EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 27.2.2019 SWD(2019) 1019 final COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Country Report Austria 2019







Accompanying the document COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN CENTRAL BANK AND THE EUROGROUP 2019 European Semester: Assessment of progress on structural reforms, prevention and correction of macroeconomic imbalances, and results of in-depth reviews under Regulation (EU) No 1176/2011 {COM(2019) 150 final}



Contents Executive summary 1.Economic situation and outlook 2.Progress with country-specific recommendations 3.Reform priorities 3.1.Public finances and taxation 3.2.Financial sector 3.3.Labour market, education and social policies 3.4. Competitiveness reforms and investment Annex A: Overview Table Annex B: Commission Debt Sustainability Analysis and fiscal risks Annex C: Standard Tables Annex D: Investment Guidance on Cohesion Policy Funding 2021-2027 for AUSTRIA References LIST OF Tables Table 1.1:Key economic and financial indicators — Austria Table 2.1:Summary table on 2018 CSR assessment Table 3.1.1:New features introduced by the 2017 IFR Act

Table C.1:Financial market indicators Table C.2:Headline Social Scoreboard indicators Table C.3:Labour market and education indicators Table C.4:Social inclusion and health indicators Table C.5:Product market performance and policy indicators Table C.6:Green growth LIST OF Graphs Graph 1.1: GDP growth and contributions Graph 1.2: Headline and core inflation Graph 1.3: Regional disparities Graph 1.4: Benchmark for nominal compensation growth, Austria Graph 1.5: Activity, employment and unemployment rates (quarterly) Graph 1.6: Labour productivity Graph 1.7: Key public finance developments Graph 2.1: Overall multiannual implementation of 2011-2018 CSRs to date Graph 3.1.1: Intergovernmental transfers as a percentage of total revenue by level of government (2016) Graph 3.1.2: Austria's fiscal framework Graph 3.1.3: Comparison of selected tax revenues, 2017 Graph 3.1.4: Drivers of change in public pension expenditure

Graph 1: The distributional and equity effects of the Family Bonus plus and the child supplement Graph 2: Labour supply (left) and growth effects (right) Graph 3.1.5: Pension expenditure - long-term projections Graph 3.2.1: Credit growth y-o-y % change Graph 3.2.2: Price developments and valuation gaps Graph 3.2.3: Distribution of venture funds raised (%) Graph 3.3.1: Beveridge curve Austria Graph 3.3.2: Gender pay gap and components Graph 1: Distributional and equity effects of increased female full-time employment Graph 3.3.3: Percentage of the population at risk of poverty or social exclusion by NUTS 2 region (Bundesland) 2016 Graph 3.3.4: Tertiary attainment by NUTS 2 region in per cent Graph 3.4.1: TFP developments in selected countries Graph 3.4.2: Employment in fast-growing enterprises in innovative sectors (% of total employment) Graph 3.4.3: Share of ICT sector in GDP LIST OF Boxes Box 2.1: EU funds and programmes contributed to addressing structural challenges and to fostering growth and competitiveness in Austria Box 3.1.1: Effects of the new Family Bonus plus Box 3.3.1: Monitoring performance in the light of the European Pillar of Social Rights Box 3.3.2: From part-time to full-time: the budgetary and distributional potential of increasing female work intensity

Box 3.4.1: Investment challenges and reforms in Austria Executive summary Addressing its remaining structural reforms and investing more to increase productivity would support Austria’s long-term growth. ( ) Economic growth is projected to slow down but it is still expected to remain robust. Austria's fiscal framework provides little incentives for efficient public spending, especially at the subnational level. The projections for pension, health, and long-term care expenditures point to a challenge for fiscal sustainability in the long-term. Austria appears to have considerable scope for shifting the tax burden away from labour to more growth- and inclusiveness-friendly sources of revenue. Certain groups are not participating to their full potential in the labour market. Pupils’ basic skills continue to depend strongly on their socio-economic and migrant background. Key levers to improve productivity and generate sustainable long-term growth are to better translate research and development investment into innovation, support innovative businesses and to tackle restrictive regulation. The Austrian economy has been growing strongly, supported by robust private consumption and investment. GDP is expected to have grown by 2.7 % in 2018. Domestic demand remained the main driver of growth, thanks to rising private consumption due to increasing employment and wages, but also solid investment growth in the business sector and a rebound in construction investment. Export growth remained strong and supported overall growth. The unemployment rate is expected to have fallen further from 5.5 % in 2017 to 4.8 % in 2018. Headline and core inflation remained around 2 % and thus above the euro area average. For 2019 and 2020 GDP is forecast to grow more moderately at 1.6 % in both years. Public finances have improved. Having declined to 0.8 % of GDP in 2017 on the back of the economic upswing, the government headline deficit is expected to decrease further, turning into a surplus of 0.1 % of GDP in 2020 under the assumption of unchanged policies. This is mainly the result of higher than expected tax revenues and higher employment. Public debt is expected to continue its downward path, decreasing from 78.3 % of GDP in 2017 to 67.8 % of GDP in 2020. Focussing investment (both public and private) on innovation, digitalisation, sustainability, childcare and skills is important for productivity and growth in Austria. Austria’s investment rate is above the EU average, but is expected to moderate. High investment in research and development is not fully translating into innovation outcomes and digital technologies are still not widely used, particularly among small and medium-sized enterprises. Increasing energy efficiency and the share of renewables would strengthen Austria’s sustainable growth potential. Investment in skills but also affordable full-time childcare services and all-day schools would help to improve labour market outcomes, in particular for disadvantaged groups and women. Annex D identifies key priorities for support by the European Regional Development Fund and the European Social Fund Plus over 2021-2027, building on the analysis of investment needs and challenges outlined in this report. Austria has made some progress ( ) in addressing the 2018 country-specific recommendations There has been some progress in the following areas: ·While public health expenditure is in line with the legislated ceilings, as a share of GDP, it is still increasing. ·Several measures have been taken to reduce the labour tax wedge for families and low income earners. Labour market outcomes for women improved, mainly due to improved childcare provision. However, their share of part-time employment remains high in comparison and provision of childcare differs substantially between the regions (Länder). ·Austria has slightly prolonged its key programme for business digitalisation, has established a new digital agency and launched a call for digital innovation hubs. There has been limited progress in the following areas: ·Action has been taken to increase the effective retirement age, but nothing has been done to increase the statutory retirement age. The sustainability of the pension system remains a challenge. ·While measures supporting the de-institutionalisation of long-term care are being implemented, the abolishment of the ‘Pflegeregress’ increases the need for additional public spending with negative effects for the long-term sustainability of the system. ·Austria has implemented several initiatives to improve its fiscal framework but its rules remain complex and subnational tax autonomy has not yet been sufficiently increased. ·While recent measures to strengthen early childhood education and care could have long-term positive effects on educational outcomes, the direction of reform measures in general education undermine previous reform efforts and are not in line with EU and OECD best practices. ·Austria advances with its burden reduction efforts but has not addressed restrictions identified by the Commission for key professions nor performed a wider review of service sector regulation. Regarding progress in reaching the national targets under the Europe 2020 strategy, Austria has already reached its targets on tertiary education attainment and limiting early school leaving. It is on track to meet the employment and the renewable energy targets. However, more effort is needed to reach the ambitious research and development target, cut greenhouse gas emissions, decrease energy consumption and reduce poverty and social exclusion.

