davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1962-10-27
SPIRITUALIST

SPIRITUALIST
TEMPLE OF THE MASTER-UcM
2O22 r. 1. Ave. N.E.-7:3O pm.
Odd Fellows Hall-Bus 80
REV. JAMES C. NELSON, Pastor
REV. v. E. HUGHES
REV. ETHEL JANET HIGHSMITH
1929 Michigan Ave. NE. La. 6-1S9O
Reading by Apt. 8 am. until o pm.
SpIpITlIAI ScIENcE
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1962-10-27
BdZdor


The Daughters Of Isabella,
District of Columbia No. 178,
will hold an annual Harvest
luncheon and bazaar today
from l until 6 pm. in st.
Mary's Church Hall, 5th and
G streets NV.
The bazaar will feature
homemade candies, jellieS,
baked goods, aprons, plants,
needlecraft, jewelry, plastic
wares, and a Christmas gift
table.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1962-10-27

at Wittenberg October 81. 1917.
In Roman Catholic churches
the last Sunday in october is
the Feast of Christ the King
a doctrine also accepted by
Protestants.
&# -
Question: Can you tell US
why the Salvation Army does
not believe in the Lords Sup
per?"
Answer: 1t is not that the
Salvation Army does not be-
lieve in the Lords Supper or
the Sacrarnents but, rather.
that they do not form a part
of the function of this Chris
tan evangelistic and socia
service organization.
The founder of the Salvation
Army, Cen. William Booth,
had been a Methodist minister
Originally the work of the
Army was confined to vigorous
campaigning in the slum areas
of great cities working for the
redemption of men and women
who were underprivileged and
without hope.
Certainly, the Christia n
Church finds the C hristian
Sacraments essential to the
Christian faith.
80 y
Question: II have heard that
some bishops, including some
Americans, opposed Pope Plus
TX in his declaration of the
doctrine of the infallibility Of
the Pope at the First Vatican
Council in 1870. Is this true,
and if so, who were the Ameri-
can bishops?"
Answer: This is only partly
true. When the vote was taken
on the doctrine of papal in
fallibility there were 535 bish-
ops present in st. Peters b.
silica at the Vatican. OF this
number 533 voted for the dog
ma, only two voted against it.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1962-10-27

and the Bible moy be addressed to
Dr.. corIyIe Adoms, core of this news
poper. All questions must be signed
but the names Of the writers will not
be published. Dr.. Adams does not reod
anonymous letters
Register and Tribune Syndicate, 1852
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1962-10-27
OUR RELIGIONS
Demurcution Line
Is Growing DINNER
By CARLYLE ADAMS

Lines demarcation between Catholic and Protes
tan Christians growing fainter with the passing years
This week end probably stresses the separation than does
other single date in the Christian calendar Professionals
the last Sunday of October to the famous 9
theses nailed the SchoSskche
Evening star., 1962-01-21

