davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star., 1952-11-09

who went to the polls; no one could
say snidely of him, as SO many had
OF Harry Truman, that he was a
minority President" So large was
the voting turnout this time-6O
million-that Eisenhower could take
pride in the fact that his own popular
vote of 80 million was greater than
the total electorate in any election
prior to 1928.
There was more to 1t than just
this. Truman was reelected almost
literally on the coattails of local can
didates. He trailed his ticket in many
parts Of the country, such as Illinois.
where he squeaked in by $4,000 votes
while last weeks Adlai Stevenson was
winning the governorship by $4,000
votes.
Eisenhower, however. led his ticket
almost all the way. In New York's
leftish-voting Bronx he was $1,000
votes ahead of that borough's four
G. o. P. congressional candidates. In
Washington State he polled a major
ity of $1,000 votes. but his senatorial
tlcketmate, Harry Cain. lost. These
two are not extreme examples except
geographically. The pattern was re-
peated over apd over again through
out the two-party section of the
country. And even in areas where
the Republican Party exists mainly
by courtesy-as in Virginia and
North Carolina-Ike's tidal wave
swept Republicans into Office for the
first time in years.
Big Switch Needed
Under our electoral voting system
(see an article on this subject on
this page, the popular vote is some
times deceptive. It has been cal
culated that Truman's margin of
victory was SO narrow in 1948 that
Tom Dewey would have been Presi-
dent had he polled. about $4,000 more
votes in three key States. This time.
1t would have taken nearly 100000
votes in Is States to swing the elec-
ton to Stevenson by such a StatiS-
tician'S dream. Had this happened
the shocking defects in our electoral
system would have given the presi-
dency to man who lost by 5 million
votes. BY the same token, Eisenhower
could have swept the electoral col
lege. 53l to 0. by a switch of 305.OO0
popular votes in nine States.
Nor was Eisenhower's victory mere
ly matter OF holding on to what
the Republicans had in '48 and pick
ing up little here and there. In
every one of the 48 States, Ikes
share Of the vote was greater than
Dewey's last time; in most States
1t was substantially greater. In 1948
Dewey's strongest showing was in
Vermont. where he polled less than
81 per cent. and his weakest was
in Mississippi. where he got less than
per cent. Eisenhower took Ver-
mont by whopping 71.2 per cent,
and in Mississippi he amassed 40 per
cent Of the total vote. His weakest
Evening star., 1952-11-09
The 'BIocs'

One way of looking at the South
is to regard it as another Of those
"blocs" of which politicians talk SO
glibly. It is the only regional bloc in
the country; it is one of the biggest;
its past performance shows it to be
probably the most consistent. and it
is one Of the least understood. even
by the people who supposedly manage
it. Still, it Is q bloc. and. like the
other blocs in this country. it was
absolutely untrue to type in last
weeks elections.
Many people have made q good
thing for years out Of their asserted
ability to maneuver blocs Of millions
of Negroes, farmers. Catholics, union
lists, foreign nationality groups and
even Jews down this or that po-
litical path. Some have even re-
duced the ductility Of their blocs to
mathematical formulae. There is one
Evening star., 1952-11-09
What Happened?
DY ANY yardstick-and there were
u y H,an NV NTH x,rlainIa Ia ssana eiarn

QY ANY yardstick-and there were
- many with which to measure
Eisenhower's victory was a resound-
ing one. It was not, however, a prece-
dent-shattering one, except in sheer
size of the total vote cast and in the
careful way the voter used his ballot
to get exactly what he wanted.
The general had swept the country.
But his electoral sweep was not as
clean as Roosevelt's in 1896 and
1910. He had cracked the Solid South.
but not as thoroughly as Herbert
Hoover had in 1928. He had piled up
q majority of more than 6 million
over his opponent, but Harding did
better than this in 1920, Coolidge in
1924 and Roosevelt in 80 and SO.
Stil there was no mistaking a
landslide. Ike had convinced slightly
more than IS out Of every 100 voters
Evening star., 1952-11-09

showing-if it can be called weak
was in INTERCHANGEABLE Georgia,
where slightly over 81 per cent Of
the voters liked Ike.
Any way of looking at it would
bring the observer. this week end, to
the conclusion that this was a plle-
nomenal election. Three phenomena
stood out as worthy of special note:
The size of the vote. the cracking Of
the South and the absence of iden-
tifiable bloc voting. Residents Of
the Washington area. Of course, also
took particular interest in the pat
tern of voting in the suburban coun-
ties.
Evening star., 1952-11-09
Voters independence Reflected Analysis TUESDAYS Presidential BoNotq

