Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1953-03-11
MoIenkov, Mao and China

Mao Tse-tung, the Red boss of China, is
said to have a very lofty opinion of his
theological works-so lofty, in fact, that he is
reported to believe that his name should rank
right after those of Lenin and Stain as the
worlds foremost Communist theoretician.
If this is true, then Mao-since Stain has
joined Lenin in death-must now regard him
self as the greatest living leader of Red
totalitarianisnl. Accordingly, given such a
circumstance, it is not surprising that many
people are wondering about the future course
of his relations with Georgi Malenkov COM
paratively obscure figure who has suddenly
become the top man in the Kremlin, the
fountainhead of international communism
Will Mao subordinate his views to Malen-
kovs? Will he be. satisfied with playing a
secondary role and letting the new Soviet
leader take over Stains place as the infallible
head of the Communist world? If he really
feels that he, not the Russian, is the best Red
brain available, will he swallow his pride and
agree not to vie for the top spot? Or will he
be difficult? Will he refuse to accept Moscow's
word as the last word in MarxiSt dogma? viii
he begin to act independently? And ultimately,
like Marshal Tito in YugoSlavia, will he rebel
against the Kremlin?
These are all extremely "iffy' questions, but
the Kremln itSelf-now that it has lost Stain
seems to have them bit on it's mind At any
rate, as if to head off possible eStrangement
with Mao or as if to show the world that all
is well between him and Moscow, the new Rus
sian regime has given his representative
Premier Chou En-lai-a place of extraordinary
honor and prominence at Stains funeral. In
addition, it has chosen one of its ableSt men
Deputy Foreign Minister Vastly Kuznetsov-to
succeed Alexander Panyushkin as Ambassador
to Peiping Beyond that as a personal matter.
Malenkov has fervently pledged that he and his
collaboratorS will "in every way consolidate the
eternal, indestructible and fraternal friendship
of the Soviet Union with the great Chinese
people"
Mao, for his part, has gone out of his way
to declare that the change in the Kremlin will
in no sense effect a change in the loyalty OF
his mind and heart toward Moscow. Describing
Stain as China's great teacher and most
sincere friend" and mourning his death as a
calamity" he has called upon his countrymen
to continue to look to Red Russia as the source
of all wisdom and goodness, and he has vowed
that he and his regime will support the Soviet
Union indefinitely, forever and with maximum
resoluteness"-a ford sentiment designed to
lend little comfort to those who think of him
as a potential Tito.
In all probability, Mao and the men of the
Kremlin mean it when they say that they are
determined to maintain the closest and strong
est possible ties. Still, there are factors in the
situation that make an eventual break possible
The people of China deeply resent, for one
thing, any kind of foreign domination. and they
are not unaware of Soviet inroads on their
territory. Nor are they unmoved by the his
torical, cultural, economic and other influences
that have tied them to the West in the past
and given them good reason to regard both
CzariSt and Red Russia as a menacing neighbor
These influences have not been removed
from the life of China. Despite the iron-fsted
rule of Macs Red regime, they are still there,
and in due courSe-wishful as the thought may
seem at this time-they may prove powerful
enough to bring the country back into the
family of free nations.