davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star., 1952-03-18
Youth Polls Reported
Favoring Eisenhower

Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower
popularity among college students
and first-time voters is shown In
every poll and election held
among these groups, Senator Carl
son of Kansas, director of the Ma
tional Eisenhower-for-P President
Headquarters in Washington, said
today.
"A tabulation of these polls
shows Eisenhower with So per cent
of the total votes, as compared to
10 per cent for Senator Taft of
Ohio, his closest opponent among
the Republicans. Eisenhower, as
compared to leading Democratic
candidates, has A per cent as
against 10 per cent for Senator
lKefauver and 9 per cent for Presi-
dent Truman.
These young men and women
over the Nation are the ones who
have most to gain from a strong
and unified country, and country
a peace" Senator Carlson con-
ltinued. ''They have the most to
lose if the country is plunged into
war through an ineffective foreign
policy. Their choice for President
is Gen. Eisenhower.
Evening star., 1952-03-18
Ilndio Is Eliminating
old Lund Tux system

NEW DELHI. Gradually being
eliminated is the now-illegal lane
system under which the zamin-
dars. hereditary collectors OF lane
taxes for the government. DOM
mated two-thirds of India.
In most of the country the
zamindars could set land rental,
and even turn peasant off his
land in order to collect a highe,
tax from the next occupant.
Evening star., 1952-03-18

:'The Republican Party would be
making a mistake which might
prove fatal to its own future, if
it turns back on the wishes of
the young people Of America. The
party has been steadily losing the
support Of younger voters. In 1852,
II we nominate Dwight Eisen-
hover, that trend can be sharply
reversed"
Evening star., 1952-03-18
Diaper Tie-in Sale Protested

VIENNA. Austria. Mar. 1S (P.--
Williams Kovacs complained in
the newspaper Pravda that ain
order to buy diapers for our child
Evening star., 1952-03-18

in the Vena wife pairs gloves She therefore Maid
forced also to buy two 286 $5 70
punches OF paper flowers and four necessary"
Evening star., 1952-04-13
Stain Hopes His Peace Luoby Will Put the West Back to Sleep

these situations" before they accept
them as permanent road blocks to
Russian imperialism. Meanwhile, it
clearly would be foolhaNly for the
United States and it's allies to accept
Soviet overtureS at face value with
out a painstaking search for tricks.
Lenin's Stroteey
Stalin's reputation for candor is
not that good. It was in one of his
more candid moods. however. that he
quoted the following gospel according
to Lenin.
'To wage a war for the overthrow
Of the international bourgeoisie, a
war which is hundred times more
difficult, more prolonged. more COM
plicated. than the most bloodthirsty
of wars between the States. while re-
nouncing beforehand the use of
maneuvering. of playing off (though
for a time only the interests of one
foe against the other, of entering
upon agreements and effecting COM
promises (even though these may be
of an unstable and temporary char
acter)-would not such remuneration
be the height of folly? We might as
we'll, when climbing a dangerous and
hitherto unexplored mountain, refuse
in advance to make the ascent in
zigZag, or to turn back for while,
to give up the chosen direction in
order to test another which may
prove to be easier to negotiate"
The day may come when Stain and
his comrades will be ready to turn
back for good from the perils of the
climb. But there is nothing in the
evidence which suggests that day is
coming soon.
Evening star., 1952-04-13
The BuiIdup

On one issue at least, Mr.. Truman
spoke eloquently for both sides in
the controversy Tuesday night when
he said:
"In normal times-if we were not
in a national emergency-this dis
pute might not have arisen. In
normal times unions are entitled
to whatever wages they can get
by bargaining, and companies are
entitled to whatever prices they
can get in a competitive market"
When, last fall, the first rumblngs
OF steel strife made themselves
heard, it became evident that con-
trolls, rather than money, would be
the real issue.
The huge Steelworkers' Union let
It be known that it was not out
merely to bend or pierce wage con-
trols-it was out to break them.
The industry, for its part, made
Evening star., 1952-04-13

