davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26
Nine Senators Hold Key to Fate
Of sc Bill to Cure Farm Woes

growth In Indiana in the past year.
Senator Capehart is close to the
administration. but faces q tough
reelection battle.
Another administration stalwart
reported wavering is Frank Carlson
Of Kansas. also up for reelection
this year. Senator Carlson has in
dorsed 90 per cent supports for top
quality wheat. This does not COM
NIT him to high supports for other
crops, but hackers Of rigid props
claim he will be with them.
In q different category are Rhode
Island Democrats Green and Pas
tore, who have not publicly changed
their flexible support stand Of 1854.
Farmers are Of minor political in
f1uence In Rhode Island and the
Senators might cross over to give
their party an important election
year victory.
The two Virginians, Byrd and
Robertson, backed flexible supports
in 1854. 1t would surprise most
observers If they changed sides. as
some "90-percenters' fatty predict
they will.
Neither side in the debate claims
its margin Of victory will be much
more than two votes. The flexible
support camp has the only definite
convert, Senator James o. East
land. Democrat of Mississippi, who
voted for 80 per cent supports in
1854 but against them in the Agri-
culture Committee test this year.
Backers Of high supports say the
tide in this election year is run
ming their way. They claim many
Senators who would be reluctant
to vote for 80 per cent supports
alone will favor them in conjunc-
ton with the soil bank plan. which
seems sure Of passage.
In part, the outcome may be in
fiuenced by the parliamentary stu
alton. Several Of the key Senators
have pet plans Of their own they
want attached 10 the farm bill.
And the President himself will
not be without influence on the
outcome. Backers Of flexible sup
ports have already predicted he will
veto any bill that includes q return
to 90 per cent Of parity. This Is
q strong argument with men who
face election this year and want
10 have some kind Of farm bill
enacted.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26

Nine Senators have the power to
decide whether the price support
section Of the 1856 farm bill, now
up for debate. is a victory or O de-
feat for President Eisenhower's leg
islative program.
The nine-six Democrats and
three Republicans-hold the bal
ance of power In a Senate almost
equally divided between advocates
Of rigid, 80 per cent farm price
supports and hackers Of the Presi-
dents flexible support system.
Congressional Quarterly's survey
found 81 Senators apparently set
In their views-44 for rigid sup
ports, 43 for flexible.
Still uncommitted are Senators
Alan Bible Of Nevada, Joseph c.
O'Mahoney Of Wyoming, Theodore
Francis Green of Rhode Island,
John o. Pastore Of Rhode Island,
Harry Flood Byrd of Virginia and
A. Willis Robertson of Virginia,
Democrats. and Homer E. Capehart
Of Indiana. William E. Jenner of
Indiana and Frank Carlson of
Kansas, Republicans.
Two Of the nine disputed votes
will be cast by men who were not
in Congress in 1854 when the adj
ministration's flexible support sys-
tenn won narrow victories In both
House and Senate.
Senator Bible is being urged by
the American Farm Bureau Fed
GRAFTON. which represents many Of
his States farmers, to vote for fiex-
ible supports. But the Nevadan is
not seeking reelection, and he Is
known to be close to Senate Demo-
cratic Leader Lyndon B. johnson Of
Texas. who favors 80 per cent props.
Senator O'Mahoney has indicated
strong dissatisfaction with q bill
calling for rigid supports reported
by the Senate Agriculture Commit
tee. But he has not said definitely
he will vote against them. In the
past the Wyoming legislator has
voted most Of the time for high
parity supports.
The other seven disputed votes
all went for flexible supports last
time. Indiana's two Republican
Senators, Capehart and Jenner, are
reported wavering. Both have been
visited by delegations from the
high-support National Farmers
Union. which has had Q rapid
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26

