davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star., 1952-10-26

United States to attend Army schools.
Korean generals were detached
from command of their divisions and
corps and sent to the Army's Com
mand and General Staff College at
Fort Leavenworth. There they
learned top-brass techniques, just as
their juniors accumulated lower level
skills elsewhere. The most valuable
lesson of all, perhaps, was learned
by osmosis. The Korean officers be-
came familiar with our way of mill
tary life. Unhesitating obedience to
orders, acceptance of responsibility
for the well-being of subordinates,
the making of quick decisions based
on complete facts presented by a
staff, and explicit orders that cannot
be misunderstood.
This training is still going on.
Bottle Is Poyoff
The battle is the payof and dur
ing the past few weeks the news that
Americans have read about the Ko-
rean fighting is, if not the jack pot.
at least a pretty fair return. The
10 reconstructed and retrained South
Korean divisions held their own
against beefed-up Communist hordes.
Unlike the disastrous summer of 1850,
American units did not have to be
rushed in to fill gaps left by the "bug
OUT Of South Koreans.
The jackpot will gush forth on the
day the South Koreans are able to
man the whole line. And remember
ing that it takes year to make
United States division combat-ready,
there should be no surprise when
some military men say it will be four
or more years before that can Eos-
sibly happen.
Furthermore, combat divisions and
corps are only the cutting edge of
modern army. Behind them is
complex web of supporting units that
require bewildering array of tech
nical talent. To make such an organi-
cation work requires a know-how
that can't be learned in military
schools; only people grown up in an
industrial civilization such as our
own can possibly master it. The
Koreans with no such heritage will
have to depend upon us to sustain
them even when they are able to
take over the ground fighting. But
when that day comes the American
people will not be nearly so relieved
and happy as the modern-day Won
Stubens who are making it possible
and the South Koreans in their new.
found confidence and pride.
Evening star., 1952-10-26
Advice to Potcos Avoid Issues if You Want Votes ~" 1s4

ing Senator Cameron Morrison, by
means of little performance at each
political meeting. When it came Bob's
time to speak, he would roll out a
long narrow strip of red plush car
pet and walk on it, mimicking Nor
rison'S waddle. Then he would hold
up jar of caviar and say: That's
what Old Cam eats, fish eggs from
Russia; good old North Carolina hen
eggs amt good enough for him"
That is all Bob would say.
Jail Compoien
The 1886 general election. which
turned into a virtual clean sweep for
the Democrats, produced some un-
expected results. In some States and
districts which had always voted Re-
publican, almost any one who wanted
to get on the Democratic ticket could
do SO. When the votes were counted.
the newly elected attorney general
of one State was found serving Jail
sentence for disorderly conduct. The
newly elected Congressman for an
urban district was found in his street.
Sweeper'S uniform.
The Republican State Convention
in Texas this year was a lively af-
fair with large attendance, but it
was not always thus. The State con-
vention was held on horseback few
years ago. Two horses and two men
were in attendance, and it was here.
jogging along a dusty country road,
that the States duly recognized dele
gates to the Republican National
Convention were chosen. A court de-
cision made it official.
1t may seem absurd, the conglom-
Grafton of handshaking and flag wav-
ing, of ballyhoo and bombast, Of
mummery and mountain music, of
trickery and persuasion, which we
call politics. But it has brought us
some able and patriotic public off,
cials. Either by means of such phe-
nomena or despite them, America
seems to find her way.
John Hill, Republican, of Maryland
ran for Congress during prohibition
Hill would enter hall where he was
scheduled to speak, advance to the
roStrum, where there would be a
pitcher of water, pour some in glass,
taste it, and then say: whats this?
Water?" He would dash it on the
platform, and say. "We don't want
water in this district. We want beer.
And boys, if you send John Hill to
Congress he'll get it for you" Then
Hill would grab the American flag,
also planted. This was the cue for
the brass band to let loose. The
crowd would go crazy. Hill won.
Evening star., 1952-10-26
By Richord FrykIund