·Austria performs relatively well on the indicators of the Social Scoreboard supporting the European Pillar of Social Rights. It has robust policies to help people enter the labour market and ensure fair working conditions. Policies to reduce poverty and social exclusion risks are generally effective. However, there have recently been concerns about the proper involvement of the social partners in policy reforms. Insufficient full-time childcare contributes to the high share of part-time employment of women, which hampers the full use of female labour market potential. Key structural issues analysed in this report, which point to particular challenges for Austria’s economy, are the following ·Austria’s fiscal framework provides few incentives for efficient public spending, especially at the subnational level. The 2017 Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Act introduced various measures designed to reduce the overall complexity of the system, which are generally advanced in their implementation. However the Act falls short of increasing subnational tax autonomy and a more transparent allocation of competences across levels of government, reforms that remain high on the political agenda. The Kompetenzbereinigungspaket is a first step towards a re-allocation of competences, but affects only a limited number of policy areas. ·Recent reform measures aim to reduce Austria’s high tax burden on labour, and more comprehensive reforms are announced. The Austrian government has expressed its commitment to reduce the tax-to-GDP ratio from currently 42.4 % to 40 % in the coming years. Recent reform measures reduce social security contributions for employers and low-income earners and provide a tax relief for working parents. A comprehensive reform of personal and corporate income tax is announced for 2020. However, there are no plans for a change in the tax mix towards more growth-friendly sources of revenue. ·The projections for pension, health, and long-term care expenditures point to a challenge for fiscal sustainability in the long-term. Although the projected increase in public pension expenditure seems moderate, Austria starts from one of the highest pension-to-GDP ratios in the EU. Maintaining the current level of benefits for pensioners would require tapping additional sources of financing, raising the question of inter-generational fairness. The main driver of public health spending - an over-sized hospital sector - is the result of a fragmented financial and organisational structure. Efficiency gains are expected from merging social insurance agencies, but the reform is likely to imply upfront costs. Considering that public spending for long-term care is projected to double by 2070, the removal of the requirement to use personal assets to cover long-term inpatient care will further increase expenditures. ·Financial sector resilience has further strengthened and the risks to public finances stemming from the asset management companies for impaired assets have been contained. Banking sector capitalisation has remained flat in the first half of 2018, while profitability in the domestic market has perked up, driven also by the acceleration in lending activity. Foreign-currency loans granted by banks on the local market have further declined, but still warrant close monitoring. The winding-down of the asset management companies set up during the financial crisis to manage impaired assets has advanced better than expected, and risks to public finances are limited. ·House prices and rents have risen considerably, but the impact on consumption and financial market risks is contained. Housing prices and rents have been increasing steadily since 2005, mostly driven by developments in Vienna. This can be linked to excess housing demand. Despite increases in mortgage lending, financial market risks are contained for now. The impact on private consumption seems also relatively limited. Rising rents were partly due to an increased share of privately financed housing completion. Despite rising construction and land prices, squeezing the availability of affordable housing, housing assistance expenditure per capita decreased in most regions, especially in Vienna. ·The Austrian labour market continues to improve, but challenges for specific groups remain. Employment and activity rates have continually risen since the start of the recovery. At the same time, there are signs of labour shortages in certain sectors and regions. With a high proportion of women in part-time work and a high gender pay gap, female participation in the labour market is below potential. This is partly due to insufficient and uneven provision of childcare for children under three. Although the employment rate of older workers increased, it remains below the EU average. Further challenges include integrating people with a migrant background (including refugees) into the labour market and high unemployment rates among low-skilled. ·Overall, social transfers are effective in reducing income inequality and protecting people from poverty and social exclusion, but vulnerable groups remain. The risk of poverty and social exclusion remains stable and below the EU average. Although pensions are generally adequate, the risk of poverty and social exclusion for women over 65 is higher than for men, mainly due to the gender gap in pensions. Income inequality is relatively low, though wealth remains highly concentrated. The tax-benefit system continues to perform well in reducing relatively high market income disparities and protecting people from social exclusion. ·Despite education reforms, basic skills among disadvantaged students have not improved. Recent education reforms partly reverse previous reform efforts and are not in line with EU and OECD best practices, for example as regards expansion of all day schooling, which has slowed down. Pupils’ basic skills still depend strongly on their socio-economic or migrant background. Austria’s tertiary education attainment rate has already reached the national and the Europe 2020 target. ·Restrictive regulation in Austria’s services markets hampers productivity and discourages innovation and investment. Austria has high access barriers and restrictive rules on practising key trades and professions. Regulatory barriers, notably as regards the daily operation of shops, contribute to the relatively weak development of Austria’s retail sector. Regulatory restrictions are limiting investment, job creation and innovation in the services sector itself. They also affect other parts of the economy for which competitive and innovative services are a crucial input. ·Stagnating productivity requires boosting innovation results and supporting innovative businesses. Austria is investing heavily in research and innovation but has not yet managed to overcome the stagnation in total factor productivity. Efforts are still needed to strengthen science-business links, support knowledge-intensive sectors, promote eco-innovation and link up regional ‘smart specialisation strategies’. Structural challenges remain for starting and scaling-up innovative businesses in Austria. Apart from regulatory barriers, the lack of later-stage funding options play a role, as well as skills shortages in some professions. ·Austria faces challenges in the take-up of digital technologies and business models by smaller firms, as well as in broadband coverage. Austria’s information and communication technology sector is comparatively small. Micro-, small- and medium-sized firms are lagging behind in taking-up new technologies. High-speed connectivity in rural areas is lacking, increasing the divide in digitalisation and innovation capacities between regions. Austria’s national digitalisation strategy still lacks monitoring and systematic performance review tools. There are also shortcomings in digital skills. 1. Economic situation and outlook GDP growth Austria’s economy is growing robustly and private consumption has picked up considerably. After increasing by 2.6 % in 2017, real GDP is expected to have expanded at a slightly higher pace in 2018 (2.7 %). It is forecast to slow thereafter (see Graph 1.1). Domestic demand remained the main driver of growth, thanks to rising private consumption. This reflects favourable labour market developments and increasing wages, as well as solid investment growth in the business and construction sector. Despite less dynamic growth in international markets, export growth remained strong in 2018. Domestic demand is expected to remain firm in the coming years but to slow in line with an expected economic slowdown. This will be mainly driven by decreasing external demand, in line with the expected economic slowdown in Austria’s main trading partners. Graph 1.1:GDP growth and contributions Source: European Commission Investment Investment is contributing strongly to GDP growth, but is expected to slow down in line with the economic slowdown. In 2017, investment grew by 3.9 %. Capacity expansion needs in response to strong economic growth also led to solid increases in acquisitions of machinery and equipment, which grew by 4.6 %. In addition, after several years of subdued growth, the construction sector rebounded in 2017, growing by 3.5 %, mostly driven by the increase in residential housing. In 2018, total investment is expected to have grown at a slightly slower pace. This reflects the overall moderation in economic growth in the second half of the year, driven mainly by decreasing external demand (European Commission, 2018a). Long-term economic growth will depend on ensuring that sufficient investment will be directed towards productivity-enhancing factors, including digitalisation, skills, research and innovation (see Section 3.4).

Inflation Graph 1.2:Headline and core inflation Source: European Commission (WF 2019 for HICP, AF 2018 for core inflation) Austria’s inflation rate is expected to stay around 2 % in the coming years, remaining also above the euro area level. The strengthening of the economy is mirrored by robust headline and core inflation, which stood at 2.1 % and 1.9 % in 2018, respectively. The thriving tourism sector is contributing to rising services prices, especially in hotels and restaurants, but increasing rents also contributed to the overall price increase. Rising wages and strong domestic demand are expected to boost domestic price pressure, mainly in the service and industrial goods sector. With 2.0 %, Austria’s headline inflation is expected to remain above the euro area average of 1.4 % for 2019 and 1.5 % for 2020 (see Graph 1.2). Regional disparities Graph 1.3:Regional disparities Source: Eurostat Economic growth and labour market developments differ between the West of Austria as compared to the East and South, with Vienna taking a special position. The Western Bundesländer show high current GDP per capita values and high GDP growth over the last years (e.g Tirol had a GDP per capita in percentage of the EU average of 129 % in 2010 and 138 % in 2016). They also have lower unemployment rates, and, in Tirol and Vorarlberg, higher population growth. GDP per capita in Vienna decreased from 164% of the EU average in 2010 to 153% in 2016, which is probably related to a strong increase of the population. The capital also has the highest unemployment rate (10.1 % of people aged 20 to 64 years in 2017, compared to 2.9 % in Salzburg). Disparities of labour productivity are less pronounced across the Bundesländer than for GDP per capita (see Graph 1.3). Disparities with regard to the investment rate are even more limited, with values to the EU average. Labour market The Austrian labour market continues to improve. Employment is forecast to have grown at 1.5 % in 2018, driven mainly by services, industry and public sector. This pushed the unemployment rate down to a level of 4.9 % in the third quarter of 2018, reaching its structural level. In an environment of increasing demand for labour and falling unemployment, there are signs of labour shortages. Graph 1.4:Benchmark for nominal compensation growth,

Austria Source: European Commission Wage growth is edging up reflecting the performance of the labour market. Nominal compensation per employee is expected to increase by 2.5 % in 2018 and continue doing so in 2019, after a temporary slowdown in 2017. This wage growth is however slower than what could be expected based on the historical relationship with inflation, productivity and unemployment, but higher than the rate which would be consistent with a stable evolution of cost competitiveness. (see Graph 1.4) At the same time, it implies a slight appreciation of the real effective exchange rate (an indicator of external cost competitiveness). ( ) As inflation slightly eased, real wage growth improved, from 0.2 % in 2017 to 0.8 % in 2018. Despite increased labour market participation by older workers and women, labour underutilisation remains a challenge. Employment and activity rates have been continually rising since the start of the recovery reaching 76.2 % and 80 % respectively in the second quarter of 2018 (see Graph 1.5). This is mainly driven by increased participation of older workers and women, but at the same time hours worked per worker have declined. With an employment rate for women of 71.4 % in 2017, Austria has the second highest part-time employment rate in the EU, at 47.9 % after the Netherlands. This is accompanied by a very wide gender pay gap. The employment rate for non-EU nationals slightly increased in 2017 to 60.9 %, but it is still significantly below the employment rate of Austrian nationals (16.9 pps lower). Graph 1.5:Activity, employment and unemployment rates (quarterly) Source: Eurostat Social developments While income inequality is relatively low, wealth remains highly concentrated. In 2017, the richest 20 % of households had a disposable income 4.3 times that of the poorest 20 %. While this ratio has slightly increased with respect to 2016, it is still well below the EU-wide average of 5.1. The tax-benefit system continues to perform well in reducing relatively high market income disparities and protecting people from social exclusion. The risk of poverty and social exclusion remains stable and below the EU average and pre-crisis levels. However, unlike household disposable income, Austria ranks high in terms of inequality based on net wealth, mainly the result of low house ownership rates at the bottom of the wealth distribution (European Commission, 2018c). Productivity Graph 1.6:Labour productivity Source: Eurostat and European Commission Labour productivity in Austria has been recently growing at a slower pace, as total factor productivity increases only slightly. Real labour productivity per person employed dropped heavily during the crisis and only started to increase again in 2015. The overall amount of hours worked per capita has decreased in the past decade, due to an increased share of part-time work. Therefore, labour productivity per hour worked is the preferred indicator when assessing labour productivity developments in Austria. Nevertheless, since the crisis, labour productivity has been growing at a slower pace. Total factor productivity is still struggling to achieve pre-crisis levels and remains below the euro area level. While it has been increasing again weakly since 2015, this might primarily be driven by cyclical components (see Section 3.4.). While nominal unit labour costs stagnated in 2017, increasing only by 0.6 % compared to 2016, they are expected to have increased again in 2018, in line with developments in labour productivity growth and inflation (see Graph 1.6). External position The current account surplus remained stable at a moderate level in 2017, with a slightly positive net international investment position. In 2017, the current account surplus stood at 2.0 % of GDP, a slight decline compared to 2016. For many years Austria has had a positive trade balance, aided particularly by its tourism industry. Business services for companies are also contributing increasingly to service exports. In 2017, exports grew by 4.7 % compared to 2016. Export growth is expected to remain roughly stable in 2018 and decrease thereafter. The 5-year percentage change of Austria’s export market share, turned positive in 2017 (+2.3 %), due to a base effect ( ) as well as world trade developments, and is expected to remain positive in 2018. Austria’s net international investment position has been positive since 2013 and is expected to further improve in 2018.

