davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star., 1952-09-28

do with arithmetic. This was the
simple one posed at the start of his
broadcast by Nixon himself: "Was
it wrong?" Not whether Nixon was
wrong-not even whether he might
have allowed the money he received
to influence his Judgment on legis-
lation. He said he had not been in
fluenced, and though he had no way
OF proving this assertion, his audi
ence was entitled, if it chose, to take
him at his word. But the real ques-
ton was whether 1.-THE business
OF a public servant taking money
from private interests-was wrong.
Not wrong for Dick Nixon, but for
anybody in the Government. And
that question, in the magic of the
moment, simply disappeared, like
the rabbit in a magician's hat.
Nixon made no attempt to an
swer it in his speech. He has not
since attempted to answer it. There
were, to be sure, a few comments
from the sidelines. Representative
Gwinn of New York said 100 of his
colleagues had kitties just like Nix
on's. That did not answer the ques-
ton. Neither did the disclosure (see
below that Gov. Stevenson was
similarly blessed.
Toft's Attitude
Senator Taft said he thought it
was all right for a legislator to take
money from like-minded constitu-
ents-the implication being that If
the legislator already agreed with
the donors, there was no danger
that the donation would sway his
judgment. That might answer the
question. It would, il Senator Taft
were to agree that Nixon's rights in
this connection were balanced by
the right Of a left-wing Senator to
take money from, say, a labor
union. Or, perhaps, by the right
OF legislator who honestly feels
there is nothing improper about
gambling to receive pay-offs from
bookies and gangsters. Senator
Taft, obviously, would agree to
nothing of the kind.
And what was Eisenhower's posi-
ton on this question? The general
had let it be known that he recog-
nized the moral issue in the Nixon
case. Yet his only reaction, in the
end, was to give Nixon unqualified
approval and Endorsement. In so
doing, he appeared to be telling the
Nation that he found nothing OBJ
jectionable about private financing
Of a public ofIicial,s expenses.
A Moot Point
The truth, Of course, was that for
Eisenhower, as for almost every one
else in Nixon's television audience,
the moral question had been rem
dered moot by the emotional power
of Nixon's appeal. And the public
reaction to that appeal left Ike with
no alternative but to ignore the
moral question and make the po-
ntical decision he did make.
Still, the moral question was
there. It was the sort OF question
TO which. in his day, Dick Nixon
Evening star., 1952-09-28
Balance Sheet

If date or an hour can ever be
fixed for the beginning of an era,
it is safe to say that a new era in
American politics began at $3.50 pm.
(EDT) on Tuesday. At that mo-
ment, television came into its own
as a political medium.
Nixon's demonstration that night
proved that a sufficiently articulate
politician, using the correct props
and dramatic techniques over TV,
can convince almost anybody of al
most anything. It proved that the
most effective political skills, in the
future, may be the same ones which
apply today to the job of selling
toothpaste. Tt proved televisions
ability to do what other commu-
nications media have never quite
been able to do-bring candidates
personality overpoweringly into the
living room to his listener.
In taking the air, Nixon addressed
himself to an issue. But in reality
he did not meet the issue. He
simply demolished it by the emo
tional force Of his performance.
In doing SO, he unquestionably con-
vinced the majority Of his listeners.
It clearly made not the slightest
difference that he left a number of
important questions unanswered. In
the aftermath, it was hard even to
remember what the questions had
been.
Nixon made major point in
claiming that he had used his
special fund to save the taxpayers
money. But he did not make it
clear that he had saved the tax
payers anything. For instance, his
fund paid out $4,237.54 for 41,500
Christmas cards. But Christmas
Evening star., 1952-09-28
The Reaction

Senator Nixon had undergone a
great emotional experience in that
half hour. So had his listeners.
He had staged a tremendous po-
litical performance. That his audi
ence appreciated that fact was
almost instantly evident. An hour
and a half after the Californian left
the air, sports reporters at Phila-
delphia found the wires clogged
when they tried to inform their
papers about the worlds cham
pionship boxing victory of Rocky
Marciano. There was no room for
sports on Western Union; its fa-
cilities were overcrowded with tele-
grams about Senator Nixon-almost
all of them urging his party to
keep him on the ticket.
There were dissents, of course.
Evening star., 1952-09-28
ZAP Photos.)