of Indiana, Williams of Delaware,
Ecton of Montana, Malone of Ne
vada, Watkins of Utah and Putrell
of Connecticut. Three Democratic
seats are classed as in doubt: Those
held by Chevez of New Mexico.
O'Mahoney of Wyoming and the seat
vacated by O'Conor of Maryland.
The remaining seats held by both
parties are relatively safe.
House Statistics
Numerical control of the House
should be easy for the winning presi-
dental candidate. If it is a close
election, as seems likely, and if his
tory repeats itself. the winning can
didate should bring in with him at
least Is or 80 new Representatives
for his own party, with correspond
ing losses for the other party. The
Democrats now have a margin of
80 seats in the House. If Stevenson
were to win, he would increase that
margin to perhaps 80 or 80 seats.
Conversely, if Ike were to win close
one, he probably could count on a
G. o. P. advantage of 20 or 80 Rep
resentatives.
If the winner comes through by
large margin or landslide, his
majority in the House can be ex-
pected to increase proportionately.
But majority even in both houses
would be no guarantee of success
for the President. Mr.. Truman
learned that the hard way. The
Democrats had slight majority in
both Houses during the 82d Con-
gress, but So per cent of MIR. Tru-
Evening star., 1952-10-26

The Good Old Lost-Minute Political Lie
Has q Long and DishonorobIe History
By WiIIiom Hines

Senator Mccarthy, the Wisconsin
Republican. has threatened - or
promised, depending on how you
look at ito expose Gov. Stevenson
in a speech tomorrow night. In
view of the subject, the season and
the speaker, one is entitled to wonder
whether the public is about to be
treated to a dose of the truth or
simply to good old American roor-
back
Though the roorback's name may
not be particularly well known, the
political stratagem it represents is
familiar to almost every one. Tersely
defined, roorback is political lie
calculated to injure the reputation
of a candidate and circulated at so
late date that refutation is prac-
tically impossible. To be a roorback
the story must have all three quail
ties-it must be false, it must be
defamatory and it must be circu-
lated at the last moment.
Storted loS Years Ago
The roorback-which is pro-
nounced to rhyme with poor hack"
got its name and it's start in 1874,
when the Wings behind Henry Clay
were leaving no damp rock unturned
to defeat the Democratic candidate,
James K. Polk of Tennessee. Polk,
like many of his day and class in
the South, was a STAKEHOLDER, and
made no bones about it. There were
in the North at that time-only 16
years before the Civil War-many
who hated slavery and linked the
institution closely with savage
cruelty.
Just before the election, a New
York State paper printed excerpts
from the diary of a foreign tourist
a favorite form of reading in those
days. The author was one Baron
Roorback; the story was called "A
Tour Through the Western and
Southern States" Needless to say,
there was no Baron Roorback and
the diary was phony from start to
finish.
At any rate, the baron's diary told
VI FAoAUA4AS Vic P1dA1CdGAO11 VI GI1S
Speaker of the House, j. K. Polk, and
there seeing 43 slaves with the in
itials j. K. P. branded on their
shoulders.
The rest of the Whig press grabbed
hold of the story and played it for
what it was worth, which apparently
wasn't much, since Polk won the
election by an electoral vote of ITO
to los.
Other Lies
Few elections have gone by with
out roorbacks of one sort or another.
In both 1860 and 1864 there were
those who insisted that Abraham
Lincolon was Cd illegitimate, (2)
part Negro or 60 both. This was
entirely ineffective, perhaps because
it lacked what might be considered
the fourth essential of any roorback:
It must be apparently true or at
least intrinSically believable. The
Evening star., 1952-10-26

mans legislative proposals were
rejected or ignored by Congress, ac-
cording to study by Congressional
Quarterly.
The reason for his outstanding
lack of success is found in the voting
habits of individual Congressman. In
the House about half of the Southern
Democrats crossed over to vote with
the Republicans so often that the
Democratic majority lost half of the
roll-call votes decided nominally
along party lines.
There was even more switching in
the Senate. Five out of six of the
more controversial roll-call votes
were decided by Senators who jumped
the party fences. AS the Democrats
had f1uctuating majority on paper
of only two to four votes, Democratic
absentees frequently put the Repub-
licanS in position to power through
to victory. But it should be of spe-
cial interest to Eisenhower to note
that Republicans lost almost exactly
the same number of contests through
defectionS as did the Democrats.
The voting pattern did not follow
North-South lines in the Senate. The
fence-jumpers as well as the solid
party men came from all parts of the
country.
Most of the new faces in the House
are expected to come from the North
and West. About SIS Southerners now
are regularly counted in the G. o. p
Southern Democrat coalition, so if
Stevenson wins. he should gain
enough non-coalition Northern and
Western strength to throw the Dixie
G. o. Ps. out of the saddle.
Ike can look to the House with
Evening star., 1952-10-26
Party Labels Do Not Tell How a Congressman

