davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
Credits G. o. P. Congress
With Foreign Aid Plans

It is my prayer that neither
you nor your sons, nor I nor my
son may again have to live
through long years with these
agonies.
You can well imagine my
amazement when I read that
an American public figure would
allow his appetite for public
Office to inspire the false charge
against me that I would en-
courage war, that I would en-.
courage the use of guns to
achieve any goal of our foreign
policy.
Now let us proceed to look at
/. the facts that form this paradox
In which we live. Let us look at
these facts with uncompromis-
ing candor.
The United States possesses
supeNative physical strength.
This strength comprises much
more than our great expanse of
land and our bounty in natural
resources. We-who made up
only z per cent of the worlds
( population-produc so per cent
Of the worlds manufactured
goods. Our steel production is
over three times that of the
Soviet Union. In petroleum,
aluminium, electric power, our
superiority is even greater. In
inventive talent and in the tech
nical skill Of our working men
and women we are unmatched.
These are crucial facts
heartening facts. But they are
also facts that give a sharp edge
to the question: How we'll, how
wisely have we used our
strength? Have our economic
power and capacity been con-
verified into political achieve
ment in the great quest for
peace?
The answer lies in the record
OF the last seven years. We.
the free world, led by this
mighty America-have been los
ing whole nations to the enemies
of freedom. Around the globe,
from Czechoslovakia to China,
there have been a succession Of
disasters. In the awful mathe-
mates Of human souls. the free
world has been losing at the
rate Of 100 million a year-100
million people each year taken
captive and put to work for
their masters.
No one, not even the blindest.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23

partisan, can call this q proud
record. At times the pitiless
pressure Of communism has
been checked by brave emer-
gency attempts that rallied men
Of all parties to make up the
DEFICIENCIES in our national lead
ership. These attempts have
produced the economic help OF
the Marshall Plan and the pro-
gram" Of military aid to Greece
and Turkey. Both were enact
ments Of the Republican 80th
Congress, the Congress so long
vilif1ed by the administration.
These measures have helped to
steady both the economic and
the nervous systems of our allies.
They could hardly have been ex-
pected to do more in the making
Of our foreign policy. Dollars
and guns are no substitute for
brains and will-power.
Let me pause to say that when
I speak of brains and will-opwer,
I am speaking Of the two most
essential, utterly indispensable
needs of our Government in the
winning Of the peace. either,
without the other. will fail.
It is not hard to find men
long on courage and short on
brains. But this is no time for
boldness without reflection and
purpose. II
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
Cites Inconsistencies
In Democrat Talks

This. position-I stress it to
destroy all doubts the far
thest thing from an act Of war.
It is a fact of morality. It is
a fact Of Americas enlightened
self-interest. We declare-sim-
ply and f1rmly-that we, the
free of the Western World, can
never find our salvation in any
attempt to stand apart and live
completely alone in this world.
Now the record Of our fail.
ureS and problems to this date
is SOLDERING enough in itself.
But consider the smugness with
which the administration pol.
icy-makers have accepted their
failures. Everybody is out of
step but the Democrat admin
iStration.
A Senate Preparedness sub
committee, headed by a Demo-
crat. reports that our Air Forces
today have fewer planes than
when the Korean war began.
But the administration candi-
date knows better than the SUBJ
committee. He said two weeks
ago: THE fight for rearmament
is going we'll"
Most Americans think our
Government ought to find a way
to hasten the end of the bloody
war in Korea. But last week in
San Francisco the administra-
ton candidate scolded the
American people for their
anxiety-lightly telling them
that this war is no athletic
event, no mere 100-yard dash.
No American family that has
q boy fighting in the mountains
Of far-off Korea needs any such
reminder.
1t takes smugness to try to
Stifle critics. as the Democrat
candidate did last week, with the
epigram that "A wise man does
not try to hurry history" Every
American knows the answer to
that one. Neither a wise man
nor a brave man lies down on
the tracks of history to wait for
the train of the future to run
over him.
I cite these SNUG evaSions,
however, not merely because
they point out plainly the things
which I am fighting. I cite
them because they suggest what
I am fighting for in this CAM
paign.i
The American people need Q
Government that knows enough
about arms and armies to work
out the most defense at less cost
with the least delay.
It needs a Government that
recognizes the Korean War as
a critical problem demanding
solution.
It needs a Government will
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
Allies Fail to Agree
On Far East Policy

