Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1958-03-23

these new citizens would not be
permitted to exercise their rights
until they had qualified in certain
ways to be laid down by the
French government in Paris.
And since Algerians were hav-
ing babies faster than the French
economy could expand, the Alge-
rian Moslems were not to be eligi-
BILE for normal French social well
fare benefits.
Moslem pay remained half that
OF a Frenchman living on the con-
tinent. Local government in Al
geria was left in the hands of
Europeans on the scene and the
Paris central government. Algeria
was given fewer schools and hos
pitfalls than the "other. provinces"
What few elections were held were
frankly rugged against a free Mos
lem choice, and 1t was a set policy
to give European settlers control
of what little local self-govern-
ment existed.
The Frenchmen on the scene
ran Algeria their own way, despite
liberal policy pronouncements
from the weak Paris governments.
1t should be said here, that al
though most Algerian Frenchmen
want to remain on top of the
economic and political heap they
have not resorted to Dixie-style
Jim Crow laws. Racial segrega-
ton is almost unknown.
The Moslem reaction to their
second-class citizenship was pre-
dictable. Moslem leaders had been
educated in France and they
knew as much about liberty,
equality and fraternity and the
right Of revolution as did their
mentors. They demanded their
rights as Frenchmen. Three years
ago the hotheadS among them
started an armed fight for indie
pendence. 1t is still going on.
French reaction was confined
within the limits of the dogma
that Algeria is a part of France.
The rebels were told to surrender
Internationally or be rooted out
as common criminals.
This is still the basic policy. As
the war has continued without
any real sign of victory for France,
however, the French policy has
been modified to this extent: If
the rebels surrender to French
authority Internationally. then,
in a peaceful atmosphere, regional
elections will be held. Responsible
Moslem spokesman can then
present requests for modification
Of the political situation in Al
geria, and the French government
in Paris will decide what can be
done.
Reforms Are Mode
Meanwhile q great deal more
money is being spent in Algeria
on schools, homes. hospitals and
roads, and more and more friend
ly individual Moslems are being
given responsible governmental
positions-under French supervi-
sion. The amount of local gov
eminent will be increased in areas
where rebel activity ceases, and
territorial assemblies will be set
up, giving Moslems more say in
policy making but still not as
much as the French settlers.
To get any of these reforms.
the Moslems must recognize that
they are and always will be a part
of France.
This reporter, after a visit to
Algeria in which he talked with
French authorities, "pacif1ed"
Moslems and neutral observers,
concluded that these half meas
ures cannot satisfy the bulk of
the population. Reforms are
coming too late, and the brutali-
ties of the French suppression of
the revolt have created too many
enmitieS.
1t would seem that even the
moderate Moslems want at least
self-government and the implied
right to independence. They re-
alize that it is to their own good
to remain associated with France,
but on terms set by negotiation,
not by unilateral French action.
But. "Algerie Francaise!" The
few French leaders, like Pierre
Mendes-France, who have urged
a new status for Algeria, have
been scorned as un-French and
their followings are small.
There are other reasons why
France is stubborn. Frenchmen
fear they will be admitting they
are a weak, second-class power
if they give UP this part of France.
And they fear they will lose the
oil in the Sahara unless they hang
on grimly in Algeria.
The war goes on. Trouble in
creases with Frances North AZ
rican neighbors and her Western
friends. Paris governments grow
weaker, and France goes broke.