davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06
Voices Firm Opinion
On FEPC, Red Threat
And Other Issues
BY the Assoeiotsd Press

ABILENE. Kdfs., June s.
Here is a transcript OF Gen.
Eisenhower's press conference
yesterday:
Gen. Eisenhower: Ladies and
gentlemen II do hope that
technical arrangement for this
conference is fairly satisfactory
to everybody but. in any event.
I must say that as it turned out,
they astonish me because I was
Informed they were something
else, but at least I have had
nothing to do with it. I have
tried to conform to your wishes
on this particular occasion.
apparently the general was
referring to the confusion
over whether the press con-
ference would be televised
direct from the theater.)
To start right OF. I have
noticed several things in the
papers. forms Of questions or
speculations, seems to me I
could answer instantly and
therefore eliminate those from
the area Of further speculation.
I have been asked specifically
what Is my voting record and
why should I have ever stated
I was q Republican. As you
know, I have been in the uni
formed service for a long, long
time and there has been little,
If any, voting record to speak
about until after in February,
1913; I left active duty and
felt that I had a right to par
ticipate as other citizens do in
the political activity. Now, at
that moment, I did not register
as Republican because I held
the belief and the hope that I
could remain somewhat aloof
from partisan politics because.
as you know, I was not fully
separated from the Army in the
form of retirement or resigna-
ton. But In 1913, I voted the
Republican ticket and there
were two special elections In
New York, one in 40 and then
for Governor in so, and I voted
the Republican ticket and that
is my entire voting record and
to add to the other question
another question that has arisen
in connection with it, ] have
never voted any Democratic
ticket. (Applause.)
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06

American has q right to decent
medical care. M
incidentally, the. best plan I
ever heard about came right
from this State. the man who
is now chancellor Of Kansas
University. I sat at his feet
once, / remember. for several
hours. A man that seems to
me has real sense. He is a
doctor himself-now, I want
to point this out, gentlemen:
I am going to refer to the rec
ord. When I went to Column
bia I found one thing: That
medical education has become
so expensive that 1t Is en-
barrassing great universities
that are privately supported
and embarrassing them very
badly-so badly that some Of
them almost in despair are
turning to the Government for
!. help to oppose that system. I
helped to organize and sup
ported an organization Of pri-
vate citizens, insisting that We
must in these private univers-
tiles support medical educa-
ton by private means, because
If we didn't it would be the
first step toward the socializa-
ton Of medicine, and I am
against specialization.
@. Representative Of Cana
dian Press: Sir. do you have any
position on the joint develop
ment with Canada Of the st.
Lawrence Seaway?
A. Really, I have always had
this feeling: Now, when I was
Chief Of Staff I saw a certain
advantage, from the national
defense standpoint, of Develop
ing that seaway. And, there
fore. advising strictly from 4
military angle which I was ex-
pected to do, ] said thought it
would be an asset to the United
States. AS of today. I understand
that Canada is going ahead with
this thing anyway, and I would
hate to see the United States
oppose it. I rather think this:
That everything is in favor Of
the power end Of the thing.
There is some question about
the economic advantage Of the
seaway itself, but I would re-
mark this: # it is needed by
the economies Of our two coun-
tries. 1t is inevitable that some
day it will be constructed. do
not know enough about the va
rious factors In the thing to say
ct this moment and to give
competent and reliable infor-
nation and to give specific an
swer to the question. But do
make those observations that
would apply to the problem.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06
Pledges Support
To Republican Slate

Q. Senator Taft said If you
should be nominated, he will
support you. Will you support
Senator Taft If he is nominated?
A. I have of course already
answered that question. First, I
am not going to mention per-
sonalities; I said I will support
any Republican ticket that is
nominated by the Republican
convention, on the assumption
that their platform is going to
be somewhat following the prin-
ciples stated in their statement
Of February 6.
@. (American Broadcasting
Coz First of all, how should
we refer to you. as general" or
"Mr. Eisenhower"
A. The question seems to
arouse a great deal Of curiosity.
To me, it makes not the slight
est difference. I am, as Of this
moment, still technically q gen.
eral, but I would be delighted
II you would like to call me
Mr.. Eisenhower.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06