A deadly result of this play
ing by ear has been to Illustrate
the free worlds quest for unity.
I mean this in three quite spe-
cific senses. Here they are:
We have no single, coherent
policy in Asia on which all our
allies agree. Despite all the con-
ferences, in these seven years of
perilous peace. in all the CAPT.
tails OF the Western world, we still
in plain fact-have not agreed
among ourselves on what pre-
clsely to do in Asia. Even the,
unleashing of a great war-and
the Korean conflict is a great
u War-haS not proved sufficient
incentive to our statesmen to
achieve such unity.
We have. similarly, failed to
use our influence to the fullest
to bring about unity in Western
Europe. I mean real and tangi-
ole unlty-the kind of unity of
which Italy's great Prime Min
lister De Gasperi spoke last week.
This means a unity not of words
and forms and gestures-but a
unity of currencies, of trade poll
icies, or armies.
We have. lastly, failed to
achieve q real unity of spirit
with our allies. The truth is
that the spirit of our relation
ship with them has remained too
much that irksome bond which
binds debtor and creditor. Many
OF our allies are bound to us
more by the loans which they
have needed, than by a faith
which our policies and practices
should inspire.
There is one big block on the
road to understanding. It is the
fear among many Europeans
that in the struggle between
Russia and the United States.
they are merely our pawns. This
is a fear we together must seek
to remove.
do not cite these failures to.
find partisan pleasure in them.
I cite them with a constructive
purpose. For these failures point
to what must be the first. most
important goals of a new adj
miniStration and q new foreign
policy. I stated many of these
goals in a recent speech in Phil
adelphia. Chief among them in
this connection are these: Agree
ment among our interested
Western allies on a single policy
in Asia, and the realistic pursuit
of true unity in Western Europe
itself.
This kind of leadership in the
free world can work political
wonders. But it demands, above
all else, fidelity to our principles
And these principles have
said before and ! repeat it once
again-do not permit our ac-
quiescence in the perpetual en-
slavement of any peoples. These
principles demand that we use
every political, every economic,
every psychological tactic to see
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23

coherent plan to do away with
the. menace. Of war. The tell
tale wording Of that statement
reflects the surrender Of initia-
tive to the Communists.
Fourth: This loss of initiative
has Slapped unity at home on
policy abroad. How could men
Of different parties have a
chance properly to debate for
eign issues when lack of fore
sight has allowed us to drift
between emergencies. leaving
us no recourse but hasty action
when a new emergency was
upon us? And how could one
expect such unity of opinion
and purpose when our Congress
lacked confidence in our De-
partment Of State?
There can be no effective ap-
peal to the administration or
its heirs to correct its own fail
ings and abuses. When you ask
them for q rational explanation
OF the disaster In China they
tell you, as the Democrat candi-
date did last week: Let's talk
about India.
What can be gained by an
appeal to men who are SO SUI
premely sure that they are
right? Only those who are
willing to be taught can learn.
These men have closed their
minds to learning a diplomacy
OF strength. They are on a
revolving wheel that never
stops: The more they talk of
adjustment" and of "compro-
mise" the more they encourage
the Soviet Union to keep UP
aggressive pressure on them;
and that very aggressive pres
sure in turn softens their will
to oppose the Soviet.
Where, then, shall America
turn? How may We hope that
free men may rule the future
rather than be ruled by it?
I have discussed the evils that
beset us precisely because they
SO clearly dictate their own
remedy.
We need a Government that
will so arouse the pride of
Americans as to win respect
from other peoples.
We need a Government that
can maintain a sound Ameri-
can economy and check the
menace of imitation that cheats
our own people and our friends
abroad.
We need a Government that
will establish a foreign policy
which is the product of true
moral and material values and
not the product Of blackmail
extorted by the Soviet Union.
We need a Government in
surfing that our Congress and
our Department of State will
work, not in bitter conflict and
mutual distrust, but with COM
mon sense and common pur-
pose
We need a Government that
will substitute candor for guile:
that will not exhaust itself
trying to hide it's mistakes. but
Will work tirelessly to repair
those already committed.
We need a Government that
with clearness Of mind and the
SteadineSS Of will that alone can
give pause to the aggressor and.
ultimately, peace to the world.
Only a Government of this
stature can win the peace. For
peace is not the automatic re-
suit Of military victory, of eco
nomic or political victory-not
even of moral victory. Peace is
the reward reserved for those
who, guided by confidence in
themselves and faith in God,
will develop their utmost in
material and moral strength
and devote that strength to this
righteous cause of peace.
II we do this, we will save
America from becoming a be-
leaguered outpost of a weary
democratic world. We will pro-
claim America to be-what she
must ever be-the headquarters
~ FeaoJo,,a
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
Why Mothers Should KnO,v
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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
Promises Top Leaders
IN New Administrations

