davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
For Service Rendered

Thank you for the won
derful article on the PIERCE
Warwick Adoption Service
of the Washington Home for
Foundlings Sunday Star,
August 25). Amelia Young
has again proved herself a
sensitive and perceptive OBJ
server and reporter Of the
human needs met by our
adoption service.
Incidentally. The Star real
ly gave us our initial push"
when I first came with the
adoption service. An article
that appeared in the october
II, 1861, edition Of The Star
brought us badly needed
adaptive parents and gave
the impetus that enabled us
to find new mothers and
fathers for more than 100
babies without family, be-
tween 1861 and today.
On behalf Of those babies
and their new parents, let me
express my sincere thanks to
The Star. You have served
your community In q very
practical wayl
Linda C. Burgess,
Executive Director,
Peirce-Warwick Adoption
Service Of the Washington
Home for Foundlings.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
Equal Districts

It is good to see Maryland's citi-
Zenry rallying substantially behind
single plan to achieve better division
of congressional voting districts in the
Free State. This goal would be well met
by the plan developed by DR.. Roland I.
Perusse, and now Endorsed by the AZ
citizen leaders making up the Mary
land Citizens Committee for Fair Con-
gressional Redistricting.
Unfortunately there has been no
rash of parallel enthusiasm from the
political powers of the State for an &C
ceptable redistricting scheme. And we
have no expectation that Governor
Tawes will respond favorably, or even
with a great deal Of interest, to the COM
mittee proposal that the Maryland Leg
islature be called into special session to
adopt one. All the same, the request by
DR.. PerusSe, as committee chairman,
must be giving some bad moments to
those State politicians who seem to be-
lieve that by doing nothing they can
hope to preserve forever the sad state
of unequal representation.
Actually, the reform movement has
a great deal going for 1t. The Supreme
Court already has agreed to hear pro-
test against the congressional redistrict-
ing plan in the State of Georgia, which
is only very slightly more discriminatory
against urban areas than the Tawes plan
adopted by the Maryland Legislature.
And the outcome of that case could
have very direct bearing on the picture
in Maryland. We trust, however, that
the advocates of fair representation in
Maryland will not rely on that sassump-
ton. The development Of an effective
campaign is still in It's first stages. The
pressure must be kept up.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
A Good Precedent

Many members of Congress who
voted for the railroad anti-Strike bill
did so with much moaning and groaning
to the effect that precedent detri-
mental to collective bargaining was
being set.
If precedent has been set, which
we hope, 1t is a good one. And there
are two things to be said on this point
One, the precedent results more from
the stubborn attitude Of the unions than
from any desire or intent Of Congress.
Second, it is precedent which ought to
be helpful, not detrimental, to collec-
tive bargaining. 1t should be helpful
because it demonstrates that Congress
and the PUBLICAN be pushed too
far. Union leaders with more power than
they know how to handle have been put
on notice that they cannot ride willy
nilly over the public interest. And this
should be an inducement in the future
to settle differences through genuine
collective bargaining. If this proves to
be the case, Congress, by finally screw
ing up its courage and grasping the
compulsory arbitration nettle, actually
may have set precedent that will be
beneficial to all concerned.
There should also be some comment
on the Presidents statement. After
signing the bill, he said the carriers and
the unions on August 16 had agreed that
the two key issues should be submitted
to arbitration. Then he went on to say
that unfortunately they" were unable
to agree on arbitration terms, but that
Congress, as a result, was able to con-
fine its action "to implementing, in eff
feet, what is essentially a private and
voluntary decision"
No material will be found in this
statement for a new chapter on Profiles
in Courage, or for that matter, for
treatise on ProfileS in Candor. What
actually happened was that the carriers
on August 16 Internationally accepted
the arbitration proposal put forward by
Secretary Writ The acceptance by the
unions was so hedged around with con-
ditions that nothing came Of it. The
result was that Congress had to impose
arbitration on the unions over their
unrelenting opposition. They called it "a
backward step in the preservation of
the rights of workers" Where, in this
sequence of events, is Mr.. Kennedy's
private and voluntary decision? No
where at all.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30

litical. The root crime Of both the nude
and abstraction is an appeal to private
response. And because more people
would rather look at a good nude than
at a good abstraction the nude is the
more serious offender against Commu-
mist morality in art.
But there is still hope for all us
bourgeois imperialist admirers Of the
nude in art. Not only has Junge Welt
called for an unwilling Of East German
nudes; Moscow itself continues to har-
Dor and occasionally to show 1.-THE
Dance" by MatiSse, which manages to
be both the nude and abstraction.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
Commemorate View

