017 opinion should be urgently implemented. Pluralism in judges associations was affected by the closure under the state of emergency of two important associations, the Association of Judges and Prosecutors and the Judges Union. The biggest association, the Association for Judicial Unity, with around 9 145 members, is perceived as being close to the government. Representatives of the executive and legislative branches continued to publicly comment on ongoing judicial cases, disregarding the presumption of innocence of the suspects, in a clear violation of European standards. In January 2018, a lower court refused to implement a Constitutional Court ruling to release two prominent journalists and one of the two journalists was shortly afterwards sentenced to an aggravated life imprisonment, all of which further increased the EU’s serious concerns relating to the independence of the judiciary in Turkey. In the case of the other journalist, the Constitutional Court confirmed on 16 March its January ruling, following which a lower court assigned him to house arrest. The European Court of Human Rights examined the applications of each of the two journalists and ruled on 20 March 2018 that the Turkish authorities had violated their rights to liberty and security and their freedom of expression. The ECtHR also supported the reasoning and the role of the Turkish Constitutional Court and criticised the lower court for not having conformed with the Constitutional Court ruling of January 2018. A ceremony for 1236 new judges and prosecutors was held in the Presidential palace in March 2018 and contributed to the perception of an increased influence of the executive over the judiciary. Accountability In 2017, nearly all judges had declared their assets as required by law. Judges and prosecutors are under the obligation to declare their assets on years ending with 0 and 5. However, if they earn assets worth 5 times their salary, they have to declare it in that given year. It remains important to have a credible verification system and to ensure that due follow up is given to late or wrong declarations of assets. The Office of Judicial Ethics was founded in February 2016. A Law on Code of Ethics for judges and prosecutors is still pending adoption. The Court of Cassation adopted codes of conducts in the last quarter of 2017. Disciplinary procedures are in place for both judges and prosecutors but the system has been perceived as undermining important guarantees that safeguard the independence of the judiciary. Mechanisms to detect breaches of the integrity rules and to enforce disciplinary penalties need to be made effective and free from political interference. Professionalism and competence Following the wave of dismissals after the attempted coup, vacancies are gradually being filled, by allowing the majority of candidates for positions as judges and prosecutors to enter the system through a fast track procedure, after the previous requirement for two years of training was waived. 4 680 candidate judges and prosecutors were integrated in the judicial and administrative jurisdictions since the attempted coup, following an accelerated and un-transparent selection process, which raised questions as to the application of the merit-based criteria. 31 % of them were lawyers. Concerns remain over the lack of objective, merit-based, uniform and pre-established criteria for recruiting and promoting judges and prosecutors. The CJP is not sufficiently independent from the executive and the Ministry of Justice runs the selection boards for new judges and prosecutors and manages their yearly appraisal. The CJP itself plays no role in the selection boards (nor does the Justice Academy), even though it takes the final decision on recruitment. Quality of justice In December 2016, a new training board was set up in the Ministry of Justice for in-service training although there are already multiple providers of similar training in Turkey. There are concerns that this fragmentation prevents the Justice Academy from developing a proper unified training capacity based on a multiannual planning process, with a sufficient budget, for in-service training. The academy should be allocated sufficient resources to tackle the increased need for preservice and in-service training for newly recruited judges and prosecutors. The composition of the Board of the Justice Academy does not sufficiently guarantee its independence, which affects its capacity to operate and define and run training curricula independently.

Frequent transfers of judges and prosecutors have negatively affected the quality of justice. Indictments often reflect allegations and are not supported by credible evidence. These indictments, which are often based on statements by people who have been accused in other cases or by secret witnesses, raise serious concerns. In some cases, evidence presented by the defence is not included in the court’s assessment. Overall, there are serious concerns regarding the quality of judicial decisions, particularly in terrorism-related cases, in relation to their legal reasoning and the factual evidence they are based on. The budget for the judiciary was TL 14 billion in 2017 (around EUR 3 billion), representing 0.50 % of GDP and EUR 38 per inhabitant. Two new departments, for mediation and for alternative dispute resolution, were created in the Ministry of Justice. As a positive step, a law adopted in December 2016 expanded the scope of offences falling under plea bargaining, amicable settlement or conciliation. Efforts have started to increase and promote alternative dispute resolution methods to help reduce the burden on the courts. Over 223 000 cases were resolved with conciliation in 2017, a sharp increase compared to 2016. Efficiency Following the constitutional changes, the high military court was abolished, ending a longstanding dual-headed system. Large parts of the Turkish judiciary continue to be under severe pressure to handle cases in a timely manner. The ability of the judiciary to effectively perform its tasks has suffered in the aftermath of the attempted coup and the large-scale dismissals, indictments and other administrative measures that followed. There is still no specific human resources strategy for the judiciary. Regarding the backlog of cases, in the High Courts the number of pending cases until November 2017, were: 38 454 for the Constitutional Court and 224 737 for the Council of State. The clearance rate of the Council of State has dramatically improved up to 170 % in 2017 from 50 % in 2016. In 2017, the Court of Cassation received a total of 1 294 336 cases (486 449 new cases and 807 887 cases transferred from 2016), and dealt with 628 652 cases, resulting in