Housing House prices and rents have grown considerably in the past decade, but the impact on private consumption and financial market risks seem to be contained. Housing prices and rents have been increasing steadily since 2005. The increases seem to be mostly driven by the developments in Vienna. Despite increases in mortgage credit growth, financial market risks seem to be contained for now. Also the impact on private consumption is relatively limited, which is due to a low homeownership rate coupled with a large share of social housing (see Section 3.2). The increase in house prices can be linked to excess demand, which peaked in 2016. Since then, signs of a relaxation are apparent as house price growth has slowed and housing supply is increasing, while demand is set to decline. The increasing share of privately financed housing together with decreasing public financing in this sector, might have contributed to rising rents (see Section 3.4). Private sector debt In 2017, private sector debt continued to decline to 122.5 % of GDP. The share of private sector debt as percentage of GDP declined steadily from 2010 to 2017, on the back of rising nominal GDP. Nevertheless, private sector credit flow increased again in 2017, reaching 4.3 % of GDP (well below the macroeconomic scoreboard threshold). After several years of continued deleveraging, credit flows for non-financial corporations accelerated somewhat in the past three years. However, this is in line with economic growth, as the indebtedness of non-financial corporations continues to fall, reaching 72.1 % of GDP in 2017. Meanwhile, household debt decreased to 50.4 % in 2017 (see Section 3.2) (European Commission, 2018c). Public finances and fiscal sustainability Graph 1.7:Key public finance developments Source: European Commission Public finances have improved. Having improved to 0.8% of GDP in 2017 on the back of the economic upswing, the government headline deficit is expected to further narrow in 2018 and 2019, turning to a surplus of 0.1 % of GDP in 2020 under the assumption of unchanged policies. The improvement is due to higher-than-expected revenues from personal and corporate income taxes, due in turn to better employment and demand conditions. The structural balance is projected to improve accordingly, reaching -0.2% of GDP in 2020, above the medium-term objective of -0.5 % of GDP. Public debt is expected to decrease from 78.3% of GDP in 2017 to 67.8% of GDP in 2020. This debt reduction reflects the favourable development of the primary balance, debt-decreasing stock-flow adjustments, and a reverse snowball effect since nominal GDP is growing faster than interest payments on government debt. Despite positive budgetary developments, Austria remains at medium fiscal sustainability risk in the long term. Long-term risks are rooted in the projected increase for long-term care, health care and pensions (see Section 3.1). Table 1.1:Key economic and financial indicators — Austria Source: Eurostat and ECB as of 31-1-2019, where available; European Commission for forecast figures (Winter forecast 2019 for real GDP and HICP, Autumn forecast 2018 otherwise) 2. Progress with country-specific recommendations Since the start of the European Semester in 2011, 51 % of all country-specific recommendations addressed to Austria have recorded at least ‘some progress'( ) (see Graph 2.1). Substantial progress has been achieved in consolidating public finances and stabilising the financial sector, while full implementation has been achieved in transposing the Service Directive. Graph 2.1:Overall multiannual implementation of 2011-2018 CSRs to date Source: European Commission Austria has implemented several initiatives to improve the fiscal framework but subnational tax autonomy has not yet been sufficiently increased. The Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Act 2017 contributed to simplifying financial relations among the different layers of government, reducing the number of intergovernmental transfers and marginally increasing the amount of revenues that federal states can raise through autonomous taxes. Nevertheless, the fiscal framework remains overly complex, and the misalignment between spending powers and revenue-raising responsibilities is still substantial. The agreement between the different layers of government underlying the Act contains ambitious initiatives that still need to be implemented. Recent initiatives for a more transparent allocation of competences across levels of government are a step in the right direction but concern only a limited number of policy areas so far. Several implemented measures have helped reduce the labour tax wedge. The tax burden was reduced for low-income earners, families with working parents and employers. However, the overall tax structure remains unchanged, there is still scope for shifting the tax burden to more growth-friendly sources of revenue. Also, the tax bracket creep still needs to be addressed. Since 2014, action has been taken to increase the effective retirement age, but the sustainability of the pension system remains a challenge. Since access to early retirement and invalidity pensions was restricted, the effective retirement age has increased. However, the statutory retirement age has not changed and fiscal sustainability remains a challenge. Austria has made positive steps towards increasing efficiency in the healthcare sector but underlying challenges remain. While public health expenditure is in line with the legislated ceilings, public expenditure as a share of GDP is still increasing. The 2017 Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Act set tighter ceilings up to 2021, discouraged inpatient care, and strengthened outpatient multidisciplinary primary care with the aim of shifting services away from the costly hospital sector. The announced reform of social insurance organisation may increase efficiency but is likely to cause upfront costs. The general overlap of competencies in the healthcare sector remains to be addressed. Austria has partially improved labour market outcomes for women. While female employment has increased since 2011, most of the increase has been in part-time employment. While Austria is addressing the low take-up of childcare for children below 3 years by implementing the Agreement of the Government with the provinces (in accordance to Art 15a of the Federal Constitution Act), which led to an expansion of childcare and full-day schools, the Barcelona target of 33 % coverage is not reached yet. Uneven coverage between the Länder remains. Table 2.1:Summary table on 2018 CSR assessment Source: European Commission Austria has taken some steps to improve basic skills for disadvantaged young people and people with migrant backgrounds. While recent measures to strengthen early childhood education and care could have long-term positive effects on educational outcomes, the direction of reform measures in general education are less promising. They partly reverse previous reform efforts and are not in line with EU and OECD best practices. The expansion of all day schools has slowed down.

