davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22
Walt Kelly Sleigh-Ride Again

Lullaby Lila Boy, Louis
vile Lou?
Trolley Molly don't love
Harold, 4
''Boola boola Pensacola hull
labaloo!"
Ridiculous, you say. Well, yes.
1t is pretty silly. You can go on
and on along this line. Mr.. Kelly
hints at possibilities: Duck us
all in bowls Of barley; Dock us
all a bowsprit, Solly (Golly,
Solly's cold, an SOS oil Loul.
But Mr.. Kelly's theme is Bos-
ton Charlie, which brings you to
Christmas when you get down
to the boughS Of holly, and down
there among the eternal verities
you begin to detect a few veins
of bitter bane among Mr.. Kelly's
sweet and carefree glee.
Life in Okeefenokee Swamp is,
of course, chiefly zany. Kelly,
as his fans win tell you just for
openers. is a deft craftsman, a
delightful mangler of the Eng
lish language I'VE is all human
beans; Santa Claus comes slum-
min down the chimney. and
a mean caricaturist? His lynx
like Simple J. Malarkey did as
much TO make Senator Joseph
Mccarthy famous as did the
late Senator himself. More re-
Gently, a beady-eyed pig has
appeared as a somewhat less
than reverent reference to Nj
kita Khrushchev. These are only
examples. On top of all this,
Kelly has a labyrinthine sense
OF huEnor thick with unexpected
twinge and turns, fillips and In
nuendoes.
But there Is also something
wistfuI about Walt Kelly, some
not quite laughable touches that
make you suspect that the man
is really trying to tell you some !.
thing II you would only stop
guffawing at him. The tips Of
little lessons break the surface
Of his merriment:
Nothing's so urgent now, that
won't be urgenter tomorrow.
Whether to, whittier to3 Oh
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22

wither. not friend, mind not the
hitherto, and fear not the end.
The future looks the same in
both directions.
These little items are slipped
in among all the jolly japery,
and you can miss them in the
headlong confusion. But when
you f'7d them they make you
stop and think for an instant:
was there a little ball there that
failed to field? That there may
or may not have been is one
of the puzzles of Walt Kelly. He
might be deadly serious and
deeply concerned about the hui
man beans around him. or he
might just be sitting in his sane
tum laughing his head off and
occasionally leavening his laughs
with pinches Of charm and sad
ness. His final pinch is a poem,
entitled, with Apologies to
Year Gone By:
THE gentle journey jars to
stop,
"The drifting dream is done
"And now well walk
''As men have walked
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22

Through years not yet begun.
For Christmas is a nightlong
hope
''And Hope the search Of years.
"The gentle journey wanders
on
with laughter, love and
tears
He is geared to children, and
the child in adults. Even though
not all Of Deck Us All with Bos-
ton Charlie" directly concerns
Christmas, there are Christmasy
aspects to it that children will
enjoy. Particularly enjoyable to
children, Of course, are Kelly's
flat-bottomed swamp boats, the
names on the sides Of which
change from panel 10 panel. In
Deck Us All" there are three
boats. The first two are named
Lucius Clay and or General c.
The book appeared soon after the
assassination of President Ken
nedy, having been written ear
lier, and so naturally Mr.. Kelly
could not predict the rending ef-
feet of the name Of the third
boat, which appears on the last
page: John John.
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22

DECK US ALL WITH BOS-
TON CHARLIE. Written and
illustrated By Walt Kelly. ST.
mon and Schuster. 128 pages.
$1.25.
BY ]. A. c. DUNN
When Walt Kelly's parody of
Deck the Halls With BoughS Of
Holly" appeared a few years
ago, it was assumed that the
two verses were just more Of
Mr.. Kelly's clever double-talk,
meaning absolutely nothing, pro-
viding absolutely nothing except
tricky lyrics and entertainment.
The words, when sung, reminded
you Of Danny Hayes best early
patter-songs. with Overt0es Of
Gilbert and Sullivan.
Now here is Boston Charlie
again, a whole book devoted to
him. Who Is Boston Charlie? Is
there something to 1t after all?
Is Our Man In Okeefenokee act
ually saying something? Per
haas we should buckle down and
scholar 1t up? This possibility,
while outstandingly vacant On
its face, can be considered up
for grabs.
For those who tuned In late
TO Walt Kelly, the original Boss
ton Charlie" version Of Deck
the Halls" follows;
Deck Us all with Boston
Charlie,
"WaIla Walla, WASH, an Kali
arlazoO!
''Nora's freezin' on the troll
ley,
''SwaIler dollar cauliflower
alley-garoo! :.
Don't we know archaic bar
rel.
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22
Politics In Aleppo Is Examined

