davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Kennedy as q Lone Wolf

Senator Kennedy of Massachusetts has
changed in the last four years from the most
rugged individualist of the four Democratic
hopefuls in the Senate into the biggest conform
ist, at least as far as his voting record is con-
cerned.
From 1858. when he and Senator Symington
of Missouri joined Senator johnson Of Texas and
Senator Humphrey of Minnesota in the Senate,
through 1859, the four men took stands on 893
rol-cal votes.
In every year through 1856, when he missed
by whiSker being the party's Vice Presidential
nominee, Senator Kennedy stood alone more
often than any of his rivals.
Since 1856, his lone stands have diminished
in frequency each year, until in 1859 he was a
Toner" on only one vote. Here is the record year
by year:
195S-Of the 68 votes on which all four hope
tuls took stands, Senator Kennedy stood alone on
IA. Most concerned his support of moves to cut
Federal spending.
1S54-Senator Kennedy stood alone on Is of
las votes. Half of these stemmed from his SUP
port of key portions of the administrators
flexible price support farm program He also
opposed boost in REA loan authorizations
supported cuts in public works funds and was
one OF half-dozen Senate Democrats who op-
posed an amendment to the Atomic Energy Act
authorizing the Acc to produce electric power
Evening star., 1960-04-10

and to give preference to public bodies and CO.
operatives in distributing it.
1955-Senator Kennedy stood alone on eight
of II roll-callS. Half were in the farm field.
On the Others he voted for foreign aid economies,
against the Colorado River reclamation project
and was the only Democrat in the Senate to
support the administrations plan to finance
construction of the interstate highway system
through bond issue
1956-Senator Kennedy stood alone 10 of
100 roll calls, chiefly in the farm policy field
1957-For the first time since he entered the
Senate, Senator Kennedy was not the leading
lone wolf of the quartet. He stood alone on
four of 102 roll calls, while Senator johnson was
by himself on IL. His disagreements came on his
efforts to reduce spending for the soil bank one
category Of foreign aid and public works.
1958-Senator Kennedy stood alone on six
Of 179 roll-calls, fewer than Senators johnson or
Humphrey. The six were on relatively minor is
sues, including efforts to freeze or boost dairy
price supports. which he opposed.
1959-The least different" of the quartet.
Senator Kennedy stood alone on only one of 208
roll calls, and that an insignificant vote which
he opposed making floating drydocks eligible for
Federal ship mortgage insurance.
For the seven-year period, Senator Kennedy
has agreed with Senators Humphrey and Syming-
ton on 80 per cent of the roll calls and with Sena
tor johnson on n per cent.
Evening star., 1960-04-10

Though he came to it later than
others - notably Senator Hum
phrey-he has now seized on Food
for Peace" proposals to expand
use of American farm surpluses
as part of foreign aid.
But his chief proposal - one
that voters could be absolutely
safe in presuming he would rec
ommend as Presidents the ex-
pansion of the Development Loan
Fund on long-term basis.
THE heart of any solution" he
has said, must be a substantial,
long-term program of productive
loans to un derde v eloped areas
from a fully capitalized central
fund, capable of working with
either independent nations or re-
gional groupings"
On the other major aspect of
foreign economic policy-trade-
Senator Kennedy has taken a far
less internationalist position than
his Democratic rivals, particularly
Senators johnson and Humphrey.
In 1949, Mr.. Burns, his biog-
rapher, has noted, he voted against
extension of the Trade Agreements
Act. He reversed himself later that
year and has supported it's extern
sion ever since, but on several
occasions he has opposed moves to
remove some of the "protectionist"
features of the bill. He has sup
ported legislation so far un-
enacted-to provide assistance to
Industries and workers damaged
by imports.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Rights

There is no question of his sup
port for the goal Of equality for
Negroes. He backed fair employ
ment practice legislation when he
was in the House and, in the Sem
ate, has voted consistently for
the So-called Part III authority
which would give the Attorney
General power to file court suits
to secure Negroes equal treatment
in broad variety of fields outside
that of voting rights.
But he differed from Senators
Humphrey and Symington on two
key civil rights votes in 1857. He
opposed the move to shortcut the
House-passed civil rights bill
around the Southern dominated
Senate judiciary Committee and
he supported the move to add a
jury trial provision to the bill.
In both cases, he defended his de-
cision on the grounds of proper
procedure.
While Senator Kennedy's goal
in the civil rights field is clear
substantial equality for Negroes
in all their legally-protected rights
the means he would recommend
to achieve that goal cannot be
clearly forecast. The most one
can say is that they would have to
satisfy his standards of proper
procedure.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Farm and Power