It is not hard to find men Of
fine intellect and faint heart.
But this is no time for men of
refined and elaborate indecision.
Our need-our most urgent
needs the leadership of men
whose strength of mind is
matched by their strength of
will. It is men of this stamp
who will be brought to Wash
ington to shape and execute
our foreign policy when our
new administration takes Office
next January.
The unhappy record Of the
last seven years finds it's climax
in Korea. Here are the plain
facts of that political catastro-
phe.
In January of 1850 our Sec
rotary of State declared that
Americas so-called defensive
perimeter" excluded areas on
the Asiatic mainland such as
Korea. He said in part: INT
person can guarantee these
areas against military attack.
It must also be clear that such
q guarantee Is hardly sensible
or necessary it is q mis-
take in considering Pacific
and Far Eastern problems to
become obsessed with military
considerations"
Five months later Communist
tanks were rolling over the 38th
Parallel to assault South Korea.
Twenty-seven months later the
United States had suffered
10000 casualties in a bloody,
continuing conflict. Who made
the mistake to which the Secre-
tary of State referred? I leave
the answer to you.
Now let me make myself clear
as clear beyond the capacity
of any tongue to twist and dis
tort proudly salute the gall
liant American fight in Korea.
It has been in the same heroic
spirit, fought with the same
bravery and skill, shown by
American airmen whom the
other side Of the globe-four
years ago saved our position in
Berlin.
Moreover, I believ that the
decision to fight to hold Korea
Like the decision to struggle
so bravely to hold Berlin-was
an. unacceptable decision.
What I deplore in these cases
Of Berlin and Korea is this:
The incompetence of political
leaders which made military &C.
ton necessary. Our servicemen
were summoned to snatch mil
itary victory from political de-
feat. Democracies cannot af-
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
Need to Arouse Pride
InU. S Government

1t is true, OF course, that the
American taxpayer is burdened
heavily by Soviet threat. But
what the Democratic nominee
confessed was that under the
present administration policy
the American taxpayer is dane
ing to the Soviet tune and not
getting for his tax dollar a clear.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
Assistont to. SummerfieId
BY the Associated Pres,

BY HE Associated Press
Harlan I. Peyton. Republican
national committeeman for the
State Of Washington, has been
named personal assistant to
G. o. p. Chairman Arthur e. Sum-
|merfield. Mr.. Peyton is a member
Of the executive committee Of the
Republican National Committee.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
America Faces Peril
To East and West