The University Press has just
published Volume As Of the
James Sprunt Studies in History
and Political Science. entitled,
Political Factions in Aleppc,
176O-lS26," by UNc Assistant Pro-
fessor Of History Herbert L. Bod
man Jr.
The monograph was published
under the direction Of the De-
partSnents Of History and Polit-
ical Science at UNC.
DR.. Bodman selected 176O as
the commencement date Of his
monograph to provide an ade-
quate background for the struggle
between political factions in Al
eppO. one of The provinces Of the
Ottoman empire. He chose to
end the monograph in 1928 fol-
lowing the revolt by ths Janis
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22

saries tthe Turkish infantry
which ended their political pow
er. Throughout this period the
Janissaries fought with other fac
tons in an attempt to control
Alepp0.
Taking each group in turn, DR..
Bodman explains their compost
ton, motives, and power. His
concluding chapters review the
struggle for power in AIeppo from
176O-lS26. Typical chapter titles
are Factors Affecting the POlit-
ical Control Of the Walyah Of
Aleppo," ottoman OfficiaIdOm
in AIeppo," and THE Janissa-ies
Of Aleppo."
DR.. BOdman joined the UNC
faculty in 1860. He received his
B.A. degree from USC and his
MA. and Ph,D, degrees from
Princeton.
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22
An Atlantic Community 80?

an Atlantic Community Court,
with competence to arbitrate
disputes between member4la.
tons in certain areas, should be
established, 1t is apparent, then,
that the authors place domin-
ant emphasis upon a rather grad
ual institutional strengthening Of
The alliance, with the hope that
certain prerogatives now retain
ed by the member-nations will
eventually be delegated to the
alliance itself political and in
stitutional reform, and not eco
nonic functionalism, is their
formula for progress.
The above proposals are ad-
mittedly desirable to those wish
ing to strengthen the Atlantic
Alliance. Upon deeper consider
alton, however, one wonders
whether they are more than a
re-exnression of past wishes. How
for instance, does one 60 about
establishing an independently
controlled WEU deterrent force?
Viii each member state decide
for itself when the deterrent
force is to be unleashed? What
happens when France and Brit
ain disagree as to whether rlu-
clear force must be employed?
viii the United States willingly
relinquish the advanced wea-
porls necessary for an effective
WEU deterrent to an organiza-
ton completely beyond its con-
troll? These critical problems re-
main unresolved. Similar db-
stacles apply to NAT0's poIiti-
cal institutions: Does an inten-
Sification Of the process OF con-
Sultation within the North At
lantic Council really mean a
great deal to lasting Atlantic
unity? Consultation within that
body was intensified after the
crises Of late 1855, yet the basic
problems of political unity have
remained. What real world
building impact does d ''parlia-
mentary assembly" sans ef-
fective policy-making power
have upon major issues con-
fronting the community? viii a
Community Court without
benefit Of enforcement proce-
dures be more effective in set
ting intra-community disputes
than present methods of multi
lateral diplomatic negotiation?
For good or ill, political mtegra-
ton in its meaningful sense is
usually the product Of political
concensuS or military conquest.
In the case of the Atlantic al
lance, we may reject the lat
ter and question the requisite
existence of the former.
Building the Atlantic World
is nevertheless a book Of bread
tn apd viSion-a refreshing ap-
proach to a topic of great con-
cern to the citizen of the West
ern World. Like most books, it
has sizeable shortcomings, but
for those with an interest in al
lance affairs, it demands read
ing.
Marctfs WOolSey is q gradu-
ate student in the University's
Department Of Political Science.
A National Defense Fellow, he
is now working toward his doc
torate In International rela-
tiOns,
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22
A Probing Examination