Austria has made efforts to stimulate investment and productivity through burden reduction and support for company growth, but service sector regulation remains high. Austria has reduced regulatory compliance costs through administrative burden reduction and e-government solutions. It has also implemented a revision of its regulation on trades (Gewerbeordnung) and has opened its stock market for listings of small and medium-sized companies, though venture capital remains an issue. Austria has not yet addressed the restrictions identified by the Commission for key professions nor performed a wider review of service sector regulation. Overall, Austria has made some ( ) progress in addressing the 2018 country-specific recommendations (CSRs). Limited progress was made on CSR1 addressing the sustainability of the pension, health and long-term care system together with the alignment of financing and spending responsibilities. Overall, some progress was made on CSR2. Some progress was made in improving labour market outcomes for women, while limited progress was made in improving the educational achievements of disadvantaged young people. Some progress was made in stimulating business digitalisation, while limited progress was made in supporting company growth and reducing regulatory barriers in the service sector. Box 2.1: EU funds and programmes contributed to addressing structural challenges and to fostering growth and competitiveness in Austria EU solidarity continues to support structural change in Austria. The financial allocation from European Structural and Investment Funds (ESI Funds) aimed to support Austria in facing development challenges, amounts to EUR 4.9 billion in the current Multiannual Financial Framework, equivalent to around 0.2 % of the GDP annually or around 6.6 % of all public investment per year on average. As of the end of 2018, some EUR 2.8 billion (around 57 % of the total) was already allocated to specific projects, excluding the programmes for European Territorial Cooperation. In addition to the ESI funds, the Connecting Europe Facility had allocated EUR 854 million to projects on strategic transport networks benefiting Austria in 2014-17. Furthermore, numerous Austrian research institutions, innovative firms and individual researchers have benefited from other EU funding instruments, notably Horizon 2020 which has provided EUR 989 million to improve innovation and research in Austria. EU funding has helped to address policy challenges identified in the 2018 CSRs. The European Social Fund (ESF) contributed to improving skills and employment outcomes for disadvantaged groups, supporting by the end of 2017 over 77,900 participants, including more than 56,700 from migrant and minority backgrounds. Overall more than 9,600 people have gained a qualification. EU Funds supported closer collaboration between business and research institutions, and R&D investments in the private sector. The ESI Fund support which will be granted to the enterprises selected for support by the end of 2017, will trigger EUR 621 million of private investment, and will result in an employment increase of 1,211 full time equivalents. Horizon 2020 supported 1,687 research projects covering a broad thematic spectrum. In addition, the Commission can provide tailor-made technical support upon a Member State's request via the Structural Reform Support Programme to help Member States implement growth-sustaining reforms to address challenges identified in the European Semester process or other national reforms. Austria, for example, is receiving support to improve the functioning of the Federal Austrian Competition Authority in the field of competition law and data analytics; and to develop and enhance the tax compliance by applying EU best practices in the field of predictive analytics. The Commission is also assisting the authorities in their efforts to implement comprehensive policies to enhance the integration of young refugees and migrants. In addition, work has started to support a successful setting-up of multidisciplinary primary care units to secure long-term sustainability of Austria's social security system. EU funding contributes to the mobilisation of private investment through financial instruments. In addition to a risk capital fund co-financed with ESIF, the European Fund for Strategic Investments (EFSI) provides total financing of EUR 1.3 billion in Austria and is supporting EUR 4.4 billion in private and public investments. Austria ranks 23rd as to the overall volume of approved operations as a share of GDP. Under the Infrastructure and Innovation window, 15 projects(1) were approved and financed by the EIB with EFSI backing, for approximately EUR 1.2 billion in total financing set to trigger EUR 3.7 billion in total investment. Under the small and medium-sized enterprises component, the 5 approved agreements with intermediary banks financed by the EIF with EFSI backing amount to EUR 164 million, expected to trigger approximately EUR 651 million in investments with some 1,152 small and medium-sized enterprises and mid-cap companies expected to benefit from improved access to finance. An example of EFSI-backed project in Austria is "Bauer", a small and medium-sized enterprise which manufactures irrigation systems for large agricultural land. The company secured an Investment Plan-backed loan from UniCredit Bank Austria to renovate its production sites to make them more energy-efficient. More information: https://cohesiondata.ec.europa.eu/countries/AT () Among which 3 are multi-country projects. 3. Reform priorities 3.1.Public finances and taxation Fiscal framework Austria's fiscal federalism favours the perception of soft budget constraints at the subnational level, providing few incentives for efficient public spending. The Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Act is at the core of Austria's fiscal framework. ( ) It regulates the allocation of revenues from taxes and levies across the different levels of government to finance tasks assigned to them by the federal constitution. The subnational level has important expenditure-incurring tasks: in 2016, about 16.5 % and 15.1 % of total public expenditure was spent at Länder and local level with health care and social protection being the biggest items. Only a very minor share of that expenditure is financed via own sources of revenue, leading to a significant mismatch between revenue raising power and expenditure responsibilities, compared to other federal systems e.g., Belgium and Germany (Graph 3.1.1). Instead of tax autonomy, subnational budgets are fed by a complex system of tax sharing, intergovernmental transfers and cost bearing, especially at the level of the Länder. As a result, the link between tax burden and expenditure is largely blurred, making it difficult for citizens to hold their subnational government accountable. Moreover, potential efficiency gains through tax competition are precluded from the beginning. Besides the lack of fiscal transparency, political bargaining in the run-up to the Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Acts has further efficiency-reducing effects. (Matzinger, 2015a, b). While the Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations is enacted by the Federal Parliament with simple majority, it is actually based on a unanimously negotiated pact involving representatives of all levels of government. As a result, subnational representatives can use their political leverage to negotiate higher financing in advance, leaving them with broadly softened budget constraints (Matzinger, 2015a, b). Graph 3.1.1:Intergovernmental transfers as a percentage of total revenue by level of government (2016) Source: OECD To ensure fiscal equity, Austria's fiscal framework involves significant re-distribution across levels of government. Graph 3.1.2 illustrates the complexity of the current system of fiscal relations. ( ) In 2018, some 83 % of total tax revenue was shared across different levels of government (vertical equalisation) and across entities of the same level (horizontal equalisation). ( ) At each distributional level, a variety of allocation formulas is applied, the most important being fixed percentages of historical revenue shares and weighted population shares. Prior to the vertical allocation, deductions are made to finance health, long-term care, and the family equalisation fund. In addition, part of the local share is re-allocated to the Länder, to support economically lagging municipalities. The system of transfers comprises unconditional block grants, special need transfers and earmarked grants as well as cost compensation mainly from the federal to the subnational level but also between the Länder and municipalities. Taken together, fiscal equalisation favours the Länder level. The initially allocated amount of EUR 12.3 bn grows to EUR 23.2 bn thanks to transfers from both the federal and the local level. Graph 3.1.2:Austria's fiscal framework Source: Illustration based on Bröthaler, Bauer, Schönbäck (2006a, b) and Bröthaler et al. (2012). Data refer to 2018 and are compiled by the Ministry of Finance. The 2017 Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Act has introduced many changes but cannot be considered a major step towards increased tax autonomy or a more transparent distribution of competences. Table 3.1.1 outlines the main elements introduced by the 2017 Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Act and the current state of play in their implementation. Interestingly, the Länder have not yet used their new leeway to raise additional revenues by increasing the rates for the housing subsidy contribution. Comprehensive constitutional reform is high on the political agenda, but vested interests hamper its political feasibility. In December 2018, a constitutional law was passed for a more transparent distribution of competences across levels of government (Kompetenzbereinigungspaket).In essence, the law re-allocates shared policy areas to either the federal or the Länder level exclusively. However, only a few policy areas are affected (e.g., maternity, child, and youth care is assigned to the Länder; demographic policy to the federal level). Taxation Austria appears to have considerable scope for shifting the tax burden away from labour to revenue sources that favour more growth and inclusiveness. Standing at 55.3 % in 2017, Austria ranks third in the share of labour taxes over total tax revenue among EU Member States (EU average: 49.7 %). In 2017, the tax wedge for a single earner with the average wage (a rough indicator of work attractiveness) was at 47.4 %, and among the highest in the EU. ( ) Also, low-wage and secondary earners, who are considered particularly responsive to changes in after-tax wages, face comparatively high tax burdens. ( ) The largest component of the labour tax wedge is social contributions (European Commission, 2018c). At the same time, more growth-friendly sources of revenue appear underutilised from a cross-country perspective (Graph 3.1.3). Corporate income and capital taxes but also environmental and wealth-related taxes only generate minor shares of total tax revenue and fall well below the respective EU averages. Especially given Austria's striking wealth inequality, the absence of taxes on inheritance and gifts or net wealth, and the low recurrent property tax, provide scope for tax shifts to relieve the burden on labour. ( ) Simulations put the potential revenue from a general tax on net wealth at between EUR 2.7 and 6.3 billion, depending how the tax schedule is designed and how much tax avoidance is assumed (Ferschli et al., 2017). Also, taxing pollution and resource use could facilitate a shift in consumers' choices towards products and resources that are socially and environmentally beneficial. Moreover, the preferential tax treatment of diesel fuel is questionable as its emissions are higher than those of petrol and cause excessive pollution in seven air quality zones. Table 3.1.1:New features introduced by the 2017 IFR Act Source: Illustration based on Mitterer, Biwald, and Haindl (2017) Graph 3.1.3:Comparison of selected tax revenues, 2017 Source: European Commission Austria’s projected pension expenditure poses a medium risk to fiscal sustainability in the long term. In 2016, Austria's public spending on pensions stood at 13.8 % of GDP and is expected to increase by 0.5 pps by 2070. While this increase seems moderate, Austria starts from one of the highest pension-to-GDP ratios in the EU. In particular between 2016 and 2040, pension expenditure is projected to increase by 1.1 pps of GDP, when the post-war baby-boomer generation will have retired.