cards are not an ordinary office
expense which the Government will
pay for. In the audit of the Nixon
fund there were three items,
totaling $2,24S.14, for postage, tele-
phone and telegraph, and station
cry sin excess Of allowance" The
fact that these charges exceeded
Nixon's allowance meant the tax
payer would not have picked up
the check in any event. Other
major items of expense-radio re-
cordings, advertising, publicity
photographs, expenses of a Los
Angeles press agent, reprints of
speeches and hire of extra Office
staff among them-were not things
that would be chargeable to the
taxpayer.
The Expense Account
Nixon made another major point
Of assurances that he had not en-
riched himself at the taxpayers
expense. But he left unanswered
some important questions on that
score. A Senator gets $12,500 in
salary. He also gets a tax-free,
accounting-free expense account of
$2,500 which Tin the language of
the law is meant Ito assist in de-
fraying expenses relating to, or
resulting from the discharge of his
official duties. - Senator Nixon
may have spent this $4,000 a year
for political expenses other than
those accounted for in the $4,000
fund. But he did not say that this
was the case. On the contrary, he
implied that the $2,5O0 may have
gone into his pocket when he said,
"First Of all, the Senator gets
$4,000 in salary" So his listeners
were entitled to ask: Did Nixon
not benefit from the fund indi-
rectly by spending it for things
the $2,50O expense allowance or
dinarily would have bought?
Nixon said, too, that he went to
Washington in 1916 with savings
of $4,000 which he and his wife
accumulated during the war. This
$4,000. together with other assets
he listed in his speech, would have
given him enough money to pay
$4,000 cash down on his Spring
Valley house. But Mrs. Nixon,
writing recently in the Saturday
Evening Post, said Of the campaign
Immediately preceding her hus-
bands first election to Congress in
1916, We've been broke so broke
that I wept because at a critical
moment there wasn't any money to
buy stamps to mail campaign liter
ature for which we had paid dear
ly." That left another question
hanging: Who was right about
their finances, the Senator who
said they had $4,000, or his wife
who said they were broke? II Mrs.
Nixon is right and they were broke
when they reached Washington,
how did the Nixons accumulate the
down payment on their al 900
Washington house?
The biggest unanswered question
Of oil. however, had nothing to
Evening star., 1952-09-28
The Address

Channel 4, locally, was carrying
a Democratic political rally from
Baltimore, where big and little
Maryland politicos harangued an
armory full of people up to fever
pitch for the 10 pm. appearance
of Adlai Stevenson. It was $50
in Washington and $3.50 in Los
Angeles.
The screen went black. Then,
after a couple Of spot commercials
and a station break, the camera
focused on an earnest, dark
browed young man seated at desk.
81 come before you tonight" the
young man began, "as a candidate
for the vice presidency and as a
man whose honesty and integrity
has been questioned"
The speaker got right down to
cases: 81 am sure that you have
read the charge, and you have
heard it, that I, Senator Nixon.
took $4,000 from a group Of my
supporters"
Was it wrong2 he asked. Was
Evening star., 1952-09-28

DICHARD MILHOUS NIXON, as
IL he sat down before the tele-
vision cameras last Tuesday night,
was as friendless and alone as it is
possible for a politician to be.
Thirty minutes later, he was the
hero of thousands and man
vindicated in the eyes of millions
including the all-important eyes of
his Republican running mate, Gen.
Eisenhower. He had accomplished
nothing less than genuine politi-
cal miracle. Never in the turbulent
history of American politics, per-
hapS, had so much been accom-
plished by one man in so short
time.
The Republican vice presidential
candidate went to the Nations
televiSion audience in desperation.
Besmirched as one who had taken
monetary favors from rich constitu-
entS, he was facing the worst charge
that can be leveled against a man
running on clean-government
platform-the implication of cor
rupt practice. Yet, within an hour
after he left the air, Western Union
wires from coast to coast were
snarled by flood of kilograms
overwhelmingly supporting him.
Within "a hours, he had received
unanimous Endorsement from the
Republican National Committee,
and Dwight Eisenhower had praised
him and reaffirmed him as a man
OF courage and honor.
What had happened? What got
Nixon into his troubles-and what
got him out of them?
Evening star., 1952-09-28

had been peculiarly sensitive. A
year ago, he had demanded the
resignation of both the Republican
and Democratic national chairmen
because their public morality had
been questioned. "The top officials
of both major parties" Nixon said
then, should set an example of
propriety and ethics"
Ignoring that admonition, Re-
publican National Chairman Guy
George Gabrielson did not resign
last october. Neither, last week,
did Richard Milhous Nixon.
Evening star., 1952-09-28
Negotiations

