Evening star., 1949-06-06
REVISING the Labor Low

1t appears now that President Truman
may be ready TO make some concessions"
on his bill to repeal the Taft-Hartley labor
law. Heretofore, he has been represented
as unyielding in his determination to have
the measure enacted without change. thus
restoring things to pretty much the same
status as existed under the Wagner Act.
Today however, as the Senate opens de-
bate on the subject, the report Is that he
Is willing to compromise and accept the
best legislation he can get.
This Is not surprising. After all, the
administration Is in no position TO dictate
to Congress on the subject Whatever bill
finally emerges ought properly to be
from the legislative principles involved
the political realities make that much
abundantly clear. For the Presidents own
party Is split at least three ways on the
issue, with one faction wanting an un-
qualified return to the Wagner Act, an
other determined to retain as much of the
Taft-Hartley law as possible, and third
perhaps the largest-favoring fve COM
promise" amendments to the proposed new
measure.
1t is in connection with these amend
ments-drafted in the Senate by middle
of -the-road" Democrats and progressive"
Republicans, whose party also Is split on
the issue-that the administration Is said
to be in a mood for concessions" In a
way, the word concessions" seems strange.
At any rate when one looks at the amend
ments, one finds that most Of them en-
brace nothing more unusual than the
principles of. fair play and even-handed
justice that are part and parcel of our
heritage and system of government. To be
willing to accept such principles is not to
"concede" anything; it is simply to be
American.
For example, one of the amendments
would require both employees and employ
ers TO bargain in good faith, whereas the
administration bill would require only en-
ployers to do so Another would guarantee
freedom of speech to each side In the field
of labor relations, whereas the administra-
ton would guarantee 1t merely to the
unions. third would make 1t mandatory
for the two sides to file financial reports,
whereas the administration would apply
the requirement exclusively to employers.
A fourth amendment would call for non
Communist affidavits not only from union
officers-as' under the Taft-Hartley law
but from employers as we'll, whereas the
administration would end the obligation
entirely.
The fifth of the proposed amendments
falls within different classification. It
L.o 81 10 80 hc&if
(not mentioned in the administration bilD
for the Taft-Hartley INJUNCTION procedure
to cope with national-emergency labor
disputes. OF the five compromise" pro-
posals, this is by far the most controversial,
and it is likely to stir up considerable
debate. But the four Others since they are
mainly designed to insure fair treatment
to both sides, seem so generally reasonable
and so much in keeping with basic Amer
ican principles that 1t Is difficult to see
why their acceptance should be regarded
as something requiring important "con-
cessions" from anybody.
OF course, whatever may be the Pres
ident's views, it seems about as certain as
anything can be that his bill will be con-
siderably amended by Congress. The Taft
Hartley law is on the way out, but unless
all signs are deceiving, that does not mean
we are going to have another Wagner Act.
Through the process of debate and give
and-take, the Senate and House are likely
to work out satisfactory and reasonably
effective compromise. In any event, the
Nation, not unlike the President, wants
the best legislation 1t can get.
IA. EL. cLIl e. Ia Alhnnu