davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star., 1963-05-31
The Image at Home

Our disagreement with Secretary Of
State Dean Rusk in the matter Of "im-
ages" is one Of emphasis.
1t can be argued, as Mr. Rusk told
q civic group here earlier in the week,
that as a result Of racial strife In this
country "our voice is muted, our friends
are embarrassed, our enemies are glee-
full" This lends certain support to the
familiar and, we think, fallaciouS con-
tent'on that injuSticeS in the United
States must be corrected because they
are damaging our image" abroad-that
they hurt our relations with the Afro
Asian countries and furnish grist for the
Communist propaganda mills.
If there is some truth to this, we
still remain unimpressed. Let the Afro
Asian countries and our "gleeful" Com
muniSt enemies look to the rampant In
justices and tyrannies in their own
lands. There is an abundance of them,
and why should our national voice be
muted In pointing to them2
What we in this country should be
primarily concerned with is our own
image in the United States. Let's take
hard look at ourselves and reflect upon
what we see.
A good image, as with charity, be-
gins at home And we are sure Mr.. Rusk
agrees. What all Americans should be
most concerned with is the image of
themselves which they see, or ought to
see, when Negro Americans are deprived
Of rights which white Americans take
for granted. AS opposed to this, our i'm
age abroad-in countries which have
plenty Of image problems Of their own
counts for little. The important thing
Is the damage that we are doing to our
own image in our own eyeS-if we will
only open them and take look.
We do not see how there can be any
rational debate about this. II we really
believe in the grand American design
and our national concept Of justice, all
Americans are entitled to be treated
equally. And this includes Negro Amer
leans. They are entitled to equal treat
ment as q matter Of simple justice be-
cause they are Americans-not because
Of something that otherwise may hap
pen to our image abroad.
To sum 1t up: The best argument
for justice is justice.
Evening star., 1963-05-31
Down-ot-HeeI Areas
Charles Floyd johnson.

! was much interested in
the article in The Sunday
Star about the Greenwich
Village flavor of the area
around Eighteenth street and
Columbia Road. This Is part
OF the Adams . Morgan re-
development area which our
city planners are trying so
hard TO destroy. Our only
other authentically pictur-
esque neighborhood. around
the Maine avenue water
front. they have already de-
stroyed. Georgetown is pic
turesque. and some OF It is
authentic, but 1t is for the
very rich.
As q native. and still a
property owner, I am very
much opposed TO redevelop-
ment Of Adams Morgan. How
can anyone with eyes TO see
favor this area over North
Capitoli From North Capitol
street. stretching west
through the second precinct,
there are hundreds OF houses
condemned and boarded up.
Why can't some Of these be
ren1odeled for public hous-
ing7 II would be n service 10
the area and 10 the city.
Many OF them are on the de-
linquent tax rolls. and their
rehabilitation would not de-
crease the tax revenues, and
would improve the neighbor-
hood.
There may be condemned
houses In Adams-Moraan, but
they are numbered in the
dozens, not the hundreds.
II doesn't make sense 20 de-
stroy the whols area 10 weed
out q few substandard
dwellings. Why not apply
the Baltimore plan, and make
funds available so that own
ers can comply with housing
regulations without losing
their properties7 Surely
something can be done 10
save this delightful stretch
along Eighteenth street and
Columbia road.
Anita r. Cex.
Evening star., 1963-05-31
Squeeze on Broadway

There is some disagreement as to
how the legitimate theater is doing on
Broadway. According to one published
report, totting up figures furnished by
individual producers, investors lost at
least $5.5 million the past season. This
summary, listing AZ failures as against
only seven successes among new shows,
evoked a sharp rebuke from theater
owners and producers collectively in a
statement by the League Of New York
Theaters. The league insisted that, when
all sources Of revenue are accounted for,
the season will finish in the black.
This may or may not be another
case Of statistical Semantics, but no one
in his right mind is picturing Broadway
as paradise Of Abie's Irish Rose flanked
on either side by South Pacific and
Oklahoma! AS in many other industries,
there is a serious cost-price squeeze in
the theater which, without relief, will
get tighter.
In addition to mounting production
costs, several causes have contributed to
recent presSures. One Of the Stickiest is
the tighter restrictions on tax-deductible
entertaining. The New York Times
found that some corporations have cur
tailed block purchases Of tickets by as
much as $400 a month. Adding to the
pinch were the newspaper strike, last
springs Wall Street slump, and the high
cost Of tickets, some as high as $500.
Mail order sales also were badly off,
probably due to the strike. And some
have been so bold as to suggest the pub
lie Is firing Of letdownS often resulting
from overpromoted shows.
Friends Of the theater are not TAX
Ing It's condition lightly. Representative
Lindsay, whose district includes the
Broadway area, has asked for 4 special
meeting of the New York congressional
delegation. Mr. Lindsay wishes to kill
the 10 per cent amusement tax to give
the producers more breathing room.
Senator Javits and others also are urging
concessions to keep the living theater
alive.
It sounds to US like a good idea.
Evening star., 1963-05-31