Although I am q Southern
err by birth and tradition, I
am impelled to comment on
the letter In The Star August
%, written by Lieut.. Tilmon
B. O'Bryant Of the Metro
politan Police Department
concerning police promotions.
I can not recall having read
or heard such mature and
dignified commentary by any
person on any subject; it is
all the more impressive be-
cause the subject involves
him as the main object. 1t Is
obvious that he won his posi-
ton by merit alone, and we
should all be grateful that a
man Of his stature is carry
ing a part Of the burden Of
our safety and order.
william r. Moses, MD.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
Vote-Buying'

Since 1898, the year that
FDR's New Deal welfare
state regime came into pow
er, billions Of dollars in pub
lie funds have been spent to
purchase votes. Now that the
Kennedy's New Frontier adj
ministration has been au-
thorized to spend 1888 bill
lion in this fiscal year, the
largest peace-time budget In
the history Of this country
and $9.1 billion later on, I
look for the 1854 presidential
election, with all this free
money. to be the largest
vote-buying election this Ma
ton has ever known.
Nish Showers.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
Tells Teller

I heartily concur with
President Kennedy's over
simple comment that 1T
would be very difficult to
satisfy DR.. Edward Teller"
on the matter Of how many
nuclear tests are necessary.
This eminent gentlemen is
test-happy and. like 9 fire
bug, there is no satiable limit
as to how many atmospheric
conflagrations would bring
him contentment without a
restraining political arm.
The H-bomb and its nu-
merous lethal relatives are
thoroughly immoral. APP
parently the accusing ghosts
of Hiroshima cannot still his
rafting firebrand call.
If DR.. Teller's objective
truly is peace. them the test
ban treaty Is the answer to
his prayers.
M. aus~ 0l~mn~unaam
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
Calvin Coolidge and Americas Wards

ored employees. This idea had
caused some disturbance
among the employees Of the
Registrars office, and upon
hearing about 1t, I gave or
deTs that only one plaque
should be located. and the
names Of the deceased en-
ployes placed thereon in
alphabetical order without
reference to their color. I
think the President must
have heard Of this for dur
ing our conversation. he made
indirect reference to q GER
tain decision on my part Of
which he heartily approved,
and he wound up our con-
versation by saying, II have
no criticism Of the way you
have been handling your
departments, but I want you
TO know how I feel on this
matter. and I consider 1t Of
great Importance to the best
interests Of the country and
OF efficient operation Of the
Treasury that our Negro
wards be treated with great
fairness"
As I write this in August,
1868. with the March on
Washington fresh In memory,
I cannot help feeling that
Mr.. Coolidge recommended
fair and equal treatment for
the Negro minority Of the
country whom he considered
as wards but emphasized fair
and equal treatment without
thinking about the political
effect: whereas, at the pres
ent time, there Is an attempt
to listen 10 the demands Of
this minority and to give
them special privileges under
dureSs.
Charles s. Dewey.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30

The President then went on
to say that the Negroes had
not come to the United States
as immigrants or Of their
own volition but had been
brought here by slave traders
and sold as slaves In which
capacity they had served for
a number Of decades until
President Lincoln's Emanci-
patton Proclamation had lib
Grated them and given them
the status Of citizenship.
Therefore" said the Presi-
dent, they have become sort
of the wards of the United
States. and like wards, they
should be given special con-
sideration and considerate
treatment. I am not recon-
mending to you that Negro
employees should be unduly
favored, but in the matter Of
employment and promotion. ]
wish them to have fair and
equal opportunity within
their abilities with any white
employee working in the same
divisions OF Government and
that there be no thought
Of segregation"
Just at that time. a matter
had come to my notice in the
office Of the Registrar Of the
Treasury. During the First
World War, a number OF the
employees had served in the
armed forces, both white
and Negro, and some OF them
had lost their lives In the
service, and 1t was intended
to place their names on mar
BILE plaques to be erected in
the office OF the Registrar.
one bearing the names Of the
white employees. and the
other. the names Of the col
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
Equality in Taxes