While protesting q desire to
build a more cohesive Atlantic
community, American policy
makers have allowed their fear
of nucleaf proliferation, their
anti-coIonial policies and their
suspicious Of Gaullist policy to
endanger that whole objective.
As examples: We exacerbated
Anglo French differences by in
sisting that only Britain be al
lowed to share our nuclear sec
rets. This has enhanced French
resentment over England's
favored status within NAT0
and contributed directly to de
Gaulle's veto Of British en-
trance into the Common Market.
Similarly, our role in turning
over West New Guinea to In
donesia greatly angered the
Dutch, whose foreign minister,
joseph Luns, openly stated that
while his country would con
tinue to be allies of the United
States they could no longer be
friends"
1t would be too much to call
Building the Atlantic World
a "Gaullist'' Interpretation Of
the needs of the Atlantic World,
but the authors do imply that
de Gaulle has done more to-
ward establishing unity in
Europe than has the United
States. They point to his active
contributions toward establish
ing the Common Market, albeit
without Britain, to his success in
ameli6rating historical Franco
German antagonisms, to his re-
solution Of the potentially dis
astrous Algerian war. They are
also Of the opinion that, con
trary to prevailing American
views, de Gaulle's policy to-
ward Britain is mot governed by
Anglophobia political, not psy-
GEOLOGICAL, considerations kept
Britain out Of the Common
rMarket), that he does not en-
vision Europe as a third force
in world politics, detached from
both the United States and the
Communist bloc tde Gaulle is
quite cognizant Of the political
and psychological ties which
must bind the new world with
the old. De Gaulle is, instead,
an active idealist" dedicated
to the achievement of European
unity and grandeur, perhaps
with France at its helm, but
with ~ the retention Of the poll
teal identity of each European
nation and (2) the maintenance
Of close ties with the United
States.
As is usually the case in such
studies, the most questionable
part of the volume is in its pro-
posals for changes in policy The
authors would begin by re-orient-
ing the whole military policy of
the United States toward the
NATO alliance. The core of the
new policy would be what tfey
term strategy Of military
symmetry" that is. NAT0,
would develop a kind of across
, the-board force equality with the
Soviet Union in order to meet
any, threat of combination of
threats posed by the Communist
bloc. Symmetry would be effect
uated not only by increases in
conventional force levels, but al
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22


of tactical weapons to all NATO
forces in the field. In short, the
authors see gap IN the cred
ibility Of the NATO deterrent:
the absence Of sufficient tacti-
cal weapons in Europe to deter
limited Soviet aggression in the
area.
It appears that, here, Messrs.
Strausz-Hupe, Dougherty and
Kintner may verge on the con-
struction of a straw man. It is
true that tactical nuclear wea-
pons have not been widely dis
tributed among NATO forces,
but the United States Seventh
Army in Germany does have
such weapons and would doubt
less employ them if convention
al defense was ineffective. The
authors imply that, in a limited
Soviet thrust against non-Amer-
lean forces in some parts of
Europe, tactical weapons would
not be available. Again this is
true; but if the American forces
stationed in Europe and there
abouts have any purpose at all,
it is precisely to aid the national
forces of its NATO allies in such
eventualitieS. And once Ameri-
can forces are committed to the
area of conflict, there can be
little doubt that tactical nuclear
weapons viii be available-and
utilized, if the situation de-
MAIDS. Perhaps there is merit
in a broader distribution Of
tactical weapons among NATO
forces, but | for one cannot see
1t as a sine qua non for effec-
tive deterrence.
The credibility of the NATO
deterrent and the political unity
Of the Atlantic World will also
be increased, say the authors,
by allowing the Western Euro
pean Union britain, France
Germany, Italy and the Bene-
lux countrieS) to become an in
dependent nuclear power. Not.
only will the Soviet Union be
more hesitant to launch aggreS-
Sive strikes in the area, but the
experience gained by the WEU
member-nations in such a CO.
operative effort might have the
functional result of increasing
the political as well as military
unity of the area.
Perhaps the most significant
Of the other proposals offered in
the study are those dealing with
Improvements in the functioning
Of existing NATO institutions:
>the North Atlantic Council
should intensity further the pro.
cess of consultation, with the
present unanimity rule being
replaced by weighted voting;
more powers to plan and exc
cute policy should be vested in
military organs of the Alliance,
with proper safeguards guaran-
teeing a retention of civilian
control; the Secretary General
should be separated from the
Chairman of the Council, the
former being non-political ad-
-1ni1istrative figure, the latter
a public spokesman for the Al
lance; serious consideration
must be given to some form Of
NAT0 Parliamentary Assembly.
though it must originally be "an
advisory and consultative body;
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22