new words, into something much bigger
than even GeneraliSsimo Mao might
like to contend with.
Against this background, the Soviet
appeal for a cease-fire in Laos adds UP
to a lot more than bland diplomatic
maneuver. In effect, 1t challenges Pc
king to play ball, to stop stirring up
trouble in Laos, and to concur In q sort
Of detente in Southeast Asia. General
isSimo Mao'S esponse-whether for
peace or continuing conflict-will be a
significant measure Of how he and the
Kremlin are getting along. e.,
Evening star., 1963-05-31

cations which has q vested
interest In sustaining the op-
erational-if not theoretical
-prerogatives Of State gov
ernments. The States are
therefore very much In busi-
ness. :"
The readings themselves
are grouped under five main
headings: THE Governments
Of the United States" "How
Representative?" "The
Powers Of the President"
The National legislature"
and THE Restraints Imposed
by Law"
Most of these readings are
from reports and judicial de-
cisions; they are therefore
something less than scintil-
lating. But taken together,
Lney form q nearly tndis-
pensable manual.
The final volume Of the
series presents a number Of
discussions Of various aspects
Of our present economic sys-
TEN and some OF the ways
in which II is likely TO change.
Unlike the earlier volumes,
IL contains q few specially
written articles. But for the
most part It consists Of vari-
Gus reports 10 congressional
and executive committees and
individuals.
SOME OF 1T Is TECHNI-
CAL. Much OF II Is merely
dense. Economists and So
biologists seem 10 be In q
competition for some riiys-
terious award for obscufAn.
tisrn and obfuscation. Get q
committee OF either group to-
gether and the resulting
prose IL wondrous - and
nearly unintelligible.
But since what these gem
tlemen have 70 say Is ifnpor-
tant and there IL little like
lihood that a. q class they
will make much effort 10 adj
dress the literate public.
there Is no real choice. We
had better get 10 work. A
II turns out, the verbal brush
Is not impenetrable. Just
nasty and difficult.
But a good deal that IA
very sensible comes out. c.
Lowell HArriss' paper on the
concept Of economy IN Gov
ernment spending might well
De read with profit In all
branches Of Government and
In the editorial offices OF ali
serious newspapers. Prof.
Harriss raises what turns out
10 be q genuinely complex
question: What Ia economy
In Government
The American Image Sc
ries" Ia distinctly uneven. II
IA most Informative where IL
Ia least pleasant. But In gem
eral. II Is . worthwhile con-
tribution 10 our current ex.
animation Of ourselves.
Evening star., 1963-05-31
Urqe to GombIe

BluenoSes and hypocfttes
are still having their way In
the suppression Of the natural
urge Of citizens to gamble.
The lessons of Prohibition
are apparently lost on these
people.
A recent letter was critical
Of The Stars fair approach
to the enactment Of the New
Hampshire State lottery. The
present national lottery law
is patiently ridiculous. On the
same day that the aforemen-
toned letter appeared, The
Star also reported the arrest
Of four persons in raids con-
Quoted by the Metropolitan
Police gambling squad. These
arrests are unfair because It
is common knowledge that in
and around every Federal
Government building many
forms Of illegal gambling are
flourishing. and this includes
the peddling of supposedly
illegal Irish Sweepstakes tick
cts right in the halls Of
Congressl
Is off-track betting less
moral than on-track betting?
Should church bingo games
be raided? Have national
lotteries corrupted the many
countries where they are
established? OF course not.
Congressman Paul A. Fino
Of New York, the courageous
man who has been battling
for 10 years to get his lottery
bill to q vote on the House
floor, has Just published an
informative booklet which
sets forth the logic Of cutting
taxes, reducing the national
debt and administering a
severe blow TO the revenue of
crime syndicates through the
establishment of a Govern
ment-sponsored national lot
terry and Federal lottery
commission.
Ronald n. Harner.
Evening star., 1963-05-31
Sides With Severed

