davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-04-01

mittees in II of Maryland's %
counties and a survey last week
showed that IL of these COM
mittees are actively working
to put him across.
Men like State Controller j.
Willard Tawes, a power on the
Eastern Shore and House
Speaker John c. Luber, Bal
timore, City leader-both Of
whom occasionally have been
termed bosses" - are today
working actively in Mr.. Ma
honey'S behalf,
So the boss issue is out.
AS for Mr.. Mahoney's fail
ure thus far vigorously to at
tack his opponents as he did
in the past, he told this COL
umn last week that he's
learned a lot in his previous
campaigns.
"AS I look at my situation
today" he added. Its like a
race horse who is out in front.
Sometimes the Jockey gives
him the whip and that throws
him off stride and he loses a
race he otherwise would have
Won"
The analogy, which re-
minded us that the 52-year-
old Mr.. Mahoney was once
chairman of the State Racing
Commission. seems also to
explain the atmosphere of con-
fidence found this year in the
Mahoney camp.
Mahoney leaders feel that
this is their year.
AS one of them put it: THE
boss can afford to be dignified.
We've got it in the bag"
Mr.. Mahoney scored near
misses in his previous outings.
In his first try at public Office
in 1850, he lost the Democratic
gubernatorial nomination to
former Gov. w. Preston Lane.
jr., even though he outpolled
Mr.. Lane in popular votes.
l9l.l93 to 1851. Mr.. Lane
won because he got the ma
Jority of the decisive unit votes.
Under Maryland's Junior
electoral college system, the
votes of the % counties and six
Baltimore City legislative dis
trictS are cast as a unit in
Statewide primary contests.
Each county and city district
is given the same number of
unit votes as it has members of
the State Legislature.
In 1852, Mr.. Mahoney got
both the popular and unit vote
majorities to defeat former
Representative Lansdale G.
Sasscer of Upper Marlboro for
the senatorial nomination.
In the general election of
that year, Republican J. Glenn
Beall, running on the ticket
with President Eisenhower, de-
feated Mr.. Mahoney.
Two years ago it was former
University Of Maryland Presi-
dent H. c. Byrd who stymied
Mr.. Mahoney's ambition for
high Office. DR.. Byrd won
the Democratic gubernatorial
nomination in a close race.
So now it's campaign No. 5.
and the Mahoney people feel
they are finally out in front.
But the election on May Z is
still five weeks away and Mr..
Tydings, who got into the fray
at almost the last minute, has
only been campaigning about
five weeks.
If Mr.. Mahoney suddenly
changes his tactics and goes on
the offensive, that probably
will be a tip-off that Mr..
Tydings is beginning to hurt
him,
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-04-01
What They Want

assuming lIldt RUSSIA mas
something in this line that We
want, how do we get it?
Everything in the USSR has a
price. The price is not Just
dollars or gold, OF which Rus
STA is credited with possessing
an already substantial hoard.
There are countless ma
chimes and processes which the
Soviets would like to get from
us. As someone has effectively
stated it: They want one of
everything.
They read our business pa
pers; they get our catalogues.
They need to see the ma
chinery in operation. They
want our know-how of today
and of tomorrow.
The turbine oil drill, for ex-
ample, is susceptible Of i'm
provement. Dresser Industries
will doubtless be able to i'm
prove the bits used. What
Moscow wants is the benefit of
such future Improvements.
II boils down to this: The
capitalist system forces econo-
mics in production to cut costs
and keep ahead of COMPETE
ton. forces the production of
ever better machine tools and
attenuation. The Communist
system does. not generate such
economies.
Russia casts longing eyes on
American labor saving ma
chine tools and other indus
trial equipment. The Kremlin
Is making no secret of the fact
that. in the words of Pravda
OF March 81, 1856. American
labor productivity is 212 times
that of the USSR. The USSR's
problem is the more acute be-
cause those now coming OF
working age were born in l94l.
war year when population
growth was slowed down.
In farming and mining the
story is the same as in Soviet
industry. a story of tagging
far behind American progress.
Could they get them, the So
VETS would like power shovels,
excavators and moving
equipment. Their forest in
dustry, so important internally
and as source of export
products. would greatly bene-
fit were modern American
equipment freely available.
The railroads are in a like
position, still relying largely
on steam locomotives and
small freight cars.
In the realm of synthetic
4 fibers and chemicals we have
much know-how the Russians
would like to acquire: for tex
tiles. plastics. soaps. While
Russia has been putting mill
tary might ahead of every
thing else. we have been pro-
ducing both guns and butter"
Moscow reads our industrial
literature. But reading is not
always enough. One needs to
see the new inventions and
processes at work. One needs
to have working models.
When we talk about East
West trade we think of goods.
Moscow is interested in that
sort OF trade. TO a degree. But
what still interests the Soviets
more is know how, which we
possess in great and growing
abundance. What the Soviets
may have TO offer us in that
line still remains TO be more
clearly disclosed But II is
more than We had suspected
until a little while ago.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-04-01
Chinese Communists
Spur Economic Roce

