Evening star., 1949-10-13
Text of Bradley Speech

~H~~S'
the first prize for any aggressor in
the world today might be Europe,
with its industrial potential and its
market for goods. So they have re-
affirmed in economic aid, and by
political tie, that the Western Eu-
rope which we have twice defended
Is linked with this continent in
peace, and for protection. The Presi-
dent last week signed Military
Assistance Program to speed up the
military rehabilitation of those ma
tions whose theological and security
interests are held in common with
our own.
The basic defense principle of the
North Atlantic Treaty, and of the
military aid program, Is that each
nation shall contribute those things
which 1t can best provide in the
collective security plan. And in div
viding our own defense dollar in
future years, it is this same princi-
pie which must override wishful ad-
herence to prestige, time -honored
tradition, or biased enthusiasm for
any one of our Armed Forces, as
we contribute our share.
Objects of Envy.
Even in friendly eyes, American
resources and industrial production
can be objects of envy. Then add to
these our possession of stockpiles of
the atomic bomb, and the security of
distance from the possible battle
fields Of Europe. The sum total OF
our strength must seem infinite.
But we who have lived with the
treasure, in the well-fed comfort of
prosperity, know that money for de-
fense is valid expenditure only so
long as it is an investment in peace.
Unlimited expenditures for weapons
OF war would quickly spell bank
ruptcy for our economy.
To gain maximum safety at the
least expense, the Joint Chiefs of
Staff must give very careful con-
sideration to those items which con-
stitute the basic necessities.
First priority must provide those
forces which can avert disaster in
the event that war is thrust upon
us and our friends.
To impress the aggressor that
bully's blow can't escape the sting
Of reprisal, we must possess the
means to retaliate quickly and hard
And finally, knowing well that
blows once exchanged do not sub
side until one or the other is victor,
we must provide the means neces-
sary for the mobilization Of our
manpower and other resources
which can eventually carry the war
back to the enemy, to his ultimate
defeat.
Must Choose Carefully.
These are the priorities which
have governed our plans so Far. Now
with certain knowledge that atomic
weapons, by plane or by missile,
could be used against us eventually,
we must choose carefully the fur
ther armaments of defense.
Your President, your Secretary of
Defense, and your military coun-
selors have assured you that this
calls for no change in basic defense
plans. When we ourselves have
leaned so heavily on our monopoly
Of the atomic bomb as a deterrent
for war, it is natural for Americans
to doubt this statement.
These assurances are sound, and
I will explain the merit of their
meaning.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff have
anticipated that the Russians would,
sometime, solve the problem of
atomic weapons. We have pointed
out that in the second phase of the
atomic problem, America and her
friends will have a continued respite
from attack, because of the pre-
ponderance OF our stockpile oil
atomic bombs and our lead in men
and planes to deliver bombs on any
aggressor. That phase exists today.
How long this condition will exist,
no one knows.
Explosion Preceded Estimates
Estimates in our staff on when
the Russians would have the atomic
bomb ranged from 1850 to 1852.
Their "atomic explosion" preceded
earliest of these estimates by sew
eral months.
Estimates have also been made of
the time from this first announce
ment until the Russians could have
enough atomic weapons in quantity
to influence the outcome of al
modern war.
They could be foolhardy enough
to launch an atomic attack with
only a handful of atomic bombs
But of all the people on this earth,
they are students of force, and of