There have been letters
criticizinE Eric Sevareid's
The Era Of the Negro Pas
Sion."
1t was evident that the
writer's were disturbed. by the
intelligent and logical ap-
proach given the matter BY
Mr.. Sevareid. Mr.. Sevareid
never attacks q problem until
he has thought II through
thoroughly. His final analysis
is usually sensible. sincere
and, what is most important,
true. ..
Charles Floyd johnson.
Evening star., 1963-05-31

by most parents and teach
ers alike.
We are now living in an
entirely different era. Too
many families are required to
send out both parents to
earn q satisfactory living,
and the children are left to
baby-sit, and worse still, all
to themselves until their
parents return too dog-tired
to even care how their chill
dren behave. These children
know very little or no disci-
pline at home, so 1t must be
provided elsewhere.
M, KIM,
Evening star., 1963-05-31
Great Dissenter

On receiving the Distin-
guished Service Award from
the Capital Press Club, Vice
President Lyndon johnson
said "the day will come when
-. justice will be color-blind
and all men and women will
be judged on their merits and
not on irrelevant considera-
tions Of ancestry"
The day is already here.
I'm the view of the Constitu-
ton, in the eye Of the law,
there is in this country no
superior, dominant, ruling
class Of citizens. There is no
caste here. Our Constitution
is color-blind. and neither
knows nor tolerateS classes
among citizens. In respect Of
civil rights. all citizens are
equal before the law" Jus
tice John Marshall Harlan
said this on May l6, 1896, in
his dissenting opinion in
Plessy VS.. Ferguson. This is
usually remembered for the
equal but separate doctrine"
for two races. This doctrine
foundered on the fact Of the
non-existence Of two such
races. Depending on your
definition, there either is but
one race, the human race, or
many races. more than two.
We honor the dissenting
opinions Of Justices Holmes
and Brandeis. as harbingers
Of what the majority eventu-
ally accepted because 1t was
right. I am sure Vice Presi-
dent johnson will find 1t
congenial being associated
with the great dissenter, who
led them all. q Kentucky
gentleman and former slave
owner. Justice John Marshall
Harlan. Sidney KOretz.
Evening star., 1963-05-31
WATCHING THE WORLD
The Missile Defense of Germany
By CROSBY S. NOYE!
Foreign Correspondent Of The stsr

early stages Of any attack in
Europe. ....
This policy, expounded BY
Defense Secretary McNamara
and other leading SpokesInen
Of the Kennedy administra-
ton, Is purest anathenaa to
such German leaders as for.
mer Defense Minister Franz
Josef Strauss and his sup
porters in the German high
command. So far as these
men are concerned, defense
of German territory requires
the use Of nuclear weapons
from the outset Of any seri-
Gus Russian aggression In
Central Europe.
It occurs to these Germans
that even II the McNaniarA
theory about forcing a nu-
clear pause" in fighting
should prove correct, 1t Is
probable that by this time q
considerable part Of German
territory would be in Russian
hands-And that subsequent
negotiations would fail to dis
lodge them. r-t
still Want Land Missiles
Mr.. Strauss and his col
leagues long have argued for
nuclear missiles emplaced
along West Germany's east
ern frontier. Although this
argument has not been
pressed in recent days. there
is no reason to believe the
strategic thinking behind 1t
has been abandoned.
German acceptance Of the
idea Of Q nuclear fleet has
been acceptance Of what is in
their eyes q second-best So
luton. In fact, as 1t stands
today. the American plan Is
no solution at all.
Since his return from the
recent Ottawa conference Of
NATO. West German Defense
Minister Kai.uwe Won HaSsel
has made 1t clear once again
that Germany still considers
land !. based medium range
missiles as. essential to its
security. SO far as q nucieAr
fleet is concerned, in his view
it could be considered as q
genuine military instru-
ment" only If the veto over
its use were abandoned.
The United States, of
course. insists that each of
the participating nations
have q veto on use Of the
Polaris fleet. It Is most inn
probable that either the
American Government or the
American Congress would be
willing to make nuclear weap-
ons available to any interna-
tional organization without
the veto attached.
In these circumstances It
Is difficult to see how the
American proposal responds
in any way to basic German
security preoccupations, or
can help resolve the real dis
pute between American and
German strategies. And, since
the political pressure fer nu-
clear weapons is based on
real or. imagined security
needs, 1t is also hard to see
how the American plan will
prevent the Germans from
trying to satisfy require
ments which they believe to
be essential. -
Evening star., 1963-05-31
Peace for Wet Nam