City on January 3 and 4. At the
convention, still hoping for favor
able outcome of negotiations, the
union voted to delay the strike for
As days-until February %. Almost
Immediately, WSB set up a six-man
panel to hear the case.
Shortly before the February strike
deadline, the panel wound up it's
hearings and the WSB began de-
liberations prior to handing down
recommendations. To give the
Government board a chance to fin
ish it's work, the union postponed
the strike a third time. This time
the delay was for 80 days, until
March "a.
Cheers and Groons
The Wage Stabilization Board
made public its proposals on March
20. It's recommendation were
greeted by muted but still enthusi-
astic cheers from labor and loud
groans from management. Coupled
with the proposals was request
for another strike call postpone
ment. It asked the union to hold
off until April 4 to give both sides
time to deliberate. If all else should
fail, WSB added, the union should
give 96 hours notice of intent to
walk out. This final notice would
give the companies chance to
shut down operations without
damaging their equipment. To
these requests, the steelworkers
agreed.
The boards recommendations
were lower than the unions de-
mands, but still high enough to
inflame the industry and suit the
union. The proposals called for
about 26 cents an hour in basic and
fringe benefits, according to the
Government. The increase would
be made in installments through
next January /. Company statis-
ticians figured the cost at 80 cents,
as against IS cents in the original
union demands, but warned that
indirect costs would double the bill.
The WSB plan also provided for
the union shop, under which all
employees would be required to join
the steelworkerS
The union accepted The COM
panies denounced the findings as
biased and unrealistic-but, signi-
ficantly, did not formally reject
them.
The first act in the steel drama
Evening star., 1952-04-13

companies eventually would have to
pay.
Historically the steel industrys
contracts are written on a company
basis, unlike those of the coal mines,
which are industry wide. The first
negotiations, accordingly, were
opened late In November between
U. S. Steel and the union. Big
Steel's president, Benjamin Fa;rless,
and the Steelworkers' Mr.. Murray
occupied the center of the stage in
a brief initial encounter. They got
nowhere. Mr.. Fairless predicted
that the Government, not the prin-
cipal parties, would write the con-
tract in the end. Mr.. Fairless
meant merely that the Government
held the whip hand over both labor
and management by controlling
wages and prices. Nevertheless,
Mr.. Fairless' remark was more
prophetic than he knew.
BY the middle of December, with
the December 81 contract expira-
ton date and strike deadline
drawing near, Cyrus Ching moved
in. AS the Governments chief con-
ciliator, Mr.. Ching called the dis
putants to Washington. After two
days, he too, threw up his hands.
He told President Truman that the
companies had made no contract
offer, and had said they could not
make an offer unless the Govern
ment assured them some price
relief.
While Mr.. Truman studied the
Ching report, Mr.. Murray made up
his mind. He set a definite strike
date for the first minute of the
New Year-literally the instant the
old contract expired.
WSB Gets In
It was at this point that the
Wage Sterilization Board entered
the picture. The President turned
the steel dispute over to WSB,
ordering that agency to investigate
and make reasonable settlement
proposals. The WSB formula, what
ever it turned out to be, would not
be binding on the parties. In
theory, however, 1t would help the
two sides get together. In practice,
it would have a powerful influence
on the final terms of the contract.
At almost the last minute before
the strike deadline, Mr.. Murray
postponed the scheduled walkout
for a few days pending action by a
special union convention at Atlantic
Evening star., 1952-04-13

raising prices. The figures con-
vinced MIR. Truman. There would
be no S. raise. 1t became evident
that all the steel companies would
get would be what they had coming
to them under the Capehart amend
ment-a figure generally supposed
to range between $3.50 and SO ton.
At that time, at least, this was the
Presidents position.
Defense Mobilizer Wilson felt
strongly that this decision was
mistaken-so strongly that he re-
signed. John r. Steelman, assistant
to the President and longtime
White House handyman, was as
signed temporarily to the top de-
fense job.
No FooIing on April |
It was April now, but there was
no fooling in the atmosphere. Ben
FairlesS had gone to Washington
and had cooled his heels at OPS,
awaiting an okay on a bigger price
increase-an okay that never came.
In New York, union men were
cooling their heels, too, waiting for
the Wilson meeting between man.
agement and labor to get under
way.
The meeting started on April 8.
1t had been four months since the
first talk of new contract. The
companies, by now, were negotiating
for the industry as whole instead
of one by one, and now at last they
gave a few inches. Instead of
nothing, they offered something.
AS to exactly what they offered,
opinions differ. The companies
said the offer amounted to 16 cents
an hour, 9 on wages and on
fringe benefits. The Wage Board
valued it at IA cents, explaining
that the fringes actually were worth
only about cents an hour.
There were three major differ
ences, besides size, in the WSB pro-
posals (now accepted by the union)
and the offer of the companies.
First, the industry baked at over
time for straight work on Sunday,
whereas WSB had called for ~
times base pay. Second, the COM
panies refused to offer a union shop,
under which an employe would be
required to belong to the union.
Third, the companies offered a
smaller wage increase.
The final effort to maintain peace
in the steel industry started April
4, when WSB Chairman Nathan
Evening star., 1952-04-13

