Montgomery County sentinel. [volume] (Rockville, Md.) 1855-1974, 1962-01-11

not too many voters who will be impressed
with the numerous statements by Tawes that
he vetoed the Tydngs bill because it was too
weak and would not do what was needed.
If Governor Tawes had wanted stronger
bill it would have been easy enough for him
to get it. He knows it. His cronies know it.
And the people know it.
Blair Lee goes on with the history:
''The fight began as soon as the bill hit
the hopper. Mr.. Tydings knew that he might
have chance if he could get the bill referred
to the Judiciary Committee on which he
served. If it went to the hostile Ways and
Means Committee, it would most likely join
all the earlier building and loan bills in
Chairman Boone's safe and never be seen
again." blair Lee agreed with Mr.. Tydings'
analysis and cast the deciding vote in the
Rules Committee that sent the bill to the Ju.
dietary Committee.)
AT the public hearing on House Bill SO
Mr.. Tydings said that his bill would serve to
correct the most fragrant abuses until full
regulation of the industry could be establish
ed. Carl Gottschalk, executive secretary Of
the Savings and Loan League, urged its enact
ment, terming Maryland the Reno of the saw
ings and loan business" ut must be stated
here and now that there are many fine saw.
ings and loan companies in Maryland, many
of them insured and regulated by Federal
agencies.)
The bill finally passed the House by
vote of 80 to 81. On March 3, the last day
of the session, the Senate adopted two amend
ments defeated motion to recomnit lie.
lin Hi oxa1 hui xyofo Of
10 to 8.
With final adjournment only minutes
away the bill went back to the House for
concurrence in the two Senate amendments
and final adoption. If either amendment had
been rejected, it would have been too late to
do anything about it and the bill would have
been dead The opponents chose to make a
last-ditch fight on the first amendment, but
the House stuck with Mr.. Tydings by lop-
sided vote of SO to 20.
Blair Lee says "it is noteworthy, how.
ever, that among the 20 opponents were the
Speaker of the House, the Majority Floor
Leader and the entire Somerset County Dele.
cation. 1t would appear that Mr.. Tawes had
already made up his mind to get rid of this
bill
"After The House finally enacted the bill,
u to 10, the Governors only recourse was to
veto (which he did on April 6. He also
promised to get up new study group, which
later emerged as the Case Commission, but
the reasons given for vetoing the bill had
hollow ring to them then and look even worse
now in the light of recent revelations"
Mr. Lee says, and the voters will most
likely agree, "a great many of the most vi
ciOus abuses that have turned up i'm flaming
headlines are practices that would have been
Outlawed by the Tydings bill. Many of them
actually occurred during the period between
April 6, 1860, and June IL, 1961-the period
of IA months in which innocent depOsitors
and shareholders were left wholly unprotected
because the Governor of Maryland listened to
the wrong advice and vetoed good BILL"
With this clear picture of what happened
in connection with savings and loan legisla-
ton, it is impossible to believe that Governor
j. Willard Tawes and his associates would
dare put themselves up for election by the
people of Maryland
We hold no brief for the strongest oppo-
nent of Tawes for the Democratic nominal
ton, but one thing is sure: In five statewide
elections there has not been one word of any
wheeling or dealing by George p Mahoney
He may not be the most articulate man in
the state; he may not be all that one might
wish in Governor of the Free State but one
thing is sure: Mr. Mahoney has kept himself
clear of any political entanglements that
might be embarrassing to himself or to the
people of Maryland.