political philosophy and regional
prejudices.
Only once since the Republicans
began fighting it out with the Dem
ocrats back in 1856 has a newly
elected President faced House or
a Senate controlled by the opposite
party. Rutherford B. Hayes, a Re-
publican, had this uncomfortable ex-
perience when. the voters gave him
a Democratic House in 1876. Grover
Cleveland, Democrat. had a Re-
publican Senate in 1884 ....
AS things look now, Gen. Eisen-
hover may be the third President
to break the rule. Unless Steven
sons luck is unusually bad, however,
he should have both House and
Senate on his side if he wins.
EisenhoWer'S uncertainty over the
Senate might seem unreasonable at
first glance. The Democrats now
have only two-seat margin. But
unfortunately for the G. o. p. more
Republican seats CID than Demo-
cratic Q4 are on the block this
year. And the Republicans running
are, on the whole, more in danger
of losing than are the Democrats.
It would take a G. o. P. landslide
to pull them all through.
If the presidential race is close,
the Republicans would be in danger
of losing Senators in Massachusetts,
Godge), Missouri Kem) and Wash
ington (Cain. Two Democrats,
Benton of Connecticut and Moody
of Michigan, also are in serious
trouble. Another six seats now held
by Republicans are considered to be
in doubt: Those occupied by Jenner
Evening star., 1952-10-26

equanirhity. He would have a Re-
publican majority plus the half a
hundred conservative minded South
erners from which to draw support
for his programs.
Effective control of the Senate, on
the other hand, will not be so easy for
the winner.
If Eisenhower wins the presidency
but loses the Senate, he will be in a
difficult position. Still, it will be far
from hopeless. Ike, who has a repu-
tation for being an ace cajoler. prob
ably would be able to win support
from the Democratic fence jumpers
on many issues.
Democratic Edge Likely
On the other hand, the outlook for
Stevenson, if he wins, is reasonably
good in the Senate. He would almost
certainly have majority, and he has
good chance of losing some of the
most intractable Republicans. His
victory might also help pull through
Benton and Moody. Stevenson
could not, however, get rid of
the most persistent Democratic de-
fectors as they either are not running
or are in "safe" States.
The moral of the story is that party
discipline in American politics is
looser than many people, including
some politicians, seem to think. Both
Democrats and Republicans in Con-
gress have minds of their own, un-
Inr Iox,
tial entreaties.
Whoever wins. the new President
will soon be able to worry himself to
sleep counting Congressman as they
leap party fences on the Hill.
Evening star., 1952-10-26
By Ben Whitehurst

tissues are hogwaSh," prom
1nent political leader is reported to
have said this week. Candidates
should talk about God, home and
mother, and possibly a little about
the American flag" he said, adding:
"The unvarnished truth about issues
IS fatal"
This theory seems to have been
given backing this week by what hap
pened to the two presidential candi-
dates. Both responded heroically to
demands that they speak out on vital
issues. only to be told that it is the
Congress which makes the laws.
Any feeling of Illustration on the
part of the presidential candidates
is no doubt eased by their remember
ing that vital issues have rarely
played an important part in Amer
ican politics and that nearly all Of
our campaigns have abounded with
ridiculous goingS-on.
Powerful Whimsy
Whimsical issues have often won
elections.
Alfred Phillips of Connecticut was
elected to Congress on an anti-snake
platform. He promised to sponsor
legislation for the killing of the
snakes in the ZOOS, to prevent their
escape to prey upon the populace in
case of big earthquake.
The late Senator Theodore Bilbo
of Mississippi had just one cam
paign device: He called his opponents
bad names. One was pictureSquely
described by Bilbo as "a cross be-
tween a hyena and a mongrel, be-
gotten in a graveyard at midnight.
sucked by a sow and educated by
q damned fool"
Jimmy Walker was elected Mayor
of New York City, defeating the
reformer, Congressman Fiorello La
Guardia, by asking one question
every time he got up to speak: What
was the good Congressman doing
in Bridgeport on the night OF Sep
tember 10 last?" La Guardia would
get purple in the face and scream
his answer: "I've never been in Bridge
port in my life" Jimmy Walker,
blithely ignoring the answer, con-
tinued to ask the question.
The winner in a race for Congress
was asked how he accounted for his
success. "Well," he answered, every
body who knew me voted for my
opponent and everybody who knew
him voted for me, and he just knew
more people than did"
Happy Chandler was elected Gov
Evening star., 1952-10-26