Beginning Drive to Improve Te|evision

viewers per program, and the
quickest way of getting them is
by appealing to the strongest
emotions, particularly emphasiz-
ing sex and violence. Here's what
the commission says about rat
ings in connection with the hear
ing:
while the commission obvi-
ously cannot and should not seek
to prescribe or advise the networks
with regard to the details of their
commercial operations, it is i'm
portant for us thoroughly to un-
derstand the use made by the
networks of such information in
selecting their programs and the
effect of such use on the ultimate
composition of the schedules"
Sponsor Influence
Sponsor influence on programs
intrigues the FEC. Most sponsors
have testified previously that
they're in TV to sell goods-and
this means they don't want to be
associated with controversial or
unpleasant programs, for fear
that such characteristics will rub
off on their products and depreSS
sales. A few sponsors, not many,
give networks a completely free
hand, asserting that their sales
have improved despite sponsor
ship of difficult" themes.
Networks aren't licensed or reg
ulated directly by the FEC. How
ever, the commission has two
quite effective controls on them.
First, FEC does license the sta
tions carrying network programs
the "affiliates" which are not
owned by the networks. Second,
networks own five stations each
in the Nations largest cities-li-
cenSed precisely the way affiliateS
are-and these generally produce
more profits than networking it
self. Networks won't unnecessarily
jeopardize the stations they own.
The FEC believes that it should
regulate networks directly, how
ever, and is asking Congress to
give it that power, on the grounds
that the present indirect method
is awkward, slow or ineffective.
Congress will conduct hearings on
tho cIIhjnnf fhic
The network spokeSmen are we'll
prepared for this hearing. They've
studied the testimony as it has
developed over the years. Most are
quite experienced at handling con-
troversial and complex questions
from FEC, Congress and other
agencies. The leading witness of
each network are: ABC-Oliver
Treyz, president of the ABC tele-
vision network; CBS-Frank
Stanton, president of CHS, Inc;
NBC-Robert w. Sarnoff, presi-
dent of NBC.
Power Not at Issue
The hearing isn't designed to
explore whether FEC has the
power to judge if a station is
programming lin the public in
terest." The commission has al
ready gone through that, in 1859
and 1860, taking 5000 pages of
testimony from 100 spokesmen
from the industry, educational
groups, religious organizations,
etc.
FEC did conclude, as it always
does, that it has certain powers
and responsibilities regarding pro-
gramming. Basically, it decided
that it should require broadcast
erS to show that they've surveyed
their communities and determined
their broadcast needs. Second, it
easserted that it has the author
Evening star., 1962-01-21

tremendous moral commitment to
the work in which he was en-
gagged.
Shifts of Mood
The sudden shifts OF mood he
displayed on occasion were moth
ing short of astonishing. One
morning in his office, he related
to John Frank and myself, with
tears in his eyes and a voice
dulled with the cumulative grief
OF three hundred years, the ex-
pertinent of a leading Sociologist
with a group of little colored girls
who were given their choice of
playing with two sets of dolls,
one white or Caucasian, one black
or Negro. Even at three years of
age, he said, the little colored girls
preferred the white dolls, describ-
ing the black dolls as bad" and
mot nice" and the white dolls
as pretty" and good" A
few moments later, his ebullient
hilarity restored, he good ma
turedly rallied at his secretary's
negligence, informing her in
voice deliberately weighted with
excess Negro accent not to forget
who's H. N. around here"
Sometimes Marshall could reveal
a mood of sudden savagery and
bitterness. A moment later,
the good humor and charm re-
turned -.
Gradually, in the next three
days, we hammered out a STRAIT
egy. The Fourteenth amend
ment we told ourselves had been
necessary to accomplish a vast
sweep of purpose far beyond the
Civil Rights Act. Here we came
down hard on oward's an
nouncement that the purpose of
the amendment had been to abol-
ish all class and caste in the
United States. And we pounced
on phrase Jay Graham "a con-
stitutional hiStorian) had dug
up: Bingham. in defending the
amendment in the House had in
deed said Congress now was writ
ing a constitutional provision, not
drafting a statute; that statutes
are writ sharp and narrow and
specific, but constitutions are writ
broad for ages yet unborn. In our
minds eye Bingham almost
seemed to be speaking for our pur-
poses. saying to the court in the
Twentieth Century that if your
age, far beyond our span of time,
sees in this amendment a new
birth of liberty it will be alto
gether legitimate for you to use
it for that purpose.
Historical Truth
This is the argument, essen
TALLY. that you will find incor-
porated in the historical portions
I of the NAACP brief as it went
Evening star., 1962-01-21

