Evening star., 1952-01-04
Vishinsky and Korea

Inere is ample reason TO suspect that Soviet
Foreign Minister Vishinsky has been animated by
something less than good peace promoting inten-
tions in proposing that the United Nations
General Assembly call upon the Security Council
to intervene in the Korean truce negotiations,
At any rate, although they have been moving at
snails pace, 1t is certainly difficult to see how
the negotiations could be speeded up by trans
ferring them from Pannunjom to the Councils
precincts Actually, the chances are thatasuch a
shift would bog them down worse than ever.
This is so because the vishinsky proposal, If
adopted, would inject the Soviet veto into the
proceedings. More than that since the proposal
would link the Korean talks with high-level
governmental effort to lessen international ten
sions everywhere, it probably would open the
way to vast amount of debate non-germane to
the armistice negotiations. Apparently, besides
permitting the Chinese Communists to appear
before the Security Council to deliver violent
propaganda harangues-as they did in late 1850
it would enable the Russians to sound of
1nterminably on numerous grave political prob
lens in Europe and Asia. Needless to say in
that case, they could be counted upon to try
again to sell their pet idea, which has been
rejected by the U. N, for divvying-up deal by
the five big powers Gncluding Red China) to
bring about general world settlement
Such procedure obviously would be any
thing but conducive to speeding up a Korean
truce. The truce objective is strictly military in
character-a thing to be sought by commanders
in the field That is why political questions have
been kept of the agenda at Panmunjom. AS
has been mutually agreed, those questions
including long-term questions bearing upon
uniflcation and peace treaty-are to be dealt
with by higher authorities, by the governments
SY1Uc 1xyol Hyy$ $HooY N
soldiers agree, If they ever agree, on terms
putting into effect cease-f1re and armistice The
Security Council is hardly the place for working
out those terms. The place for it is in the theater
Of war, and it should not be Jumped together with
larger European and Asiatic issues that do not
relate directly to the problem of ending the
fighting and dying.
All of which makes one wonder Just why the
Soviet Foreign Minister has submitted his pro-
posal. Since the Chinese Communists undoubt-
edly agree with the idea. the question now arises
whether they and the North Korean Reds are
serious about the Panmunjom negotiations or
whether they are merely engaged in keeping with
the Kremlin'S wishes, in an elaborate make
believe designed to block any real progress
toward agreement while the Russians strive to
have the issue shifted to the veto-ridden Security
Council. Another question is this: In suggesting
that Korea be dealt with in connection with
international tensions in general, has Vishinsky
also suggested that there can be no truce other
wise? In short, has he taken line that could
mean continuation, intensifcation and enlarge
ment Of the present war?
At the moment it is possible to do little more
than speculate over such questions. Pending
further clari1cation of the Soviet proposal, the
true answers can only be guessed at Meanwhile,
however, the tone Of vishinsky's accompanying
speech must be regarded as being far from
reassuring-a bitter and virulent thing repeating
monstrous lies against America, threatfully
attacking U. N. moves for collective anti
aggression measures, and dropping cryptic and
somewhat ominous hints about coming events
in Southeast Asia. People do not talk that way
who in their hearts are genuinely anxious to
promote peace.