Minneapolis spokesman. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1934-2000, 1963-01-24
Chicago Negroes
New Political
Dimension
CONTINUED from Page ~

AAAANNAS NAes%So AA NAANeAe3N - AANNAO
class large in numbers, with sub
stantial buying power, aware of its
class status, and ambitious for its
children.
The Chicago Commission on HUI
man Relations estimates that 35
to 40 per cent Of Chicago Negro
families belong to the middle class,
compared with IS to 70 per cent of
the city's white families. These
standard indexes to middle income
or middle class status were used:
college education, occupational
status, income and home owner
ship.
Income Shows Big Increase
Census figures indicated that
one out Of every rs nonwhite fam
lies had an income Of $4,000 or
more In 1850. BY 1860, this proper
ton had jumped to one out of
three.
Median income for nonwhite fam
lies jumped from $4,000 in 1850
to $4,700 in 1860. For white fam
lilies the increase was from $4,000
to $1,000.
1t Is obvious from these figures
that moro Negro families are NOV
ing toward, and attaining, middle
class status.
In a recent report, the Commits
sion on Human Relations said:
There Is q direct relationship
between the growing Negro middle
class and the future Of the low In
come sector Of the Negro popula-
ton :. (It) sets the pace,
shows what can be accomplished,
and helps raise the vocational and
education horizons Of the latest ar
rivals to the city from the South"
West Side Ghetto Spreading
These latest arrivals have spread
through the West Side as their
predecessors did through the South
Side. Each day, areas that FORM
erly were racially mixed become
increasingly Negro in population.
The Path Ward, bounded by
Sacramento, Taylor, Pulaski and
an irregular line formed by 10th,
Hamlin, 18th, Homan and Ogden,
is the center of this spreading
ghetto. A few years ago it was
solidly Jewish; now it is 100 per
cent Negro.
The wards alderman, Benjamin
F. Lewis, estimates there are 475,-
900 Negroes on the West Side.
This is the entry point, the
melting pot" he said. "They come
here because there Is more room.
You have to be 'urbanized' to get
into South Side public housing, so
they come out here and get it, then
maybe they work out to the South
Side"
Erwin r. Horwitz, county build
ing commissioner who is vice pres
ident of the oath Ward Democratic
organization and for years was one
Of its best precinct captains, be-
lieves there may be as many as
100000 potential Negro voters In
the city.
West, South Side Residents Differ
II think the leaders Of both
parties are a little afraid to make
an exact count and get them all
registered" he said.
Horwitz said Negro residents of
the West Side are not like those of
the South Side.
Because Of economic conditions
and housing, they are very tran
sient," he said. I'VE will have a
80 to 40 per cent turnover between
registrations. They just pick up
and move as their economic con-
dition worsens or improves, or as
better housing becomes available
to them"
Horwitz Is one of those students
Of Chicago politics who already
see the augmentation Of Dawson's
control Of the Chicago Negro pol
itical community.
There won't be any such group
las Dawson's controlling clque)
anymore" he said. Dawson Is
very sick. Lewis Is on his own
he never has been a Dawson man
and (Ald. Claude w. b. Hol-
man (4th) split with Dawson a
few years ago. The rest of them
are restless, too"
Dawson Shifts His Parties
Dawson was the man who organ
lied the South Side. He was a Re-
publican when he got into politics
and was elected End Ward alder
man in 1888. He served six years
and was defeated In 1899.
Under the late Mayor Edward
J. Kelly, the South Side began its
shift in political complexion from
Republican to Democratic. Kelly
wanted a strong man to guide the
growing Negro community, so he
offered Dawson the post of I'd
Ward Democratic committeeman
and South Side patronage dispen-
ser. Dawson accepted.
A demonic worker who believes
politics Is a 24-hour-a-day job,
Dawson organized the South Side
on a block-by-block basis.
Repeatedly, It was not always