quoted, but by that time the mis-
sion has been accomplished.
Aside from the press. there are
signs and portents that can be read
either way.
Recently, Mai Thep Jotimuchit.
q national assemblyman and leader
Of an opposition party. went on .
much-publicized visit to Red China
the first time that has been done.
He could have been denied pass
port. but wasn't.
Premier's Reaction
On the other hand, after his de-
parture, the Premier told the press
that such visit might interfere
with Thailand's friendly relations
with the United States and the
United Kingdom and its participa-
ton In SEATO. He added that he
was going to order the police to
investigate Mai Thep when he re-
turned from China.
Thai observers have noticed that
the Premier has switched from
talking about "oh allies" to talk
ing about That's strong support Of
the United Nations.
However, when the Burmese am
bassador to Thailand proposed that
Pibulsonggram time his intended
visit TO Burma to coincide with
Bulganin's arrival there. the Pre-
mier refused.
People close to Pibulsonggram
believe he was much impressed by
Burmas position when he visited
there and thought trade with Red
China might well be considered,
Since then. however. these sources
report, he has decided it wouldn't
be economically advantageous.
"As the government spokesman.
Gen. Kharb told me. II can assure
you we win not be neutral. We are
pro-everybody but the Communists.
We know we will not be successful
In maintaining peace IL we let them
In"
A European who has been watch
ing the changing patterns Of Thai
policy for the past quarter century
probably came closest to the mark.
"Thailand." he said, sis not turn
ing Its back on the West. It's Just
backing away from the West"
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26
Thoi|ond Walks ChoIk Line
In Relationship With West

Portable position. They have no
direct trade with Red China. They
are putting millions Of dollars Of
their own money into defense rs
required by the much vaster amount
of military aid coming from the
United States. Like the United
States. they recognize Nationalist
China. Their neighbors are either
insecure Qike Indo-C hina) or def
nitely neutral like Burma and
India). Traditionally. the That's
have always tried to be on the win
ming side. Premier Pibulsonggram
guessed wrong in World War II by
lining up with the Japanese-and
managed to switch sides just in the
nick Of time. The Premier doesn't
want to be wrong again. Since the
Banding Conference last year and
the emergence Of an Asian-African
community, That's have wanted to
identity themselves more with their
neighbors. They fear their neigh
bors consider them pawns Of the
West.
There's no question that many
That's think they see the handwrit-
ing on the wall-in Chinese char
acters. There is q question. however,
about how much Of this restiveness
is actually the thinking Of respon-
sible officials and what they're going
to do about 1t. One school Of
thought believes the current agi-
tation In the press for direct trade
with Red China, for less military
spending and for what editorials
describe as "a free and independent
foreign policy" is simply device
to get more economic and less mill
tary aid from the United States.
Free Press Runs Wild
ANY analysis Of how deep these
attitudes actually 60 10 complicated
BY the fact that moSt-though not
all-of 1t il o matter Of press re-
ports and violent editorials. The
atmospheric change In Bangkok
coincided with the relaxation Of
press Censorship last fall. There are
still censorship laws on the books
but In the course Of Pibulsonggram's
policy Of "democrattzing" the coun-
try. censorship was taken out Of
police hands. Newspapers Of al
political shadings have since shown
unusual unanimity In crtticixing
the governments foreign policy,
complaining about the financial
burden Of the heavy defense budget
and calling for more economic aid
from the United States.
Some people believe the press Is
being used to give lip service lin
? lieu Of anything more solid-to the
Communists. Certainly, Picking Ra-
dio picks UP any story quoting q
Thai government official where crit
icism Of the United States or q
friendly attitude toward Red China
10 expressed. The official might
and often does-deny the story the
next day or claim he was mis-
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26
BY CROSBY 8. MOVES