as the State and Defense Depart
mentS. Gov. Dewey, for instance. has
been mentioned as q possible choice
Tor Secretary Of State. His selection
could only mean that foreign policy.
was to be controlled on the State De-
partment- White House axis, rather
than on the Hill. Dewey would be
an unpopular choice with many Re-
publicanS in the Senate, including
MIR. Taft, and q party fight might
develop when his name came up
for confirmation. A man like Harold
Stassen. on the other hand, would
be unlikely to raise factional prob
lemS,. and equally unlikely to
strengthen Eisenhower's hand against
hard -.core foreign policy opposition
from within the Republican ranks.
The choice Of some one like John
Foster Dulles might provide q non
committal compromise.
The same sort Of problem exists in
connection with candidates for the
job Of Secretary Of Defense. Senator
Lodge and John j. McCloy repeatedly
are in the running for this post.
Both would be controversial nomi-
neeS.
The Hope
When all Is said and done, there
are at least two strong reasons for
believing that Eisenhower will prove
himself worthy of the challenge that
confronts him. The first is the man
himself. The presidency, with all
its terrible responsibilities. tends to
make an incumbent grow up to the
job-and it looks as though in Ike
the Office should have good material
to work on. Certainly there is moth
ing in his background which would
lead to the advance conclusion that
this is q man by nature inclined to
run from responsibility. Or from q
fight. no matter how bitter, If fight
ing is necessary.
The other factor on the plus side
Of the equation Is the size Of the VIC
tory Eisenhower scored last week.
The extent to which he ran ahead
of his party ticket must further sus-
tain his will to stand up for the
things he believes in when the po-
litical going gets rough. The Nation
Endorsed Eisenhower as leader, not
as a political smoothie. And he has
an opportunity for leadership such
as few men ever have had.
Evening star., 1952-11-09
Feed Sacks, Smokes and Sports Writer
Beot the Scientists in Doping Trend
By jones {. Roper

with the undecided" voters. After
polling the country all fall, he
couldn't make up his mind who was
going to win the election. The fig
ures, he said, were too close to justify
q prediction.
Another Don't Know
Another don't know" result came
from the other big pollster, Archibald
Crossley, who is famous for measur-
ing the popularity of radio programs.
Radio performers often get salaries
comparable to their Crossley ratings.
but politicians will continue to rely
on the voters.
Mr.. Crossley's figures. close to Mr..
Roper's, gave 47.4 per cent for Gen.
Eisenhower, 42.3 per cent for Gov.
Stevenson, 90 undecided and few
to minor party candidates. Mr..
Crossley said all this showed was
that the election could "go either
way"
Mr.. Crossley thus Joined DR.. Gal
lop and Mr.. Roper in tempering hard
statistics with human Judgment
apparently for the worse.
Not every one depended on science
to forecast the results. In the older
newspaper tradition, political writer's
Travelled across the country and then
wrote from ivory towers. Forecasts
varied. Some were right.
Hurjo Scores
One of the few predictions on the
electoral vote came from Emil Hurja,
q Washington political analyst. He
said Gen. Eisenhower would win with
between 377 and 451 electoral votes.
Gen. Eisenhower actually got Az
to Gov. Stevenson's 80.
Mr.. Hurja has q simple explana-
tiou for his accuracy: He expected the
undecided" voters to 60 Republican.
Mr.. Hurja, who did some spot check
ing in controversial areas like Mary
land and Texas, said the Eisenhower
trend was strongest among voters
switching from one party to the other.
Mr.. Hurja got himself committed
further than DIR. Gallup. DR.. Gallup
commented painfully last week that
even the most detailed scientific
sampling could not predict the elec-
toral vote. In Q presidential election,
Of course, that Is exactly what you
want to know.
some-but not all-of the gag polls
Jared well.
Fsed-Bog Poll
A feed manufacturer found more
farmers bought feed In Eisenhower
sacks than In Stevenson sacks.
A cigarette manufacturer got sim
liar results by selling cigarettes In
Stevenson packages and In Eisen-
hover packages.
The Eisenhower packs won more
than So per cent of the sales-com-
pared to the actual Eisenhower popu-
lar vote of SIS per cent. But one of
the most accurate forecasts came
from Washington newspaperman, a
sports writer whose only previous ex-
perience with politics was covering
the Presidents opening pitch at the
start Of the baseball season. In an
ONCE pool, he predicted the Eisen-
hover electoral vote almost exactly.
Evening star., 1952-11-09