OF Indians in South Africa. But
American experts point to differences
in the present move, The India
South Africa dispute was one between
nations, growing out of an interna-
tlonal agreement. The general issue
OF race conflict" now raised is not
based on any treaty dispute between
two specific nations.
Aside from the legalistic argument.
it is delicate matter of policy as to
whether this country should favor
U. N. action in the present situation.
1t is emphasized that, of course.
the American delegation wants to
avoid anything that could be in.
terpreted as condoning the race
discrimination laws in South Africa.
But it also does not want to open
up the possibility of the U. N. trying
to take action on complaints of race
discrimination in the United States.
There is little comparison between
the racial question in the United
States and South Africa. But Com
munlst propagandistS could take a
U. N. resolution about race conflict
IN South Africa as a precedent for
pushing charges against the United
States in the Assembly.
Two Articles Involved
Realistically, two articles of the
Y. N. Charter are involved. Article
l lists among the U. N. purposes:
promoting and encouraging respect
Tor human rights and for the funda-
mental freedoms for all, without dis
tlnctlon as to race, sex, language or
religion"
But Article 2 CD provides this
brake on action: Nothing contained
in the present Charter shall authorize
the United Nations to intervene in
matters which are essentially within
the domestic jurisdiction of any
state. -
The 13 Asiatic and Arab nations
pushing for U. N. action claim South
Africa is violating the human rights
pledge in Article /. South Africa
insists that U. N. action would violate
the non-intervention principle in
Article 2 90.
What does the United States Gov.
ernment think about these argu.
ments? The best answer you can get
from informed officials is something
like this: 1T is a difficult legal
problem"
The tendency seems to be to try
to stay on the fence, or at the most
favor mild resolution by the As
Sembly that could not be interpreted
as intervention"
The American vote for listing the
problem among the things to be dis
cusSed by the U. N. Assembly was a
gesture for the good will of the Arab
ASiatic bloc as well as for the town
meeting principle.
While at first glance the United
States might thus seem to be helping
to open wide the door for Soviet
speakers to press race discrimination
charges against this country in the
u NJ, officials here do not expect
them to make much of the opportu-
nifty. They point out that the nom
intervention provision in Article 2 (O
Of the Charter is relied on by the
Communists as protection against
U. N. interference with their police
states, and hence Soviet-bloc dele.
gates probably will be wary Of sup-
porting demand for action on even
the South African issue.
Evening star., 1952-10-26

Lincoln libel was. of course, neither.
The circulators of roorbacks got
into the unpleasant field of forgery
in 1880 with the So-called "Morey
Letter." aimed at alternating the
labor vote from James A. Garfield.
The letter purported to be one from
Garfield to an employers association
in New England. stating that the
presidential candidate favored con-
tinued immigration of cheap Chinese
labor to this country. One cannot
gauge how much damage the letter
did; Garfield won, but by a popular
plurality of only 10000 in an election
in which go million votes were cast.
Not a forgery, but an equally des-
picable trick, was the Murchison Let
ter of October 81, 1888-only couple
OF weeks before the election in which
BENJAMIN Harrison, Republican, de-
feated the incumbent Democrat.
Grover Cleveland. Some one wrote
the British Minister, describing him
self as former Englishman who had
taken American citizenship. He
wanted to know, the writer told the
diplomat. how he could be of the
greatest help to his native land ON
election day. The British Minister
fell for it and replied in effect that
vote Tor Cleveland would be a vote
1or queen Victoria. Cleveland lost
the election-even though he won
tne popular vote-and his defeat is
credited to the Irish vote against him
in olg-electoral-vote States like New
York and Massachusetts after elec-
tlon. Cleveland kicked the British
Minister out.
EAffoire Tydines
So far as is known, the Murchison
Letter was the only successful roor.
PACK on a national scale. Some oh.
servers credit the 1850 defeat of Sem
ator Tydings of Maryland to a roor-
pack IN the form of a picture. This
was the "composograph" photo that
showed Tydings and the erstwhile
Communist leader, Earl Browder, en-
Joylng a cozy tete-a-tete.
The present campaign has not
turned up any roorbacks, possibly
S~SoSeoC VIC CIA1lc ID OIlly now OeCOm.
ing ripe. The Nixon charges cannot
be classified as a roorback because
although they were believable and
calculated to ruin his reputation
they were neither false nor belatedly
circulated. The same is true of the
countercharges about Stevenson's
fund; he had plenty of time to ex-
plain. Both beleaguered candidates
apparently explained their financial
transactions to the satisfaction of
most, If not all, the voters.
In fact, with television and radio
as readily available as they are, it is
doubtful that much damage can be
done by roorbacks in the future. It
is too easy for a candidate to get to
the people with his side of the story.
And, as so often happened in the
days of the Arabian Nights, the last
Vizier to get the ear of the caliph il
likely to be the one who scores a
victory.
Evening star., 1952-10-26