a reduced backlog of 665 684 cases for 2018. This reduction stems from the creation in 2016 of nine regional courts of appeal. These regional courts of appeal continued to operate, but for both civil and criminal cases, their clearance rate remained below 100 % leading to an increasing backlog. As regards first instance courts, the clearance rate for criminal courts in 2016 was 55 % compared to 61 % in 2015. The total number of cases finalised in 2016 was 1 324 153 compared to 1 560 520 in 2016. As regards the total length of proceedings it went up from 231 days to 274 days. The clearance rate for civil courts was 56 % in 2016 compared to 61 % in 2015. The total number of cases finalised in 2016 was 1 970 973 compared to 2 069 303 in 2015. As regards the total length of proceedings it went up from 218 days to 248 days. Systemic solutions are therefore still needed to further address the emerging backlog as well as the excessive length of some trials. The Law on Court Experts entered into force in November 2016. It regulates qualifications and criteria in the process of selection and appointment of court experts. Individual applications increased considerably in 2016, to 80 576 (up from 20 376 in 2015), in the aftermath of the attempted coup and the measures taken under the state of emergency. The Court received another 40 530 applications in 2017. In August 2017, the Constitutional Court ruled that some 70 000 individual applications regarding measures taken under the state of emergency were inadmissible, as they had not exhausted all available domestic remedies. The court directed these applicants to the State of Emergency Appeal Commission and/or to administrative courts. Regarding other cases, the Constitutional Court took 19 673 decisions in 2017 compared to 16 107 in 2016. As of early 2018, there are 13.9 judges and 5.9 prosecutors per 100 000 inhabitants (16 104 judges and prosecutors in total). According to the European Commission for the Efficiency of Justice (CEPEJ) the European average is 21 judges/11 prosecutors per 100 000 inhabitants. Fight against corruption Turkey has some level of preparation in the fight against corruption. No progress has been made in the reporting period, in the absence of any new legislation. Legal and institutional frameworks both need further alignment with international standards and continue to allow undue executive influence in the investigation and prosecution of high-profile corruption cases. No progress was made on increasing accountability and transparency in the work of public bodies. A broad, inter-party political consensus and strong political will are required to decisively fight against corruption. Turkey has not yet followed up on all of the Council of Europe’s Group of States against Corruption (GRECO) recommendations. The Commission therefore reiterates the recommendations in its 2016 report. In the coming year, Turkey should in particular: → set up a functionally independent anti-corruption body, in line with the United Nation’s AntiCorruption Convention; → ensure effective follow-up to the recommendations issued by the GRECO, including by adopting the necessary legislation; → establish a track record of successful prosecution and convictions on high level corruption. Track record Turkey’s track record of investigation, prosecution and conviction in corruption cases remained poor, particularly in relation to high-level corruption cases. Corruption-related convictions by the courts decreased from 5 497 in 2016 to 3 889 in 2017. With few exceptions, sentences do not have a deterrent effect and suspects convicted of tender-rigging charges can take advantage of deferred sentences. Audit and inspection units sent a limited number of suspicious cases to the prosecution. Particularly vulnerable to corruption are local administrations, land administration and management, public procurement processes, and the construction and transportation industries, including when implemented via public-private partnerships.

The existing legal and institutional framework leaves room for potential political influence on judges and prosecutors, law enforcement officers and inspection units. Financial investigations are not systematically required in cases of corruption and organised crime. Following investigations for corruption in public procurement, there were 583 convictions in 2017, down from 1 115 in 2016. The track record of audits on the financing of political parties and electoral campaigns demonstrates a very low level of effectiveness. Regarding transparency of party funding, while the adoption of the Guidebook on the Financial Audit of Political Parties is a positive development, considerable progress is yet to be made regarding all other GRECO recommendations in this field. Institutional framework Prevention measures There is still no permanent, functionally independent anti-corruption body, nor is there sufficient coordination of the various institutions in charge of prevention or combating corruption. The Prime Ministry Inspection Board coordinates preventive anti-corruption measures, but it is not independent and has no autonomous investigative powers. Anti-corruption awareness-raising campaigns have not been conducted regularly and the impact of these remains limited. There is no comprehensive policy in place to prevent corruption in the private sector, though some foreign companies have been active in the fight against corruption as they are also bound by legislation in their country of origin. Law enforcement The country still lacks a specialised prosecution service to lead anti-corruption investigations. There are also few specialised courts. The current legal framework prevents officers acting as judicial police from carrying out effective investigations, without undue influence from the executive. An information-sharing system between the police and the financial intelligence unit exists and electronic access to databases for the relevant agencies is at a moderately prepared level. Inter-agency cooperation needs to be further developed. Legal framework The legislative amendments envisaged in the previous anti-corruption strategy, i.e. the Law on General Administrative Procedure, the Law on Public Procurement, the code of ethics for Members of Parliament and the Law on Whistle-blower Protection, are still pending. The updated anti-corruption action plan (2016) has not been followed up. Turkey should fully implement the United Nation’s Anti-Corruption Convention, to which it is party. Turkey so far did not implement in a satisfactory manner 20 of the 22 recommendations provided by GRECO in its last evaluation round on preventing corruption among parliamentarians, judges and prosecutors. In addition