LlUlt UAS tLlOukH ana ITCH
enough to manufacture and
export desirable objects at low
cost.
Secondly, the Red Chinese
are making a direct bid for
the overseas Chinese scattered
by the millions through South
east Asia. The Communists
want the overseas Chinese to
identify themselves with Red
China rather than with the
country in which they may
have been born.
Thirdly, the Communists
are trying to drive the United
States out of Asia by estab-
fishing economic ties as the
first step toward political ties.
Thailand. keystone of the
defensive alliance against
communism IN Southeast Asia.
is a particular target of the
new pattern of economic in
filtration. Thailand has no di-
rect trade with Red China.
Here's how the Communists
went to work there:
Last September. the Thai
government, in search of a bet
ter balance between imports
and exports and as part of the
characterization lifted some
import controls.
Immediately, large quantities
of Red Chinese goods began
flowing in from Singapore and
Hong Kong. Previously. there
had been only a trickle of these
goods and they had been
labeled Made in Hong Kong"
Now it was a flood and frankly
bore the labels Of Canton,
Shanghai and Tientsin.
To WOO the Chinese mer-
chants into stocking the goods,
the Communists crafty ex-
ported for Thai consumption
such Chinese delicacieS as
"thousand-year old eggs" and
well known Chinese liquor and
beer.
The majority of Chinese in
Thailand originated In the
SWatoW area. The Swatow
people have a particular type
OF tea and a way OF brewing
it which calls for a special tea
pot made of semi-porous pot
terry. The tea pots, stirring
up visions Of the homeland,
moved into Thailand.
Chinese Hold the Key
The whole distribution sys-
tenn of rhailand is manned by
the Chinese. Thus, the way
was cleared tor the whole cuun-
try TO be flooded with gooos
from Red China.
With the Chinese press lead
ing the way, the newspapers
began talking about how the
cost Of living would 90 down
If these goods-already cheap
er than similar products from
other nations-could be bought
direct from Red China, elm
mating the middlemans profit.
The government couldn't
risk the unpopularity of cut
ting of the supply OF cut-rate
goods so more Red China ex-
ports are continuing to flow
into Thalland to lend fuel to
the arguments for direct trade
with Req China.
That is the goal. Red China
figures that II it can establish
trade relations with Thailand,
diplomatic relations won't be
far behind.
In the battle for mems
minds, as the Red Chinese are
now fighting 1t. bicycles are
more effective than bullets and
sewing machines are as potent
as shells.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-04-01
DISTRICT
Crisis Government
Seems to Work Here