The business at hand, I re-
peat, is serious and solemn. We
face-to East and West-plain
peril.
Stain said-and let us never
I forget Through Asia runs
"the road to victory in the West"
His legionS are well started along
that road already.
A hundred years ago Ameri-
cans began to see that vital link
between East and West. Since
Commodore Matthew Perry set
of on his expedition to Japan
in 1852, America has been keenly
alive to the fate Of Asia. In that
same year, Secretary Of State
William Seward asked: "Who
does not see that the Pacific
Ocean. its shores, It's islands,
and the vast regions beyond,
will become the chief theater
Of events In the worlds great
hereafter?"
A whole century later the
Democratic administration was
following a policy perverSe
enough to deny that plain truth.
The result has been the loss Of
China.
On the other side Of the
world, in Europe. the free world
has struggled manfully to hold
its own. There, at least, America
did not wait for the dust to
settle.
Yet, after the years I have
spent in Europe, I cannot
honestly report that we are
universally respected even
among our friends there. And
this is another tragedy.
Ever since Benjamin Frank,
lin in 1776 first represented our
new Nation in Paris, American
diplomacy has commanded a
certain honor. We did, at times,
anger some peoples and nations.
But we rarely bewildered them.
Rarely did we seem to vacillate
from buster to appeasement.
How has this come to pass,
that our America should, at the
precise moment of its high re-
sponsibility, command such low
respect?
There are bitter causes for
this failure.
First: We must remember that
any administrations domestic
character is faithfully-and I
might say fatefully-mirrored in
the image it offers to a for
eign people. A government that
does not stir the pride of its
own people cannot excite the
respect of others.
Second: Our loose economic
policies have done more than
harass our own people with the
tormentS Of imitation. They have
also Sown confusion abroad.
Huge loans made to aid for.
eign economies have lost mil
lions of dollars Of their true
meaning because uncontrolled
imitation has wiped out q great
part of their value.
Third: We have allowed our
policies to become Swallowed by
doubt and indecision. This is a
fact of the spirit, and it is not
easy to define to those who pre-
fer to be blind to it. But the
Democrat candidate gave us, in
his recent San Francisco speech,
a dismaying example of this
faintness of heart, this curiously
defensive way of thinking. He
was speaking of taxes and he
said: With IS per cent of our
budget allocated to defense, it
Is the Soviet Union which now
fixes the level of our defense
expenditures and thus our tax
rates."
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23

ford the luxury Of assigning
armies of soldiers to go around
picking up" after their states
men. -,
The American people have
been condemned by such policies
to live in a purgatory of i'm.
provisation.
Surely something better can
be found.
Yet all we have been offered
is a program of bits and pieces
a plan here, a program there,
a loan here. a doctrine there
an endless game of makeshift
and make-believe.
1t simply isn't good enough.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23

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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23
BY the Asseeiaied Press

CINCINNATI, Ohio, Sept. %.
FOLLOWING is the test of a for
eiga policy address prepared By
Gen. Eisenhower for deliuery
last night at a Republican rally
here:
S.I have come before you to-
night TO speak Of war and Of
peace.
These are solemn subjects-as
solemn as birth and life and
death themselves. Their very
mention brings quick stabs Of
hope and fear to every heart and
every home in our Nation.
Our lives are caught In the
wise Of a harsh paradox. As I
speak to you at this moment
here in the heartland Of Amer
ica-we all know that, across
the great expanse Of our coun-
try, millions are enjoying peace
full pleasures. They are relaxing
in the comfort Of commonplace
joys-watching q movie, cheer
ing at a ball game. driving along
country roads. A magic snap
Shot-capturing at this instant
the whole life of this country
from sea to sea-would proclaim
a people happy and at peace.
But the truth-the bitter truth
that makes this paradox in
which we live-is hidden in such
q picture. The truth is that
the shadow Of war falls across
this whole people.
We are in a cold war now.
Its intensity and completely at
times seem greater even than in
a hot war. For the moment the
shooting is confined for America
to, Korea.
Tonight-while the life Of o
Nation at peace goes on at home
the casualty lists in Korea
grow. Tonight tens Of thou
sands Of American boys know
that they will be called to serve
In the armed forces before the
end Of the year. Tonight, all
over our land, great factories
are blazing with light as thou
sands Of our workers toll, to
fire the furnaces. to speed the
assembly lines, to tool the ma
chines-from which will come
the weapons Of war.
This is the shadow that es-
capes the cameras eye. This is
the shadow that haunts the
hopes Of all of us.
I repeat: This is a solemn
subject. I cannot make light of
1t, so I have come here to state
the truth as I know it, the truth
plain and unvarnished.
I can summarize the purpose
OF all I have to say in q four
word axiom Of Jefferson: Peace
is our passion"
Peace is my passion!
You all know that in World
War II carried special respon-
sibilities in planning and press
ing the defeat of the Nazi and
Fascist aggressors. You all know
that-from the first perilouS
landings in North Africa in the
dark autumn of 1912, on to our
entry into the ruins of Berlin
more than two and a half years
later-millions Of my uniformed
countrymen and I lived through
war. We know its cost, its pain,
Its waste. its horror We know
these things not from having
read shout them or from being
told about them. They and I
know from having lived with
them.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-09-23

that the iberating spirit, in the
nations conquered by Commu-
nism, shall never perish.
Thus, we shall help each
captive nation to maintain an
outward strain against it's Mos
COW bond. The lands closed in
behind the Iron Curtain will
seethe with discomfort: Their
peoples. not servants docile UNI
der a Soviet master, but ardent
patriots yearning to be free
again. Nothing is so damaging
to a tyrant's war machine as
the steadfast spirit of an I'M
happy people.
Can it be true that an adj
ministration spending billions
for the economic and military
revival of Western Europe thinks
it can succeed in the long run
without opening opportunities
in Eastern Europe?
The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1952-04-10