trade through the United Nations,
conference for 40 or so nations in
Moscow this month, trying to drum
up business for Communist countries.
4. Communists in Korea have been
ninting broadly they are eager for a
truce.
S. With an estimated 100000 Red
troops poised on the border of Indo-
China, the signal to invade is being
inexplicably withheld.
Why this show of sweetness and
light? For one thing, arousal
of the Western world has upset the
Soviet expansion timetable. America,
for all its production difficulties,
is showing too much progress
in it's rearmament program to
suit the Kremlin. The COM
rades, one suspects, are trying to
correct the mistake they made when
they went into Korea. For it was
Korea which aroused the sleeping
giant of American production and
alerted the West European nations
to the urgency of rearming.
Stalin's proposals for big-power
talks always can be counted on to
renew certain amount of hope
among the Western Allies. They
have more appeal in Western Europe
than they have in America.
At this stage. it is safe to assume
their purpose is to gnaw away at the
resolution of the United States to
rearm, and to chip off some of the
determination of the North Atlantic
Treaty powers to go on with their
own rearmament efforts.
In our State Department there is
opposition to big-power talks on an
Evening star., 1952-04-13

Revolutionary parties" said Niko-
iai Lenin, must GO on learning. They
have learned how to attack. Now it
is time for them to realize that this
knowledge must be supplemented by
acquiring knowledge of how best to
retreat. We have got to understand
that victory can only be won by
those vino have learned the proper
method both of advance and of re-
treat"
There were a number of signs, last
week, that Lenin's successors in the
Kremlin were brushing up once again
on the technique of strategic retreat.
It was good bet that their insistent
amiability was not the result of
spring fever.
Stain has not dropped the big
stick he has been carrying these
many years. He still is rearming as
fast as he can. He still filings out
bitter and fraudulent accusations
that the United States is waging
germ warfare in Korea. He still
shouts down all our disarmament
proposals before we can finish ex-
planning them. And yet, unmistak-
ably, a newborn 'peace offensive"
is in the air.
The Evidence
Here is the evidence:
l. Stain himself. on two recent
occasions, has told the world he is
ready for a big power conference to
try to erd the cold war.
2. The Soviet Union has taken a
sudden new interest in arranging q
peace treaty for Germany and uni
flying the country.
3. After declining for years to CO.
operate in the promotion of world
Evening star., 1952-04-13
The Letdown

This performer was Charles E.
Wilson, who had left his General
Electric Co. job Is months earlier to
head Mr.. Truman's Office of De-
fense Mobilization. AS the Govern
ment's top man in such matters, he
was involved in the steel contro-
versy from the beginning. So far,
however, he had been in the back
ground.
Three days after the WSB pro-
posals came out, Mr.. Wilson flew to
Key West for a conference with the
President. On his return to WASH
ington, he said the Wage Board
proposals were too high, a threat
to our stabilization program" He
announced plans to meet with both
sides in the steel issue. He would
ask the union to take less. He would
ask the companies to lower their
demands for a price increase-de-
mands that hovered around $12 a
ton.
Mr.. Wilson's invitation was re-
jected before it was even issued.
Union Chief Murray said he would
not meet with such a misguided
and uninformed big businessman"
as the defense mobilizer. The union,
at the Presidents request, had post
poned its strike for more than
three months-so that the Wage
Board might act. Now that the
board had acted, Mr.. Wilson wanted
to pass up it's recommendations
Mr.. Murray would have none of it.
The S. Offer
Seeing that the unions were
adamant, Mr.. Wilson talked to the
companies. He promised them
price rise of $5 a ton. He persuaded
them to invite Mr.. Murray to
negotiating meeting in New York
March 81.
Meanwhile, however, Price Sta
bilizer Ellis Arnall strode onto the
scene. There would, he said, be
no $5 price rise as long as he was
around. He marshalled figures pur-
porting to show that steel earnings
were sufficient to enable the COM
panies to pay higher wages and
still make plenty of money without
Evening star., 1952-04-13
The eAftermuth