AS the two presidential candidates
watch the election returns roll in
November 4, they will be anxious
not only over their own fates. but
also over those of the men running
for Congress.
For both Eisenhower and Stevenson
realize that President cannot Sue
cessfully put over his program unless
he has friendly Congress. The new
President will want a majority OF his
party members in both House and
Senate. What is more important,
he also will want them to be reason
ably faithful to the party line. And
as icing to the cake, he will be
roofing for the election of Congress
men from the opposing party-if any
have to be elected-who are willing
to cross party lines on roll-call votes.
Many Advantages
There is an obvious advantage to
a President in having his own party
in control of Congress. His party
will name committee chairmen. it
will choose the Speaker of the House
and President Pro Tenn of the Senate
and it will schedule the business of
Congress. But such control will not
necessarily be the magic talisman Of
success. President Truman has found
to his regret that it takes more than
q paper majority in each house to
put over a program.
That's why the winner will be look
ing for true-blue friends among Con-
gressmen in both parties. And he
will have to look beyond party labels.
He will have to check the new
Congressmen's past voting records.
Evening star., 1952-10-26
Aportheid-
South African Brand Of Segregation
Is TickIish Issue for Us in u. N.
By Gornett D. Homer

Chances are the United States del
egation will try to stay on the side
lines during the forthcoming United
Nations General Assembly debate on
race conflict" in South Africa.
1t is a delicate issue, with many
ramifications. There are differences
of opinion within the State Depart
ment over just what the U. N. can
or should-do about it, if anything.
The one thing over which there is
no argument is that this country
would be sticking it's neck out, look
irg for trouble, to take the lead on
either side of the debate. Therefore,
the United States delegation won't
initiate any proposals.
U. S. Undecided
Still to be decided is how the Amer
lean vote will be cast on proposals
for u. N. action that do come up.
Our policy-making officials appa-
rently haven't agreed among them
selves on whether it would be proper
for the U. N. to do anything but talk
about the matter.
Along with 46 other nations, the
United States voted for putting the
problem on the General Assembly
agenda. The issue was raised by l3
Arab and Asian nations. They in
sisted that the Assembly should dis
cuss what they called race conflict
in South Africa"
The problem grows out of the tight
ening race segregation policies Of
Prime Minister Daniel F. Malan's
government in South Africa. There,
native Bantu Negroes have practically
no political rights, cannot ride on the
white mans buses or belong to his
trade unions. Another segment of
"colored" people-those of mixed
blood-are in little better position
than the Bantus. Indian and other
Asiatic residents are still some better
off, but also are victims of segrega-
tion policies.
The Asiatic-Arab bloc bringing the
issue before the U. N. complain that
these policies violate the U. N. Char
ter'S guarantee of human rights and
threaten world peace.
South Africans argue that the
policy of "apartheid' or
separateness-is the soundest way to
solve their country's race problems by
providing for separate development
of each race in its own area. In any
event, they insist it is nobody's busi-
ness but South Africa's.
No Side Token
American officials say this country's
vote for putting the issue on the
Assembly agenda should not be in
terpreted as taking sides one way or
the other. The vote was merely for
the purpose of permitting the As
sembly to fulfill its basic function of
promoting free discussion. A vote
against discussion would have been
violating the town meeting of the
world" concept of the Assembly
These officials put into an en-
tirely different category the still un-
settled question of whether the U. N.
is competent to take any action in
the matter. This is legaliStic prob
lem. Some argue that the question
of competence already has been
settled by several u. N. resolutions
in previous years aimed toward help
ing to settle dispute between India
and South Africa over the treatment