SAAAAAS dAlNdO II Olll
one to two years, the budget
makers must guess that city
revenues will be. say, 5000 mil
lion. Then they may decide to
spend $3.50 million Qeaving a
$40 million margin, or Sl95
million Qeaving a IS million
margin) or 5000 million Qeav-
ing no margin
Ut Receipts Foil Off,
If the revenues actually turn
out to be $500 million or more.
everything is fine. If they are
less than 5000 million, but
still fall within the allowed
margin, everything is still fine.
But If the Districts income
is less than it actually spends.
there is serious trouble-build-
ing projects must be suddenly
postponed, workers laid off or
other drastic cuts made in city
services.
This, then. is the peril OF
the crisis policy. 1t requires
operating with almost no mar
gin. Partly, it has been adopt
ed by District officials as a
tactic to forestall almost in
evitable cutting of the Fed
eral payment by Congress.
Congress itself has created
the policy in large measure.
though. A prime example of
this came as the lawmakers
rewrote the revenue measure
just sent to the White House.
Unhappy about imposing some
OF the tax increases suggested
by District officials. the law
makers Knocked out about So
million worth They made up
the difference largely by per-
Suading District officials to lib
eralize their estimates of rev.
enues to be yielded by the new
income tax changes, thus re-
ducing-o eliminating "a
built-in safety margin. The
device may boomerang when
the money is counted.
AS another element OF the
crisis policy. the revenue bill
itself was so closely balanced
against proposed spending that
it will be thrown out of whack
by any major round Of wage
increases next year.
Thus. once again, the city
could be UP against another
round of local tax increases by
1858 to go with those in 1854
and 1856.
In another area of crisis, the
District has been enjoying less
success. This involves transit,
Of Wilhelm another 1856 days
there will be none unless
Congress does something be-
fore then.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-04-01

In another area of crisis, the
District has been enjoying less
success. This involves transit.
Of Wilhelm another 1856 days
there will be none unless
Congress does something be-
fore then.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-04-01
The Cose OF France

France is a good example OF
the secrecy aspect.
A succession of French
foreign ministers agreed TO 90
along part way with the en-
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-04-01
Here's Gist Of Dispute
On Soviet rode Doto


Mr.. Voeliotti worked for several
years os o stoff member Of the Sen
ote Appropriations Committee ond
mode several trips to Europe to study
the issue OF Eost-West trode. Letter
he was o consultont to the Economic
Co. operation Administration and con-
Quoted more studies Of the complex
tiles Of enforcing emboreoes pre-
se1bed in the Bottle Aet. He col
loboroted with Representative Lourie
Bottle in writing an assessment Of
the lows enforcibiIity.
-----~L---->----~
barge. to dicker on what
should be called strategic, and
TO try to have French execu-
tive agencies enforce such a
boycott.
But one foreign minister
stipulated that Russia must
not learn that France had
gone that far. He did not
want to inflame the French
Communist Party. He added
the incredible statement that
his cabinet would not inform
parliament France had joined
the embargo. He made it a
condition that even such lin
tied cooperation be secret.
United States diplomats had
to agree.
There were other requests
for secrecy from the United
Kingdom, Belgium and the
Netherlands. Each had do
nestle or external reasons for
not disclosing how closely they
were cooperating in trade re-
duction.
Thereafter, any Senator who
rose on the floor to protest a
French shipment to Russia
caused our diplomats to groan.
They were pledged not to re-
veal that France was even in
on the accord, let alone discuss
its effectiveness.
Since then. of course.
European parliamentS have
learned ONE details of the
trade embargoeS. But the
secrecy rules still hold. So do
the same old fundamentals
about boycotting the Soviet
bloc. We can't threaten to
punish European traders with
the Reds by cutting off their
aid because this would jeop-
ardize NATO. And the more
we protest about the flow of
trade to the Soviet bloc the
more We embarrass co-opera-
tive European officials who are
trying to keep the degree of
their cooperation with our
embargo secret.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-04-01
BY MIRIAM GUTENBERG

