Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1957-04-22

tAAN WOAAAs
The satellite countries no
longer provide a submissive
source of added Soviet strength.
Indeed. Soviet strength. both
military and economic, has now
to be expended to repress those
who openly show their revulsion
against Soviet rules.
The Soviet government pays a
heavy price in terms of moral
isolation.
Soviet rulers are supposed to
be hard-headed. For how long.
we may ask, will they expend
their resources in combating
historic forces for national free
dom which are bound ultimately
to prevail?
vi.
Let me speak now Of the Unit
ed Nations. Its charter couples
peace with justice and provides
the most significant body Of in
International law yet known.
The United States has agreed
to those principles and seeks to
conform to them: and we expect
other signatories to do the same.
On occasions We invoke the pro-
cesses of the United Nations to
help to make effective the prin-
ciples embodied in the charter.
We are not ashamed, as a
powerful nation. to pay the same
decent respect for the opinions
lof mankind that we thought
proper when. young and weak,
we sought our independence.
That is no abdication Of for
eign policy. 1t is the exercise Of
foreign policy, and its exercise in
the way which represents the
best hope for humanity,
Our dedication to the prin-
Iciples of the United Nations
charter was severely tested by
the recent Middle East crisis. We
were then faced with a distress
ing and unprecedented conflict
of Royalties. Historic ties would
have led us to acquiesce in the
forcible action that was begun.
But this would have involved dis
loyalty to the United Nations
undertaking that all members
renounce the use of force except
in defense against armed attack.
That same pledge is also en-
bodied in all our treaties Of alli-
ance. We decided to be loyal to
that commitment.
This was a hard decision, al
though to those directly affected
ut was not an unexpected deci-
sion.
Not n Popular Decision
1t was not, I suppose. a popu-
lar decision. Yet it was impera-
tive II the world was not to 60
as 1t went when the league COW
.enant was disregarded..
But. as we have seen, the char.
ter prescribes not merely peace
full settlement. but settlement in
conformity with justice and in
ternational law.
We must. and do, seek also to
advance that goal. For exam
pile. we are now striving to bring
about conditions in the Middle
East better than those provoca-
tive and dangerous conditions
out of which the recent violence
was born.
This cannot be. done quickly
or all at once. Where emotions
run high. and a sense Of grew
ance Is deep. those most directly
involved are more eager to gain
partisans for their cause than to
heed impartial counsel.
Wherever such situations &C.
cur they are always worsened
by Soviet intrigue. The Kremlin
likes troubled waters in which to
fish.
We know, in domestic affairs.
that 1t is hard to apply Just
solutions when racial or class
passions run high. The task is
equally hard In international af-
fairs and sometimes war seems
to offer a short cut to the de-
sired end. But that seeming is
an illusion. The only durable
solution is one which comes by
patiently. resolutely, and re-
sourcefully seeking justice and
the rule Of law. That, al least.
is the faith and the dedication
OF your government.
VII.
I have tried to describe prin-
ciples which guide United States
foreign policy. But while guild
ing principles are essential, they
are not enough. They must be
reinforced by daily action. as.
throughout the world. our views
are sought and our influence is
made felt.
This is the task sometimes
called "waging peace" It is a
hard task. II Is seldom dramatic
The many who take part in IL
may never be known as heroes.
Yet they make efforts. and in
some cases sacrifices. like those
required In war to win a war.
BY so doing, they spare US the
infinitely greater sacrifice OF war
itself.
Surely the stakes Justify that
EFFORT. As / am briefed on the
capacity Of modern weapons for
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