Room 8, Mr.. Blubaugh Henry
Miner, Richard Paugh, Charles Bur
zenski, Willis Miller, Billy Stahl
Jimmy Hollcr, Robert Rizcr, Dolores
Cogley, Brenda DeBerIy, Gail Dix
on, PAMELA Fike, Margaret James,
Betty johnson, Lorraine Right,
Nancy Martin, Beverly Shank, Nancy
White, Joan Wilt, Helen Winters,
Nancy Harvey.
Room 9, Mr. Teets: Bowen Hardes-
ty, Jr., Alonzo Naylor, Robert Oates,
Edward Sanders, Donald Stemple,
Jackie Stevenson, John Thayer, Elaine
Broadwater, Patty Campbell, Lois
Davis, Martha DeBerry, Gloria Dill
ley, Patricia Leighton, Anita Sue
Porter, Carol Wilt, Kay Holler
Room 10, Mrs. Riggs Rodney Bark
hurst, Roger Broadwater, Jimmie Cup
petit, Emerson Fike, Billy Miner,
Harold Sharpless, Brenton Propst,
Rocksie Bowers, Mary Lou Hamill,
Mary X. Mosser, Hazel Pifer, Nancy
Reckart, Catherine Teets, Mary Ellen
Umbel, Wilma Warwick, Nancy WEIGH.
Room II, Miss Iden: Robert Bit
finger, James Moon, Lester Miner,
Raymond O'Brien, Robert Peck, Ben
ny Shaffer, Arlie Shahan, Jacqueline
Friend, Jeri Nordeck, Mary O'Brien,
Carol Phillips, Mary Runner, Shirley
Upole, Helen Whitacre, Geraldine
Wilt.
The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1952-04-10
Attendance Honor
Roll For March
Oakland Elementary

Room 1, Mrs. Ream: Terry Dewitt,
Dallas House, Gary Orr, Jerry Wilt.
Room 2, Miss Friend: Jeffrey BY
Ian, George Friend, Jamse Cover,
Delmos Warwick, Ronnie Verde
baugh, Ginger Bethel, Nancy Dewitt,
Betty Glass, Linda Smouse, Shelby
Upole, Margaret White, Barbara Hol-
Ter.
Room 3, Mrs. Dqling: sandra But
Ter, Joann Friend, Norma Haupt,
Stephanie Jordan, Sue Martin, Linda
Ream, Sara Shank, Phyllis Smith,
Dixon, Carol Dewitt, Thomas Forman,
ard Stuck, Sheldon Whitacrc, Harold
jerome White, Robert Leighton.
Room 5, Miss Mitchell; John Collins,
Marvin Guthrie, Robert Johnson, Bill
ly Lewis, Ronald Nair, Charles o.
Brien, John Sharps, Alexander
Snyder, Donald Sanders, Thomas Hol-
Ter, Barbara Polling, Patty Reckart,
Donna Umbel, Nancy Sanders.
Room 6, Mrs. Harvey: Terry Bell,
Wayne Bittinger, Thomas Broadwater,
James Craig, Dwight Glotfelty, George
Kirby, Jr., Densil Smith, William
Stockslagcr, Sue Martin, Donna Mar
tin, Mary Jane Peck, Joan McClung,
Patricia Peterson.
Room Z, Miss Howard: Georgiana
Glotfelty, Carole Hardesty, Anne Lee
Lohr, Gail Naylor, Carolyn Spoerlein,
Margaret Vetter, Brooke Brookhart,
Cheston Browning, Benny DeBerry
George Glotfelty, Edward Haupt, Dale
HENDERSON, Rodney King, Lensey
Lewis, Robert Savage, Billy Stemple
Harry Werdcbaugh.