can In the theological war we
are waging, retreat from the
area we occupy. and therefore
I believe we have got to stand
firm and take every possible
step we can to reduce our
losses. and stand right. and try
to get a decent armistice out
Of it. In other words, I do not
believe in the present situation
there is any clear-cut answer to
the present Korean war.
@. christian Science Moni-
tori In your speech yesterday
you said the loss Of China was
a type Of tragedy that must not
be repeated. On whom do you
blame the loss Of China?
A. First Of all. I should say
this. I am not going in any
manner Of means to indulge in
personalities in anything I have
to say. I believe in certain prin-
ciples. certain procedures and
methods ! will discuss with any
body at any time. I am not
going to discuss personalities.
I do not know who Is to blame
for the loss Of China. ! do know
that the diplomatic triumphs Of
that period were claimed by the
party in power. The party in
power. therefore. has to take
some responsibility for. any
losses we have suffered, but 7
could not name q person, I could
not name any individuals in
volved in the whole business, but
I do say this, when we see 400
million people fall under the
domination Of this Communist
dictatorship, 400 million people
that can be used by the Kremlin
without expanding q BIT Of their
own substance in the form of
their own men on declaring
war. 1t is a diplomatic, let's
say an international, disaster of
the first marnitlICIe
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06

when external menace or In
ternal crisis requires abnormal
governmental expenditures, we
must temporarily use every pos
sible means to reduce initiation
airy pressures. =. Would you .
imply that statement to mean
the present situation requires
the continuance Of wage and
price control?
A. The question is what kind
Of controls do we need now in
view Of the statement I made
yesterday: in times Of great
emergency and grave internal
crisis we use every kind Of in
f1uence to combat inflationary
tendencies and the remark was
made I was talking generally
about taxation. ! believe the
influence and the power Of the
Federal Government is so vast
in this thing that I deliberately
didn't try to state in one short
sentence and within the limits
of the time I had, state any one
particular cure. Now, I believe
this: When you get into a really
grave emergency that we call as
such, the conduct Of a war, q
great global war, then at least
while you are getting adjusted
I believe you have to use every
specific controls Of all kinds be-
cause, if you don't, a great and
unforeseen need In a raw ma
terial or a machine tool or
something else sends everything
"skyshooting" out Of proportion
and that affects the whole
thing.
I believe in the long run in
the free economy and I have
far more faith in the inter-
play. of the influence Of prices
and Of supply and demand and
Of the normal action Of the
Government in extending and
reducing credit, with it's discount
rates and so on, than I do in
any direct controls now. AS to
applying it at this moment, I
believe we are in a sort of a new
thing; we are not in an emer-
gency, but we are certainly not
at peace. I prefer to call it sort
Of a thigh plateau Of tension"
Now. maybe that doesn't mean
too much, but it does to me.
It means we have got to ac-
custom ourselves to living in
sort Of a tense basis until we
can get these things straight
ened out and we can again ex-
perience the tranquility, the
serenity that we should have;
so within that time. would
personally like to see reduced to
the ultimate that we can what
I call the artificial direct, legal
istic controls and to apply all Of
the influence Of every kind of
both-of the whole economy to
see whether we can't keep this
thing on q level. OF course,
where a law is absolutely de-
manded, we have a national
Legislature to take the thing up
and the Presidents job is to lay
a recommendation before it.
Now. that is as much as I can.
answer you now. because, after
all, you are talking about a
specific problem where q thou
sand experts have come and
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06
General Denies Any Role
In Bids for Delegates