Graph 3.1.4:Drivers of change in public pension expenditure Source: European Commission Demographic change is the main driver of pension expenditure, leading to a continuous narrowing of the contribution base relative to the number of beneficiaries. Graph 3.1.4 presents the breakdown of the pension-to-GDP ratio into four underlying components (Ageing Report 2018). The dependency ratio (i.e., the ratio of old-age people to working-age people) is what drives expenditure upward due to the retiring of the baby-boomer generation and the more structural feature of increasing life expectancy. If this were not counteracted by the other three components, pension expenditure would increase by 10.1 pps (compared to 6.5 pps for the EU-28) until 2070. However, the effective exit age from the labour market is projected to increase and this helps mitigate the expenditure increase as captured by the coverage ratio (i.e., the ratio of pensioners to elderly people). Besides past reforms to restrict early retirement, it is mainly the change in the statutory retirement age for women, which has caused the coverage ratio to fall. The average pension benefit (i.e. the ratio of average pension to average wage) is projected to decline due to a decrease in the replacement rate, itself in turn mainly driven by increasing female part-time employment. A slight dampening effect is also exerted by the labour market as the projected increase in the employment rate supports economic growth and broadens the contribution base. Sensitivity analyses for net migration show a significant impact on projected pension expenditure. ( ) Based on the assumption that migrants tend to join the labour force ( ), pension expenditure would increase by around a extra 1.1 pp, assuming net migration at 33 % lower than expected under the baseline. The opposite scenario of net migration being 33 % higher than in the baseline would result in a decrease in pension expenditure by 1.3 pps of GDP for Austria, compared to the baseline scenario (see Graph 3.1.5). Introducing an automatic link between the statutory retirement age and changes in life expectancy would have a substantial downward impact on pension expenditure. Such a link would reduce public pension spending by 2.4 pps of GDP by 2070 compared to the baseline. Box 3.1.1: Effects of the new Family Bonus plus In recognition of the high tax-to-GDP-ratio, the new Family Bonus plus constitutes the first important reform measure of the current government with the expressed aim to reduce the tax burden of working parents. As of January 2019, it foresees a non-refundable tax credit of up to EUR 1,500 per child and year.(1) As the tax credit reduces the income tax liability at most to zero, parents who pay little or no income tax may not benefit from the full amount. As this may especially concern single earner families and working lone parents, a child supplement (Kindermehrbetrag) of EUR 250 per child and year is granted in those cases in the form of a negative tax.(²) In return for the new measures, the child allowance and the deductibility of child care costs are abolished. The overall budgetary effect of the reform is estimated at EUR 1.5 billion.(³) In what follows analyses the distributional, equity and labour market effects of the two tax relief measures. Simulations of the effects of the reform have been conducted by the European Commission Joint Research Centre, based on the EUROMOD model using 2016 EU-SILC data. Growth effects are assessed with QUEST.(4) Overall, the reform leads to an increase in equivalised disposable income all deciles but the strength of the effect hinges on the distribution of children and the eligibility of their parents across deciles. A substantial part of households in the lower deciles is not eligible for the bonus or the supplement because those households do not pay income tax or because they are no single earner or single parent households. The more pronounced income increase in the second and third decile is driven by the household composition: there are many households with more than one child of which the majority is also eligible for either the family bonus or the child supplement. The family bonus has significant effects on income inequality and the at-risk-of-poverty rate. Overall, the reform reduces the Gini coefficient of equivalised disposable income from 0.251 to 0.248 but this effect stems almost solely from the family bonus. The at-risk-of-poverty rate decreases significantly from 13.1 percent to 12.5 percent. However, when looking at individual household types, the risk of being poor is reduced significantly only for families with two adults and children. While the reduction of the poverty rate among single parent households is almost entirely due to the child supplement, the effect is statistically not significant. The reform has positive effects on male and female labour supply in terms of both the number of hours worked as well as labour market participation. Full-time equivalent labour market participation increases by 0.53 percent for women and by 0.33 percent of men. The effect is visible on both the extensive and the intensive margin. The participation rate increases by 0.13 percent for women and 0.15 percent by men. In terms of labour intensity, the introduction of the tax credit provides strong incentives to switch from part-time to full or over time, with the effect being particularly pronounced for women. Over the medium term, the tax relief provided by the family bonus and the child supplement is expected to increase employment, consumption and investment. By reducing the average and marginal tax rates faced by employees, the reform stimulates labour supply on both the intensive as well as the extensive margin, leading to a new equilibrium with higher employment and lower real gross wages. Net wages increase because the relief provided by the tax credit over-compensates the decrease in gross wages. The employment effect is larger for low-skilled and medium-skilled workers, mainly because their labour supply elasticity is higher than that of high-skilled workers. Due to the increase in net wages, households will also increase consumption and from the second year on, there will be a positive effect on investment. The overall effect of the reform on GDP is positive. Real GDP is estimated to be 0.15 percent higher after 5 years. (1) The non-refundable tax credit amounts to EUR 1,500 (EUR 500) for each child below (above) the age of 18 who are eligible for the family allowance (Familienbeihilfe). For each child, the bonus may be halved between the spouses or claimed by one spouse only. (²) For children that live outside Austria but in the European Union or Switzerland, the family bonus and the child supplement will be indexed to the living costs of the respective country (see Section 3.3 on the indexation of cash social benefits). (³) The estimated savings from the abolishment of the child allowance and the deductibility of child care costs are EUR 240 million and EUR 110 million, respectively. The Ministry of Finance expects a net budgetary effect of the reform of EUR 1.2 billion. The different estimates are mainly due to different assumptions regarding the take-up rate of the family bonus. In line with Fink and Rocha-Akis (2018) and the Budgetary Office (2018), the present study assumes a full take-up of the bonus. A slight over-estimation of the budgetary cost may also be due to the fact that the indexation of taxes and social benefits to living costs abroad is not simulatable due to data limitations. (4) See Ratto et al (2009) for an introduction to QUEST and Varga and in 't Veld (2014) for a recent application. See Barrios et al. (2017) on the dynamic scoring of tax reforms linking EUROMOD and QUEST. Graph 3.1.5:Pension expenditure - long-term projections Source: European Commission Pensions in Austria are considered rather adequate compared to the EU average, but income inequality in working life is reproduced in retirement. Pension adequacy depends on income maintenance, pension duration and poverty protection. Overall, the 2018 Pension Adequacy Report shows that the Austrian pension system produces comparatively high aggregate replacement ratios and median relative income ratios for people aged 65+. By international standards, the Austrian system shows rather long pension payment and retirement duration. However, while the poverty risk for elderly men is significantly lower than the EU-27 average (EU-27: 12.3 %, Austria: 9.1 % in 2017), this is not the case for elderly women (EU-27: 16.6 %, Austria: 15.8 % in 2017). The main driver of this outcome is a substantial gender gap in pension income (EU-27: 37.2 %, Austria: 40.6 % in 2016), largely the result of gender-specific income inequalities generated during working life (see Section 3.3). A public debate on pension reform needs to address changing labour market conditions. The ability of pension systems to cover people with different types of occupations and economic activities will have a significant bearing on the future adequacy of old-age incomes. Extending pension coverage to people in non-standard or self-employment and adapting accrual conditions to diverse work patterns is necessary, if people are to build up adequate pension rights in future (European Commission 2018e). This would allow pension reforms to be separated from social policy. Risks related to pension adequacy for low-income earners are often related to health problems, disability or interrupted careers, which should be addressed by targeted policies to prevent old-age poverty. Health care Public spending on healthcare in Austria is comparable to the EU average, but ageing-related cost pressures threaten the country’s long-term fiscal sustainability. While total health-care expenditure (including long-term care) was above the EU average in 2015 (11.1 % versus 10.2 % of GDP), public health expenditure in the same year stood at the EU average (8% of GDP). With 72.4 % in 2015, the public share of total expenditure on health was lower than the EU average of 78 % – but when measured in per capita terms, Austria is well above the EU average, both in terms of total (EUR 4 031 versus an EU average of EUR 3 305) and, to a lesser extent, of public spending (EUR 2 965 versus an EU average of EUR 2 609). Public health-care spending (excluding long-term care) in Austria is projected to increase above the EU average of 0.9 by 1.3 pps until 2070 (2018 Ageing Report baseline scenario), mainly due to projected demographic changes, paired with a moderately positive assumption on health developments. Taking into account the impact of non-demographic factors on future spending growth (2018 Ageing Report risk scenario), public health care expenditure (excluding long-term care) is expected to increase by 2.1 pps of GDP by 2070, substantially above the EU average of 1.6 pps. Current public health expenditure without long-term care is in line with the legislated ceilings but public expenditure as a share of actual GDP is still on an upward trend. The coverage provided by the Austrian healthcare system is high. The share of the population facing unmet needs for a medical examination or treatment due to financial reasons, waiting time or long travel distances is (together with the Netherlands), the lowest in the EU and varies very little across gender, age group, activity status and income quintiles. However, although ’physician density’ ( ) is high compared to other EU health systems, there are growing disparities in their geographical distribution. The announced reform of social insurance organisation may increase efficiency, but is likely to cause upfront costs. The level of spending on administration is at the EU average, but to achieve greater efficiency and cost savings, the government has adopted the ‘Social Security organisation Act’, which plans to reduce the 21 current social insurance agencies to just 5. According to the government’s budget impact assessment, the reform is expected to carry a large saving potential of about EUR 1 billion and is one of the potential options to increase efficiency (London School of Economics, 2017). However, in its assessment of the draft law, the Austrian Court of Accounts concluded that the budget impact was still unclear, as savings may only materialise in the medium-to-long-term. Other reform options indicated by the study conducted by the London School of Economics – such as an improved risk adjustment mechanism across existing funds – could have mimicked the results of a merger at lower costs. The reform also falls short of delivering the full potential improvement, as it keeps some categories in separate insurance funds, thereby still leaving some room for risk adjustment. The Austrian health system is still subject to inefficient use of resources in secondary care. Empirical data suggest overutilisation of hospital care in Austria. The number of available acute care beds (566 per 100 000 inhabitants in 2015), although somewhat lower than a decade before (643 per 100 000 in 2005) is over 40 % higher than the average number in the EU (402). At the same time, the number of inpatient discharges per 100 inhabitants (26) is one of the highest in the EU, more than 60 % higher than the EU average of 16 and the inpatient average length of stay of 8.5 days is above the EU average for 2015 (7.6). Similarly, the share of day-cases out of total discharges was lower than the EU average (21.3 % versus 32.3 %). Sectoral fragmentation, which also contributes to the bias towards hospital care, is a long-standing weakness of the Austrian healthcare system. The Primary Healthcare reform can help shift the weight from hospital care. With the aim of rationalising the excessive reliance on in-patient care, Austria is currently pursuing a primary healthcare reform, following the legal and organisational framework set out in the Primary Health Care Act and the Austrian Structural Plan for Healthcare 2017. While the implementation of multidisciplinary primary healthcare units is ongoing, the the reform is opposed by the Chamber of Doctors. The reform received support by the European Commission and a cooperation with the European Investment Bank was initiated to secure additional investment necessary for implementation. The on-going modernisation of the Austrian health sector will reduce health system costs. Austria continues to roll out its Electronic Health Record system in all Länder by the end of 2019. The forecast cost savings amount to EUR 129 million in the first year, although operating costs are expected to be EUR 18 million a year. In parallel, work is ongoing to increase the usability and accessibility of Electronic Health Record documents, and adapt its infrastructure for use in future services e.g. related to primary care and extension of e-card services. Austria's health sector makes insufficient use of EU-wide tendering, procurement aggregation and non-price award criteria. Hospitals and care centres in Austria face demographic change, increasingly complex products and higher market concentration for some inputs. The high share of single bids in Austria illustrates problems linked to its small market size. For example, in 2017, 50 % of medical imaging equipment tenders and 60 % of medicinal products received only one bid. Public procurement practices designed to overcome small market size are particularly relevant in this respect. For example, EU-wide tendering remains under-utilised, with only 0.23 % of GDP, compared to an EU average of 0.62 %. The 2018 public procurement reform and the new fine of EUR 50 000 for unjustified awards without a public tender are expected to lead to more EU-wide tendering. Tender aggregation is used at regional level, while cross-regional and cross-border joint procurement projects are increasing but still more limited. A further move away from price as the sole award criterion could raise quality and promote innovation, notably where it is still used widely, such as in tendering for medical devices (50 % in Austria in 2017). Long-term care Austria’s system of long-term care is characterised by a relatively high share of informal care, and home care has recently declined. () The Austrian system of long-term care has a twofold design, consisting of cash benefits and publicly organised long-term care services in-kind. Non means-tested cash benefits vary in size, according to different levels of individual care requirements. In-kind elements include institutional inpatient (stationary), semi-inpatient (day-care) and mobile/outpatient (i.e. at-home) care services, which are under the responsibility of the Länder. No detailed quantification is available concerning the distribution of institutional versus home-based care, nor for the share of informal provision, but available figures indicate that the prevalence of home-based care has declined since 2013 and there has been simultaneous growth in inpatient and outpatient (mobile) services, as well as 24-hour care at home. Furthermore the availability of long-term care services differs between the Länder, and the Austrian long-term care system is characterised by a rather large informal care sector. Measures to support family carers would need to focus on the compatibility of caring responsibilities and work. ( ) As far as expenditure is concerned, based on available figures, the focus on in-kind services seems slightly above the EU average. As these typically have lower unit costs, this suggests that shifting more resources to cash allowances, where appropriate, may increase cost-efficiency. Public expenditure for long-term care is projected to pose long-term fiscal sustainability concerns. Based on the 2018 Ageing Report, total public expenditure on long-term care (health and social part) ( ) is at 1.9 % of GDP in 2015, above the EU average in the same year (1.6 %). However, due to demographic changes and increasing life expectancy, long-term care spending as a percentage of GDP is projected to increase steadily. In the 2018 Ageing Report reference scenario, public long-term expenditure is mainly driven by the combination of changes in the population structure and a moderately positive evolution of health (non-disability) status. The joint impact of those factors is a projected increase in spending of about 1.9 pps of GDP by 2070 (from 1.9 % to 3.8 %), an increase of 100 %, which is well above the average EU increase of 73 %. The 2018 Ageing Report risk scenario captures the impact of additional cost drivers to demography and health status i.e., the possible effect of a cost and coverage convergence, and projects an increase in spending of 3.4 pps of GDP by 2070, an increase of almost 180 % and slightly higher than the EU average of 170 %.

