Evening star., 1952-02-04


can cannot conceive Of a Commu-
mist revolutionary living next door
to him or occupying the desk just
across the aisle.
So ! had always thought. In
spite Of all my experiences over the
years as a working Communist /
had convinced myself that the
ardent members of the party. al-|
though I knew them and worked
with them, belonged in a different
world.
Until now, when I was forced to
q sudden awakening.
Revolution Discussed.
The discussion leader for the
evening was launching into his
discourse. 1--WE are sorry you were
unable to be here when we started
our detailed study of "The State
and Revolution" he said. holding
up q book. I became aware that
he was speaking to me. "You
know this work Of Lenin's don't
you?"
"Oh yes" my voice responded.
1--WE studied it before. I know it
we'll"
The doctrine Of 1.-THE State and
Revolution" with its political and
philosophical analysis of the pow
ers Of a government and its dis
cusSion of the requirements Of a
successful revolution. was unusu-
ally strong medicine even for my
self, a hardened pupil of many
Communist classes. But here in
this atmosphere of muted gentil-I
ity, among a group Of well groomed
and carefully hammered profess.
sional people, with one of Boston's
business leaders seated across
from me listening impassively. it
was unbelievable.
I'VE have seen in our previous
discussion" the leader droned on,
that the origins of the state are
in capitalism itself; that the state
Is the product of the irreconcilable
character of class antagonism; and
that this power, arising from
society, becomes more and more
from it. The state then
becomes an instrument for the
exploitation of the working
class. -.
Must War ON Capitalists.
First the proletariat must de-
stroy the capitalist state. The
state will not wither away of
its own accord, and can
not be transformed. It must be
destroyed. Second, the special
repressive force of the capitalists
must be replaced by another
special repressive force" the pro-
lertarian state. Third. proletarian
state will wither away. but only
after the consolidation Of the die
tatorship and only after the de-
struction Of all remnants of capi-
talism."
Every member of the party, and
certainly every member of this
elite group into which I had now
been introduced, was under con-
stant suspicion and the careful
scrutiny Of party security agents.
The slightest detection. the small
est slip might bring unpleasant
consequences.
I must work out some special
defenseS. The first thing was toI
strengthen my Marxism, to prac-
tice more and more the mental
attitude Of the Marxist revolu-
tionary. 2'''3a<
But the most difficult task fac
ing me was also the most essential.
There was one vulnerable spot
which had to be eliminated. I'll
meant cutting down one of the
guideposts Of my life and accept
ing the tragic fact. Where COM
munism is concerned, there is no
one who can be trusted. Any one
can be Communist. Any one can
suddenly appear in a meeting as a
Communist Party member-close
friend, brother, employe or en-
ployer. leading citizen, trusted
public servant.
None Can Be Trusted.
Now I could understand the in
structions of the party leaders
when I first joined. ''Your mem
bership will be secret don't
yourself from the masses
maintain your normal ties and
lead a perfectly normal life."|
Any one can do that, I reflected.
No one is safe, no one can be
trusted. There is no way to dis
tinguiSh a Communist from a nom
Communist.
When I trudged upstairs late
that night. I had reached the low
est ebb Of my life. My faith in
my fellow man, one Of the rocks
on which my life was founded,
was seriously undermined.
In my bedroom, Eva told me II
looked i'll. She was obviously
alarmed. I was not physically sick.
but ! was indeed sick at heart.
I've had enough of this busi-
ness, Eva," I told her. II just
can't figure it out. It battles me. u
But before I dropped off to sleep |
another thought took precedence
n my tortured mind. There is \
,,,l1, oy,a NOV Tn And nlYt and ax.il