@. (New York News There
has been some pretty dirty words
passed around about the dele
gates who call on you at Co
lumbia.
A. About what?
@. (New York News Charges
Of bribery, corruption and all
that, for both Democrats and
Republicans. Have you asked
personally these delegates to
come in and who is paying their
expenses?
A. First of all, I want to say
this: I have no part in any
movement that has involved my
name up until the moment I got
home; even though, as you can
see, it would be foolish for me
to try to assume any directive or
decisive influence. This thing
has been going on for some time
and I have kept strictly and
completely out Of 1t. This is all
I can say about this thing, be-
cause I have never asked a man
for a nickel; I have never pro-
posed or suggested any kind Of q
coalition; I. have never at
tempted in my life, and I never
: will, to make a deal for any
thing of this kind, but I have
the greatest faith in the honor
and integrity of the kind Of
people that have been promi-
nently identified with the move
ment that has been putting my
name before the electorate in
several States.
@. Hayden, Detroit News:
The charge has been made by
some Of those who oppose your
nomination that because you
rose to military eminence under
two Democratic presidents. you
would not be In q position to
make what has been called a
hard-hitting campaign against
the Democrats. Would you
comment?
A. Last evening there were six
very fine Negro gentlemen came
to visit me and I believe they
said they were from Wichita
it's Dukes orchestra, or some
thing like that-they wanted to
sing me a few songs. The last
one was-I have forgotten the
words, but it recited some little
successes that I had in war and
said,-if I could do that could
certainly whip the Democrats.
Now. as far as fighting is con-
cerned, I was in the back end
of a conference about as far
as that wall (indicating) back
there from President Roosevelt
once-I think about a month
before I was appointed to COM
mand in Europe. That was as
close as I ever was to him until
went up one day and reported
and said. II have been desig-
mated by the Chief Of Staff to
go to Europe to command" !
never heard President Roosevelt
directly state a single political
concept Of his in my life except
over the radio.
I knew nothing and. as far
as I know, at that time did
not know a so-called New Deal
er. / have many friends that I
have made in 40 years. I have
never asked them whether they
were Democrats or Republicans
but, as far as any possible con-
nection. between me and poll
tical administration Of any
kind, It's absolutely-there II
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06
u S. Must Not Allow
Europe to Fall to Reds


@. "(Wilson, Cowles Publ
cation) in that connection, do
you approve of the foreign pol
icy of the Truman administra-
ton?
A. The question is do I ap-
prove of the foreign policy of the
Truman administration. Now.
of course, to start with, I have
never been part of any admin
istration, and therefore, I have
not been either part Of any
organization that has helped to
make UP the total foreign policy
of the United States, nor, in
deed, have I been cognizant Of
many of the facets of it. The
only thing that I have sup
ported is this: The basic con-
ception that II we allow West
ern Europe to fall within the
communistic orbit, the danger
to us is so highly increased that
our expenses will leap up, the
cost will be so great as to be
back-breaking. and we will be in
mortal danger. That is the part
Of the thing to which I believe
and I believe every American
that looks the thing squarely
in the face. because I have
heard those who frankly call
themselves "isolationiSts" say,
I'VE want to do this; the only
question is can we do it?" And
my answer to that is If you
don't do it what is the alter
native? Now the rest of it, I
would say this, I believe the
struggle that should be compre-
hended within our foreign policy
should be stated in the terms
of principle and high objec-
tives, what are we going to do?
I believe we should not commit
ourselves to any geographical
line or tie ourselves down in any
other way. I do not believe we
should handcuff ourselves with
Il might say 'pre-action"
statements; we should be ready
to act in our own interest when
the time comes and in accord
ance with our own self interest,
enlightened self-interest, with
respect to the free world.
@. marquis Childs) There's
been speculation about differ
ences between you and Gen.
Macarthur. Would you make
use of Gen. MacArthur's mill
tary capabilities if you were
President?
A. Again. you are asking the
same question I believe that
some one asked about. and I
am not going to engage in per-
sonalities of any kind. I will
say this: I could not have
served any man, first. indirect
ly for nine years, as I did Gen.
Macarthur, without gaining a
tremendous respect for his in
tellectual and professional
capacity. If I had to have any
position Of great responsibility
in this country, there is nothing
that I would allow to bar me
from seeking access to the finest
brains. experience. that I could
find on any subject Of impor-
lance to US and If any one with
his knowledge Of the Far East
were available. I should GER
tainly want to know what he
thinks about it.
(Applause.)
@. Fairchild Publications Of
New York. In your speech yes
terday, General. you said,
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06
Would Leave FEPc
For States to Handle