Recent policy measures exert additional pressure on the public budget. Reforms enacted in recent years did not make any substantial changes to how the system is organised. Assigning competences for cash social benefits to the federal level may increase efficiency and transparency, and the institution of the Long-term Care Fund (extended to 2021) targets short/medium-term viability of the system. Despite the need to adopt measures to improve the fiscal sustainability of the system, in 2017 the Austrian Parliament passed a constitutional provision prohibiting the recourse to assets belonging to people in inpatient long-term care (or those of their relatives, heirs or gift-recipients), to cover the cost of their long-term care (so-called Pflegeregress). ( ) To cover the losses of revenue due to this measure, it was initially legislated that the federal government would transfer a total of EUR 100 million per year to the Länder, but this allocation has already increased to EUR 340 million, and is likely to increase over time. ( ) Indeed, the budget impact of this measure hinges on whether the financial relief awarded to long-term care dependents will increase demand for formal inpatient care, which already represents the main form of long-term care provision in Austria, as well as being more expensive than home care or cash benefits. Without some changes to this situation, increased use of institutional care is likely to exacerbate, rather than mitigate, fiscal sustainability risks. Debt sustainability analysis and fiscal risks No significant risks of fiscal stress are anticipated for Austria in the short term, i.e. within one year. The value of the S0 indicator, the Commission’s early-detection indicator of fiscal stress, is below its critical threshold, for both the fiscal and financial competitiveness sub-indices (see Annex B). ( ) The low spreads on sovereign yields and credit-default swaps point to a favourable financial market perception. Medium-term fiscal sustainability risks also appear to be contained, both according to the S1 sustainability gap indicator and the debt sustainability analysis. With a value of 0.8 pps of GDP, the medium-term sustainability gap indicator S1 points to a low risk and indicates that, at current policies, no additional fiscal effort would be required over the next five years to stay below the 60 % of GDP debt reference value in 2033. This favourable result is driven by the considerable primary surplus, which compensates for the government debt level and ageing costs (see Annex B). The debt sustainability analysis confirms the S1 signal. Under normal economic conditions and a no-policy-change assumption after the end of the Commission forecast in 2020, government debt would continue to decrease steadily. It is expected to decrease from 74.5 % of GDP in 2018 to 51.2 % in 2029, on the back of continuing primary budget surpluses and a debt-reducing snowball effect. Sensitivity to possible macro-fiscal shocks is low. In the long term, Austria is considered to have a medium fiscal sustainability risk, according to the S2 sustainability gap indicator. This indicator shows that, relative to the baseline no-policy-change scenario, an improvement of 2.6 pps of GDP in the structural primary balance would be needed to prevent the debt-to-GDP ratio from increasing continuously over the long term. The S2 value is driven by the projected rise in age-related government expenditure, in particular long-term care (contribution of 1.4 pps of GDP to the S2 value), healthcare (1 pp) and pensions (0.6 pp) (see Annex B). Under a more adverse scenario in the healthcare and long-term care areas (with non-demographic drivers pushing up costs), the S2 indicator rises to 4.1 pps of GDP. The signal from the S2 indicator prevails over the more benign debt sustainability analysis discussed above. 3.2. Financial sector Banking and insurance sectors Banking sector resilience has continued to improve, albeit at slower pace than in previous years. Capital adequacy (including the capitalisation of subsidiaries in Central, Eastern and South-eastern Europe – CESEE) remained flat in the first half of 2018, compared to the end of 2016. The implementation of International Financial Reporting Standard 9, which has increased loan-loss provisioning needs, has had a limited impact on the capital position of banks. The Austrian banks included in the 2018 EU-wide stress test performed better than in the previous exercise, but their results compared to peers underscore the need to continue the capital strengthening process. Asset quality has also improved supported by benign macroeconomic conditions, with the non-performing loans ratio declining to 2.9% at the end of the second quarter 2018 (according to European Central Bank data). Banks’ liquidity position has remained comfortable, supported by increases in deposits. Meanwhile, the dependence on market funding has declined. The profit generation capacity and efficiency of Austrian banks have continued to improve, but further efforts are warranted. Profitability of Austrian banks on the local market improved further in 2017 and in the first half of 2018, supported by the acceleration in credit activity and the reduction in the cost of risk. Most of the significant credit institutions have also registered an increase in fees and commission income, but their net interest margin has slightly shrunk. On the back of the reduction in operating expenses and the stabilisation of revenues, the cost-to-income ratio improved substantially in 2017, as it declined to roughly 65 %, down from 74 % in 2016. However, Austrian banks continue to be less efficient than their European peers, which highlights the need to maintain the efforts to adjust their business models and tackle structural cost issues. Banks have increasingly focused on exploring opportunities brought by digitalisation, whereas the further rationalisation of bank branches has proceeded at slower pace than in previous years. The share of variable rate loans and foreign currency loans in total loans has also notably decreased. Overall private credit growth has increased since 2015, mainly driven by the expansion of lending to non-financial corporations (see Graph 3.2.1). Albeit on a declining trend, the share of loans with variable interest rates and foreign currency denominated loans, which are particularly high for mortgage loans, still remains above international standards (European Commission, 2018c). On the back of the prudential measures adopted by the Austrian supervisors since 2008, the share of foreign currency loans (mainly Swiss franc loans) as percentage of total domestic loans to Austrian households declined from 30.6 % in 2008 to 10.5 % in 2017. Consequently, the exposure of households to interest rate and currency risks has declined. Graph 3.2.1:Credit growth y-o-y % change Source: ECB Austrian banks continue to be among the largest players in Central, Eastern and South-eastern Europe. In 2017, the total exposure of Austrian banks with international activities to the CESEE region stood at EUR 211 billion, up from EUR 193 billion in 2016. The most important host markets for Austrian banks continue to be the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania and Croatia. Asset quality has further strengthened in most markets in the CESEE region, supported by the expansion in credit activity, as well as the decline of legacy assets and loan-loss provisioning needs. The non-performing loans ratio of the CESEE subsidiaries declined from 4.5 % in 2017 to just below 4 % in June 2018. Foreign currency loans to clients in the CESEE region decreased to roughly EUR 31 billion in 2017, down from EUR 84.6 billion in 2010. Profitability has also remained robust, with all major markets including Russia recording positive results, whereas cost efficiency has remained above that of the operations in Austria. Intra-group liquidity transfers to CESEE subsidiaries have significantly declined since 2011. The CESEE subsidiaries have continued to expand their financing on local markets and improved their loan-to-deposit ratios. However, the issuance of debt instruments eligible to fulfil the Minimum Requirement for Own Funds and Eligible Liabilities targets may pose challenges for some of the subsidiaries of Austrian banking groups, which operate in the CESEE countries with less developed capital markets. The insurance sector has continued its adjustment to challenges posed by the operating environment. In spite of the efforts to adapt business models and products to current market conditions and several mergers to increase operational efficiency, the insurance sector continues to be impacted by the prolonged low yield environment. Total earned premiums by Austrian insurance companies remained roughly flat in 2017, while the earned premiums of life insurance companies declined by 5.1 % in 2017 compared to 2016. Life insurance companies have shifted their business towards products linked to market performance and health insurance products to offset the declining attractiveness of traditional life insurance. Notwithstanding the challenges they have faced, investment returns of life insurance companies have remained above the average guaranteed interest rate on the stock. The Austrian insurance sector has continued to be a major player in the CESEE region, which underscores the need to closely monitor developments in these countries. The gross premiums earned outside Austria by insurance undertakings with international activities declined by some 5 % in 2017, mainly due to the divestment of activities in Italy. Nationalised banks The risks to public finances stemming from the three public vehicles for impaired assets have further declined. The winding-down of the assets of the financial defeasance vehicles (HETA Asset Resolution, KA Finanz and Immigon set up in the aftermath of the financial crisis) proceeded further in 2017 and the first part of 2018. Also, the risks to public finances linked to these vehicles continue to be limited. The winding-down of HETA’s assets has advanced faster than planned, with 80 % of assets being disposed of in 2017. By the end of 2018, HETA aims to dispose of roughly 91 % of its assets and complete the entire winding-down process in 2020. Due to the high cash reserves obtained from these disposals of impaired assets, HETA had a second distribution of proceeds (amounting to EUR 2.4 billion) to satisfy creditors before completing the resolution process ( ). The winding-down of KA Finanz (planned to be completed by 2026) has been supported by its transformation into an asset management company, following the withdrawal of its banking licence in 2017. The winding-down of Immigon has also advanced, albeit with delays compared to the initial plans. The completion of the winding-down was postponed from mid-2018 to 2019, when Immigon plans to open liquidation proceedings. Housing market and real estate financing House prices in Austria have been increasing for the past decade, but recent data point to a deceleration. Since 2005, nominal house prices in Austria increased by more than 80 %, surpassing those of most euro area 11 ( ) countries (European Commission, 2018c). More recent data points to a relaxation of the situation, as house prices have been growing more moderately, increasing by 5.3 % in 2017 and with nominal year on year growth declining to 4.9 % in Q3-2018. Indicators point to a possible overvaluation of house prices. In 2017, house prices were overvalued by 13.8 %. This is somewhat above the Austrian National Bank (OeNB) estimate of 11.1 % in Q2-2018 (see Graph 3.2.2). These developments mask large regional differences (see Section 3.4.3). The price to income ratio and price to rent ratio have also been above long-term average since 2012, pointing to the decreasing affordability of homeownership (see Section 3.4.3). House prices have increased considerably faster than incomes, though from a low pre-crisis level. In 2017, a 100 m² dwelling cost 10.6 times the annual household income on average ( ), somewhat above that of most euro area countries.