Il u
Russian trade overtures, the
President warned Congress the
other day. may look like nor
NAL trade expansion and busi-
ness competition. but in real
ity the Soviet Union is contin-
uing Its familiar pattern of
ceaselesS probing for opportu-
mites to exploit political and
economic weaknesses"
That pattern is being de-
veloped also by Communist
China. In fact, it has become
so marked in the past six
months that Far Eastern po-
litical observers now call 1t
serious"
With the help of its Soviet
partner, Red China started
out by cooking up some deals
with Ceylon. then with Burma.
This involved a triangular ar
rangement to buy rice from
Burma. sell it at less than cost
to Ceylon and get paid in
rubber.
The rice Ceylon got didn't
pay for the rubber she sold
and Burma had to accept some
Chinese goods it wouldn't
otherwise have imported, but
the maneuver served to stir up
the other rubber producing
nations of Southeast Asia cur
rently selling exclusively to
the United States or operating
under agreements not to sell
rubber to the Communists.
The Soviet Union and its
satellites crept into the picture
when Russia bought rice from
Burma, shipping some of it to
Communist North Wet Nam.
and Ceylon repeatedly agreed
to take some Polish ships in
part payment for the millions
of dollars Communist China
still owed Ceylon.
Then the DeIuee
The rice-rubber deal was a
beginning. Having once stuck
its fingers into the economic
pie and made a start at mess
ing up the normal trade rela-
tons among Southeast Asian
nations, state-controlled Red
Chinese industry began pour
ing light manufactured goods
at cut-rate prices into neigh
boring countries.
AS the experts see it. the
primary goal is political. A
second goal. particularly in
exports to Hong Kong. is to
acquire foreign exchange. The
third objective is economic, to
gain markets by freezing out
the competition.
But even the second and
third goals have political
overtones. Foreign currency
helps finance Communist ac-
tivities in such politically un-
stable countries as Indonesia.
BY underselling japan on the
goods for which the Asian ma
tons have looked to Japan,
Red China promotes more
sentiment inside economically
hard pressed Japan to return
to its traditional trading ar
rangements with China.
Bioness Is a Virtue
Why is China devotine
much of its meager productive
capacity To manufacturing
thermos TASKS, sewing ma
chimes. bicycles, pencils, nails
and other household goods fol
export only?
First, the Orientals admire
bigness. The Chimes figur,
that when their neighbors Sc,
this flow of exports they viii
think Of China as a prosper.
Gus, progressive. modern ma.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-07-20
DORIS FLEEsON
Democrats Reported Seeking Issues,
And All Want to Get Home

Traffic is heavy these days
in those convenient little hide
away offices of the Capitol
which are the exclusive per-
quisite of the senior and most
influential leaders of Congress.
A platoon of administration
figures including cabinet men,
bers, National Chairman Hall
and assorted presidential aides
are beating a path between
the private lairs of Republican
leaders Knowland and Martin
and ranking Republicans
Bridges and Taber of the Sen
ate and House Appropriations
Committees.
Their pressure has decisive
ly defeated the Hell's Canyon
dam, keystone of the Demo-
cratic effort to create a win
ming power issue in the West.
They also bear news that Presi-
dent Eisenhower is very I'M
happy over his foreign aid bill
cuts and restrictions, wants
them eaSed. The bill to raise
postal rates is another admin
iStration pet.
Similarly heavy pressure on
the Democratic leader comes
not SO much from national
interests within the party but
from individual Senators and
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-07-20
DOROTHY THOMPSON
The E pochoI Issue for 1860

period of relaxation of ten
Sions."
1t is unhappily, however. a
fact that the outbreak Of great
wars has often been preceded
by such relaxations. On the
eve Of World War I before
the shot at Sarajevo) relations
between the great European
powers were as relaxed as they
had been since about 1875.
World War II was preceded
by Munich-an attempt at
"relaxation"-and during the
f1rst seven months of the
"phony" war. negotiations
were going on in the hope Of
stopping it.
The present situation seems
to be following a similar pat
tern Of relaxation without
peace, accompanied by per-
siStent upfiares, heading
toward the point, either of
desperate action or a wave of
feeling for peace at any price.
II our perspectives are cor
rect, the next four years will
be decisive for real peace or for
humiliation.
The election Of 1856 is being
fought without real issues.
That Of 1860 will, we think,
be different.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-07-20
DORIS FLEESON
Session Ending With a Whinper

Of the bedroom arsenic star
ring Ambassador Clare Boothe
Luce.
Another Midwest Congress-
man pointed to figures reach
ing him from the passport di-
vision of the State Depart
ment. In the first six months
of this year the division is
sued nearly $4,000 passports
to people from his State.
People are loaded with
money" he said. "And they
are absorbed in spending it.
Maybe one reason they shovel
it out so fast is that they have
a latent fear Of nuclear war
and want to eat, drink and
travel while they can. But
they sure aren't in my hair
about anything"
Such public unconcern is
not reflected in official con-
yersations held in private.
There is a lively sense among
all responsible persons that
events are moving and shifting
rapidly; that these events are
largely out of this country's
control.
Republicans naturally hope
it won't happen before the
election. Democrats are rather
IN the position of the little
boy who prayed that a fire
wouldn't happen but that if it
did happen, let it happen in
his block.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-07-20

