davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Ottawa County news. (Port Clinton, Ohio) 1931-1956, 1956-06-29

Paul Krofft local Mueller dealer
suggests reconditioning your fur
mace now, low summer rates. Ph
5741.
Ottawa County news. (Port Clinton, Ohio) 1931-1956, 1956-06-29

Equip your home with a new
desk. We have beauties in lined
oak and mahogany-Mulligan, Oak
Harbor. 15-tf
Ottawa County news. (Port Clinton, Ohio) 1931-1956, 1956-06-29

Clarence A. Loder is expecte
to arrive back home next wee
after his stay in the CIevelan
Clinic Hospital where he unde
went a major operation last Wee
nesday.
Ottawa County news. (Port Clinton, Ohio) 1931-1956, 1956-06-29

Stop at Mulligan's for thai
special gift for your wife. We
gift wrap. Mulligan Gas & Elec
trii, Oak Harbor. l5-t1
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21

that investigated the 1850 Maryland
Senatorial election. nor is it shelved
by Senator Butler himself.
In Bad Toste'
The Senator, on his big ~
speech the other night, condemned
the infamous composite photograph
of Senator Tydings and Communist
Earl Browder used in that cam
paign as being lin bad taste and
a mistake in judgment" How
ever. he said he takes full respon-
sibility' for the photograph and the
tabloid newspaper in which it APP
peared, even though I had nothing
to do with its preparation"
1t was that little newspaper,
From the Record" which more
than anything else caused the SEN
ate Subcommittee on Privileges and
Elections to use words like "des-
picable" and back street" in CEN
surfing Senator Buffers 1850 drive.
This investigation has developed
ample evidence that in the Butler
election. there were two campaigns
within one," the subcommittee said
in its 1851 report.
"One was the dignified Park
street campaign conducted by can
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21
Supreme Court Had Pointed Words
On Interposition Way Back in 1887

thority against the Federal Gov
eminent, the Supreme Court had
this to say:
1.-THE Government of the United Stotes,
in the enforcement Of its lows, deols with
all persons within its Territorial junsdie-
tion as individuals ewing obedience to its
authority The penalties of disobedienee
moy be visited upon them, without regard
TO the character in which they assume to
oct, or the nature Of the exemption they
moy pieod in justification.
Nothing con be interposed between
the individual and the obligations he owes
to the Constitution Of the United Stotes,
which con shield or defend him from their
just authority; and the extent and imito-
tion Of thot authority the Government Of
the United States. by means Of its Judicial
power, interprets and opplies for itself.
I'll, therefore, on individual, oetins
under the assumed authority Of State,
os one Of its officers, and under color of
its lows, comes into conflict with the
superior authority Of a voIid Law Of the
United StOtes, he is stripped Of his rep
Tesentotiye character, and subjected in
bis person to the consequences Of his
individual conduct.
THE Stote hos no power to import to
him ony immunity from responsibility TO
the supreme authority Of the United
Stotes."
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21
MARYLAND
BY GENE GOODWIN

The visitor from Mars surely
would be puzzled by the current
campaign for Maryland's Senate
seat.
The big issue concerns events that
occurred six years ago.
Both Republican Senator Butler
and Democrat George P. Mahoney
have devoted major part of their
campaigns to discussions of the
Senators controversial 1850 cam
paign, which resulted in the I'M
seating of Willard E. Tydings, Sem
ator for "a years.
Mr.. Mahoney, of course. has been
making the most noise of 1850.
But Senator Butler, too. has been
eager to tell his part of the story.
The Senator's insistence on
answering some of Mr.. Mahoney's
charges about 1850 have chagrined
many Republican strategistS. who
feel the less said about that old
skeleton the better.
Some Republican leaders we have
talked to privately, say they don't
see anything wrong with the Butler
campaign of six years ago.
This view was not shared. how
ever by the Senate subcommittee
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21
AN OLD TECHNIQUE
Lobbyists Phony TeIegroms RecoII
Sensational Power Scandal of 1895