For the trem en- GU S
growth of the savings and
loan industry to a figure
beyond the $100-billion
mark, you credit, in your
editorial of August 26,
CSavings Success Story")
the Nations conservative
trend, the housing boom fol-
lowing World War II, the
sociological shift to thrift,
the four per cent return on
money deposited and the
Governments insurance
guarantees on deposits.
You failed, however, to
mention the income-tax ad-
vantage that has long been
enjoyed by the savings and
loan associations and the
mutual savings banks - an
advantage that was by no
means fully corrected by
last years tax law. I venture
to say that the tax-favored
status of these so-called
thrift Institutions Is quite
as much responsible for their
tremendous growth as the
items you mentioned and
praised.
If the savings and loan in
duStry should be made to
pay tax on earnings equal
to the tax now paid by its
banking competitors tn e
Treasury would profit by at
least $3.50 million q year -
in which The Star and its
editorial writer's would un-
doubtedly share. That's
something to think about,
too. L. Shirley Tark
Co-Chairman, Bank in g
Committee for Tax Equality
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
THE PASSING SCENE
A Turning in the Rood for Labor

impends? For the record,
Congress says there Is no
precedent here. But suppose
there is the imminent threat
Of q nationally destructive
strike in the airlines, in the
defense plants, or even In the
millionsof trucks whose driv-
ers are under the command Of
the malodorous national
Transfers Union Of Jimmy
Hoffa?
The public will not then
read the fine print Of con-
gressional disclaimers that
this, that or the other was
not really contemplated In
the railroad bill. The public
will demand-and the public
will get-action in the public
interest.
Labor To Blame
Labor generally protests
the arrival now on the Amer
lean scene Of compulsory ar
bitration-as to. but only as
to, those national economic
dislocations which are liter
ally intolerable in q COM
pick society. But labor has
only labor to blame. Against
every claim of commonsense
and to the eventual disgust
even Of their most faithful
supporters in Congress, the
railroad unions insisted upon
the maintenance, forever
and forever, Of featherbed-
ding practices by which
thousands Of trainmen must
be hired for doing nothing
whatever.
Something has to give at
last, and that something has
now given.
Only those who have
watched Congress closely for
many years in its approach
to labor can imagine how
very far the wheel has now
turned. Politicians long doc
lie toward labor's smallest
request are docile no longer.
1t is not that they have
turned on" labor. It Is that
labor has turned on them
and on itself by increasingly
open disregard for o far larg-
EFF. far less articulate-
lobby than all others COM
bined. This Is the lobby Of
the public.
Pressure groups are per-
fectly right and proper and
even necessary parts Of our
political process. But the fl
nal lesson to be read here is
that any and every pressure
group-even those full of
the most decent original
purposes-can at least go too
far. And, going too far, they
can find slammed tightly
shut a door that once gave
inward at their slightest
touch.
Q 1868
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30

Labor management rela-
tions In this country have
been fundamentally and for
ever altered by congressional
passage Of the most signifi-
cant law in this field since
the Wagner Act Of the sos
turned labor from q place Of
too little to o place Of too
much power over our ma
tional economic life.
On the surface, what Con-
gress has done, with the
approval of President Ken
nedy, has been to compel
compulsory arbitration Of the
long dispute between the
railroads and the operating
unions and to forbid o gen.
eral strike for at least six
months.
But wistful congressional
declarations that this is to
be seen as only o "one-shot"
statute, having no special
application for the future.
cannot change the deep, root
fact that O fork in the road
has been turned. For Con-
gress has done more than to
force by Federal law, for the
first time in peacetime in our
history, a peaceful settlement
of an industrial contest be-
tween two private giants, the
railroad industry and Big
Labor.
Congress, reluctantly and
with many q nostalgia glance
back to the past, has actually
set q new standard which,
stripped Of all the whereases
and yes-butS, says this: The
point has been reached
where the interest Of the
public itself Is openly pro-
claimed to be what 1t has
always actually been - the
dominant interest which
must in the end override all
others, including those of
both labor and capital.
An Example Set
This does not, Of course,
mean that every kind of
strike or dispute hereafter
will fall under the compul-
sive staying hand Of the Fed
eral Government. But 1t does
mean that an example has
been set here-and, again
never mind all the disclaim-
ers Of troubled men inside
the Government and out OF
it-that no stoppage threat
ening the very life Of this
country can long be tolerated
again.
Having done what 1t has
done here in the railroad
crisis-and having done 1t
with enormous majorities-
can Congress in the future
refuse to do likewise when
and II any truly paralyzng
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT contest
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
LETTERS TO THE STAR