Graph 3.2.2:Price developments and valuation gaps Source: European Commission, OeNB While house prices and rents have been increasing, the impact on households’ private consumption has been limited. With 55 %, Austria has the second lowest homeownership rate of the EU, with a decreasing trend. Out of the 45 % of the population living in rentals, approximately 20 % live in public housing apartments and 40 % in homes of limited-profit organisations with strict rental regulation. Overall, 18 % of the population is directly affected by the increasing rents ( ). Despite the substantial increases in prices and rents, the share of housing costs in aggregate disposable income has been relatively stable since 2008, declining to 17.9 % in 2017, after peaking in 2013 at 19.2 %. It is also below the average of 18.9 % in euro area 11 countries in the same year. The share of actual rents in final consumption expenditure increased by 0.9 percentage points between 2005 and 2017 to 3.8 % and by 1.2 pps for imputed rents ( ), both remaining below the average in euro area 11 countries. Risks to financial stability appear limited, as no signs of excessive credit growth can be observed. Rising house prices coupled with an increase in mortgage credit growth warrants close oversight and led to a warning by the European Systemic Risk Board in 2016 (ESRB, 2016). Since 2005, mortgage loans ( ) grew on average by 6.4 % annually, with some acceleration since 2015. Furthermore, the share of mortgage loans in banks’ total assets continued to increase and reached 14.7 % in Q2-2018 ( ), making them more vulnerable to a potential decrease in real estate prices. Nevertheless, the share of mortgage loans stood at 27.1 % of GDP in 2018, still below the euro area average of 36.5 % for 2017, also due to the low homeownership rate in Austria. Meanwhile, household debt has been constantly decreasing after peaking in 2010, reaching 49.8% of GDP in Q3-2018, well below the euro area average of 57.7 %. Debt as percentage of gross disposable income has been relatively stable, reaching 85 % in 2017, which corresponds to the average since 2005. The increases in house prices have only led to limited debt and credit growth. Overall, risk to the financial sector appears contained, but leaving it more vulnerable to an economic downturn. Several measures have been taken to better mitigate risks from real estate financing. At the moment, the Austrian Financial Market Stability Board has assessed that the activation of macro-prudential tools to limit systemic risks in connection with residential property financing is not needed. However, supervisors have already stepped up reporting requirements on residential real estate. Authorities indicated in autumn 2018, that an upgraded reporting framework for real estate exposures will be most probably introduced in 2019. In 2018, a communication was issued against the relaxation of credit standards, and a structured dialogue was introduced with banks on sustainable real estate lending. Moreover, in September 2018 the Financial Market Stability Board issued a communication and quantitative guidance on sustainable real estate lending ( ). SME’s access to finance While funding conditions remain satisfactory overall for small and medium-sized enterprises, low availability of venture capital remains a concern. Highly innovative firms typically rely on venture capital investments in the seed, start-up and scale-up stages due to the ‘high-risk’ of their products and business models. However, the availability of venture capital in Austria, compared to other Strong Innovators and Innovation Leaders ( ) ( ), remains low. Funding sources for venture capital funds are also less diverse than in Innovation Leaders (Graph 3.4.4). The main contributor to venture capital funds is the government ( ), while the contribution of capital markets is very low. Graph 3.2.3:Distribution of venture funds raised (%) Source: Invest Europe, European Commission Austria has further improved the regulatory framework for other forms of equity funding. Austria amended its stock corporation law (Aktiengesetz) to remove obstacles to small and medium-sized enterprises listings on the Viennese Stock Exchange. The lack of a specific segment dedicated to small and medium-sized enterprises at the Vienna Stock Exchange was a marked contrast to other countries. The new segment is expected to be launched in early 2019 and may include up to 20 small and medium-sized enterprises, which signalled early on interest in a listing. Furthermore, the 2015 framework for alternative financing has positively influenced the availability of crowdfunding. Funding volumes further increased in 2017 with a growing focus on real estate related projects. 3.3. Labour market, education and social policies 3.3.1.Labour market With stable economic growth and increasing employment, the labour market is continuously improving performance. Labour demand and job creation together with increased participation by older workers and women are the main drivers of rising employment and activity rates, reaching 76.2 % and 80 % respectively in the third quarter of 2018. The unemployment rate fell to 4.9 % in the third quarter of 2018 from 5.5 % the year before. In light of the favourable labour market development the number of long-term unemployed started decreasing moderately in 2018. Compared to other EU countries Austria has a lower share of long-term unemployed (32 % in 2017 vs an EU average of 44.9 %). However, the long-term unemployment rate increased from 1.2 % in 2012 to 1.9 % in 2016 (vs EU average of 4.0 %) but after stabilising in 2017 at 1.9 % it started decreasing except in Lower Austria and Salzburg. This phenomenon also varies by region showing an increase in long-term unemployment in Upper Austria alongside a decline in Vorarlberg (Arbeit plus – Soziale Unternehmen Österreich (Hg.), 2017.) Graph 3.3.1:Beveridge curve Austria Source: European Commission In an environment of increasing demand for labour and lower unemployment, there are signs of labour shortages. Following the expansionary phase of the business cycle, there is an overhang of unfilled positions (Graph3.3.1) ( ). In 2018, the number of vacancies continued to rise, reaching 3.0 % in the third quarter. Skills shortages are pronounced in the tourism sector, skilled trade, information and consulting (Dornmayr H., Winkler B., 2018). However, aggregate national data hide considerable regional variation. According to the Public Employment Service, the highest job vacancy rate was registered in Tirol (3.1 %), Vorarlberg (2.5 %) and Salzburg (2.2 %). To counteract this development, the list of occupational shortages (Mangelberufliste) was expanded from 11 occupations in 2017 to 27 in 2018 and has been extended to 45 professions in 2019 in addition to providing regional information. To improve the migration of skilled workers, the government is currently modernising and simplifying the red-white-red card. ( ) Regional disparities are pronounced though moderate, compared to other EU countries. There is a strong east-west divide in the increase of unemployment rates over recent years. In 2017 the highest unemployment rate was registered in the Vienna region, at 10.1 %, as compared to 2.9 % in the Salzburg region. Whereas the unemployment rate for people aged 15-74 years, amounted to 9.3 % in 2017 in cities and to 4.9 % in towns and suburbs, it was the lowest in rural areas, with only 2.9 %. Vienna is particularly affected by long-term unemployment (4.1 % in 2017) and has the highest youth unemployment rate, which is considerably higher than the national average (16.7 % versus 9.8 % in 2017). Some groups do not participate up to their full potential in the labour market, a challenge that may severely affect Austria’s growth potential. Women (in terms of full-time), older workers, low-skilled people and workers with a migrant background have low labour market participation rates. With demographic ageing, the underutilisation of ‘these groups’ labour market potential may affect growth potential. Box 3.3.1: Monitoring performance in the light of the European Pillar of Social Rights The European Pillar of Social Rights is designed as a compass for a renewed process of upward convergence towards better working and living conditions in the European Union. It sets out twenty essential principles and rights in the areas of equ al opportunities and access to the labour market; fair working conditions; and social protection and inclusion.( 1 ) Austria performs relatively well on most indicators of the Social Scoreboard supporting the European Pillar of Social Rights. Austria has ro bust policies to facilitate labour market access and to ensure fair working conditions . Austria has a system of social dialogue and industrial relations with a proven capacity to contribute to balanced socio-economic development. However, recent government actions are likely to reduce this capacity. Positive developments have been noted with regard to the unemployment rate and share of youth not in employment, education or training. A high share of part-time employment of women coincides with a fairly large pay gap. There is a strong gender segmentation of the labour market and gender related part-time employment, among the highest in the EU, hampers the full use of female labour market potential in the context of an ageing population. One of the key reasons for women’s weaker labour market participation is insufficient full-time childcare provision for children below 3 years. In 2017, Austria recorded a clear improvement with regard to the share of young people not in employment, education or training (NEETs). With just 6.5 % of population affected, the country is well below the EU average, and the decrease by 1.5 pp since 2016 was also among the most significant. This development reflects an improved labour market situation, and can be credited to the employment-oriented educational system. (1)The European Pillar of Social Rights was proclaimed on 17 November 2017 by the European Parliament, the Council and the European Commission. https://ec.europa.eu/commission/priorities/deeper-and-fairer-economic-and-monetary-union/european-pillar-social-rights/european-pillar-social-rights-20-principles_en

The gender pay gap remains visibly above EU average (20.1 % versus 16.3 % in 2016). Graph 3.3.2 shows the components of the unadjusted gender pay gap for Austria. ( ) The over-representation of women in low-paying sectors is the main contributing factor to the wage gap, followed by part-time work. Female part-time employment is especially pronounced in Austria (47.9 % versus 31.1 % EU average in 2017) and often due to care responsibilities for children or relatives. It is associated with lower hourly earnings, weakened career prospects, and lower social protection in terms of unemployment benefits or pensions (see Section 3.1 on the pension gap) (European Commission, 2018f). The unused labour potential is significant and has important budgetary, distributional and equity effects (see Box 3.3.2). ( ) Another driver of the wage gap is the type of occupation held for example, management versus service-related positions. Additionally, the tax system may discourage female labour market participation and longer working hours, especially in the case of secondary earners (see Section 3.1). The Austrian income tax system contains only a few tax incentives for increasing female labour market participation or hours worked, while the majority of provisions has opposing effects of encouraging employment take-up but disincentivising an increase in hours worked (Schratzenstaller, M., Dellinger, F., 2017). Graph 3.3.2:Gender pay gap and components Source: Eurostat The current design of childcare services provision and family-related leave do not sufficiently contribute to equal opportunities for men and women. The proportion of children aged below 3 attending formal childcare stood at 20.6 % in 2016, still considerably below the Barcelona target of 33 %. The share of full-time enrolment (i.e. 30h or more per week) is well below EU average. ( ) There are substantial regional differences in the provision of and demand for childcare due to different fees. Progress in the provision of child care is hampered by the institutional set-up as the entitlement to early childhood education and care starts only from the age of five and for only 16 hours per week. Fathers of children born after 1 March 2017, who want to take a full-time leave are entitled to the ‘family-time bonus’ (Familienzeitbonus), a monetary bonus. Further investment in childcare services and all day schools could help to better use the labour market potential of women.

