The Catholic times. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1951-current, 1959-11-06
Learn From
Steel Strike
JOSEPH BREIG-

A great many eyes ought to begin to be opened
as a result of the steel strike. Whether they really will
be opened is another question.
We seem to have a blind spot about the need for
democratic economicindustria order to 60 with our
political order.
We forbid individuals to disturb the peace with
public quarrels; but we do nothing while the economy
is thrown into confusion.
The reason for this is that, although we have made
great strides in social justice in the past 80 years,
there is a lot of laisSezfaire left in us.
But laissezfaire will not do. It was always an err
ror; it is downright imbecilic in a highly organized in
dustrial civilization.
AS conservative a commentator as Walter Lipp-
mann recognized that fact the other day. He must
have startled many a highly placed reader by writing:
The national interest demands that the major in-
dUsrial conflicts be settled under conditions which
are good for the economy as . whole"
In other words, it is high time that the common
good-and not merely individual liberties-be given
much more serious consideration.
Lippmann's proposed cure for our recurring eco
nomicindustrial attacks is to give government "the
big stick" of power to initiate compulsory arbitration
and Impose a settlement
This power, he argued, would seldom be used.
The big stick, he wrote, would be "left in the closet"
except on 1.-THE rarest occasions
Maybe. In any case, the imposed settlement"
treatment would be like a doctor prescribing a mus
tard plaster for a case of chronic ~gallstones.
Further, it would be unfair to government, which
has more than enough responsibility now without bur-
dening it with the settlement of every big strike.
Also, the method Lippmann suggests would be
dangerous to society. Suppose that an Imposed settle
ment' were rejected. Are we to put men to work at
bayonet point?
LIPPMANN rightly said that the issues in the
steel strike were far more basic than almost anybody
including the President-seemed to realize.
One of labors issues is the right to share in grow
ing profits. One of arrangements is freedom to inn
prove efficiency, and to halt the wage-price spiral.
A profoundly complicating factor is automation,
and the question of how money thus saved is to be dis
tributed among labor, stockholders and consumers.
do not see why it is not rather obvious that the
only permanent solution is establishment Of some ar
rangement on the order of what is called the Industry
Council system.
THIS SYSTEM would give us a constantly operat-
ing and cooperative method of democratic order lii
industry, agriculture, capital, labor and the profess
Sions.
In steel, for example, each plant would elect la
Dor and management representatives. So might stock
holders. who provide the capital.
We would have plant councils, area councils and
national councils in steel; and steel would send its
delegates TO enterprise parllamentS" representing
other Segments of the economy.
Thus, in industry, farming, the professions and
other economic groups, we would have the equivalent
of our political town councils, county commissioners,
state legislators and national congress.
THE PURPOSE would be to create, in the eco
nomic and social fields, an order comparable with the
democratic order which functions in the political field.
The big issues would be determined by deliberate
bodies, cooperative rather than classconflicting.
The common good would be the overriding con-
sideration-your good, my good, everybodys good.
That would be the ideal as it is in the political system.
Perfect? No, it wouldn't be, because men are not
perfect. But it would be as successful as our political
order-which is successful enough to promote the
general welfare amazingly well.