A T WIDELY SCATTERED points
IA in the world. groups of men
negotiated and argued their differ
ences. In each case, important
moves in the cold war hinged on
the outcome of the talks or the ex-
changes Of notes. In most areas
there was stalemate. The brightest
spot this week as in several past
weeks was in European negotia-
ton for unity.
Evening star., 1952-09-28
The Charges

A group of newspapermen had
been pooling their resources for sew
eral days to pin down nasty rumor
about Dick Nixon. Finally, 10
days ago, the story broke. Seventy
six California businessmen had, in
the year and a half since Nixon
went to the Senate, contributed
some $4,000 to fund to help him
make senatorial ends meet.
Nixon did not deny the charge.
In fact, when a newspaperman
asked about it. he referred the re-
porter to man in California who
administered the fund.
It soon became apparent that the
fund not only existed; it actually
was larger by some $4,000 than
originally reported. It was quite
businesslike setup, with bank ac-
count, lawyer for trustee, and
careful accounting of income and
outgo. It was apparent, too, that
the money had gone to defray
Nixon's political expenses, but had
not gone to line Nixon's pocket.
HowIs for His ScoIp
AS might have been expected,
leaders of the Democratic opposi-
ton howled for Nixon's scalp-all
but the party's standard bearer,
Gov. Adlai Stevenson, who wanted
to wait until all the facts were in.
More significantly, an equally loud
howl went up from the Republican
side. There were individuals and
newspapers aplenty who, while lik-
ing Ike, had never quite bought
Dick. Vouchsaf1ng Nixon his repu-
tation for personal honesty, they
urged him to get off the ticket in
the interest of morality, good gov
ernment-and victory in November.
The Republican vice presidential
candidate, they said, not only had
to avoid wrongdoing, he had to
avoid even its shadow or suspicion.
And on the off chance that Dick
Nixon would not have the good
grace to bow out voluntarily, they
urged Eisenhower to kick him out.
1t was by far the most embar-
RAISING situation to confront a
national ticket in the memory of
the oldest commentator. Gen.
Eisenhower, buffeted by conflicting
advice, let it be known he was
carefully weighing the question of
Nixon's retention or rejection. He
would reach his decision, Ike i'm
piled, after sitting all the facts
and all the moral considerations
involved. Meanwhile, the crisis
hung on suspenseful dead center.
Finally, on Monday, Senator
Nixon announced he would go
before the people the following eve
ming to explain 1t all. He was
assured of an enormous audience.
The drama building up had every
thing, including its little ironies:
To give it's vice presidential cam
didate chance to explain $4,000,
the Republican Party was pre-
pared to spend $4,000 on radio
and television time.
Evening star., 1952-09-28
More Politics

NIXON OR NO NIXON, the cam
IN paign continued. But the po-
litical week was completely domi-
mated by the subject of slush funds
and the question of which pot was
calling which kettle black.
Evening star., 1952-09-28
Et Tu, AdIoi?

