Evening star., 1950-12-30
America, Russia and Japan

In replying to the Soviet Unions November
aide-memoire on tentative American proposals
for japanese peace treaty, the State Depart
ment has plainly indicated that the United
States is prepared to conclude such treaty
with or without Russian participation. What.
this apparently means is that our Government
.contemplates early action to persuade as many
qualified nations possible (there are At all
told, including the Red bloc) to join in drawing
up settlement for Japan.
The Soviet aide e-memoire-echoed by later
statement from Red Chna-haS strongly
suggested that the Kremlin will regard such
settlement as illegal and invalid unless the
Russians and the Chinese Communists are
parties to it, which means unless they can die
tate its terms. The justification for this stand
is that the victorious wartime allies are still
obligated, under their joint declaration of Janu-
ary, 1912, not to make a separate peace with
Japan. In answer to this, the State Depart
ment has made the following points, among
others:
Cd That the purpose of the declaration was
to assure that all the allies would continue to
fight until victory had been won, which they
did; (2) that the present regime at Pepng did
not then exist and Is not recognized by the
United States and most other countries as
China's legitimate government; 90 that for
more than five years the Japanese have loyalty
abided by the surrender terms and are now fully
entitled to treaty; and "a that no nation
meaning specifically the Kremlin-has "a per-
petual power to veto" the conclusion of such a
treaty by other qualified powers willing to CO.
operate in negotiating it.
Beyond that, despite Soviet views to the
contrary, the State Department has made clear
that the United States regards as sound and
necessary its proposals that the Ryukyu and
Bonin Islands be placed under an American
administered United Nations trusteeship and
that the future status of Formosa be determined
by international agreement in connection with
the drafting of final Japanese peace settle
ment. In addition, our position Is that as long
as irresponsible militarsrn' exists and aggres-
sion threatens, 1t will be altogether reasonable
for Japan to join with our own and other coun-
tries IN special arrangements for individual and
collective selfdefense after the projected treaty
goes into effect-arrangements that could in
clude measure of rearmament and the con-
tinuing presence of our troops on japanese SOIL
The difference between our position and the
Soviet position thus seems so great and funda-
mental that there is little reason to hope that
common ground can be found between the two
Actually, the Moscow-Peiping propagandists
have already branded our proposals as evidence
of plot to remilitarize Japan and ally it with
the United States for campaign of aggression"
a
indirect way, the propagandsts have dropped
the threatful hint that the situation may
make it necessary for Russia and Red China to
invoke that clause of their 30-year treaty which
pledges them to immediate military co-opera-
ton in case either is attacked by the Japanese
or any associated country.
Regardless of this threat, however, it is clear
that the United States should do everything
possible-whether or not the Kremlin boycotts
the effort-to get the free world to work out
treaty for Japan. The people of that country
want and are entitled to a decent settlement
and the sooner they have 1t, the more chance
there will be to bring about better and safer
Far Eastern balance of power. The japanese
must be restored to the family of nations in
normal status, and they must be allowed the
means to defend themselves and take part in
collective security system against aggression.
This is essential to the long range peace of Asia.