The Key West citizen. [volume] (Key West, Fla.) 1879-current, 1953-02-04
The World Today
Bv LANES MARROW

AOoAuCut AAuildu SOuE COuSICS-
sional relations still fresh in mind
as he rode up to the Capitol
yesterday, President Eisenhower
tried a different approach.
He carried an olive branch with
with him, wrapped up in his State
tof the Union message. He made
| it pretty plain in his 14-page, and
very conciliatory, talk that he
wants to get along with Congress.
Here and there he may have
caused some momentary irri-
tations. For instance, to Southern
Democrats when he said he would
try to end racial segregation in
the nations capital.
And those members of Congress
who had their heart set on cutting
taxes right away must have felt
hurt when he warned Congress to
60 slow on cutting taxes.
But on the whole the message
stroked the congressional fur the
right way. Whether or not, in the
end, his relations with congress
turn out to be any better than
Truman's is something the next
few years will have to show.
1t would have been extra
ordinary if, less than two weeks
in the job, he could have unrolled
a complete blueprint of his pro-
gram. 1t wasn't expected of him
and he didn't attempt it.
In giving his message he ex-
planned he was too new in the
presidency to lay down cow, all in
one bundle, his administration
plans in detail.
So his message was a mixture
of many generalities and some
specific suggestions. therefore, the
rest of his program will have to
be revealed piece by piece as
events and months unfold.
Even where he made recon-
mendation he was sometimes
Vague. For instance, he suggested
changes in the Taft-Hartley Act
but didn't say what changes. His
Labor Department is working on
them, he explained.
He promised mutual security to
other nations but qualified it by
saying they win get help from the
U. S. only in the measure that
they strive earnestly to do their
full share of the common task"
No one, in fairness, can quarrel
with any of this. No president in
State Of the Union message ever
spells out ABC precisely what he
has in mind on every subject.
Eisenhower, for example, is not
an expert on Taft-Hartley. And the
men around him who are experts
will need plenty of time to work
out changes for him to recommend.
Nevertheless, on some points
Eisenhower was both explicit and
emphatic. He said he wants wage
and price controls dropped; he's
setting up new loyalty program
In the government; he wants state
hood for Hawaii; he wants social
security extended to those not now
covered; he promised increased
help to South Korea to help build
up its armies; and he told the
Seventh Fleet to let Chang Kai-
shek attack the Communist main
land of China from Formosa.
And no matter what his think
ing appeared to be, either in the
presidential campaign or in the
message yesterday, it may UNDER
60 some profound changes as he
moves deeper into the responsible
tiles and insights of the presidency.
Because Of his long and active
military life, whatever his ideas
were on political, social and eco
nomic problems, they could hardly
have been more than general. He
had neither time nor opportunity
for detailed knowledge in those
fields.
Now he viii have to deal in great
detail with all of them. His think
ing on all of them--as revealed in
the decisions and recommended
tons he makes-will be combi-
nation of his own developing ideas
and those of his advisers. And new
situations may force them into new
concepts.
For that reason yesterdays mes
sage viii have value beyond its
importance Of the moment and to
the nation. II can be used as a
mirror to reflect changes. il any,
in Eisenhower's outlook during
four White House years.
Hard pressed at Guilford Court
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