Driscoll, member Of the House
from Pennsylvania, had received
816 kilograms in two days, one from
an old friend in his home district.
Representative Driscoll sat down
and wrote a letter of acknowledge
ment. Two days later he received a
letter in reply.
Never sent you any telegram at
ALL" it read. in effect.
The Congressman then got busy
and was close to uncovering the
fraudulent nature of the kilograms
when the hearings opened.
Question of Thrift
Meanwhile. apparently unknown
to Mr.. Driscoll, the Philadelphia
Record uncovered the fact that an
Associated Gas g. Electric Co. affili-
ate was linked to the actual filing
of kilograms. This newspapers
story disclosed that a utility EN-
ploye personally had filed 1000
kilograms in York, Pa, to Repre-
sentative Harry l.. Haines of Penn
sylvania, and had paid for them.
This was the first published ac-
count linking utility firm with
the filing of kilograms opposing
the bill. The reporter who wrote
the story for the Record became
suspicious when he asked himself:
Would 1000 thrifty Pennsylvania
Dutchmen around York spend that
kind Of depression money on tele-
grams?
Senator Blacks committee lost
no time in taking advantage of this
spadework by Representative DriS-
coll and the Philadelphia Record.
1t subpoenaed Western Union and
Postal Telegraph officials. From
them it learned that utility COM
pany employees not only had filed
and paid for the kilograms. but had
dictated many Of them right in the
telegraph office.
Among the most embarrassingly
damaging testimony was the revela-
ton that some names signed to
kilograms were of persons long since
dead, that Western Union messen-
gers we're hired to get signatures,
that the Associated Gas & Electric
Co. had engineered the sending Of
kilograms from rs States and had
subsequently destroyed its records
in connection with the campaign.
Howard C. Hopson, president Of
the billion dollar AG&E, who later
was jailed on charges of defraud-
ing stockholders of $40 million,
eluded the committee fol- weeks.
But the story was out and public
feeling was high. Passage of the
legislation was assured. What Pres
ident Roosevelt couldn't do alone
to bring holding companies to
terms, the fraudulent kilograms
campaign did for him.
After the hearings there were
demands that forged kilograms be
outlawed, but this was never done.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21

going out TO make mincemeat of
anybody. And in crucial cam
paign in which his party must hold
the millions of Democrats it won in
1852, Fred Seaton can be a major
asset to the Republican cause. His
way of saying and doing things is
not one likely to ALLEVIATE wavering
Democrats or independents.
Like most of the young (hes 46)
adherents to the new Republican,
ISM" Mr.. Seaton regards himself
as a ''middle-roader." He is one Of
the several young" men on the
Eisenhower team" Others are
Richard Nixon, Harold Stassen.
Henry Cabot Lodge and Herbert
Brownell. They are the men Presi-
dent Eisenhower is thinking about
when he speaks of the Republican
Party being a party of the future"
as he did in his acceptance speech
In San Francisco.
Mr.. Seaton has been one of the
Presidents favorites ever since Kan
sas Senator Frank Carlson brought
him to Mr.. Eisenhowers attention
at the beginning of the 1852 cam
paign.
He had been a one-year Senator,
filling out the term of the late
Kenneth Wherry, when he joined
the Eisenhower group four years
ago as an adviser The campaign
over and victory won, he went back
to his string of newspapers, maya
zines and radio stations in Ne
braska.
CoIIed by The Boss
In February 1855, "the boss" as
he calls Mr.. Eisenhower, brought
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21