BONN.--A few weeks ago, head
hines all over Germany blazed out
the alarming news: The Commu-
nists had taken over the works
council at the Dortmunder Huet-
tenwerk. q steel plant employing
some Is. 900 people. A workers cleo
ton had given the Communists q
majority on the council and, by
tradition at least, the Craftsmanship.
Here, in the opinion of the West
German press, was evidence that
the Communist Enthusiastically
considered small In the Federal
Republic-had been dangerously
moderated. Editorialists grabbed
their typewr1ters to blast govern
ment and trade unions together for
being asleep at the switch. While
they Numbered complacently, the
Communists had vigilantly watched
for openings. And now, 1t was said,
the entire German labor system
ON which the booming economy Of
West Germany directly depends
was endangered.
It wasn't the first time something
Nike this had happened. At the Opal
auto plant "a General Motors sub
ndiary). elections last summer
handed the Communists nine new
positions on the 29-man workers
council. making q total Of IL. At
the Hagen-Hospe steel plant In the
Ruhr. they had won o clear ma
jortty. reversed only after court
action pressed by the trades union
and the Socialist Party.
Even at the Dortmunder Huet-
tenwerk. the damage wasn't be-
yond repair. Within O short time
the management Of the firm con-
triyed to Gust several Of the elected
Communist members Of the works
council, restoring the majority
safely to democratic workers.
The danger. nevertheless, had
been made clear. Communist dom
nation Of the largest West German
industries doomed as distinct and
tntolerable possibility. In future
cases, legal and managerial salvage
work might not save the day. For
the first time, both the government
and the trade union movement be-
gan to take the Communists seri-
ously.
Not that the Communists them
selves had been secretive about
what they we're UP to. At q party
convention back In 1854, observers
came away convinced that the Com
munists were warming UP to make
their big push against the trades
unions and the works councils.
Stymied at the top political level,
the attack was 10 concentrate on
the roots Of the West German
economy.
Reds Had Advantages
The Red leaders had several
things In their favor. The tradition
Of communism among the German
working class is an old one. In pre-
Hitler elections the Communists
polled as high as one-third of the
national vote and many Of these
former sympathizers must still be
around. Since World War II, fur
thermore, the stream Of refugees
from the Russian controlled East
zone had included large number
bf skilled artisans who were also
communist agents. Party cells had
peen established among the workers
n all major West German indus
kies.
The German trades union setup
sstAhlishsd Encs the war made
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26

tklc NUulkuUIllStS yOp easier. quite
different from the system of the
United States. labor relations In
Germany are handled on dual
basis, with the responsibility sharply
divided between works councils and
trades unions.
At the plant level, works councils
are formed by law In every shop
employing more than i've workers.
These employe Representatives, who
have no connection with the trades
union leadership. deal directly with
management on day-to-day working
conditions within the plant. At the
individual factories, the Commu-
nists have q free hand to organize
the malcontents. Armed with an
intimate knowledge Of local con-
ditions. they are active In pressing
workers grievances and In spreading
their propaganda through plant
bulletins.
Collective bargaining is left en-
tirely to the trades unions. The
dickering Is done generally on an
industry-wide basis between repre-
sentatives Of the trades union and
employers associations. The sys-
tenn has some advantages. But 1t
also has the drawback Of Jumping
together very different industries
within o general category. For
example, In bargaining for the
metal working industry. o large
auto company employing thousands
Of workers is tied In with o small
shop producing frames for ladies'
handbags. Industry-wide contracts
tend to be geared to the lowest COM
mon denominator Of what the
weakest L. able to afford, and rep
resents o minimum wage rather
than the actual salaries paid.
Dissatisfaction Pays or
This system inevitably makes for
dissatisfaction which the Commu-
nists can exploit. Although by
European standards most German
workers are not underpaid, their
salaries depend more on the gen.
crosby of management than the
effort of the trades unions. While
he may be drawing good wages
today, the average German worker
is likely to feel certain lack Of
security which only an individual
contract would supply.
The gulf that exists between the
rank-and- file worker and his rep
resentatives is further emphasized
by what is known as the law Of
"codetermination" In industry.
This law provides that one-third
Of the board Of directors Of every
corporation must be named by the
works councils and trades unions
and represent the employees in
terests. In the coal and steel
industries the proportion is In
creased to one-half, and the roster
Of company officers must include
a labor director" nominated by
the trades union and approved by
the works council.
In theory, this law is supposed
to have liberalizing influence on
the management of German In
dustry. and is considered an i'm
portant contribution to German
democracy. In practice, 1t has often
worked out that the workers rep
resentatives, being paid high sal
aries by management, quickly take
on the celebration Of the employer
class" and forget their original
allegiance.
Given all these talking points,
the surprising thing u that these
Communists have not Registered
more success. Although accurate
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26

to minimize the overall danger
and go back to sleep. If they do.
another rude awakening seems GER
tain to take place sooner or later.
For the time being, however, there
Is no plant in West Germany of
any significance where the Com
munists hold a majority on the
works council. And from all ap-
pearances. the overwhelming mass
Of German workers want to keep
1t that way.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26
West Reich Labor Fights to Keep
Communists Out of Crucial Posts