democracy to get out such a heavy
vote. It might also be considered q
triumph for the American Advertis-
ing Game. For two months before
the election, listeners to television
and radio, readers of newspapers and
magazines heard and read inces-
sanity the appeal to get out and vote.
Record Everywhere
And vote they did. Even taking
into consideration the population
growth Of the country. there was no
section where public response on elec-
tion day was not a record high. In
the politically aware State of Utah,
where a larger proportion voted in
1948 than anywhere else in the coun-
try, the turnout was 10 percent larger
this time than four years ago. In
South Carolina, where shamefully
low IA per cent of the potential elec-
torate voted in 1948, the turnout was
up l25 per cent. In fact, more people
voted for the loser last week in South
Carolina than voted for all candi-
dates in 1913.
Maryland's total was up nearly so
per cent over 1948. Populous New
York topped million votes for the
first time in history. Pennsylvania
passed the As million mark, as did
California. Illinois came within an
ace of reaching the same figure.
This was the electorate. then, that
spoke decisively for Eisenhower. It
gave him over million votes more
than it ever had given any other
President. But another way Of gaug-
ing the sheer size of the body polite
is by looking at what happened to
the loser. Adlai Stevenson, showed
under last Tuesday by a margin Of
more than 6 million votes, still re-
ceived more popular votes than any
winner in American history save two:
Franklin Delano Roosevelt and
Dwight David Eisenhower.
Evening star., 1952-11-09

Stevenson's majority was SIS per
cent. Yet the leaders Of organized
labor were solidly behind Stevenson.
If they proved anything in Pennsyl-
vania-which went Republican-they
proved they could not deliver the
workingman's vote.
Proof Anew in Ohio
Labor proved the same thing in
Ohio. but this was not news in the
Buckeye State. Two years ago, Sen
ator Taft (whose name is anathema
in labor circles) ran for reelection
against the strongest labor opposi-
ton. and won. In the big industrial
centerS of Ohio, the labor vote did
not materialize-at least not in Ste
venson'S column. In Cuyahoga
County (Cleveland), where the Re-
publicans got less than A per cent
Of the vote in 1948, Eisenhower polled
50.4 per cent. In the home county
Of Democratic Senatorial Candidate
Mike Disable, which was comfortably
In the Democratic column IN 1948,
Ike got 51.4 per cent Of the vote.
The New York City vote. which
includes large "blocs'' of Negroes.
laborers, foreign-born. Catholics
virtually everything except farmers
did not 60 en- bloc the way it is sup
posed to. Upstate New York is sup
posed to deliver a heavy Republican
majority. It did. Downstate is sup
posed to counterbalance this with
heavy Democratic lead. 1t did not.
New York City's five counties ran
Z to Is per. cent less strongly Demo-
cratic than they normally do. This
Democratic weakness, together with
extra Republican strength in the 81
upstate counties, put New York State
in Ike's column by $4,000 votes.
Even Down South
The pattern was repeated all over
the country. Even in the South, the
once rigidly-controlled big city voting
groups could not be depended upon.
Boss Ed Crump used to swing II per
cent of the metropolitan Memphis
vote in every election to insure Ten
nessee a place in the Democratic
column. This time Mister Crump de-
livered only 48 per cent of his fief-
and Tennessee went Republican for
the first time since 1928.
One thing was evident. The labor
ing man would continue to pay his
union dues and walk the picket line
when necessary; the Catholic would
attend mass with the same regu-
larity; the Negro would insist on
equal opportunities for himself and
his race. But on election days to
come-if last Tuesday was any indi-
cation-all Of them would go to the
Evening star., 1952-11-09
Star stan Photo.
assumed. Gov. James F. Byrnes was

assumed, Gov. James F. Byrnes was
one.
But as Republican or as just plain
Ike, the generals performance in
South Carolina was phenomenal.
There are two ways to state the mag
nitude of his achievement:
/. Eisenhower polled more South
Carolina votes than the aggregate Of
all the Republicans who have run for
President since the reconstruction
era ended.
2. Eisenhower's South Carolina
total was greater than that of all the
Democratic Party's opposition-States
Fighters in 1948 included-in the
whole goth century.
Mississippi Record
This second achievement more or
less parallels one in Mississippi, where
Eisenhower got more votes than the
aggregate for all Republicans since
the turn of the century.
But If Eisenhower cracked the solid
Democratic front of these strong
holds, 1t was not without the con-
nivance of Democratic leaders who
opposed the social and economic aims
of the New Deal-Fair Deal. In South
Carolina, Louisiana and Texas, the
State Governors actively backed him.
In Georgia, Gov. Herman Talmadge
kept hands off the campaign. So did
Senator Byrd in Virginia. And else
where the service given Stevenson
was more Of lip than of Sinew.
The story of the South's perform
ance in the 1852 election probably
can be boiled down to three factors:
Cd The immense personal popularity
Of Eisenhower the war hero; (2) the
wide unpopularity of the civil-rights-
conscious Fair Deal in Dixie, and CD
the lack Of support of the Democratic
ticket by Sulthern Democratic lead
ers. And behind and beyond all these
things. Of course, there was always
the independence the American voter
displayed everywhere last week.
Evening star., 1952-11-09
Election Review
Continued From Page A-2s.)

