Jackson advocate. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1939-current, 1959-04-18

there appeared to be economic
gains for Nyasalahd from such q
federation with ita wealthier neigh.
bors, North and South Rhodesia.
Nyasaland's 80 per cent black
population feared this would mean
loss Of their lands and the growth
OF the same kind Of restricted poll
cies pursued so determinedly by
the South African government.
They felt it would amount to a
northward extension of the hated
apartheid system which restricts
the activities Of the African.
AT the moment, there appears to
be no definite prospect that this un-
easy union in the Central African
Federation will be dissolved. How
ever, there does seem to be some
thought that Nyasaland may be
helped to develop as an African
state within the Federation.
Here, and even more markedly
in other areas, there seems to be
evidence that the final government
al organization Of much of this
part Of Africa south of the Sahara
remains to be determined by future
events.
Many African leaders feel that
territorial readjustments should be
made which would bring with them
economic benefits.
The present political lines, in
many instances, were arbitrarily
drawn by the colonial powers dur
ing the scramble for possessions
in Africa years ago and cut across
natural geographic and tribal divi-
si0ns.
Any number of combinations
may emerge. Political and economic
necessity may cause q closer union,
for instance, of the West African
territories around Ghana and Gui-
naa. A sharing of interests may
mean a confederation in the east,
where such British territories as
Kenya and Tanganyika are making
the transition from colonial status
toward eventual self-government.
There is the movement to unite the
scattered Somalis, although Eth
opia has taken a stand against the
idea. Along with Senegal and the
French Sudan, other French terri
tories may unite in the proposed
Federation of Mali.
Perhaps the most outstanding IL
lustration of the policy of bringing
together fragmentary and econom-
ically non-viable lands is the plan
to have the northern and southern
parts of the British Cameroons,
now a United Nations trust terri
tory, decide their own destiny in
the months ahead by a plebiscite
supervised by the United Nations.
In all likelihood the northern
sector will favor joining the Fed
Grafton of Nigeria, with which it
is linked culturally and economic
ally. The southern part may elect
to join the French Cameroons,
scheduled for independence in 1860,
or even seek to go its own way,
although this prospect is not as
likely.
Virtually all of the emerging po-
litical leaders seem to believe that
the wisest course would be to
push the idea of a United States
of Africa; some, however, feel uni
fication must come first while 9TH
ers think the territories must gain
their independence first and then
choose freely for unification if
that is their wish.
The varying shades of nationalist
sentiment will be given another
run airing in the immediate days
ahead. The independent states and
territories are now preparing for
Africa Freedom Day celebrations
April Is.
The day marks the first ami
versary of the Accra Conference
at which leaders of the independent
African states pledged themselves
to work for the liberation of the
12O, OOO, 900 Africans who are still
awaiting the attainment of self
government.
Although experienced African d.
plomats pointedly make it clear
that this pledge tacitly acknowledge
ed that independence was to be
sought first and foremost by peace
full means, there are some who
feel that the anniversary could
touch off some kind of demon
STATIONS such as those which have
taken place in the past in Kenya
and elsewhere.
So far communism has not made
any significant inroads in the pat