Seaton says. is not something that
has come suddenly in the still Of
the night. I'm 1949, the Republican
Party was as much Ives and Flan-
ders as it was Jenner and Malone"
It is just that under Mr.. Eisen-
hover, the emphasis has been
shifted, he says.
He feels that the Democrats need
their Southern conservatives, just
as the Republicans need their own
liberals. "One offers check and
a balance against the other" he
explains, Our government of
checks and balances was designed
this way. When the parties are
drawn strictly along hard and fast
philosophic lines, there is too vio-
lent a change to the left or right
when control of the government
changes hands"
No Dropper Of the 'ic'
Mr.. Seaton hasn't joined many
of his fellow Republicans in drop
ping the SIC" from the Democratic
Party" If the Democrats want
their party to be called "the Demo-
cratic Party" it's all right with
him, and he doesn't think many
votes can be won or lost in any
dispute lover an ic"
II don't believe the American
public buys its politics like it buys
its SOAP" he explains.
The cabinet job Mr.. Seaton took
over almost five months ago is q
job better suited to the tempera-
ments of men who thrive on contro-
versy and have no qualms about
making new enemies every hour.
All it got Harold Ickes was a nick
name that is synonymous with
churlish fellow. All it got Douglas
Mckay was headaches. And it
got one man a term in prison.
Whoever holds the job is constantly
under a deadly crossf1re from OPP
posing interests - conservationists,
sportsmen and Indian organiZa-
tions on the one hand, private
power people. cattlemen and mining
companies on the other.
But If Secretary Seaton has Of
Tended anybody since he took over
this thankless task. it has been one
of the well-kept secrets of WASH
ington. His middle-of-the-road
philosophy seems to be working
there. too.
In his opinion, the Interior De-
partment lis nothing more or less
than a trust officer Of natural re-
sources which belong to the people,
and you would want us to handle
these resources just as a trustee
would handle your daddV's estate"
AS for his own future, he says.
I'VE must first win the campaign"
And after that, he'll still be at the
Presidents call-"if the boss wants
me-"
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21

them and planned to sell them to
Virginia taxpayers.
In making the coupons void the
General Assembly went further: 1t
directed the local Commemorative
attorneys to institute tax suits
against all persons offering the
coupons. The Legislature declared,
by statute, that all such coupons
were presumed to be counterfeit
and required persons offering
coupons to produce proof of their
authenticity, including the original
bonds from which they had been
clipped.
This obviously was impractical in
many cases where the coupons had
been floating around in the inter-
national money markets.
Sued State OfficioIs
Mr.. Cooper's combine sued Vir-
ginia's attorney general, as chief
legal officer. and all of the Com
n1onwealth's attorneys in the State.
They asked a Federal Court to
restrain the officials from enforcing
the State law and from bringing
suits against taxpayers offering the
coupons.
Federal Judge Hugh L. Bond
issued temporary restraining
order on June 6, 1887.
On october 8 he held Attorney
General R. A. Ayers, Common
wealths Attorney John Scott OF
Fauquier County and Common
wealths Attorney j. B. McCabe OF
Loudoun County, in contempt. At
the same time he made his injunc-
ton permanent.
Attorney General Ayers admitted
that he had filed a suit against the
Baltimore g. Ohio Railroad Co. to
recover taxes after the courts
restraining order. But, he argued
unsuccessfully-that he was re-
quireo by an act of the General
Assembly to do so and that the
Federal court lacked authority to
restrain him.
Mr.. Scott and Mr.. McCabe based
their defense on lack of jurisdiction
by the court.
Judge Bond overruled all these
arguments and fined MI. Ayers
$500, Mr.. McCabe. 500. and Mr..
Scott, $40. He also ordered them
held in custody until the tax suits
were dismissed.
They appealed to the Supreme
Court. The Supreme Court did not
deny the Jurisdiction of the lower
court, but it voided the contempt
citations and ordered the State
official released because Mr.. Cooper
and his associates we're aliens.
The Courts Position
Under the Eleventh Amendment
to the Constitution, State may not
be sued without its consent by
aliens or citizens OF another State.
But in its opinion. which has a
more direct bearing on Virgina's
present policy Of interposing its au-
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21
REVIEW OF THE WEEK

He was a vigorous campaigner
as he derided stopping off in
Minneapolis) "wailing politicians"
who promise the farmers prosperity
through rigid supports and lashed
out at the "drivel" of the OPPOSE
ton.
The presidential dander was still
up when Mr.. Eisenhower arrived
in Seattle, where he accused the
Democrats of conducting a cam
paign of "half-truths" and hit
reinstatement. The Demo-
cratic platform, he said. was a
dark and mournful document" full
of grim promises" for a "politi-
cal wonderland. The Democratic
campaign he characterized as an
angry hum of locust-swarm Of
partisan orators singing a
strange sad song about feeble
and fretful America"
Until he reached Los Angeles on
Friday. the President had been
greeted everywhere by tremendous
crowds OF shouting admirers But
in sprawling Los Angeles, where
only a week before Mr.. Stevenson
had drawn his most sympathetic
audiences. the President encoun-
tered his first unfriendly audience.
Landing at the Lockheed air
terminal in nearby Burbank, the
President was greeted by silent.
unresponsive crowd Of about $4,000,
mostly aircraft workers. Many Of
them waved pro-Stevenson plac-
ards. II was reported that local
officials Of the workers union had
conditioned the crowd. telling the
workers that they were being made
captive audience" for campaign
speech.
A few hours later in Hollywood
Bowl. however. Mr.. Eisenhower was
heartened by wild applause from
an overflow throng OF $4,000 who
heard him assail the opposition for
"tub-thumpingn and "unrealistic
theorizing" on the draft issue.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21

