Evening star., 1952-10-10
Russiu's Basic Weakness

AS presented to the Communist Party Con-
gress in Moscow, Soviet economic statistics show
that the Russians have greatly increased their
industrial production since 1910. Comparatively
speaking however, they still have very long
way to go before they can hope to begin catching
up with our American output or even-in such
fields as steel-with the output Of free Europe.
Thus, according to their own figures, the
Russians are now producing steel at an annual
rate of IS million TONS oil at an annual rate of
Al million tons, coal at an annual rate of 300
million tons, and electric power at an annual
rate Of lit billion kilowatt hours. At the same
time, in their current flve-year plan, they are
making substantial progress toward achieving,
by 1855, an impressive boost in these and other
output totals that serve as basic measures of
industrial power
Yet, even when the Kremlin's 1855 goals are
taken into consideration, the Soviet Union-with
its population Of some 210 million-must con-
tinue for years to come to lag far behind in any
output race with the United States and our 155
million people, who incidentally are steadily
increasing their own productivity. Our superior
ity in that respect is illustrated by the fact that
we are turning out at an annual rate, roughly
four times as much electric power as the Rus
slams, nearly twice as much coal, well over six
times as much oil, and approximately 108 million
tons of steel as against their IS million.
Moreover in the field of STEEL our allies in
Western Europe (including Britain) are pro-
ducing at rate of about 72 million tons year.
This output, added to our own, gives the Atlantic
alliance an annual total of more than 180 million
tons. BY way of contrast, Russian output, plus
that of the satellite lands, gives the Soviet
empire only some At million tons Of one OF the
most vital ingredients of power for either peace
or war. Here is an element of inferiority that
in fho al
future unless it risks everything by undertaking
to attack and conquer the free European nations.
1t would be wantonly reckless, of course, for
the Western world to be complacent about its
matchlesS productive power. Just as was the
case with Nazi Germany-which came close to
defeating a coalition controlling far greater
industrial reSourceS-the Soviet Union, which
has been channeling most of its output into arms,
has the capacity to start on deadly march OF
conquest. On such a march, conceivably, 1t
could become the master of all OF Europe-and
Americas superior in terms of non-mitary as
well as military strength Certainly, with that
kind of glittering prize before it, there is no
assurance whatever that the Kremlin will not
decide, in the relatively near future, to gamble
for everything by unleashing total war.
Nevertheless, although this very real posi-
biliy must be reckoned with at all times, although
it underscores the imperative need for as rapid
a defensive build-up possible by the Atlantic
community, the Vests marked productive ad-
vantage must surely tend to sober the con-
spiratorial rulers of Red Russia They must
know that the free world-n it carries through
with everything necessary to meet the threat OF
attack-wll be much better equipped than the
Soviet empire for protracted struggle, and they
must therefore be extremely heSitant about
starting something that could bring down on
or he
one that befell Hitler and the NaziS.
True enough, considerations of this sort may
mt deter the men of the Kremlin. Desperation
or some terrible miscalculation may drive them
into taking the awful gamble of war But In
that case the free world-again assuming that
It completes its defensive tasks and holds fast
toeether-will be able to draw upon the great
superiority of its productive power to insure uti-
4 J.