y
q. Do you favor a compulsory
FEPC?
A. The FEPC-when you use
those initials. you are propos-
ing, as I see it, a sort Of shotgun
question, because there are
many things involved in it. I
have no objection whatsoever
to stating my Interchangeable. my
unalterable support of fairness
and equality among all types
Of American citizens. and I be-
lieve that insofar as the Fed
eral Government has any in
f1uence or any constitutional
authority in this field. all Of its
means. all Of its expenditures,
all Of its policies should adhere
firmly and without any kind Of
eQuivocation to that principle.
I do not believe that we can
cure all of the evils in mems
hearts by law, and when you
get to compulsory action in GER
tain specific phases Of this thing,
I really believe we can do more
by leadership and getting States
to do it than make 1t a Federal
compulsory thing. and this say
with the utmost sympathy who
feels themselves to be a member
OF 1t. has been depressed or
unfairly treated; and I will say
this: So far as my own personal
influence can extend in this
country, shall never cease to
fight for it. I believe thorough.
~. (Applause.)
Editors note-Above Is
stenographic copy
@. Mrs. Smith, Chicago Globe:
Gen. Eisenhower, If you are
elected President, would you be
willing to appoint to your cab
met some Negro Of competence.
such as DR.. Bunche?
A. Well, first, you are Jump
ing about two bridges to get to
a particular spot. But accepts
ing your question, ! should say
this: BY no manner Of means
have 7 even given thought to
the possibility of the people I
should appoint to major posi-
tions. = ~
If I were confronted with such
responsibility, I can only say
that in all Of the tasks I have
for and on behalf Of our Gov
eminent in the past. I searched
for the best I could find.
Whether or not it would be the
best to use DR.. Bunche. I don't
know; but I tell you this: Not
only do I admire DR.. Bunche
very much, but when I was
president of Columbia. we called
him up and gave him an honor
airy degree-and we don't give
out too many degrees there be-
cause we think a great deal Of
our honorary degrees at Column
bia University.
@. Chicago Herald-American:
Concerning the east. in the event
of a new offensive should be
launched. would you then con-
slider any bombing attacks into
China or blockading the coast?
A. Ladies and Gentlemen,
the business Of deciding what
you would do on the field and
on the spot with military for
nations is a very difficult one
to decide at a long ways on.
Now. certainly. I would not at
tempt anything beyond our
capabilities, In the military
sense. and that has to be de-
cided by people on the spot.
But If I am attacked In q broad
way by anything that you can
call nationalistic attack, I am
going to do everything ] can to
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06
Recalls Declaration
By Republicans in so

Moreover. ladies and gentle
men. with respect to what a
man might call his political
philosophy. If in these bewilder-t
ing days he can adhere enough
to any set Of principles to call
1t a philosophy. I find that in
the Republican declaration Of
February 6. 1850. which was
passed or supported by the Re-
publican members Of the United
States Senate, Republican mem
bers of the United States House
Of Representatives and the Re-
publican National Committee, I
find that so far as the principles
therein are stated, I am in gen.
eral accord.
Now, in that statement. they
did go into certain specific de-
tails that appear to me to be q
little bit different from what I
would say. And I also know
that certain Of the Senators,
Representatives and the COM
mittee voted against the COM
plete adoption Of that state
ment, but, as I understand 1t
from them, their disagreement
was again not upon principle,
but upon particular points, spe-
ciflc application or procedure.
So repeat that so far as my
general political philosophy is
concerned. If 1t may be called
such, I find myself In general
accord with that. Now, all this
means, and ! am not mention
ing, you see. a Republican back
ground of family and Of brothers
and Of the community in which
you now find yourself; I simply
say that I assume that my Re-
publican platform or program
of action to be adopted in the
near future or in our TIME will
somewhat conform to that state
ment of principles. That being
so, that assumption being cor
rect, there will be no question
of where my vote. my support
insofar as it is proper or asked
from men, will be on that side
Of the fence because, as I said
yesterday, ! believe that one Of
the important things is to all
ternate between the two political
parties in the control Of our
central government.
I do not believe that there is
an effective efficient two-party
system and. of course, I am as
Stunning that each Of the two
parties in the worthiness Of its
citizens, deserve recognition, but
there is no effective two-party
system unless there is a pos
sibility Of alienation. That,
ladies and gentlemen, is a quick
thumbnail sketch and I quite
assume that some of your edi-
tors have given you questions
and, in any event, I am getting
tired Of my own voice. So I
would say, let's start with the
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06
Sees Answer Locking
On Korean Conflict