When Dick Nixon first stood ac-
cused of taking money from his
good California friends to enhance
his senatorial effectiveness, report
ers rushed to Adlai Stevenson for
what the trade calls reaction"
What did the Governor think about
this sort of thing?
Stevenson was astonishingly FORE
bearing. He repressed his knack for
the quip caustic to observe mildly
that he would prefer to wait until
the facts were in, rather than to
condemn Nixon dnjustly.
But as the Nixon drama unfolded,
the cat popped out of the bag.
Perhaps Adlai Stevenson had been
charitable about the Nixon affair
because that is his nature. But on
the other hand, there was a distinct
possibility that he had kept quiet
about the Nixon fund because he
had one of his own. The sound old
Biblical injunction, Judge not, lest
ye be judged" seemed to. apply
neatly to Gov. Stevenson.
EquolIy Fronk
When the question came up, the
Governor was just as frank about
his funds existence as Nixon had
been about his. Yes, he had fund.
1t wasn't intended to save the
taxpayers money, but to give the
taxpayers better service than they
could afford. Most of Stevenson's
money apparently went to augment
the salaries of key men in the low
paying State government of Illi-
nois-although some also seems to
have been used to finance one of
the Governors trips to New York.
On Tuesday evening, when Nixon
wrapped up his personal account
ing, he turned to his opponents.
Remarking that Vice Presidential
Candidate John Sparkman ought to
explain about his wife's presence
on the Sparkman Office payroll,
Nixon told Stevenson that he, too,
had some explaining to do.
Nixon's Advice
II think" said Senator Nixon,
"that what Mr.. Stevenson should
do should be to come before the
American people as I have, give the
names of the people that contrib
uted to that fund, give the names of
the people who put this money in
their pockets at the same time that
they were receiving money from
their State government and see
what favors, If any, they gave out
for that" ... ..
Stevenson, the next day, refused.
He said it would be a breach of
confidence. But Adlai Stevenson
was on spot. And Adlai Stevenson
knew it. At last he agreed to make
the details of his fund public
Last night, in indianapolis, Gov.
Stevenson followed through. He
showed the genesis of the fund,
most of it leftover money from the
l94S gubernatorial campaign in
IllinoiS-and listed the eight top
State officials who got a total of
$18,l50 in 20 gifts supplementing
their pay. The details of Steven
sons accounting appear in the news
columns Of today's Star.
These details were important, and
no one knew that better than Gov.
Stevenson. After all, when the re-
porters asked him about the Nixon
fund, Stevenson's first question had
been:
''Who gave the money!"
Evening star., 1952-09-28


II say it was wrong If any of
that $4,000 went to Senator Nixon
for my personal use If it was
secretly given and secretly handled
>. if any of the contributors got
special favors for the contributions
that they made"
But Nixon emphasized mot
one cent ever went to me for
my personal use. Every penny of
it was used to pay for political ex-
penSes that I did not think should
be charged to the taxpayers OF. the
United States"
He told the people what his off,
cial and political expenses were and
how they were betrayed by the
Government and otherwise. And
he said that while political ex-
penses should not be paid by the
taxpayers, there are ways to get
around that rule. One way, he
explained, is to be a rich man
Wnlch Dick Nixon Is not.
Another way" he confided, :"
is to put your wife on the payroll"
It was at this moment that the
audience first learned that this man
was not entirely alone. The camera
panned slowly right, bringing into
focus Nixon's attractive wife, who
sat motionless and apparently near
tears at one side of the small
studio.
About Mrs. Sporkmon
"Let me say, incidentally" Nixon
went on, "that my opponent
for the vice presidency does
have his wife on the payroll.
That is his business, and am not
critical Of him for doing that"
Pat Nixon, said her husband, is a
wonderful stenographer." He could
have hired her to handle his Office
work. But II have found so
many deserving stenographers and
secretaries in Washington that
needed the work that I just didn't
feel it was right to put my wife ON
the payroll"
Getting back to the legal and
financial aspects of the fund, Nixon
read from a statement by firm of
lawyers which gave him a clean
bill of health. He cited an audit
that showed the money to have
been fully accounted for.
Then Dick Nixon took the public
into his confidence perhaps more
fully than any candidate ever had
done before. He started with the
day he was born and brought his
listeners up to date on his financial
affairs. He summed up:
well, that's about it. That's
what We have. And that's what we
owe. It isn't very much. But Pat
and I have the satisfaction that
every dime that we have got is
honestly ours"
The Little Cocker
He told about a little dog
Checkers, whose name probably will
go down in political history with
that of President Roosevelt's dog
Fala-that was sent to him "all the
way from Texas" His enemies,
Nixon said, probably would drag the
dog in, but his children love the dog,
"and regardless of what they say
about it, we are going to keep it."
There it was. The decision, he
said, was out of his hands. He
would do nothing to damage Dwight
EiSenhoWer's chances of winning in
November, because II love my coun-
try, and I think my country is in
danger, and I think the only man
that can save America at this time
Is the man that's running for
President on my ticket, Dwight
Eisenhower"
He asked the people listening to
him to wire or write the Republican
Party their views on whether he
should stay or go. Then, in the
middle of a fervent Eisenhower
for-President peroration, he was
cut off the air.
Evening star., 1952-09-28