newspapers. Ten days later, early
in October, however, I was sur
prised to receive a phone call
from Thurgood Marshall. In the
curiously winning manner so
characteristic of the man he in
formed that since I wasn't doing
anything anyhow, might as we'll
come on down to New York for
four or five days and waste my
time there. My help, he said with
careful flattery, was needed very
badly on the brief. My vanity thus
touched to the quick, I came.
Those Present
=. This time there were only
about a dozen of us Gncluding)
Marshall, Robert Carter, the
NAACP's assistant counsel,
Spottswood Robinson, (thenO gen.
eral counsel of that organization
Editors Note: Now Dean of
Howard University School of
Law, Constance Motley, another
NAACP lawyer, Jack Greenburg,
general counsel of NAACP)
Louis Redding >. who had late
ly won his case in the Delaware
Supreme Court and Robert Ming
"a former Howard University law
professoD.
For several hours they picked
my brains on American constitu-
tional history. They wanted
hard questions and hard an
swers of the kind they might en-
counter from the justices and op-
posing counsel. There were
several such conferences in the
next five evenings. On the
morning after the first evening
conference of this sort, Marshall
called me early and when I
reached his office Chez informed
Ming and me that he wanted us
to sit down and hammer out
draft of a brief for the Supreme
Court.
To this end he locked us up,
so to speak, in an isolated suite
of offices over at the NAACP's
main headquarters on West For
tieth street. Ming and 1 spent
the next three days there, with
no one else present but a ste
nographer, walking up and down,
debating, arguing and Grating to
one another. The brief-drafting
was mostly Ming and compare
lively little Kelly. My role,
it appeared, was to challenge him
repeatedly attack his history
and constitutional law as unsound
and so on. Since being unpleasant
comes naturally both to lawyers
and academicians, we got on fa-
mouSly. Evenings, we went back
to the general sessions, which in
variably lasted until long after
midnight. At the end of three days
we had brief which Ming said
would do.
After five days, I went home
Evening star., 1962-01-21

There totals do not add up to
the 16-year totals of $84.7 billion,
for the reason that over this
period a total of $5.1 billion has
been allocated on area projects
not chargeable to any one country.
The country totals above, there
fore, are roughly IS billion short
of the overall total for 16 fiscal
years.
Repayable loans still outstand-
ing account for roughly $12 billion
of the total assistance outlayS,
leaving $72.7 billion IN direct as
Sistance expenditures, assuming
all the loans eventually will be
repaid with interest.
Total repaymentS on foreign
credits were $1.3 billion during
fiscal 1861, the largest for any
year since the war. And these
heavy repayments reduced our net
Tresury foreign aid outlay to 81
billion for the year-the lowest
for any postwar year.
The total net cash outlay for
foreign aid last year was, roundly,
81 billion, of which SIS billion
was in the form of surplus farm
products. Another $1.4 billion was
spent inside the United States for
goods and services shipped abroad,
leaving only about $1.1 billion for
the year as a direct drain on gold
balances due overseas.
Evening star., 1962-01-21

TO the court. This is the argument
Marshall used in oral argument
IN answer to the questions from
the justices. -.
l am convinced now, that this
Interpretation, which we ham,
mered out with anything but his
torlcal truth as our objective.
nonetheleSS contains an essential
measure of historical truth. His
tory is art as we'll as fact; every
one in this room knows that the
1actS do not automatically arrange
themselves without the historians
creative leap, which occurs in our
cra1t as well as in the exact
sciences.
Ihere is not much more to the
personal side of my story. In
May came the now historic deci-
sion IN Brown VS.. Board, in which
Mr.. Justice Warren, speaking for
unanimous court, threw out
PleSSy (the doctrine of Separate
but equal" used to uphold segrega-
ton by the court in the past) and
announced that henceforth State
statutes supporting school seq
regation were declared to be un-
constitutional under the Four
teenth Amendment. War
ren's opinion noted briefly that
there was a general disagreement
among opposing counsel and his
torlanS about what the amend
ment as of 1866 had been in
tended to mean, and thereupon
proceeded to junk the historical
approach entirely and instead to
settle the question of segregation
on straight out sociological
grounds; racial segregation in
the schools, in the context of the
Twentieth Century, bred social in
terlority for the Negro and must
therefore be outlawed. This
uoeS IloC mean the historical argu-
ment was without meaning in the
courts opinion. 1t seems probable.
at least, that had historical in
quiry resulted in a general in
ability on the part of the NAACP
to make plausible case shown;
in short, that the Fourteenth
Amendment clearly and obviously
had not been intended to touch
segregation the Courts en-
barrassment would have been
great enough to cause it to put
over the critical decision to dis
card segregation under the
amendment, at least for a time:
So we historians can assure our
selves, 1 think, that we had some
thing to do with the victory
Thurgood, at all odds, presently
wrote some of us letters of thanks
assuring us that enIisting the
history profession on his side had
been the NAACP's Smartest move
IN the whole complicated case.
Evening star., 1962-01-21