Pen names may be used II
letters carry turiters' correct
names and addresses. All let
tiers are subject to condensa-
ton. Those not used tDiH be
returned only tDhen accom-
panied By self addressed,
stamped envelopes.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30

On Saturday afternoon in
the early days of July, 1926.
I was informed that Presi-
dent Coolidge wished to see
me at once.
There were only one or two
clerks on duty, and I imagine
the President had forgotten
that this was the first Of the
half holidays that the Gov
eminent had put into effect
on Saturdays. I found the
President sitting alone In his
office, apparently cogitating.
for he had no papers on his
desk and apparently was In
deep thought.
AS soon as ! entered, the
President said, "Sit down.
Dewey. I have been wanting
TO have a long talk with you,
and that Is the reason I
asked you to come to the
office at a time when we
might not be interrupted"
The President had the
reputation of being q rather
silent man and not given to
many words. In talking to q
member Of the Congress. he
once said you never have TO
deny saying things that you
have never said"
But, on this occasion, Mr..
Coolidge waxed voluble, and
for the next hour expounded
the following ideas. He said,
Dewey, I understand that in
the various divisions Of the
Treasury Department which
come under your direct SUI
pervision Gas Undersecre-
tary,) there are several
thousand Negroes employed,
and 1t Is in regard TO them
that ! wish TO have you
understand my policy in re-
gard TO their treatment"
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
Political BIuckmoiF

Inc sunday STARS FOR
eign Revolt" editorial had
its finger on the pulse Of
the Nation. The weary tax
payers are fed up with Ken
nedy cries Of wolf" If we do
not continue to pay political
blackmail in the form Of for
eign aid. If these nations
prefer communism to free
dom. that Is their privilege
Of choice.
The grippe the American
taxpayer has, and it is a good
one, is that the President
keeps increasing the burden
Of taxation, and gigantic
spending. He would take
our hard-earned tax dollars
and give them to countries
who do not even have per
capita income taxes. Why do
they not tax their own peo-
pie? We American taxpay-
ers have supported them for
over 10 years, yet, they still
come back again, and again,
for more dole, and will, too,
as long as we are suckers
enough to continue voting
for men In office who vote
our tax dollars recklesSly
around the world.
Part of our pay, and
wages, go to nations so they
can trade with Communist
countries. Our tax dollars
are helping Russian econ
omy. We see our money be-
ing used by dictators. Very
little Of the foreign aid really
goes to the poor people Of
these countries. One known
dictator bilked his country
out Of $13 million. His coun-
try was, and still is, receiv-
ing foreign aid from Amer
lean taxpayers. Mr.. Ken
nedy seems to think we
should continue to shovel
out our tax dollars to this,
and other nations, eternally.
If the Government did not
make so many tax laws, and
keep increasing the present
taxes, they would not have
so much money to throw
away on foreign aid.
L. s. GrOwden.
- =
The President laments the
recent cuts in the foreign
aid program. All he need do
is stop sending the taxpay-
ers' hard-earned money to
Communist East-European
satellite nations and those
so-called ''neutrals" which
carry on o vigorous trade
with Communist Cuba, plus
those African and Asian ma
tions which continuously
find 1t advantageous to vote
against us IN all matters Of
concern to the United Ma
lions.
One thing the foreign aid
program has proven is that
you can't buy friendship.
Patrick Sweeney.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30