bill--the co-called death sentence"
clause. This provision would have
allowed the Government to break
up huge holding companies. The
telegram drive eliminated in June,
1885, when 127.000 kilograms OPP
posing the bill were transmitted to
members of Congress, via Western
Union alone, in the two weeks be-
fore Congress voted on the measure.
Later testimony showed that the
Associated Gas g. Electric Co.,
which took the leading part in
directing the telegram campaign,
spent more than 100000 to defeat
the legislation.
The. avalanche of pressure
cinched a decisive victory for the
power lobby in the House in July,
1885, though it lost by a single vote
in the Senate. In voting down the
death sentence" provision, ZIG to
146, the House ignored repeated
pleas from President Roosevelt.
At the time of the House vote
the fraudulent aspects of the tele-
gram campaign were, of course, yet
to be revealed. But other efforts of
the lobby were plain to see. Mr..
Roosevelt charged, among other
things, that it was "the most pow
erful lobby ever organized"
Having succeeded in getting the
House to defeat the legislation,
the utility lobby was jubilant, as
were anti Roosevelt forces gem
orally. The defeat was a critical one
for the administration. and could
very we'll have become a turning
point in its economic program.
Investigation Demanded
After the lobby won in the House,
supporters of the administration in
the Senate acted quickly to turn the
tide of defeat.
Senator Black introduced a reso-
luton calling for an investigation,
and it was quickly approved.
AS Senator Blacks hearings got
under way. testimony disclosed that
the formal fight was waged by a
committee of public utility execu-
tives which had raised $151 900.
Wendell L. Willkie was a member
Of this committee. Testimony also
showed the Edison Electric Institute
had employed the New York legal
firms Of Sullivan g. Cromwell and
Simpson, Thatcher e. Bartlett for
services to the industry in connec-
ton with the legislation, at fees of
$4,000 each.
This was interesting But it did
not carry the wallop of the revela-
tions still to come.
Meanwhile - even before the
Black committee was set up--two
individuals, independent of one an
other, had started investigations of
their own into the flood of tele-
grams deluging Congress. One was
a member of Congress; the other
was a newspaperman
The Representative, Denis ].
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21

tween the party Of Truman and the
party Of Wilson.
"Under Ike. the Republicans have
moved to the center. away from an
emphasis on the right. Ike has
widened the scope of the party to
accommodate more viewpoints.
There is no reason why the ultra
rights shouldn't stay in the Repub-
lican Party. Then, there is also all
kinds of room for men like Jack
Javits. And the Northern Democra-
tic liberals-not radicals-could
easily move into this Republican
Party without losing their souls"
Like "the boss" he feels that the
Republican Party is liberal in hui
man matters. but conservative in
economic matters. But then he
adds: You're guilty of oversimpli-
fication when you call any American
political party liberal or 'conserva-
tive. There is much of both in
both parties"
The new" Republicanism, Mr..
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21
WORLD SCENE REVIEW

lister Ichlro Hatoyama and Soviet
Premier Nikolai Bulganin put their
signatures to the document in a
ceremony at Moscow. ending long.
weary months of negotiations. The
two nations also agreed on a pro-
tocol on trade and navigation.
The document signed at Moscow.
however, is not a formal peace
treaty. Although 1t formally ends
the technical state OF war. import
ant territorial problems remain un-
settled. Further negotiations over
the japanese claim to the south
ern Kurle Islands, occupied by the
Rus ians after the conclusion of
World War II. and to the tiny is
lanes Of Habomai and Shikotan
Just north OF Hokkaido must pre-
cede the final treaty.
Japanese reaction to the peace
agreement is mixed. The ending
Of 4 state Of war and the conse-
quent opportunities for expanded
trade cheers Japan. already facing
severe economic problems. But the
failure Of the accord TO settle the
territorial issues brought many ex-
presSions Of disapproval in Tokyo.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21
DISTRICT
Democrats Given Credit
For Role in Naming Ticket