tastes and needs of substantial
segments of the national televi-
sion audience. For instance, as one
example among several, there is
testimony in the record that net
works have not provided adequate
programs designed to serve the
needs and interests of children.
Procurement Practices
Several such persons testified
that this lack of diversity in pro-
gramming stems from the opera
ton of network program procure
ment practices which are said to
result in the selection of programs
principally on the basis of their
utility as advertising vehicles for
those advertisers who seek the
largest audience. Doubtless you
will wish to address yourselves to
this subject. In addition, we shall
ask you to describe in detail the
operational mechanics and day
To-Day lmplemenCaClOn OF yO u r
policies in this regard and their
results in terms of program
service"
Such questions as the foregoing
according to some in the TV
industry - is censorship by the
lifted eyebrow" The commission
has no right even to seek such
information, they say, because it
implies that the FEC considers
some types of programs better
than others and therefore is seek
ing to impose its programming
preferences on networks and sta
tionS.
One of the largest targets of
critics is program ratings = the
assertion being that networks
fight for the greatest number of
Evening star., 1962-01-21

am frank to say that it bothered
me terribly.
The NAACP office had sent out
a call to about 125 leading
scholars in the country-histo-
rians, constitutional lawyers, polit-
1cal scientists, educators, and the
like, and a great number of men,
several of them first-rate profess
sional figures, had responded. g.
The conference held at the
Press Club on Forty-third street
in New York and with head
quarters at the thoroughly deseg-
regated Algonquin Hotel (the time
was September, 1859 was organ
lied in a series of seminar dis
cusslons around the so-called
scholarly papers which the five
historians had prepared. found
myself in such a seminar with
group of NAACP lawyers, all
OF them heavily concerned with
the central problem they would
have to argue before the court
the meaning of the Civil Rights
Act, its relationship to the Four
teenth Amendment, and the in
tent of the First Section of the
Fourteenth Amendment itself.
To my relief, I found that the
lawyers present did not at all
resent the fact that I had ex-
posed a considerable difficulty in
the argument they would have to
make before the court. On the
contrary, they obviously wanted
me to clarity as far as possible
the difficulties they would con-
front were John w. Davis and
his staff as we'll prepared as they
might be expected to be.
I left the September confer
ence expecting to have no more
to do with the segregation cases
beyond what I might read in the
Evening star., 1962-01-21
Historian Reports the Drafting Of the 1854 NAACP School Brief

An unusual behind the
scenes view Of the preparation
of the brief for the National
Association for the Advance
ment of COlOred People in the
historic 1854 Supreme Court de-
cisiOn Outlawing school segre-
cation statutes is given in the
following article. 1t is taken from
excerpts of a speech to the
American Historical Association
annual meeting here recently by
Prof. Alfred III. Kelly of Wayne
State University. Prof. Kelly
helped draft the brief.
One day in early July, 1858,
received letter from Mr.. Thur
good Marshall, general counsel of
the legal defense and educational
fund of the NAACP. Would I
be willing, Mr.. Marshall inquired,
to prepare a research paper on
the intent of the trainers of the
Fourteenth Amendment with re-
spect to the constitutionality of
racially segregated schools? The
United States Supreme Court, Mr..
Marshall explained, had recently
heard arguments on a series of
school segregation cases, four Of
them on. appeal from the State
and one of them from the Su-
preme Court of the District of
Columbia. Instead of deciding the
cases within separate but equal"
rule, however, the court had re-
turned the cases to opposing
counsel for reargument :. on the
matter of the historical intent of
the Fourteenth Amendment. =.
AS a constitutional historian,
I knew of course that the Four
teenth Amendment had evolved,
in some considerable part, out of
the Civil Rights Act of 1866.
Accordingly went to work on
the 1866 volumes of the Con-
gressional Globe, reading anew
the story of the debates that
winter and spring for clues con-
cerning the intent which Gyman
Trumbull, John A. Bingham,
(Tha6 Stevens, and the other
congressional radicals might have
had with respect to legalized
segregation and school segrega-
tion in particular. I did not really
expect to find very much of any,
thing. -. AS any reasonably COM
petent historian could have told
the court and the lawyers on both
sides the historical questions they
had framed did not necessarily
have very much relevance at all
to the issues that seemed con-
sequential to the embattled radi-
Gals who had hammered out the
Civil Rights Act and the Four
teenth Amendment that spring
of 1866.
To my surprise, the debates re-
printed in the 1866 volumes of
the Globe had a good deal to say
Evening star., 1962-01-21