BUILDING The ATLAN-
TIC WORLD. By Robert
StrGasz-Hupe, James E.
Doagkerty and William r.
KiMtner. Harper e Rot0. S45
Pages, 5000.
BY MARCUS WOOLSEY
Is there really an Atlantic
community" worthy Of the
name? Where IS it now? Where
should il be going?
1t Is to these portentious
questions that the Foreign Policy
Research Institute, under whose
auspices this book is publish
ed, turn their attention. That
the conclusions of Messrs. Stra-
usz-Hupe. Dougherty and Kint-
ner are both stimulating and
controversial win come as no
surprise to the knowledgeable
student Of foreign policy: They
and their colleagues have a
penchant for criticizing the lib
eral'' foreign and military polio
les Of recent administrations. 1t
was recently reported, in fact,
that Professor Strausz-H -Hupe is
a consultant to Arizona Senator
Barry Goldwater on matters Of
foreign policy. But the content
and worth Of the book are what
concern us here.
In keeping with their strongly
anti Communist dispositions, the
authors amderpin their study
with several fundamental at
titudes: First, the idea Of a last
ing accommodation with the
Communist world is a fanciful
illusion; Communism, though
obviously fearful of nuclear
war, retains its basic objective
Of global domination and views
peaceful coexistence" as no
thing more than safer alter
nate strategy directed toward
the defeat of the Free World.
Second, the present Atlantic
Alliance, though relatively sue
ceSsful In containing Communist
thrusts, must solidify its unity
and purpose if it is to meet the
future threats of Communist
expansion. Third, there exists
a cultural concensuS within the
Atlantic World sufficient to be-
gin building this required unity.
Finally, a searching re-apprais-
al of past u, s. POLITICAL Nand
military policy toward Europe
is necessary if a united Atlantic
community is to be realized.
How do the authors relate
these basic attitudes to current
United States policy2 A recur-
rent theme is that official
Washington has been struck by
a bad case of euphoria as a re-
suit Of the successful outcome of
the Cuban missile episode. This
overly-optimistic reaction has
had a duel effect: 1t has created
a false belief that the Soviet
Union, still quaking from the
Cuban experience. is now will
ing to give serious thought to
some lasting accommodation
with the West, and it has enhan-
ced the fear among some of
our European allies that their
interest may not be properly
defended in American dealings
with the Kremlin.
Present policy stands indicted
on another count in the book:
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22
Dos PGssOs Takes
A Look At Brazil