VIII q VIZ
President. The talk, however, did
not throw great deal of new light
on their specific plans to meet the
problems.
Labor
Stevenson laid his labor policy on
the line before the American Fed
Grafton of Labor. 1t did not differ
from the points he had made dur
ing labor speech in Detroit four
weeks ago, nor did it differ materi-
ally from the labor policy outlined
by Eisenhower before the AFL two
weeks ago. The difference between
the two labor policies of the candi-
dates still lay in the choice of words
used to describe what they would
do to the Taft-Hartley law. Ste
venson said he would repeal" it:
Ike said he would amend" it.
There remained one large gap
in Stevenson's labor program-the
same gap that existed in Ike's.
Neither had specific cure for
national-emergency strikes, which
have defied specific cures since the
193Os.
The AFL, representing 8 million
workers, decided it liked Adlai and
voted the next day to indorse him
formally. Not since 1924, when its
executive council indorsed Old Bob
LaFollette, had the AFL come out
in the open in favor of a particular
candidate. Five union chiefs repre-
senting almost ! million workers in
the big federation did not vote. The
Congress of Industrial Organiza-
tionS, with 6 million members, also
has indorsed Stevenson.
The resolution urging AFL MEM
bers to vote for Stevenson said the
two candidates had been compared
on such issues as Taft-Hartley, anti
imitation measures, rent control.
social security, health insurance
and civil rights. On every issue, it
said, the Democratic stand was
superior.
Inflotion
The candidates also touched on
their economic programs. In doing
so, they did more to illustrate their
differences in personality than their
differences in policy. Stevenson, in
a witty but PROFESSIONAL speech in
Baltimore, detailed an anti-infiation
program that sounded much like
9 Mr.. Truman's: Keep taxes up as
close as possible to a pay-as-we-go
level; restrict expansion of private
credit; use direct price, wage and
rent controls if necessary; try to
bring economy into Government
operations.
Eisenhower did not present a
specific economic program, but he
told the crowds a honey story about
imitation. He held up stick and
said it could be bought for IS cents
in 1899. He broke it in half and
said this is what Is cents will buy
today. He broke it again and said
this Is what another four years of
Democratic imitation will do to IS
cents worth of lumber.
Ike had a three-point defense
program which, he said, would give
the country security and solvency."
Main points of his plan: Elect a Re-
publican administration; create a
commission to study operation of
the Defense Department; revise the
National Security Council to give it
a chance to do more effective PLAN
ming.
Both candidates made foreign
policy speeches. The general ac-
cused the Democrats of "blunder-
ing" in the past. The Governor ac-
cused the Republicans of attempt
ing. by "demogogic distortion" to
make a vote-snaring issue out of
the CommuniSt-manufactured war
in Korea.
Evening star., 1952-09-28
The Weeks Issues

In between discussions of political
expense accounts, the candidates
found time to touch on some of the
major issues that will face the next
The Miami times., 1952-11-15
Beauty Shop Owners
Entertained

Mrs. Poel E. Scott of Cleveland,
Ohio, music teacher and chorus
director of Dorsey High School
was the dinner guest of the Flor
ida Beauty Shop Owners Assoc
iation at their annual meeting
Monday afternoon November 10
at the Lord Calvert hotel. Turkey
was served in all its splendor by
that great caterer, Mr.. Albert
Bellamy. All phases of the beauty
culture law were discussed and
some very important resolutions
were passed. Mrs. Opal Williams
was appointed chairmen OF the
Styles Forum committee.
The next meeting will be Mon
day evening, November II, $3.50
pm. at the Vogue Beauty Fair,
NV 18th ave. and 62nd st. Mr..
Thomas Bannister was the Off
Ger presiding.
The Miami times., 1952-11-15
ST. JAMES AME CHURCH

Well, homecoming day has come
and gone and a successful home
coming it was, spiritually and fl
nancially. Rev. Reddfck used ae
his text for the morning sermon,
The Great Homecoming. In the
afternoon Rev. J. E. Williams of
Opa Locka and his congregation
had charge. Again as is the custom
Rev. M. Fayson of Homestead and
his devout congregation had
charge of the evening service. His
congregation truly represented
themselves in number, spirit and
in finance. The pastor and mem
bers of st. James will follow the
custom on worshipping with
Rev. Fayson and his congregation
on the fourth Sunday in Novem-
Der.
We were very happy to have
our pastor, Rev. Reddick, with
us on Sunday. He had been alb
sent from his pulpit because of
illness.
The officers and members wish
to say ,"thank you" to every
body who helped in anyway to
make their Homecoming the sue
cess it was.
Don't forget to go to church on
Sunday. Well be looking for YOU.
Rev. A. j. Reddick, pastor
Mrs. w. H. Jamison, reporter