Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1963-06-09
Micowber and Haiti

n The United States performance in
the case of Haiti has been nothing short
Of ludicrous. First came an intensive
Propaganda buildup about the hateful
ness of Francois Duvalier's regime. Then,
taking our lead from the neighboring
Dominican Republic, we shook our fist
at, the two-bit voodoo dictator, assem-
bled an invasion force against him,
evacuated American dependents from
his capital city, sailed fleet up and
down off his coast, and put out the word
that he was about to flee the country.
., An absurd moment of truth ensued.
DR.. Duvalier called press conference:
There must have been some mistake,
he said. He was not planning to run
away.
: At which, If you please, the United
States Government in effect now throws
up its hands and says, ooh well, If he
wants to stay, of course, there nothing
more to be said about It,"
One thing to say about 1t is that If
the Eisenhower administration had ever
marched up such a miserable little hill
and then, at the first hint of resistance,
scuttled back down again, the hcvls Of
the loyal Democratic opposition would
have been heard round the world.
e DR.. Duvalier, If he is capable Of
laughter, must be having pretty good
chuckle these days, as he contemplates
the fumbling performance of the giant
of. the north. There is no doubt about
his policy. He means to stay President
Of Haiti, certainly for four more illegal
years, and to run the country as his
private fief The question is: What is
Our policy?
It seems painfully evident that the
United States currently has no policy
toward Haiti. 1t has sentiments, yes.
Diivalier has violated the Haitian con-
Stitution to remain in office and he is
a tyrant; therefore the United States
opposes him. But it is not policy to wish
someone to go away Policy, in a case
like this, means assisting someone out
of office or assisting someone else in.
Obviously we take the position now
adays that armed Intervention cannot
be undertaken in this hemisphere, bar
ring spectacular threat to our security
like the presence somewhere of Soviet
rockets. There are ways, however, Of &C
complishing these things.
For one thing, as we pointed out
the other day, there is economic pres
sure. Our purchases from Haiti are not
extensive. But, for instance, could we
not get along without Haitian coffee
while Duvalier remains in power?
:. Duvalier could be toppled, as he
should be, by the HaitianS themselves
relatively few of them. The men to
topple him are there and, sooner or
later, one of them will organize the job
They need guns, grenadeS and explo-
sives. If the United States remains
spectator, growing only when its ma
tionals seem to be menaced, the next
leader of Haiti will owe us even less
than the present one.
2. If the State Department now vir-
tlously argues that we cannot NEEDLE
in.the affairs of neighboring countries,
it.has a short memory that any survivor
Of the Bay of Pigs or Of the Glasgow
sored revolt against Jacobo Arbenz Of
Guatemala could refresh. It also should
have needed these promptings Of reti-
ceflce before our national prestige was
coYspicuously committed to the abortive
effort last month.
= Haiti, of course, is close to Cuba
geographically, Just as the two cases
are closely parallel. If Duvalier were to
invite the Russians in-or If Castro were
to move against him-we would have no
alternative but to take action, and fast.
Should we permit so dangerous vac
uum to remain so inviting for so long2
:, The truth seems to be that this adj
nfinistration is quite cynically willing to
put on the pressure where it thinks 1t
may scare somebody, but also Is quite
cynically willing to forget the whole
business when the opposition shows signs
Of life.
The result today is that in relation
to Haiti our position is one Of total in
ertia-waiting, like Mr.. Micawber for
something to turn up. 1t is nowhere
near good enough.
o.