After eight years of total
support Of the Diem regime
the United States should
thoroughly revise its policies
In South Wet Nam before It
is too late. Only the badly
informed, the cynical or those
with selfish motives want
the war TO continue. Only
these people say that Diem
can defeat communism. Ev-
eryone else knows his tyran-
nical government Is losing
the war day by day. His
methods Of terror and flame.
including the use Of napalm
bombs and other atrocities
denounced recently by Lord
Bertrand Russell, cannot be
justified In the name Of any
God, religion or human good.
These methods are the evil
weapons Of a dictator turned
too often on his own people.
Some Wet Namese military
experts believe that only
about 40 per cent OF all en-.
emy casualties claimed are
Wet Cong and that the rest
are harmless peasants.
Twentieth Century history
teaches US that cruelty like
this is the best ally Of COM
munism. A people made des-
perate by such methods cas-
lily fall victim TO Communist
promises. II Diem's Dictator
ship Is communism's best
ally, the strongest defense
against the Wet Cong In
vasion from the north would
be a leadership that conducts
the war with energy and skill
while treating the people hui
namely. When will we learn
from the defeats at Diem
Bien-Phu. Ap-Bac and Ca
mau that methods Of vio-
lence and suppression, or mil
itary force alone. cannot
solve a political and ideolog-
ical problem.
Neutralism is not the an
swer either. though often
proposed today. II Is 4 solu-
ton OF despair because Il as
Sumes there Is absolutely no
alternative. that Diem can
not be replaced by q good
government. II Is a solution
OF futility, because Il ulti-
mately plays into the waiting
hands OF the Communists as
Is obvious from the current
chaos In Laos.
Moscow, Peking and Hanoi,
confident that they will con-
quer the shattered pieces
either now or In the future,
by guerrilla violence or by
diplomatic maneuvering at
Geneva. watch and walt while
Wet Namese kill each other
In this fratricidal war. Wet
Nam cannot escape such a
dismal destiny simply by
means OF more United States
blood and money.
Let the United States and
the free world encourage the
replacement OF Diem by n
national Wet Namese govern
ment capable Of giving q soul
10 It's nation and unleashlnR
Its real sources Of human
strength. Tran Van TunK.
Secretary General, Wet Nam
Denaorra tie parNv
Evening star., 1963-05-31
Domestic Peace Corps

/ favored the proposed do
nestle peace corps" until I
read Of Bobby Kennedy's tes-
timony. He apparently re-
CARDS the corpsmen as ide-
illogical weapons against any
and all local inhabitants
around the country who do
not agree with him about
one thing or another. The
National Service Corps is q
good project. but this kind Of
arrogance will kill it, either
before 1t is started or after.
Old Resident.
Evening star., 1963-05-31
For the Rod

At President Kennedy's
press conference on May %,
he was asked to give his
opinion regarding the use Of
corporal punishment in pub
lie schools in the District.
His reply demonstrated his
lack Of knowledge and un-
derstanding Of the problem
at hand.
The President stated g. E.
/ would be for very strong
discipline in the home so that
we do not place an unfair
burden on our teachers.
This solution" indicates that
he doesn't know why we
have this discipline problem
in District schools. He over
looks the fact that there are
many homes" even though
these are in the minority
where no discipline whatso-
ever is exercised and the
parents in those "homes"
couldn't care less about the
behavior Of their offspring,
so long as these offspring are
"out Of their hair"
Mr.. Kennedy. having been
privileged to attend only the
finest schools during the
years he was obtaining his
education. is obviously unable
10 comprehend what q seri-
Gus problem exists In d. c.
public schools. He apparently
Is unaware that on numerous
occasions, assistance Of the
District police has been re-
quired TO quell disturbances
In the schools as a result OF
misbehavior Of unruly stu
dents. He seems unaware Of
the fact that teachers would
welcome the legal right 10 use
forcible means OF bringing
hoodlum students into line.
This was clearly evidenced
by e6 per cent Of the teach
ers expressing themselves in
favor Of corporal punish
ment.
Paul d. wIckre.
what can we do with ju-
venile delinquency" is the
cry, and what do we do about
it7 We tie the hands OF our
teachers 30 they are helpless
10 aid In the development OF
our future generation. We
prohibit them the power TO
administer corporal punish-
ment 70 potential juvenile de-
linduents when necessary.
Such q regulation comes
from those In power TO legis-
late who have satisfactory
home conditions for their
children. or from those who
recall from their childhood q
more ideal situation than
that which our present ma
tional econo mic situation
creates, when their mothers
could manage 10 stay home
10 discipline their children
properly. Even then corporal
punishment In schools was
not frowned upon but ac-
cspted ~ . necessary thing
Evening star., 1963-05-31
LETTERS TO THE STAR

