Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1957-06-06
Red China Trade

anu ali OLQer countries nave
the power and the authority to
ease or remove restrictions on
trade with Red China. The
United States likewise has the
power and authority to modify
its policies on trade with any
Of these countries, and to grant
or withhold assistance in its
various forms. The freedom of
decision which is an attribute
Of others sovereignty is equally
an attribute of our own. We
do not tell others what to do;
within limits of law and power.
they may do as they please.
BY the same token, we may do
what pleases US and react to
what displeases us. We must
eschew that soft-headedness
which claims that we ought to
dance to whatever tunes our
neighbors play, however dis
cordant.
Great Britain, we read, has
discarded 1.-The former allied
policy of maintaining a virtu-
ally total embargo on CRed
China trade" The claim is
made that the policy has been
Of dubious value for some time
and that it is now quite dead
as an effective instrument
against Peiping. No proof is
forthcoming to support that
claim Of ineffectiveness.
AT least some" Of the pro-
scribed goods. we are told, have
reached Peiping through the
Soviet bloc. But insistence on
and the decision for lifting of
the embargo is itself proof that
Peiping has been severely ham
dicapped: for If the goods had
been reaching it readily and
in sufficient quantity before.
lifting the embargo would be
a gesture without practical
effect.
The embargo has been based
ostensibly on reasons of prin-
ciple. We are now told that
so-called practical considera-
tons demand a change. This
is a short-sighted view; any,
one who will take a moment
to think about it sensibly will
recognize the unfortunate
practical results which will
follow. But aside from ma
terial loss. who stands ready
to disown truth, morality.
principle? II others do that,
shall we?
This is no claim Of perfection
in ourselves. We have erred
and continue to do wrong.
Some may point out that we
have not placed an embargo
on trade with the Soviet
Union. But If this and other
intercourse cannot be justified
on principle. are We warranted
in broadening the area of our
own immortality?
Should other countries emu
late Britain and the embargo
therefore fail. that will be
cause for regret on our part
now and undoubtedly by others
later. But we must no more
surrender because Of unprin-
cipled expediency displayed by
others than to our own no.
tons of unprincipled expedi-
ency. Let us make clear to
our people the principles which
underlie our decision in this
connection (and elsewhere);
and let us maintain our own
adherence to principle. We
can then go further. We will
not attempt to buy the support
OF others. but we will assist
those who we believe ought to
be assisted.
Lloyd Buchanan.
] am not sure whether OPEN
ing Of trade is beneficial. The
United States today already
has many countries which, in
one way or another, depend
upon the United States eco
nomically and militarily. To
add to this list may be Just
what our opponents desire.
The capacity Of Red China
to buy and to sell is so great
that 1t could easily upset the
delicate economies Of our allies
and have serious repercussions
in this country, even though
1t might bring about several
years Of apparent superpros-
perity and boom.
To restrict trade because Of
fear of Communist inflltration
would be believing that the
Communist theology is stronger
than the natural appeal which
freedom and justice have. To
open 1t wide. while injuring
our own economies. or giving
greater material comfort to
our opponents who are very
hard pressed now. would be
equally foolish.