In agriculture, power and
resource development, Senator
Kennedy has had most of his
differences with his rivals for the
nomination (See: Kennedy as a
Lone Wolf" on this pageD
The programs he now eSpouses
in those fields conflict with his
past votes in important respects.
The performance of his admins
tration in these areas would doubt
less be greatly influenced by his
choice of cabinet officers.
In agriculture, Senator Ken
nedy through 1856 was a consist
ent supporter of the administra-
tion's flexible price support pol
icieS. Since then, he has turned
his back on the programs of Sec
retary Benson, but his own alter
natives are still couched in very
general terms. The Kennedy farm
program probably would include
moves to expand distribution of
surplus food at home and abroad,
and it might we'll give farmers
greater authority to control pro-
duction and distribution of their
crops. But much remains to be
spelled out.
In the power and resources field,
too, Senator Kennedy's record has
been mixed. His supporters have
publicized the fact that he was the
first man from his region to sup
port the st. Lawrence Seaway, but
just last year he backed a move
that seaway interests said would
have crippled it as an outlet for
farm exports.
He was a consistent backer of
legislation to permit the iva to
expand power facilities from its
revenues. but in 1854, on a key
vote, he opposed letting the Atomic
Energy Commission generate elec-
trio power for distribution by pub
lie bodies and co-ops.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Nutionulism

Senator Kennedy has spoken
often of the revolution of national
ism sweeping Asia, Latin America
and Africa. He argues that this
Nation, the home of the Declara-
ton of independence, should have
led this nationalist revolution in
stead of helping to throttle it,"
In speeches that were bitterly
criticized at the time they were
delivered in 1851, 1854 and 1857,
he urged the United States to
with draw it's support from
Frances "colonialist" policies in
Indochina and Algeria.
His likely attitude toward coun-
tries seeking to throw off foreign
rule was indicated by his 1857
statement that 'if France and
the West at large are to have a
continuing influence in North
Africa E. then the essential first
step is the independence of AL
geria"-a goal not yet achieved.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Military Strength

The Senator has said he believes
Russia has attained a military ad-
vantage because I'VE tailored our
strategy and military requirements
to fit our budget"
His Senate voting record shows
consistent support for moves to
increase military spending. al
though he has rarely initiated
such moves. He does not have
Senator Symingtons expertness
on defense technology, but last
month he outlined a three-step
program for improving American
military strength.
1t calls for funds to permit an
airborne alert of the Strategic Air
Command "as long as it is our
chief deterrent; additional spend
ing on missile procurement and
development ito hasten the day
when a full mobile missile force
becomes our chief deterrent" and
% modernize and make more
mobile the conventional forces of
the Army and Marine Corps. He
placed the price tag for the pack
age at less than $4.2 billion.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Satellites

AS much as any man in the
Senate, Senator Kennedy has
argued for flexible policy toward
the Communist satellites. The
chief effort in which he has
taken the lead was the move
to amend the Battle Act to give
the President greater discretion
in awarding economic aid to satel-
lite countries. This measure, first
proposed by Senator Kennedy in
1857. passed the Senate last year
and is still awaiting action in the
House.
Even before that, however, he
had voted against moves to bar
aid to Yugoslavia-whose govern
ment, incidentally, has been under
continuing strong attack by the
Vatican.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Economic Aid

With a persistence that has
matched that of Senator Hum
phrey and Adlai Stevenson, Sena-
tor Kennedy has described as the
most critical challenge" of the
coming years the struggle of free
under developed countries for eco
nomic progress.
He has urged American aid to
Latin America and Africa, but
his greatest concern has been
India. IF India fails and China
succeeds" he has said, "the de-
cisive struggle in the cold war in
the next 10 years will have been
lost"
He has sponsored a variety of
moves to increase aid to India.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Economic