figures are lacking, the best guess
Ia that the Communists. for all
their efforts. control no more than
per cent OF the total membership
Of works councils.
Lefhorsy Is to Bloms
The growing number Of Com
munist victories In individual
plant elections does not, according
to the experts. reflect any growing
sympathy to communism on the
part Of German workers. They have
come about partly as the result Of
lethargy on the part Of the nom
Communist trades unions and
partly because the Communists
have been quick to take advantage
Of the election machinery itself.
This is done first by concentrate
ing their vote. In plant elections for
membership on the works councils,
any group Of 100 workers can put
up its own list Of candidates. The
usual practice is for these separate
lists to be combined into one be-
fore the election, with the result
that the Communists have more
candidates than their proportional
strength would justify.
In large plants. 1t is unlikely that
the workers will know many Of the
individual candidates or their po-
litical leanings. II. say. 20 candi-
dates are to be elected out Of q
list Of 100 names, the tendency Of
many workers is to vote only for
such candidates as they do know,
while others will pick names at
random to complete their ballots.
The Communists on the other hand
always vote the straight party
ticket. taking full advantage Of the
scattering Of the opposition.
Another favorite Communist de-
vice Is to put up candidates whose
names place them at the top Of the
alphabetical voting lists. on the
theory that many workers win
simply check of the first 20 names.
The trick may not reflect much
credit on the German worker in
the discharge Of his democratic
duties, but 1t works In q depressing
number Of cases.
Concerted Anti-Red Efforts
Studying this picture In the light
Of the Dortmund elections. alarmed
labor leaders and employers came
gradually to the conclusion that
the situation was perhaps not quite
as bad as 1t seemed. The artificial
advantage gained by the Commu-
nists In individual plant elections
could be counteracted by vigorous
effort by the non-C Communist lead
ers. and the penetration Of the
works councils stopped.
To prove their point, union lead
ers and socialists joined forces In
a major effort recently In Bremen,
one Of the main centers of Com
munist strength in the Federal
Republic. Before elections at the
A. G. Weser shipyard there an un-
precedented amount Of non-Com-
munist money was spent In alert
ing the workers to the Communist
threat. Alphabetical lists of candi-
dates were reshuffled and the Com
munist candidates were clearly
identified in the actual vote. The
result. was that, for the first time
since 1918. not a single Communist
was elected to the works council
of the firm.
Easy victories. Of course, can be
dangerous too. Having whipped the
Communists In one battle. the
labor leaders and politicians are
now showing q rssrettable tendency
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26

OF neutraltsm.
Actually, 1t isn't quite that simple.
There Is no serious question Of
The writer, a member Of The Star stoif.
hos Just returned from on extensive
tour Of Asic.
Thailand reneging on her SEATO
commitments. There are substan-
tial indications in Bangkok, how
ever, that the waves Of neutralism
have had some erosive effects on
the anti Communist rock.
The recent show of military
might In Thailand. with American.
British, Philippine and Australian
units participating In the exercises
with Thai forces, has been inter-
preted as q move to strengthen Pre-
mier Pibulsonggram's position by
tangibly demonstrating the value Of
alliance with SEATO.
So far, there has been no change
In official government policy since
the Premier cast his lot with the
West. But there has been q decided
change In the atmosphere at Bang
kok in recent months. That's who
move in government circles con-
flde that the Premier privately, and
lower government officials openly,
are beginning to feel that Thailand
Is going to be caught out on o limb
Il 1t doesn't start making friendly
overtures toward Communist China.
This does not necessarily imply
recognition Of Red China. With
. million Chinese In Thailand, the
government does not want . strong
embassy to intervene In their be-
half. Nor Is there any strong Com
munist group IN Thailand. His
torically, the That's hate and fear
China, and these feelings have In
tensifled since China went Com
munist.
The Geneva Tolks
But the Thais are reasoning this
way: Although the United States
says the current negotiations with
Red China at Geneva are limited
TO getting the remaining Ameri-
cans out Of Communist hands and
trying to work out some basis for
Formosa cease-flre talks. there must
be more to 1t than that.
The fact that Red China and
the United States are negotiating
ct all, the That's believe, means
that American recognition Of Red
China isn't too far away. (This
view Is shared-with foreboding-
by such Americans as Senator Mike
Mansfield. Democrat Of Montana.)
The That's are in Q unique and.
from their point Of view, uncom-
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26