AS last week ended, the greatest
current hope of the union and the
gravest current fear of the COM
panies seemed about to be realized.
Negotiations still were going on be-
tween the union and the companies.
The Government held a heavy ak
over the heads of industry negotia-
tors, for it appeared ready itself to
settle with the steelworkerS on the
basis of the Wage Board recon-
mendations if negotiations fell
through. Supposedly, in this case,
the Government then would turn
the mills back to their owners, who
feel they would thus be left holding
very unpleasant bag.
What could the owners do about
it?
Perhaps they could repudiate the
Governments action. But this
would certainly cause another
strike, and possibly another ride on
the merry-go-round of seizure, set
tlement and return.
Perhaps they still could obtain a
court judgment against the Pres
ident on constitutional point.
Perhaps, too, if they could show
sufficient financial loss or actual
damage, they could recover.
Perhaps-and this was a virtual
certainty-they could apply for the
price relief they say they need. If
the industry were willing to settle
for the Capehart amendment in
crease-between $3.50 and SO a ton
1T was theirs for the asking. But
If they intended to hold out for a
raise of the order of $5 or more.
they would find themselves right
back in battle with OPS.
The steel industry, in short, was
over barrel. How much of the
economy might eventually find it,
self in a similar position remained.
for time, to be seen.
Evening star., 1952-04-13

public its view that only by getting
a price increase on its commodity
could it afford to pay higher wages.
The rub came in how the two
sides would get around controls. 4.
The union might bargain new
contract, after which it would have
to 60 before the Wage Sterilization
Board for approval. But WSB had
been lenient in the past in rati-
flying contracts of this sort. The
industry, on the other hand, would
have a demonstrably rougher road
to travel to get more money. Under
the law, apparently the only in
crease it could get would be granted
under the Capehart amendment to
the price control law, which allowed
companies increases sufficient to
Offset higher costs incurred in the
early days of the Korean war.
Situation in November
That was how things stood on
November /: A union insistent on
higher pay for its members, an
industry willing to go along only If
it received higher prices for it's
products.
November / is a significant day
in the steel story because, under the
Taft Hartley Act, the union was
required on that day to notify the
companies of contract termination
effective go days hence, on December
81. A fortnight later, the union
executive board and wage policy
committee met at Atlantic City to
draft new contract demands.
The steel industry had been
worried about what the union
might ask. Their worry, it turned
out, was justified. The union pre-
sented % demands. They wanted
1872 cents an hour on wages and a
host of so-called "fringe benefits"
including higher shift differentials,
six paid holidays a year, better va
cation arrangements, premium pay
for work on Saturdays and Sundays
even when this did not involve
overtime, guaranteed annual
wage and union shop. Even allow
ing for the historic bargaining
dictum-"Ask for twice what you
expect and settle for half what you
demand"-the unions asking price
was an earthquake to industry
Company statisticians said the total
package would cost the industry Is
cents an hour. Added future costs,
they said, would double the bill the
Evening star., 1952-04-13

people. Western Germany places
unity with Eastern Germany high on
it's list of foreign policy objectives;
trade is vital to West German sur
vival. The Soviets are offering op-
portunities to trade with the entire
Communist world. from Eastern
Europe to Western China. Recent
parliamentary backing of Chancellor
Adenauer's pro-integration policy,
however, indicates an encouraging
wariness on the part Of West Ger
many.
For the time being, it appears, our
Government does not plan to do
much about the Red peace offensive
except to explain to the world why
it does not intend to change its pol
1cies.
The attitude of the State Depart
ment is that there must be more
solid proof of Soviet peaceful inten-
tionS than mere sweet talk. The two
principal places the diplomats would
like to see such proof in deeds are
Korea and Austria. Even if Stain
comes forward with sincere efforts in
these areas, the West will not easily
relax its efforts to keep Western
Germany out of Soviet hands. But
If the Kremlin were to pass these two
tests of sincerity, the United States
might be willing to talk over
formula for permanent European
settlement.
According to this view, what is
happening now is. in way. meas
ure of the effectiveness of the free
worlds plan to build situations of
strength" as Secretary Acheson calls
them. The Soviet Union can be ex-
pected to make many assaults on
Evening star., 1952-04-13
By EorI H. Voss

other score: Inevitably, such con-
ference would delay the integration
of Western Germany into the West
European community.
Hord Core
AS the State Department sees it,
the Soviet intention to delay or pre-
vent Western Germany from being
drawn into the NATO orbit is the
hard core of the present peace Of
fensive. Three of the five peace
points enumerated would affect the
German situation. The Stain state
ments, the proposal for a treaty of
peace with Germany, the Moscow
Economic Conference-all these are
bait that must tantalize the German
Evening star., 1952-04-13
Steel Seizure Averts Strike Without Bringing Peace

