Minneapolis spokesman. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1934-2000, 1962-08-31


constitution problem, there are
certain prominent particulars to
be noted. First, the unitary plan
suggested by the provisional basic
law upon independence is a throw
back to the Belgian colonial per
iod. Belgium kept the Congo to-
gether through the imposition Of
her power as metropolitan over
lord. The cultural and social bridge
so necessary for national coopera-
ton was never built; it seemed I'M
at the time.
Thus, the independent Congo
was born without the cement Of
national consciousness so indispen-
sable for a unitary form Of gov
eminent. The various provinces,
tribes and groupings, of necessity,
sought to go their own ways when
the time came for social, economic
and political cooperation.
Much of the Congos troubles in
the neutrality-suspicious. period was
obviously caused by this separatist
tendency on the part of the prov
inces. Katanga, chiefly because Of
its vastly superior economic and
industrial strength, was able to
shrug off the overtures Of closer
political collaboration fostered by
the Central government, and even
the United Nations.
Yet, the most important ques-
ton remaining unanswered was
how to bring about political and
economic cooperation.
Katanga's attitude, and to a les
ser but nevertheless important de-
gree, the similar feelings of the
other provinces, have foiled at
tempts toward solving the desired
"togetherness" dilemma. However,
the announcement of a federal con-
stitution framework for the coun-
try, seems to pose the ideal solu-
ton to a very unique situation.
The federalism theory was first
proposed at the Tananrive confer
ence last March. The proposal at
that time enjoyed some measure
of acceptance. Following that
meeting was the famous Coquihat-
vile talks, characterized notably
for the arrest, detention and SUBJ
sequent release Of Katanga's Noise
Tshombe.
The malxings Of the present fed
eral plan can be fairly traced to
the Coquihatville conference, for
agreement was then reached on
the formation Of a United States
of the Congo. This plan envisaged
Leopoldville as the Federal Capt.
tai, and a total Of 20 states.
Like the present plans, the fed
eral government was to have con-
troll over certain functions of q
national character, with the re-
naming functions being the sole
province of the individual states.
Although things remained rath-
er unpredictable following the Co
quihatville conference, 1t became
more and more evident that fed
eral solution held the most accep-
table answer to the constitutional
crisis.
Easily the chief problem in put
ting the plan over was the estab-
lishment of a suitable formula
making it possible for the Central
government to share in the fabul-
GUS revenue which the Union Min
iere regularly pours into the cof-
fers of Katanga. The Katanga
government did not recognize the
Central authority. and thus re-
fused to relinquish the right to
tax the exploitive enterprises in
the Katanga
Should the federal system be
adopted - and chances seem very
good that 1t will - Katanga will
be legally bound to pay normal
taxes to the Federal Government.
This, from the standpoint Of solv-
ency for the Central Government,
will be a most desirable step. Yet
Katanga has remained notably sill
ent about its participation In such
a move.
It is evident that the Congo can
only make good use Of its indepen-
dence, when 1t has the chance Of
preserving its unity-polidcal and