Such things as changes IN
government in Rum a MIA,
therefore, are not noticed,
however important they may
be In the general history Of
the pre-war years. Even the
fateful Nazi-Soviet pact re-
ceives only brief treatment.
This is as 1t should be, but
the book should not be
picked up with the expecta-
ton that 1t goes beyond its
title.
Chamberlain's meetings
with Hitler and the interven-
ing diplomatic correspon-
dence are duly note and
discussed. As 1t turns out, the
record is even more shameful
tn n most non-specialiStS
would have dreamed possible.
The British ambassador In
Berlin, Sir Neville Henderson,
emerges alongside H alifax
and the Prime Minister as a
major villain-or perhaps
fool.
HITLER'S EARLIER AD-
VENTURES were bluffs. The
period of the phony war was
not used to strengthen Allied
military capacity as 1t should
have been; indeed. the Ger
mans became relatively
stronger during that time.
And, say Messrs. Gilbert and
Colt, Germ any could not
have survived an immediate
attack-then in September,
1889 - from France, even
given the sad state Of the
Allied armies.
Then why all this criminal
foolishness7 We are offered
no ready answer, except per-
haps by the quotation from
Lewis Carroll. Fear of the
Soviet Union certainly played
q part but 1t Is not elevated
to major status.
The best we can make out
is that British policy was
motivated by Q vague pro-
Germanism reinforced by
distrust of France.
But again, why2 Messrs.
Gilbert and Colt suggest
that there was q distinct
feeling Of guilt about the
more draconic aspects Of the
Versailles Treaty. Well there
might have been.
When Chamberlain cane
to power, Britain set about
righting thes supposed
wrongs without taking much
note OF the obvious fact that
: the Weimar Republic had
been succeeded by q govern
ment Of distinctly different
character.
The American edition Of
THE Appeasers" Is q Ere
vised and somewhat larger
version OF the English edi-
ton" The revision has not
eliminated an obvious and
irritating fault. Some men,
bers Of the vast cast have
neither first names nor off,
cial positions In the text or
in the index.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-30
A BOOK FOR TODAY
British Policy Before World War II
By DONALD MINTZ
THE APPRAISERS by Martin

THE APPRAISERS by Martin
Gilbert and Richard Colt.
Illus, 444 PIP. (Houghton
Mifflin Co., $6.50)
THE Appessers" begins
with q quotation taken not
from a statesman, philoso-
pher, or hero, but from Lewis
Carroll:
alice laughed.
There's no use trying
she said; one can't believe
impossible things
at daresay you haven't
had much practice said the
Queen"
Long before the midpoint
of THE Appeasers;" the
reader has had as much
practice as anyone could
want.
For the main thesis Of the
book is that after 1887, the
British policy Of appeasing
Hitler was not the result Of
drifting while praying for the
best In the face Of evidence
that the worst was coming.
Nor was the policy inspired
primarily by fear.
Many Of the documents
are still unavailable. but
from what they have been
able to see. Martin Gilbert,
Research Fellow at Merton
College, Oxford. and Richard
Colt, Research Assistant at
the Royal Institute for Inter-
national Affairs. are con-
WINGED that the Chamberlain
government wanted to be-
friend Germany, not anger
her"
"(Foreign Secretary Lord
Halifax had turned German
demands into British propos-
ais consciously and wiling
ly," we read at one place.
But Halifax wanted q
Polish surrender" we read at
another.
POLAND WAS INVADED
on September /. Britain did
not honor her pledge to sup
port the Poles until Septem-
Der 3. Messrs. Gilbert and
Colt show that the negotia-
lions that took place during
the time between those two
dates were direc t ed In es-
sence at obtaining that POL
ish surrender"
No documents are avail
able that can prove that dur
ing the phony war, the Brit
ish refrained from bombing
such things as the Essen
munitions works because
they were private property
and "American opinion
would (thus) be alienated. "
But the authors have assem-
bled a number Of charges Of
this general sort from q sub
stantial number Of memoirs;
one is inclined to accept
them.
"The Appraisers" Is a high
ly detailed history of o few
years Of British diplomacy.
Other countries are noticed
only when they were directly
involved with Great Britain.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-11

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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-08-11

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