The Senator's views on economic
questions are, if not mysterious,
at least not fully developed. Like
most Democrats, he has criticized
the administrations tight money
policy" and called for a "stimu-
lated rate of growth" without
telling how he would reverse the
one or achieve the other.
Senator Kennedy's personal con-
tributions to Senate debates on
fiscal policy have been minor. In
1858 he supported moves for an
"anti-recession" tax cut of Sc bill
lion. His votes in 1854 and after
ward indicate that, if he was in
a position to propose a tax cut, he
would prefer to expand the con-
sumption base by increasing in
dividual exemptions, rather than
add incentives to investment
through dividend tax credits or
other devices.
On the other hand, Senator
Kennedy has stated that Il would
have no objection to increasing
taxes, If that represented the best
economic judgment at the time
-. (and waS) the only method by
which essential policies could be
implemented."
Next Week: Senator Humphrey
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Domestic

If Senator Kennedy'S views and
votes on foreign policy questions
give a clear indication of the di-
rection he would take in world
affairs, the same cannot be said
about all areas of domestic life.
Mr.. Burns in his biography of
the Senator describes him as a
"bread-and-butter liberal" one
who, by family heritage, "had
reason to fight for social welfare
programs"
But, as Mr.. Burns makes equally
clear. Senator Kennedy did not
arrive in Washington with a full
and rounded set of principles"
and his gradual movement into
the mainstream of liberal Demo-
cratic thought has left a some
times contradictory record behind
him. The safest predictions about
a Kennedy administrations stands
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Labor

In the domestic affairs for
which he is best known, labor
management relations, Senator
Kennedy would probably have few
immediate recommendations. His
effort to steer labor reform legis-
lation through Congress was
finally successful in 1859, and the
product has won general but not
universal approval.
The only change in the 1859 law
Senator Kennedy has Endorsed is
an amendment to permit on-site
picketing by building trade unions.
He has also called for changes in
the Taft-Hartley Act to give the
President "the freest choice of all
possible measures" in dealing with
national emergency strike threats.
An advisory committee he ap-
pointed last year may suggest
amendments to other sections of
the act.
Evening star., 1960-04-10

alliances with reactionary, un-
popular governments which
the local population did not re-
quest, which our allies do not
support and which are politically
or militarily unfeasible."
The Senator, like most Demo-
Gratis, supported the SEATO pact
and the Eisenhower Doctrine for
the Middle East when they were
before the Senate, but this fact
has not kept him from criticizing
them.
His record on Quemoy and
Matsu is clearer. He was in the
minority that voted in 1855 to ex-
clude them from the United States
guarantee to defend Formosa and
he has since recommended using
the United Nations to achieve
trusteeship, demilitarization or
naturalization of the islands.
Evening star., 1960-04-10

on domestic affairs would be
these:
. 1t would support moves to in
crease the minimum wage and
broaden coverage of the law, to
extend and set Federal standards
for unemployment compensation.
Senator Kennedy has been the
floor leader in past and current
fights for these goals.
. 1t would seek to expand social
security benefits, particularly into
the area of health insurance,
where the Senator has a detailed
proposal already introduced.
Q 1t would support Federal aid
for school construction and teach
ers' salaries and an expanded Fed
eral program for housing and
urban renewal, for aid to States
and cities facing problems rang
ing from chronic unemployment
to stream pollution.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Those Above-Averoge Citizens:
Delegates to Our Conventions