tions which can reasonably be made
about legislation in the next Congress.
Here are some Of them:
The Taft-Hartley Act Is in for
revision along lines envisioned by Ike,
Taft and q majority of Congress.
Labor Is unlikely to have its way with
this administration-the big unions
demonstrated in the election they are
in a poor position to bargain. Unions
may be brought under some sort Of
anti-monopoly law. But Ike is pledged
to eschew union busting"
The McCarran Immigration Act
probably will be made more liberal,
but not junked. A States rights
tidelands oil bill, already indorsed
twice by Congress and supported by
Eisenhower. seems sure to pass. And
direct wage, price and rent controls
will be eased or suspended. Indirect
controls win be given o chance to
hold the imitation line.
relationship to NATO, furthermore.
it Is reasonable to expect that he will
fight for continued armed support
Of that alliance. even II he must
Rntagonize some Of the withdrawal
minded Republicans. And Ike prob
ably will get what he wants in this
respect, with bipartisan support in
Congress.
Defense Versus Economy
For the rest. the answer must de-
pend largely on the kind Of man the
new President turns out to be. Most
of the money we have been spending,
for instance, has gone directly or
indirectly into the defense of Amer
lea. Eisenhower promises to keep the
Nation strong and safe. On the other
hand. he says We have been spending
far too much money.
It is true that some efficiency
economies doubtless can be effected
in the operation Of our armed forces
and foreign-aid programs. It is true
that defense expenditures, under the
current program, already have passed
their peak. It also is true that these
expenditures could safely be further
decreased. to some extent, If the
Korean war could be brought to an
end on proper terms. But unless
there is to be a drastic (and
dangerous) curtailment of these
security programs, it is wholly un-
realistic to suppose that there can
be drastic curtailment of our SPEND
ing and taxes in the immediate
future.
The defense of this Nation Is an
expensive proposition, and Eisen-
hover cannot escape making his
choice between hard political realism
and soft political expediency.
The Big Question
The question involved in this prob
lem Of security versus false economy
runs through all the problems that
can be seen looming ahead Of Ike. 1t
is the crucial question of the next
four years. Will this man have the
courage and independence to assert
bold leadership in the national inter-
est, when another course might be
easier, more popular and much
more perilous? Time alone can an
swer it.
The first real clue may come when
Eisenhower names his cabinet. partic-
ularly a. regards such key agencies
Evening star., 1952-11-09

6OLQ6OOQy tdk1IlS pOLl Oh tIl0
major pollsters early last week would
have got this result:
Polls predicting Eisenhower
victory ---------------00%
Polls predicting Stevenson
victory ----------------00%
Polls that don't know or
won't say y-----100%
(NOTE: In using these figures.
please allow for a possible error of
4 per cent. By now, anybody should
know that a poll can be 4 per cent
wrong, at least)
But now that the elections are over,
some of the pollsters hint they aren't
surprised at the Eisenhower sweep.
Maybe this indicates the pollsterS are
rather pleasant humans, with the
usual frailties, instead of gnome-like
demons who count KS in little
squares, according to your income
bracket.
Indeed, operators of the three ma
jor Gallup, Crossley and Roper
had figures tending to indicate Gen.
Eisenhower would win. But the mar
gin appeared so close that none
would make fat prediction. They
interpreted the figures with human
instead of mathematical logic-and
thus outsmarted themselves for the
second consecutive presidential elec-
ton.
Trumon's Shodow
This supercaution, Of course. re-
suited from President Truman's as
tonishing victory over New York's
Gov. Dewey In 1948. That hoored
the pollsters who had predicted q
Dewey landslide.
Among the 1948 victims was George
Gallup, the man who made the pub
lie conscious Of the scientific SAM
pling method Of taking the public
pulse. He questions Q limited num-
ber Of persons, but he picks people
to reflect the size Of educational, re-
ligious and economic groups in the
population as whole.
In theory, this method works. But.
when it was put to the test on elec-
ton day, faith in statistical theory
was Jared.
In a poll closing four days before
the official balloting, the Gallup men
found ~ per cent Of the people for
Gen. Eisenhower, 20 per cent for Gov.
Stevenson and 1S per cent unde-
cided.
DR.. Gallup didn't know how to
count the undecided voters. In 1948.
he thought they would split evenly
between the two candidates, but most
went Democratic. This year. he fg-
ured most would 90 Democrats again,
but they apparently went Republican
overwhelmingly.
On the theory that the undecided"
voters this year were mostly Demo-
cratic, DR.. Gallup foresaw Q tight
race" in the homestretch. with pos
sibly nearly even split in the popu-
lar vote.
Gen. Eisenhower actually got 55
per cent of the ballots cast for the
major party candidates.
Elmo Roper, longtime profess
sional pollster. came up with last
minute figures of 40 per cent for
Gen. Eisenhower and q per cent for
Gov. Stevenson with Q per cent un-
decided. Mr.. Roper sympathized
Evening star., 1952-11-09
The Solid South