about school segregation. Un-
happily, from the NAACP's point
of view, most of what appeared
there at first blush looked rather
decidedly bad. It is impossible here
to enter into elaborate technical
detail, but.
Civil Rights Act Rewritten
The conclusion for any rea-
sonably objective historian was
painfully clear: The Civil Rights
Act as it passed Congress was
specifically rewritten to avoid the
embarrassing question Of a con-
gressional attack upon State racial
segregation laws, including school
segregation. 1t looked as If
John w. Davis Counsel for the
school boards defending segrega-
tom would win the historical
argument hands down!
To be sure there was a little
more to the matter than the fore
going, fortunately quite a little
more. In the Senate, Howard of
Michigan, substituting for Fes-
Senden in presenting the amend
ment to the floor, had asserted
categorically that the first Sec
ton, with its equal protection,
privileges, immunities and due
process clauses, was intended to
destroy all "class and caste
legislation in the United States"
Certainly that included school
segregation statutes. :. And in
the Senate, in particular, the
radical Republicans throughout
the debate cast their argument in
extremely broad terms, talking
grandly of the Declaration of In
dependence, of the equality of
man, of Lincoln's Gettysburg Ad-
dress, and the like, and avoiding
all questions of specific legislative
and statutory consequence. Here,
by all odds, was the best possible
answer to narrow construction
of the amendment, although I
fear I did not see it very clearly
at the time.
Leading Scholars Help
The paper I prepared for the
September conference with Mr..
MarShalD was not adequate by
any standard. I was trying to be
both historian and advocate with
in the same paper, and the COM
bination ). was not very good
one. was facing, for the
first time in my own career, the
deadly opposition between my pro-
fessional integrity as historian
as against my wishes and hopes
with respect to a contemporary
question of values, of ideals, of
policy, of partisanship, and of
political objectives. I suppose if
a man is without scruple this
matter will not bother him, but I
Evening star., 1962-01-21

TIC interest is served by the great
est diversity of voices"
Unlike radio, which has some
$500 stations on the air, TV has
only about go. Thus, relatively
few producers have access to the
viewers eye - and the networks
have succeeded in offering sta
tions the most attractive packages
of programs.
But have the networks achieved
this prominent program position
fairly, solely on the merits of their
shows? The FEC has heard a lot
of bitter testimony to the effect
that a program producer must
play the game the networks way
or his show will never see the
light of the picture tube.
Hollywood film producers, par
ticularly. have testified that net
works apply pressure to acquire
ownership in their shows as the
price for putting them on the air.
In addition, they asserted, net
works seek to share in subsidiary
earnings - such as foreign sales
and merchandising rights (toys,
etc..
The FEC wants to know some
very basic things-such as the net
works reasons for telecasting the
programs they do. In its letter to
the networks, telling them what
areas the upcoming hearing will
explore, the commission stated:
"As you doubtless know, there
has been much testimony in our
inquiry from persons engaged in
television programming in various
capacities that, in recent years,
network television schedules have
lacked the diversity and balance
necessary adequately to serve the