Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1953-02-15

ing reciprocal trade; simplifying
customs regulations; expanding
social security benefits, and reor-
ganizing the executive branch Of
the Government.
Extension of the Presidents re-
organization powers had already
given the administration it's first
big taste of confusion. In the end,
Congress extended him the same
reorganization powers that Presi-
dent Truman had. A few Repub-
hcans at first begrudged the gen.
eral those powers. Mr.. Eisenhower
signed the bill last week.
lndecision on Controls
There was some indeciSion about
controls, too. The President was
willing to let all of them go by the
board except some necessary pri-
critics and ALLEGATIONS. Homer
Capehart of Indiana, chairman Of
the Senate committee responsible
for controls legislation, is con-
WINGED that standby controls for
wages, prices and credit should be
maintained and is getting a bill
out to keep them on the books.
Mr.. Eisenhower, meanwhile, was
wiping out controls at a furious
clip by executive order.
One of the three remaining
points agreed on at the White
House conference was a house.
keeping decision: That the House
should clear all appropriation
bills for Senate action by May Is.
In one instance, G. o. P. leaders
technically violated their platform.
They decided to continue TEMPO
rary Federal aid to schools in criti-
cal areas. Their platform, however,
said that schools should be sus-
tanned by local communities and
the States.
Point II on the G. o. P. calendar.
raising the D. c. Board of Commits
sioners from three to five members,
appeared to be somewhat devious
device to pay off on this plank:
''We will prove our good faith Tin
civil rights matters) by APP
propriate action to end segregation
in the District of Columbia"
A larger Board of Commissions
erS, with one member "a Negro)
serving because of his race and
another "a woman) serving be-
cause of her sex, might be in
terpreted as a friendly gesture to
nifnorities. There was only luke
warm interest, however, in the
proposal among Senate and House
District Committees.
Best Chances
The Republican timetable COW
cred what were, for the most part,
the subjects where President Eli
senhower could expect the strong
est support. It was in the areas
omitted from the printed program
that confusion reigned. Taxes,
for instance. 1t has been evident
for a good while that here is an
area where the new President will
face real showdown with the
right wing of his own party sooner
or later. Last week the administra-
ton decided it should be later.
The executive branch hasn't I'm
iShed it's homework, it admitted,
and will not try to stop the House
Ways and Means Committee from
recommending an early cut in
income taxes. The hope is that
the House Rules Committee will
bottle up the Ways and Means
Committee bill until the admin
istration can get set.
Meanwhile, Chairman Reed Of
New York is building up a full
head of steam to end the II per
cent raise in income taxes, imposed
in 1851, five months ahead of
schedule. That would make 1t
conform with the expiration of the
excess profits tax on June 80. It
would also make budget balancing
all but impossible.
President Eisenhower has prom.
ised both tax cut and q ball
anced budget, but puts higher
priority on the latter. Senator
Taft agrees, and, stepping a bit
out of character, even suggests
extending the corporation tax
until the income tax expires on
December 81.
Heart Of Issue
The nub of the matter is this:
All good politicians shrink instinc-
lively from giving corporations q
break before individuals on taxes.
But If Congress turns Mr.. Reeds
income tax cut down, that is
what they will almost surely
wind up doing. For Mr.. Reed can
make it virtually impossible to
extend the corporations tax to
December 81, as Senator Taft
suggests. ALI revenue bills must
originate in the House. Mr.. Reeds
Ways and Means Committee Is the
starting place. A majority in this
committee is reported to be behind
him. II Congress balks at his
income tax cut, he could refuse
to report out q bill extending the