OF the ITO million Americans
who have stake in the matter,
only 4.373 will have any direct
part to play this year in the Sc
lection of the nominees for the
presidency. They are the dele
gates to the two national conven-
tions - 1881 Republicans and
3,042 Democrats.
Who are these delegates? What
qualifications do these few thou
sand men and women have to
exercise authority on such an i'm
portant matter for their millions
of fellow citizens?
The convention system has fire.
quently been attacked on the
grounds that the delegates poll
ticianS, all-are neither wise nor
honest enough to exercise such
authority.
But this notion is dealt a body
blow in a recently published study
of the men and women who &C
tually attended recent nominat-
ing sessions. 1t portrays the dele
gates as persons of such great
financial and educational attain
mentS that the real question may
be whether they reflect the view
point of average citizens.
Thoroughly Reputable Group
The authors of the Brookings
Institution book, The Politics of
National Party Conventions, as
sert that American convention
delegates are "about as reputable
a group of individuals as could
reasonably be expected in any
large political assembly in this
imperfect world"
They are, said political scien-
fists Paul T. David, Ralph M.
Goldman and Richard c. Balm,
better educated, less boss-ridden
and generally more trust
worthy in all respects than those
of half a century earlier.
Four out of five delegates to
the 1948 Democratic and Repub-
lican Conventions had been to
college. Over one-third of them
had one or more years of post
graduate education. Fewer than
one-twentieth of the delegates had
only grade school diplomas.
Those who voted at the con-
vention we're also far above aver
age in income. A dozen years
ago the average delegate had an
income of $4,000 to 1000. In
1860, the authors say. the average
will probably be over $4,000.
The typical G. o. P. delegate
is slightly richer than the typical
Democrat, but the difference is
tiny compared to the gap between
both and the average voter.
In education, income and sew
eral other important respects the
Brookings scholars concede the
delegates "are not typical of their
constituents"
They defend this situation on
the ground that there is every
reason to believe that this Is the
Evening star., 1960-04-10
By DAVID S. BRODER
Star Stan Writer

The election of Fitzgerald Kennedy President
wouldat least his
More than vanity is involved that idea Senator Kennedy
would be the first President goth
said of all
from the field however his every
issue the times and the needs have changed
He need for than change of the in
THE Democratic
Deal heritage" he has
Evening star., 1960-04-10

Feeling thus, the Kennedy view
of his responsibilities as President
has a strong global cast. 1t is
on the great issue of peace and
international relations that he
has spoken most specifically and
most eloquently.
To win the peace, the Senator
has said. America must face the
fact that Russia has broken the
two monopolies on which our
postwar policy for the contain
ment of communism was based.
"One was a monopoly in the
power to export capital and tech
nical assistance to Europe and to
the underdeveloped countries; the
second >. monopoly in nuclear
weapons and in the capacity to
deliver them to a target"
Russion Gains Cited
Russia, Senator Kennedy notes.
now has a foreign aid program
of her own, although it does not
yet match the American effort.
And, he believes, she has not
only broken the nuclear monopoly
but has obtained an advantage
that we cannot quickly overcome.
He sees the term of the next
President as "the years of the
gap" time in which the United
States ability to retaliate will not
be sufficient to deter Russia should
she decide to attack. In those
years, he declared in 1858 speech,
United States strategy will have
to be fashioned from a "basically
but only temporarily disadvanta-
geous position"
American strategy in the period
through the first term of the next
President, Senator Kennedy has
said, must include six elements:
o Short-term military steps de-
signed to decrease the size and
duration of the Russian military
advantage.
. Direct negotiation with Russia
on areas of possible agreement,
particularly disarmament.
. Moves to exploit Americas
theological advantage as the nat
ural leader of the revolution of
nationalism" sweeping the world.
. Assurances that the geograph-
ical advantages of Americas po-
sition will not be jeopardized by
military pacts that dissipate our
strength.
. A variety of steps to probe "the
Soviet's Achilles heel"-the sat-
elite nations.
. Use of our economic and in
dustrial strength to underwrite
the efforts of underdeveloped
countries to attain progress under
democratic governments.
The record offers a clear picture
of the policies he would undertake
to carry out that strategy:
Evening star., 1960-04-10