@. (Scripps Howard papers.)
How do we bring the Korean
war to q successful end?
A. OF course, as you know, I
have not been out in that Sec
ton. I am not familiar with
the local technical situations.
I have talked with Gen. Ridg-
way. I have talked to others
that are knowledgeable about
the thing. We are there. as I
see it. to support a principle.
do not have any prescription
for bringing the thing to a de-
cisive and. because with the
buildup that is apparently tax
ing place on the other side Of
the Yalu and in that region. I
don't think it would be possible
for our forces to carry through
Q decisive attack, which we
would call q tactical or strategic
victory on the ground.
But ! do not believe that We
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06

to DO searched out. Do We need
it? Is this trip necessary Il the
way ! put it.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06

support men that are carrying
the battles for me. and ! am
going to do everything I can to
win it and as quickly and de-
cisively as I can. Now. I don't
know what the capabilities Of
our forces at this moment are,
but I am sure Of this: There
has been built up behind the
Yalu River D very definite air
strength that would make very
dangerous any attempt to ex-
tend the war at this moment,
until we have q bigger buildup
of Our own.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1952-06-06
no such-it's just false: It's not

no such-it'S Just false: It's not
true.
@. (Unidentifled) A what7
A. False; not true,
@. Oorraine BROKER Of the
Prairie Scout: Have you given
any thought to the improvement
of our Latin American relation
ship?
A. Well, I cannot at this
moment. Of course. discuss any
particular thing about our
Latin relationships because I
know only what I have seen In
the papers, but. I can say this,
during many Of the years I
was in the War Department as
q junior officer, some Of that
work--on the military side
fell on me. I have been devoted
to the idea of Pan-Americanism;
I believe we must thoroughly get
this continent bound together
in common concepts and the
common acceptance Of certain
obligations, including our COM
mon defense.
Evening star., 1952-03-02
Advice for the Greedv
How to Get Rich in Washington Is Shotgun Blast
At All the WheeIers and Dealers in Town
By Robert K. WoIsh

Blair Bolles' new book. How to
Get Rich in Washington" is bound
to raise blood pressures hereabout-
whether those of angry taxpayers
will go higher than those of certain
officials is an open question.
The book, which is published by
the w. w. Norton Co., might as aptly
be called "Who Gets Rich in Wash
ington" these days at public expense.
1t is not as deep as its profound sub
ject requires. 1t is not as wide as the
spreading trouble 1t describes. 1t is
not so high that it always scars above
the bureaucratic trees in observing
the fostering growths and treach-
erous shadows in the tangled forest
of the Federal Government.
But it will serve. Mr.. Bolles, an
erstwhile Washington reporter, has
packed into some 800 pages a be-
wildering array of fairly recent hap
penings, persons and motives.
His diagnosis and prognosis of the
ills that beset the Government warn
that our fundamental political phi
losophy is being perverted and
corrupted. He suggests remedies for
what he terms political decay and
the Decentralization Of corruption"
Evening star., 1952-03-02

enough to launch guided missiles on
one or more Of the Canal locks.
To guard against these possibilities,
all commercial and civilian. aircraft
in the area are kept under the closest
surveillance. They must enter Pan
anna only by certain designated routes
and approaches, and must be ac-
counted for long beforehand. None
is permitted to fly over or near the
Canal itself. Any plane deviating
from these and numerous other rules
runs the risk of being riddled by anti
aircraft bullets without notice. Every
vessel. big or small, must be ac-
counted for and carefully scrutinized
long before it reaches either end of
the Canal.
One of the chief threats, of course.
is sabotage, organized and carried out
locally. But this, too, would be a diff
f1cult undertaking. Soldiers patrol or
stand guard day and night at every
strategic and critical position and in
stallation of the waterway-at every
outlying dam. spillway. bridge and
highway approach.