Feinsinger revived negotiations.
Exactly what went on at the final
meetings is unclear. The report
persists that the ultimate collapse
of negotiations was all the more
tragic because the parties were, at
last, so close together.
But not close enough The union
apparently gave little on it's wage
demands and the Government gave
a little on prices. According to one
reliable report, settlement was SO
close on April that most of the
industry agreed verbally to sign.
Pen never touched paper, however,
and the deadline for the long
delayed strike drew ominouSly close.
Evening star., 1952-04-13
The Bump

That was the situation at 1O:30
pm. last Tuesday, when President
Truman went before the television
cameras. What he did that night
has been variouSly interpreted as
demagogic, tyrannical and i'm
mOral-or courageous, statesman-
like and honest. But few contended
that his words were impartial, or
that his actions were not decisive.
Using what he called his powers
under the Constitution, Mr.. Tru-
man took over the mills and ap-
pointed Secretary of Commerce
Sawyer to run them. Mr.. Sawyer,
in turn, told the present managers
of the mills to continue in their
jobs.
Immediately, parallels were drawn
with what President Roosevelt had
done with the coal mines in 1943
and Mr.. Truman had done with the
mines in 1916 and the railroads in
1850. In the previous cases, however,
the seizure had been accomplished
under statute. The mines were
taken over under the -defunct
Smith-Connally Act and the roads
under the Railway Labor Act of
1915. There was no statute for Mr..
Truman to pin last Tuesdays &C
ton on. Instead, the White House
referred to the implied powers"
granted the President under the
Constitution. Mr.. Trumans office,
last week, was asked for, but did
not furnish, an explicit citation of
these powers.
Strike Called OFF
AS soon as the President took
over the mills, the steel union called
off the strike. But when the day
shift trooped to the mills on
Wednesday, most of them found
bars across the roadways and
guards at the gates to bar entrance.
The union called it lockout. The
companies said they were waiting
till the situation became clarified.
Three firms went before Federal
Judge Alexander Holtzoff here
Wednesday morning to request
temporary restraining order. Their
attorneys pleaded that irreparable
damage would be done by Govern
ment operation, and asked that the
Secretary of Commerce be ordered
to get out of the steel business. The
judge rejected their suit, saying he
believed it was really directed at the
President. 'It is very doubtful, to
say the least" Judge Holtzoff added,
whether a Federal court has the
power to enjoin the President. The
jurist, however, did not actually
rule on the legality of Mr.. Trumans
action.
Already, some of the mills were
reopening. On the following day,
Thursday, more were open, but the
companies legal battle was only
beginning. Following the lead of
the first three companies, fourth
filed suit in District Court, asking
restraint of the seizure on the
grounds that it was unconstitu-
tional. A fifth company joined the
parade of litigants Friday.
Madison County Democrat. (London, Ohio) 19??-1958, 1952-01-18
An Stamps Sent
County Advisors

All All Club Advisors in Madi-
son County have received a First
Day Issue" of the All postage
stamp in commemoration of the
golden Anniversary of All club
work, the Extension Office re-
ported today. The ceremony for
issuing this stamp was in Spring
field on Tuesday
In 1902, Mr. A. 3. Graham of
Springfield Township in Clark
County organized what was
known as the Boys and Girls Ag-
ricultural Clubs That year there
were 85 members enrolled in the
clubs and in 1851 there were
more than 100000 I'LL club boys
and girls all over the world. Here
in Madison County last year there
were 696 4-H members under the
guidance of 112 voluntary leaders.
In appreciation of the leaders
work, an advisors Recognition
Banquet has been planned for
January 30, at the Madison Rural
School. The banquet is an attempt
to thank the 4-H advisors for their
time spent in All activities.