a purely social gathering to
which the leading Southern presi-
Dental candidate, Senator Russell
OF Georgia, sent a representative
bearing ham and a turkey"
The religious affiliations of the
delegates in l948. the last year for
which information is available,
showed marked contrast between
the Republicans and Democrats.
Religious Affiliations
Republicans were more heavily
Protestant (871 per cent and less
heavily Catholic (6.1 per cent?
and Jewish COT per cent?. with 81
per cent of the delegates having
other attachments or none; Demo-
Gratis had a lower proportion Of
Protestants 1888 per cent? and
higher proportions of Catholics
OTIS per cent? and Jews (2.l per
cent?, with 6.6 per cent miscella-
neous and unaff1liated.
The largest single religious
groups at the Republican conven-
ton were Episcopalian, Presby-
terians. Methodists, Congregations
aliSts, miscellaneous Protestants,
Baptists and Catholics, in that
order.
At the Democratic convention,
by contrast, Catholics were the
largest single group followed by
Methodists. Episcopalians, Presby-
terians and Baptists.
Almost all the delegates are in
politics "as an engrossing side
line" the Brookings study SAYS,
but most look to some other occu-
patton for their principal sources
of income.
More than one-third of the 1948
delegates were lawyers and judges.
Another quarter were drawn from
the ranks of business. The other
professions contributed one dele
gate in eight, and there also we're
significant numbers of farmers
and homemakers.
officioIs os Delegates
Public officials, including those
Of the highest rank, are increas-
ingly willing to serve as delegates,
the authors report. In 1856, two
thirds of the Governors and an
equal proportion of the Senators
were on their States convention
delegations.
Record numbers of Representa-
tives-one-th third of the Democrats
in the House and one-fifth of the
Republicans-also attended the
conventions in 1856.
Presence of these experienced
leaders in the delegations i'm
proves their capability, the au-
thors of the Brookings study con-
tend. They also find encouraging
the fact that fully two out of five
delegates to the 1852 convention
had served in at least one earlier
nominating session.
Evening star., 1960-04-10
Kennedy: Appraising The Price of Survival

ton if he had been present, but
he did not denoun = Mccarthy
ism" at any time in the way lib
erals thought it should be de-
nounced. During the height Of
the Mccarthy period. Mr.. Burns
says in his biography, 1T is ques-
tionable" whether Senator Ken
nedy truly understood the in
tensity of the liberals commit
ment to civil liberties"
In recent years, Senator Ken
nedy has voted against moves to
curb the jurisdiction of the Su-
preme Court or reverse its deci-
sions in the loyalty-security area.
He has led the fight for the repeal
of the loyalty oath" requirement
in the National Defense Educa-
ton Act,
Evening star., 1960-04-10

As Presidents

All the principal Democratic
candidates for presidential NOM
ination in 1860, except former
Gov. Stevenson, are presently
serving in the Senate.
Only one man has been elected
President in the past while serv-
ing in the Senate-Warren G.
Harding of Ohio, in 1920. James
Monroe was the first to serve in
the Senate and later become
President.
James A. Garfield, in 1880, was
the only man to be elected to the
presidency while a member of
the House. James Madison was
the first man who had served in
the House and later became
President.
Eighteen Presidents served in
Congress; seven in both House
and Senate, six in the House only,
five in the Senate only.
Evening star., 1960-04-10

war, to negotiate with the Rus
slams at the summit or anywhere
else"
He doesn't guarantee results,
noting that "our basic national
interests and their basic nation
al interests clash-in Europe, the
Middle East and around the
world"
In some areas, like Berlin, the
conflict of interests is so sharp
that in his view America can
negotiate successfully only if it
makes clear its willingness to fight
for what is at stake.
They (the Russians) are fight
ing for New York and Paris when
they struggle over Berlin" he has
said. Therefore I think we have
to make it cold-and mean it
that we would fight"
But Senator Kennedy has also
identified areas of potential agree
ment with the Russians. Neither
country, he has said, wants
nuclear war; both would like to
be free of the costly arms race:
neither wants to see nuclear
weapons in the hands of other
nations; neither wants to breathe
radioactive air, and both would
benefit by a much greater ex-
change and pooling of goods, ideas
and personnel"
Like all his rivals for the pres
idency, Senator Kennedy has in
dorsed efforts to make a start on
arms control through an agree
ment to end nuclear tests. He
has rejected as overly fatalistie
the view that Russia cannot be
trusted to abide by any agree
ment or that the arms race must
continue indefinitely. He dis
agreed with the proposal by Gov.
Rockefeller of New York last year
that the United States ought to
resume it's own nuclear tests. For
both sides to resume atomic tests
today" he said, might we'll turn
out to be more of a disadvantage
to the West militarily than a
help"
At the same time, he has been
critical of the Eisenhower admin
istration for sending negotiators
to disarmament talks "ill-staffed,
ill-prepared and ill-advised."
Borrowing an idea from the
Democratic Advisory Council, he
has proposed creation of gov
ernmental arms control research
institute to study technical prob
lens of disarmament.