serious problems. The rising de-
mands of the inpoyerisbad
mass of Brazilians meetina
head-on with the traditional
privileges ; of an entrenched elite
furnishes fertile ground for The
communists to exploit. However
such discomfort is also exploited
Dy number Of non-communist
social reformers and Dos Passes
ialls to make any real distinction
between the two types.
1t is with Dos Passos choice
OF Carlos Lacerda as the cham
plon Of Brazilian democracy that
really sour note is hit. LAGER
da, the extreneE rightist COVER
nor OF the state Of Guanabara-
winch includes Rio de Janeiro--
is hardly the sort of man which
most students of Latin American
politics would label a democrat.
His participation in the 1855
plot to forcibly prevent demo-
cratieally-elected JusceIino Kub-
ltschek from assuming the presi-
dency is blatant example Of
Lacerda's contempt for consti-
tutlonal procedures. The coup
d etat failed because respon-
slble military leaders refused to
go along with it, and Lacerda
was ANONYMOUSLY sent into a
brief exile. Dos Passes simply
CLOSES over such shenanigansa
however. For him the fact that
Lacerda is devoted anti-cofn-
muniSt is enough to excuse all
other sins. 1t might be added
in passing that Lacerda's record
as governor has not been free
of scandal. Last year it was
discovered that. carrying out
his orders to rid the streets of
Rio Of beggars, Lacerda's pol
ice were going about at night
numbering the tramps and
dumping their bodies in the
bay-gangland style.
Besides building Carlos LAGER
da into something of a hero, Dos
Passes attempts to portray the
characters of some of Brazil's
political leaders: GetuIio Var
gas, Kubitschek, Janio Quadros,
and Joao Goulart. The only
trouble is that Dos Passos sees
these men through Lacerda's
eyes. 1t is revealed to us, for
instance, that the real reason
Quadros resigned the presidency
is because he wanted to set up
a Fidel Castro-type dictator
ship, but was foiled only due to
Lacerdas valiant opposition.
Moreover, Quadros spent all of
his time drunk and chasing
women. How do we know7
Lacerda says so. And so it goes
on. getting worse and worse.
Still, discount the politics and
you have a worthwhile book.
Dos PSssos writes brilliantly
and he has feeling for Brazil.
His extensive travels through
out that vast country enable
him to give the reader an in
telligible acquaintance with a
land which promises to become
a great nation in the future.
Mr.. Lewis is a dOctOral can
didate in political science at the
University, specializing in Latin
America. He has studied In
Guatemala and was recently
awarded a Fulbright scholar
ship to do research in Argentina
during the coming year.
The Chapel Hill weekly., 1963-12-22

BRAZIL ON THE C.MOVE.
By John Dos PGssos. DoatbIe-
day. so5 Pages; ss.s5.
BY PAUL H. LEWIS
John Dos Passos, one Of Am
erica's most important novelists,
has written a chatty narrative
dealing with the social and eco
nomic growth of BraziI-Latin
Americas giant country Of
the future" The book is a trav-
elogue rather than a scholarly
work, but because it deals with
some typical problems (which
many developing countries have
to face, it deserves serious at
tention from both the layman
and the STUDENT.
Dos Fassos visited Brazil in
1948, 1885 and in 1862, and has
Travelled through the entire coun-
try, from the Amazon jungle to
the scrublands of the Northeast,
and from the old cosmopolitan
city of Rio de Janeiro to the
new, ultra-modern capital, Bra
silia. Reading his essays, written
over this fourteen-year span,
one certainly gets the picture of
a country on the move. The
author Skillfuliy describes each
place he visits and strongly
conveys the busting, exuberant
spirit of a nation intent upon
pushing back its frontiers. In
American terms this spirit is
something like the westward
drive Of our old pioneers mixed
with the atmosphere Of a Florida
boom" !" First come the road
builders, who open up the back
lands. Next come the settlers.
who clear away the forest and
set up farms Then up spring
the towns, almost overnight, re-
plete with the usual frontier
types: town boosters, planners,
builders, spectators, fast-buck
men, the grandiose schemers.
Dos Passos describes all this
feyerish activity by selecting
several of these types and CIV
ing a colorful account Of the
parts they play in this saga.
The approach is highly sub
iective, like a modern painter
hurling blotcheS of wild color at
a canvass, but all in all it does
justice to its subject. The inn
preston is powerfully made.
1t is only when the author be-
gins to discuss politics that the
book becomes weak. In the
192O's~ and '3O'S Dos Passos was
a fervent, naive radical. In the
1950's and SOS he has become
a fervent, naive reactionary.
From the enthusiastic encogn-
iuEns of movements such as the
Industrial Workers OF the World
to be found in his U.S.A. trilogy,
he has moved to the role oi
professional anti-Red, shopping
for BolSheviks and fellow-travel-
ers under every bed and behind
all the doors. The last few
chapters Of the book are devoted
to the thesis that Communists in
high places have almost cap
tured Brazil. This, of course, is
not entirely an idle allegation.
Brazil has one of the largest
communist parties in the West
ern Hemisphere. Also, as in
most developing countries in the
transition period, the impact of
modemization on the old social
structure has given rise to