Congressman who need issues.
Hell's Canyon was an instance
of this: though he knew it was
beaten, Majority Leader john
son broke his usual operating
rules and allowed a roll call.
1t only stressed again that
Southern conservatives simply
will not help hard-preSsed
colleagues Of the North and
West on spending issues.
In spite Of all this, the pres
ent session is ending not with
a bang but with a whimper.
There is widespread apathy,
even indifference. The mem
berS are ready to sweep almost
anything under the rug in Or
der to get home for q breather
before the national conven-
tons begin.
A wise and experienced
Republican Congressman sug-
gested that the answer lay in
the light mailbags reaching
the Senate and House Office
buildings. Present legislative
controversies arouse no emo
ton in the public, he thought.
He noted that they are little
discussed even here where the
usual greeting these days is
a quip directed either at the
Presidents health or the case
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-07-20
Economic Anarchy in Steel Strike

how they are being compelled
to accept the penalties Of an
unnecessary strike. A report
by twelve major steel COM
panieS just issued shows that
the workers lost 1922 million
and the companies lost ass
million tons of production in
the three major strikes in the
industry = 20 days in 1916 and
40 days in 1919 and 81 days in
1852. It looks as though the
present strike will increase the
losses in wages by $50 million
and that two million tons of
production will be lost each
week of the strike.
But in the last big strike, for
every man idled in steel, three
to four other employees were
thrown out Of work.
The direct loss to the economy
in the 1852 strike is estimated
at more than 81 billion. The
latest strike will approximate
that sum if it continues an
other month, when conditions
will really become acute. 1t
must be settled by that time,
but it will be asked why it
was necessary to penalize so
many people to get contract.
Time was when the public
interest" could not be vitiated
so readily by a major strike.
But the steel dispute doesn't
seem to have awakened much
interest or concern. The Presi-
dent has discussed the matter
with his cabinet. There is talk
of invoking the Taft-Hartley
injunction procedure, which
means an 80-day truce and a
vote at the end of that period
taken secretly among the
workers to decide if they want
to accept arrangements final
offer.
1t is unfortunate that such
a vote couldn't be taken sooner
so that the workers could ex-
press themselves, and it is too
bad also that the workers in
other industries cannot make
their plight known to the
workers who have delegated
to a small group of officers the
right to act for them.
Not all benefits that labor
seeks can be achieved in one
negotiation or in one year. The
theory that each negotiation
must result in a 100 per cent
acceptance Of union demands,
especially when it threatens a
cycle of imitation for the whole
economy, can only in the long
run mean something worse
than economic anarchy -
namely, economic collapse.
Reproduction Rights Reserved.)
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-07-20
Behind NewU.S. Military Shifts

than the usual amount of bad
conduct by our soldiers. The
German states, and particularly
the Bavarians, are complain
ing bitterly that the American
soldiers are guilty of a sort Of
gangSterism to which the Ger
mans have never been accus-
toned from their own men in
uniform.
1t may be that the discipline
of the old army with its bark
ing top Sergeants and COM
pany and battalion COM
manders enforcing stern disci-
pline is outmoded and no
longer in keeping with our
times. The Germans, however,
despite the fact that out
wardly they are no longer
goose stepping militarists,
still remember the sunny side
OF discipline in their military
men. Assaults against women
and thefts from men walking
peacefully in the streets would
have brought very serious
puniS h m en- POSSIBLY the
death penalty-in the former
German forces.
The most important consid-
GRAFTON is that people of a
sovereign nation do not look
kindly in time of even relative
peace on the presence of a
large body of foreign soldiers
on their soil. And this applies
to Japan as well as to Ger
many. American troops are
stationed in Japan under terms
OF the America n-Japanese
treaty as invited guests. It is
no secret any longer that the
Japanese people do not want
them. For the time being our
men are tolerated. But the
day is not far away when
Tokyo will politely ask us to
withdraw them.
Unlike in the Korean Re-
public, where a state Of war
with North Korea and Com
munist China still exists, the
men in the streets in Germany
and Japan feel, IL years after
cease-flre, that there is now
peace. And they want to be
unrestricted masters in their
own home.