talked to him about it. My conclu-
sion was reached independently"
Mr.. Turner's other jackpot story
deals with the convention itself
and with the nomination of Sena-
tor Kefauver for Vice President.
The city's six-vote delegation, he
recalls, was split until late in the
balloting, when it decided to go
solidly for Senator Kefauver. And.
he points out, at the moment the
District managed to get the floor,
Senator Kefauver needed only two
and one-half votes to cinch his
nomination. The District gave him
six.
Thus, both Democratic standard
bearers are indebted to the Dis
trict for playing a special role in
their nominations.
Big Fund Quote
Still another measure Of the Dis
trict's Importance to the Demo-
cratic Party lies in the financial
sphere. The District, for example.
has been assigned quota of $780,
900 to raise during this campaign
by the Democratic National Com
mittee.
This compares with quotas Of
$50 1000 each assigned to the States
of Maryland and Virginia. Accord
ing to the 1850 census, the District
had a population of 100000, while
Maryland had a population Of
2,343, 900 and Virginia was listed
at 3.3l8,000-three and four times
greater than the National Capital.
And. Mr.. Turner insists. District
Democrats expect to raise not only
their assigned quota, but consider
ably more.
The biggest chunk was expected
to come from the $l00-a-plate
dinner last night at the Hotel
Statler Also, Dollars for Demo-
Gratis" solicitation last Wednesday
was figured to produce another
$4,000, and precinct workers we're
striving TO reach every registered
Democrat in the city for contribu-
tions. in addition to conducting a
-to-door solicitation.
As one stevenson efauver Club
worker put IL: People are eager
here, perhaps because they can't
vote In the November elections"
For example. she said. one local
cocktail party for about 300 people
brought the Democrats a yield Of
1915.
The donations. she added. we're
solicited for a Presidential Retire.
ment Fund"
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-10-21
BY ROBERT J. LEWIS

Recent disclosure by Senator Nc
Clellan's Lobby Investigation Com
mittee that phony kilograms were
fled and paid for by oil and gas
interests to solicit votes in Congress
for the natural gas bill has given
new impetus to proposals for tight
ening up the 1916 Lobbying Act.
It also recalled a major investiga-
ton into this practice 81 years ago.
Until this revelation, the COM
mittee had turned up little that the
gas industry lobbyists could not de-
fend on the basis of their constitu-
tional right Of petition.
But when testimony showed that
kilograms were sent to Senator Ed
ward j. Thye. Republican of Minne-
sofa. by employees OF the Standard
Oil Co. of Indiana and signed with
names picked at random, the story
was different.
Senator Mcclellan denounced the
sending Of forged kilograms as a
gross abuse Of the privilege Of petit
tion," and said he thought Con-
gress would be interested in tighten
ing up the law.
In exposing the telegram blitz
favoring exemption of natural gas
producers from Federal controls.
Senator Mcclellan was playing the
same role in which former Senator
Hugo Black, Democrat of Alabama.
now Supreme Court Justice.
created a national sensation almost
a generation ago.
Phony Pressure by Wire
Back in 1885 Senator Black ex-
posed what came to be known as
the fake telegram lobby. truly
fantastic interlude in the history of
pressures imposed on Congress.
The 1885 lobby was conducted
by utility holding firms and was
directed against the Wheeler
Rayburn bill designed to break up
utility holding companies. 1t was
q bitter battle and, as Karl Schrift-
giesser. author of "The Hobbies"
wrote:
Although, after the One Hun
dred Days, practically every meas
ure sponsored by the (Roosevelt)
administration met with the oppo-
sition of from one to a hundred
Hobbies, none created the excite
ment or filled the American press
with as many hysterical words as
did the historic battle for the pass
age of the Holding Company Act.
$50 unrestrained was the fight
on both sides that those who lived
through it still have the uneasy
feeling that blood flowed through
the streets of Washington in those
days"
$4,000 Teleeroms in z Weeks
The power lobby's 1885 telegram
campaign was started as a vote
neared on a key provision of the