St. Paul recorder., 1962-03-30

~. ~. NlA, ullduelpuld'
The prospects Of their nun
grows better as Negro popult
nations Northern cities.
But what are the chances of a
Negro being elected to the Sen
ate? According to a recent study
of population figures, the early
election of a Negro to the Senate
seems unlikely because no north
ern state has more than IT per
cent Negro population (the Mary
land figure).
But while numerically too weak
to elect one of their own race, Ne
groes play an important part in
Senate elections.
In 1860, for example, Sen. Pat
Mcnamara (D) of Michigan would
most probably have been defeated
for reelection If he had not re-
ceived an almost solid vote from
the 9.4 per cent nonwhite popula-
ton of Michigan. Senator Nc
Namara won by only SIT per cent
of the vote.
The nonwhite population in
other key northern states is 8 per
cent in California, 1879 per cent in
Delaware, 1915 in Illinois, 5.8 per
cent in Indiana, IT per cent in
Maryland, 90 per cent in Miss
ouri, 81 per cent in New Jersey,
SO per cent in New York, 80 per
cent in Ohio, and 7.6 per cent in
Pennsylvania.
In any close election in these
states, a solid Negro vote for
either candidate could easily be
the crucial factor.
The northern Negro voter is
also in a strategic position in
presidential elections and, as re-
strictions are removed, the south
ern Negro will make the Negro
vote in a nationwide election al
most crucial as long as the two
party system is maintained.
The Importance of the northern
Negro urban vote is reflected in
the census of Negro population
percentages for major cities-53.e g
per cent in Washington (Which
votes for President in 1864, 34.e
per cent in Baltimore, 28.9 pei
cent in Detroit, 2S.6 per cent in
both Cleveland and st. Louis, 26.4
per cent in Philadelphia 22.9 pei
cent in Chicago, 22.S per cent ir
Oakland, Calf.
Surveys of the 1860 presidential
election show that about 70 pei
cent of voting Negroes cast theii
ballots for the Kennedy-J Johnson
ticket, helping Democrats to pile
up huge urban majorities thai
permitted them to carry severa
close northern states and thus wir
the election.
Congressional Quarterly's stud
les of heavily Negro wards in Phil
adelphia and Cleveland showed
percentages for the Kennedy
Johnson ticket often exceeding 81
per cent.
In 1856, on the other hand, only
go per cent of the Negro vote hac
been cast for the Democratic
ticket.
Both in 1852 and 1856, Presi
dent Eisenhower place on thu
Republican ticket tended to SLOW
down the Democratic trend among
Negro voters.
Before the days of Presiden
Roosevelt's New Deal, on th'
other hand, the Negro vote haC
traditionally gone Republican.
Observers believe that civil
rights arguments may have helped
the Democrats some in winning
the Negro vote in recent years
but that the most important fac
tor has been the Negroes low econ
omic standing.
Often in need of extensive gov
ernment aid programs in welfare
housing and education, the Negr'
looks to a strong federal govern
n.cnt role to fulfill his needs AM
naturally votes for the party mos
willing to expend large sums o
money for, such projects.
The Negro vote outlook remain
a gloomy one for the Republican
Party. Observers believe that a
long as the Negro remains at tn
bottom of the economic totem
pole, he'll probably show htd
interest in Republican argument
for fiscal responsibility and bal
anced budgets.