The writer, a member Of The Star stoff.
hos Just returned from On extensive
tour Of Asic.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-02-26
BY MIRIAM GUTENBERG

At the Southeast Asia Treaty Or
ganization conference In Karachi
next month. Thailand can be ex-
pected to be depicted as . rock Of
militant anticommunism in . sea
Of neutraltsm.
Actually, 1t isn't quite that simple.
There Is no serious question Of
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-03-05

ployed as a boilermaker. He died
Saturday night at st. Rita's Hos
pital.
Mr.. Leech was an Army cap
tain when three men were slain
in a villa next to the place where
he lived. The Staying was one
of the most sensational in post
war Germany and fingered in
police records as puzzling and
unsolved.
William Garfield, then United
States deputy district attorney
at Frankfurt, Germany, filed
charges against Mr.. Leech eight
years after the three charred
bodies were found in a house on
the banks of the Danube
January z, 1916. Mr.. Garfield
said two of the three victims had
died of ak wounds and the third
by fire.
FlameS req Dy Gas
The attorney said cans of
gasoline stored in the attic fed
flames which beloved from the
house of Mai. Everett s. Cofran.
Slain were Maj. Cofran. former
" Of Washington, D. c., whose
widow lives in Seattle: Capt,
Adrian L. Wessler Of New
Rochelle, N. Y, and LIST 1t.
Stanley Rosewater of Omaha,
Nebr.
Mr.. Leech was held for four
months while the Army investi-
gated. Bart E. Sullivan Of Pom
PIANO Beach, Fla, who was in
charge, of the investigation as
chief of the Army's Criminal In
vestigation Division in World
War II, said later he was con-
WINGED of Mr.. Leech's innocence.
MIR. Leech was given an honor
able discharge in October, 1916.
Four years later he was recalled
to Army duty and after two
years again was given an honor
able discharge.
Mr.. Garfield filed charges on
May 81, 1854, and sought to
have Mr.. Leech extradited to
Germany. Lack of evidence pre-
vented this. The charges were
dropped altogether when the
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-03-05

Maj. Cofran came to Wash
ington in 1888, when he Joined
the staff of the old United States
Housing Authority. Durin 6
World War II he served. over
seas with the Air Transport
Command from 1912 to 1914.
Shortly after his return to
Washington in June. 1914. he
was sent to Germany on military
government duty. At the time
of the tragedy his wife was liy-
ing here at 1900 Sixteenth street
NV. She later moved to Seattle.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-03-05
Philosophical Complaint

OKLAHOMA CITY B.-At-
torney Clarence P. Green told
police a 10.000-pound bulldozer
belonging to one of his clients
had been stolen or innocently
Incorporated. depending upon
your view of mankind"
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-03-05

Register now at the District
Building, and vote in the Dis
trict election May /.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-03-05
Burns FotoI to Figure
In Sensational SIoying

LIMA. Ohio. Mar Q-James M Leech central figure in
investigation the spectacular axe Staying Of three United
States Army 10 dead of
burns from a fash fire at an oil refinery here.
Mr. burned severely last February 81 while using
torch at OH of Ohio refinery where he
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1956-03-05

High Commission went out oil
existence last June.
Tabor City tribune. (Tabor City, N.C.) 1946-1991, 1956-11-07

VOlvCd.
Under the minimumS listed
not more than 5,5l2 plants OF
tobacco could be grown on one
acre.
There is a possibility the Sec
rotary of Agriculture has the adj
mlnistrative power 10 put the
new plan into effect merely by
issuing new regulations. How
ever, the Bright Belt board in
dictated it would seek new legis-
lation by Congress should this
step prove necessary
In approving the plan. the
board also voted 10 support any
tobacco acreage reduction re-
commended by the U. S. De-
partment Of Agriculture for