Pen names may be used u
letters carry tCrtters' correct
names and addresses. An let
ters are subject to condeBsd- :
ton. Those not used tDiH be
returned only tOhen accom- :
panied By self addressed,
stamped enUelopes.
Evening star., 1963-05-31
A. BOOK FOR TODAY
A. Closer Look at Our Country
By DONALD MINTZ

THE AMERICAN IMAGE.
Ernest r. May. general edi.
tor. Volume 3: The Ameri-
can Political Process, edited
by Leonard W. Levy and
John p. Roche, 246 pp.:
Volume 4: The American
Economy, edited by Jesse
w. Markham, charts. tables.
,274 pp. George Braziller
IS per volume; all four
volumes OF the series, boxed
s2o0
The first two volumes OF
THE American Image Sc
ries." The American So
ciety." edited by Kenneth s,
Lynn. and The American
Foreign Policy" edited by
Ernest r. May. suffered from
q tendency TO concentrate on
scrappy history or official
doctrine at the expense OF
clear discussion Of how things
are today.
The final two volumes OF
the series are based on an
entirely different approach.
In THE American Politi-
cal Process" Leonard w.
Levy. Earl Warren Professor
Of Constitutional History at
Brandeis University. and
John p. Roche. Louis Bran
deis Professor Of Government
at the same institution, have
assembled q volume OF read
ings, intended 10 describe the
Governments Of the United
States (but mostly the Fed
eral OovernmenD a. II pres
emily exists. They are inter-
estsd in what. lies below the
surface - well a. what Ia 10
be seen. They are not 30
much concerned with formal
analysis Of the Constitution
a. with the processes and
procedures that have grown
up around II and In its in
terstices.
PERHAPS THE BEST
PART OF the book Il the edi-
tors introduction. In 70
pages. they manage 70 say
something brilliant - and
often something shocking
about virtually every question
OF current Importance.
Take the tangled question
OF the relationship OF the
States and the Federal Gov.
eminent. American federal
ism." they write, has lost
IT, theoretical base; since
1887. the constitutional doc
trine OF States rights has
lost all standing and Ia now
an exhibit In the museum OF
judicial curiositles. However.
At the same time. the bal
ance between States and Ma
ton has been roughly main
tained through the opera
tions Of political party sys-
tenn based on State organi-
Evening star., 1963-05-31
PARIS.

r'' ,cn PARIS.
Perhaps the most serious
weakness Of the American
proposal for 4 multilateral
NATO force is the notion
that the plan will satisfy the
basic security demands Of
West Germany,
The proposal itself IL based
on two assumptions:
First. that Germans sooner
or later will be forced by
nationalist pressures to de-
mAnd nuclear weapons
which. II necessary. they
might be capable Of Develop
ing on their own.
Second, that the scheme
for . mixed-manned NATO
Polaris fleet offers q safe
substitute for an independent
German deterrent and avoids
the dangers which that
would represent in the eyes
OF the Russians and for the
rest Of the alliance.
Both of these assumptions
are open to argument. In
deed, they may both be quite
false.
It Is quite true that O Rroup
within the present govern
ment In Bonn has been de.
manding q stronger German
voice In nuclear affairs. On
the other hand, there would
be powerful opposition within
Germany itself to any uni
lateral effort to develop an
independent deterrent along
the French line.
Among other obstacles,
Germany IL bound by solemn
treaty under the Western
European Union not to man.
ufacture nuclear weapons.
The treaty would not be easy
for any German government
to renounee.
In addition to this, Ger
many would face technical
problems which have not i'm
peded the French.
There are no German
owned areas where nuclear
tests could be carried out
above ground, and It Is most
unlikely any Of Germany's
allies. including France,
would be willing to make
them available. In fact, 1t is
quite unlikely. from all evi-
dence, that Germany could
count on any cooperation
from France in the Develop
ment Of q nuclear weapon,
whatever course the alliance
as . whole might take.
soft" Policy Feared
The second assumption
has even more serious flaws.
1t overlooks completely the
reasons which prompt some
Germans to demand nuclear
weapons Of their own, even
though these reasons long
have been q matter Of public
record.
Essentially they are quite
similar to those which inspire
the British and French.
Rather than considerations Of
prestige and national gran.
deur, they involve the basic
security requirements Of
Europe. Specifically. they in
volve fear Of . soft" Ameri-
can defense policy and use Of
conventional defenses in the