Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1958-04-06
GREAT DECISIONS i.
By FORREST d. MURDEN

BY FORREST d. MURDEN
With only 6 per cent Of the
worlds population. the United
States is the worlds greatest trad
ing nation and the American
economy represents almost half
the economic activity Of the world
outside Of the Communist bloc.
Our total foreign trade is equal
to 20 per cent of the combined
national output Of the UNDER
developed areas and equal to the
overseas commerce of all the rest
Of North and South America COM
bined. These facts compel our
allies and friends-both in the adj
vanced nations and in the under
developed areas-to recognize the
stake which they have in a strong
and expanding American economy.
Conversely. however, our for
eign trade. large and varied as
it is, represents only about 5
per cent Of our gross national
product. and our prosperity de-
ponds less on outside economic
forces than that of any other free
nation. This means that the i'm
pact of our foreign economic pol
icy is felt much less at home than
1t is abroad.
Yet, as our population grows and
our national resources become de-
pleted. we are becoming increas-
ingly dependent on foreign trade.
What is more, our future growth
may not be possible unless it is
matched by similar advances in
the remainder of the free world.
Unfortunately, the extent to which
our foreign economic policy influ-
ences not only our domestic econ
omy but our entire strategic
position is often not generally
understood by the public or re-
flected in congressional action.
What can be done about this?
1t may seem painfully obvious
to say that our foreign economic
policy should be an integral part
Of our foreign and domestic policy
and should be designed to support
our interests abroad. In point
Of fact, however, this is not only
a relatively new concept but one
which is in practice frequently
brushed aside.
This is true for several reasons
I'D our failure to define clearly
our national aims and to relate
them to our foreign economic
policy; 90 the sharp conflict be-
tween the national interest and
specific and local pressures in
formulating policy with respect
to shipping. agriculture and the
setting of tariff rates, and 90 our
traditional inclination to subordi-
nate foreign policy to domestic
economic activity. the strong pro-
tectionist bias in some areas and
induStrieS-which has recently
shown a vigorous revival as part
Of what may prove to be a rising
ationism-and other deep
seated inhibitions.
Two Giont Forces
Today the United States must
devise a policy adequate to meet
the challenges Of q world criss-
crossed by two giant forces: Com
munist expansion. and the de-
velopmental surge Of the newly
independent peoples Of Asia,
Africa and the Middle East.
The first is hostile, opportunist
and subversive: the second dy-
manic, unpredictable and explo-
sive. To neglect one in order to
meet the other would be short
sighted and possibly disastrous.
This does not imply that our
policy should be schizophrenic
but that We must concentrate on
securing the kind Of world we
want to live ina world Of demo-
cratic ideas and institutions with
emphasis on the Importance of the
individual-and mold our policies
toward that end.
What does this mean specifically
for United States policy toward
Western Europe. our major ally
and trading partner? Europe's
growth Is Of paramount concern
to our own economic vigor and
security. and our foreign eco
nomic policy must work toward
that. end.
Despite disturbing symptoms.
particularly Britain's difficult