Despite the positive development of the labour market, Austria has a comparatively low activity rate of older workers. Although the employment of older workers increased from 38.8 % in 2008 only 53.6 % of people aged 55- 64 were on the labour market in 2017, while the EU-28 average was 60.6 %. The employment rate for women (44.8 % in the third quarter of 2018) among older workers, remains much below that of men (63.6 %.) The relatively high figures for long-term unemployment and the longer average duration of unemployment (132 days for those over 50, compared with a general average of 104 days, and 72 days for people under the age of 25) show the vulnerability of and insufficient opportunities for this group of workers. This points towards further investment needs in elderly-friendly working environments High unemployment rates among the low skilled point to underused labour market potential. Unemployment among low skilled workers has been rising since 2015 and reached 13.6 % in 2017. Low qualified (having completed only basic schooling, up to lower secondary school ‘Pflichtschule’) represent a share of more than 44 % of all unemployed. This remains the group most severely hit by unemployment. Active labour market policies remain crucial for upskilling theselow-skilled workers. Investing in adult learning could help increase the employability of older workers and the low skilled. Box 3.3.2: From part-time to full-time: the budgetary and distributional potential of increasing female work intensity Standing at 71.5% in 2018Q2, female labour market participation in Austria is well above the EU average of 67.4 %. However, when considering full-time equivalent employment, the rate drops sharply to 54.0%. The reason for this is Austria's high female part-time employment rate (47.1 % versus 31.9 % in the EU in 2016), which is especially high for women in childbearing age 25-49 (49.1 % versus 29.2 % in the EU). (1) Additionally, female part-time work varies strongly across the Länder, which may also reflect regional disparities in the provision of child care services. Female part-time employment constitutes a main contributing factor to Austria's pronounced gender pay and pension gap. The following illustrates the budgetary, distributional and equity effects of shifting female part-time employment to full-time work in order to reach the EU average of part-time employment of 31.9 % (Labour Force Survey 2016). (²) Simulations of the effects of the reform have been conducted by the European Commission Joint Research Centre, based on the EUROMOD model using 2016 EU-SILC data. Overall, the shift would lead to an increase in revenues from personal income taxes and social contributions in the order of roughly EUR 3 bn, taking into account slightly reduced expenditures for means-tested benefits. On average, the reform increases mean equivalised disposable income by EUR 497 with households in the lower and the middle part of the income distribution experiencing higher gains. Poverty is affected significantly. Overall, the shift decreases the poverty risk by 0.5 pps from 13.1 % to 12.7 %. The At-risk-of-poverty rate is reduced especially for households with one adult and children (i.e., single mothers with children). (1) Of the approximately 1.88 million gainfully employed women, almost 500,000 have children under the age of 15. The majority of these working women with caring responsibilities work part time (77.1 % in 2016) and only 22.9 % work full time (Mayrhuber, C., 2017). Data for 2016 are presented in order to match the year of the EUROMOD input data (EU-SILC). (²) The simulation involves shifting a randomly selected set of women who worked part-time (i.e., between 10 and 35 hours per week) in 2016 and report to have worked part-time for the entire year 2015. As a result, approximately 70 % of the women in the sample are selected to change from part- to full-time in order to reach the EU average part-time employment rate of 31.9 %. The distribution of selected women across deciles of equivalised disposable income shows that eligible women are concentrated in the middle and the upper part of the income distribution. People with a migrant background continue to struggle to get into employment even when attaining a high level of education. The employment rate gap of non-EU born persons vs native-born was 16.9 pps ( ) (employment rate at 60.9 %) in 2017 remaining particularly high for non-EU born women (21.8 pps) and for those with high level of education (18 pps). The employment rates for highly skilled migrants – below the EU average – together with the high over-qualification rate (44 % non-EUnationals compared to an EU average of 41.7 %) point to difficulties for (non-EU) migrants to realise their full potential on the labour market. In addition, in 2017, the employment rate for native-born persons (aged 15-34) with two foreign born parents was at around 76 %, 14.6 pps lower than among native-born people with a native background (90.5 %) (OECD, EU, 2018). Despite increasing employment levels the labour market integration of refugees remains an issue. The labour market integration of refugees remains a challenge with high unemployment rates (in 2017: nationals from Syria 61.8 %; Iraq: 46.4 %; Afghanistan: 34 %). In the first year since the ‘Integrationsgesetz’ entered into force in 2017 there was a significant increase in the counselling provided in the integration centres (+70 %) (Österreichischer Integrationsfonds, 2018). Increasing investment in apprenticeships and skills upgrades for refugees combined with other integration measures may significantly shorten the time needed for their labour market integration. Despite the commitment to reducing unemployment, the government’s active employment strategy is mixed. The restrictive expenditure path underlying the government’s budgetary strategy severely reduced targeted support for some vulnerable groups. In particular financial support for the public employment service was cut and several programmes were discontinued, which included measures facilitating the labour market integration of people entitled to asylum and subsidiary protection (Integrationsjahr) and measures supporting activation for long-term unemployed (Aktion 20,000) and elderly. With the aim of making work pay, the government introduced or announced recently several tax measures, including reducing unemployment insurance contributions for low-wage earners (see Section 3.1). The special fund for integration of apprentices, which is a minor part of the overall company-based assistance for apprenticeships will be increased from EUR 10 million to EUR 20 million. In order to increase the flexibility of workers and replying to business needs the government increased the maximum allowed daily working time to 12 hours. A reform of the unemployment assistance is announced for 2019. Support for programs assisting mobility of recognised refugees like “b.mobile” is continued. Social partners play an important role in recognising skills needs and in the design of training programmes and the apprenticeship system. (European Commission, 2018h). Since the government has taken office in December 2017, the established system of social dialogue and involving social partners in the decision making process have been challenged. Recent government actions are likely to reduce their proven capacity to contribute to balanced socio-economic development. 3.3.2.Social policies Social transfers are effective in reducing income inequality and protecting people from poverty and social exclusion but vulnerable groups remain. Spending on social protection is among the highest in the EU. At 42.2 %, the poverty reducing impact of social transfers also remained high in 2017, reflecting the high adequacy of minimum income. Austria has one of the lowest share of population at risk of poverty or social exclusion (AROPE) in the EU (18.1 % versus an EU average of 22.5 % in 2017). However, the risk is higher and increasing for vulnerable groups such as single parent households (47.9 % versus an EU average of 47 % in 2017) as well as population living in (quasi-) jobless households whose at risk of poverty (AROP) rate increased from 50.2 % in 2011 to 61 % in 2017. Inequality of opportunity for children is high. The AROPE rate for the children of low-skilled parents was 57.7 pps higher than for the children of high-skilled parents in 2017, a gap that is greater than the EU average. Appropriate investment in the employability and social inclusion of these vulnerable groups could alleviate this risk. Major differences exist in the social situation between regions. The national AROPE rate masks considerable variation across the nine federal states (Länder), with Vienna (26 %) and Vorarlberg (23.2 %) having the highest AROPE rates, and Lower and Upper Austria having the lowest (13 % and 14.3 %, respectively). Bigger cities, especially inner city areas within them, are facing a number of social challenges. People living in cities are more at risk of poverty or social exclusion (26.3 % of the city-based population in 2017) compared to towns and suburbs (16.4 %) and rural areas (13.0 %). Vienna for example shows both a high risk of poverty rate (26 % in 2016), as well as slower economic growth than the other Austrian regions (GDP per capita in Vienna decreased from 164 % of the EU average in 2010 to 153 % in 2016). In-work poverty among foreign-born workers is much higher than for native-born Austrians. The gap between the poverty risk for migrant workers and the native born was 11.9 pps, one of the widest in the EU-28. This gap also reflects a regional disparity, as a high percentage of the population with a migrant background resides in bigger cities, in particular in Vienna. In Vienna, 24.2 % of the population were foreign nationals in 2016 (14 % Non-EU, 10.2 % EU), whilst nationally this figure stands at 14.6 % (7.1 % EU, 7.4 % non-EU). Graph 3.3.3:Percentage of the population at risk of poverty or social exclusion by NUTS 2 region (Bundesland) 2016 Source: Eurostat Uniform nationwide rules for the minimum income benefit could help mitigate poverty risks for vulnerable groups. However, a reduction of the benefit (Bedarfsorientierte Mindestsicherung) for persons granted temporary asylum has been declared incompatible with EU law (2018/C123/11). Doubts about compatibility also arise from the planned indexation of family allowances and benefits to the price level of their country of origin for people working in Austria whose children live abroad. As part of its cost-saving measures the government agreed to index the family bonus and child allowances fo