The immediate reaction to Ike'S
showing in the South was great
deal OF comment about the birth
of a two-party system in Dixie. In
addition to making sharp inroads in
every State in the former Confed-
eracy, Ike actually managed to carry
four of them-Florida, Tennessee,
Texas and Virginia. Hoover carried
five, those four and North Carolina.
But in his victory below the Po-
tomac. had Ike actually insured
working two-party system? Prob
ably not. He had, certainly, given
Republican politicians down South
an incentive to work for such q
system. But they had that chance
in 1928 and fumbled it-or, more
precisely, they did not even try to
pick it up.
1t is doubtful whether any party
can exist as powerful political
organism II its sole reason for exis-
tence is the election of a President.
A working political party is busy
every year. It runs candidates for dog
catcher, constable. judge, assembly,
man. governor, congressman and
senator. 1t 'politicks" necessarily. It
must, to live. This is as true Of parties
in Dixie as anywhere else.
No Such Porty in South
And in most Of the States of the
South there is no Republican Party
in that sense. In Georgia, Ike polled
more than $4,000 votes. But he
was on the ticket by himself. There
were no G. O. P. candidates for any
State or congressional offices on the
Georgia ballot. And, as matter of
cold, hard fact, Ike did not run as
a Republican in Georgia; he ran as
Ike. The sparkplug of his Eisenhower
Nixon club was the Republican State
chairman. Elbert Tuttle. Mr.. Tuttle
and few associates make up the
Georgia Republican Party. The party
has polled between and Is per cent
of Georgia's vote in recent presiden-
tial races.
The Georgia Republican chairman
Is singled out here for mention be-
cause, during this campaign. he made
great point Of trying to start q
working two-party system in Georgia.
A substantial Ike vote like 80 per
cent, he said, would be q good start
ing point for the Georgia Republic
cans. Ike polled 81 per cent. Will
the G.. o. p. get started in the Empire
State of the South? That will depend
on several factors. of which money.
time and good hard work are the
major ones.
But if the future of Republican,
ism is in the balance in Georgia. it
is even more doubtful elsewhere in
the Deep South. Compared with Mr..
Tuttle's relatively active Georgia or
ganization, such absentee-landlord
Setups as that Of Washingtonian
Edgar Morris In South Carolina are
practically non-functional.
Palmetto Joker
Yet the election tables show South
Carolina's Ike total to be far heavier
than that Of Georgia-48 per cent
against 81 per cent to be precise.
The joker here is that again. and to
an even greater extent than in Geor-
gia. it was an Ike vote and not q Re-
publican vote that gave Gen. Eisen-
hover his South Carolina strength.
The G. o. P. in the Palmetto State
normally polls 2 to 5 per cent Of the
vote. OF something over $4,000 votes
given Gen. Eisenhower in South
Carolina. only about 10000 were on
the Republican slate. The remainder
came from South Carolinians for
Eisenhower" Of whom. It may bs
Evening star., 1952-11-09

polls and vote as unhyphenated
Americans. .
Evening star., 1952-11-09
Those Polls

Somebody taking q poll Of the
major pollsters early last week would
have got this result:
Polls predicting Eisenhower
vict0rv MO-
The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1952-12-25
ST. JOHNS
LUTHERAN CHURCH

Red House. Md.
DONALD X. GALLON. Pastor
9:45 a. M, Sunday School.
II a. M, Worship service with
sermon, God Measures the
Church" by the pastor.
A nursery for small children is
held in the social room during this
hour.
Wednesday, New Years Eve
party, $50 to II p. m. Watch night
service, 11:15 to midnight.
Luther Leaguers participating.