Evening star., 1949-02-18
Article !, Section 8

This section of the Constitution says that
''the Congress shall have power to
declare war ="
When those words were written war was
a slow, tedious process. 1t was matter
of transporting armies across vast stretches
of ocean in sailing ships, of naval blockade,
of equipping men with muskets to face
other men with muskets. The authors of
Article l. Section 8, could not foresee the
day when war would become matter of
sudden, devastating attack, designed to
destroy country long before its Congress
could assemble to declare war They could
not have been expected to foresee the time
in which we live, time in which mans
true hope of survival lies in preventing
wars, not in fighting them.
This being so, it is not reasonable for
members of the Senate to be standing on
the letter of the Constitution, to be saying
that Congress must not yield any part OF
its constitutional power to declare war.
To do this is not only unreasonable; 1t
puts in grave jeopardy our one best hope
for the future.
This hope lies in the broader concept OF
q North Atlantic security pact II that
pact is to be effective 1t must serve two
purposes. It must put the Soviet Union
on notice that an unprovoked attack on
any member of the North Atlantic COM
munity will be regarded as an attack on
all Of the members, and will meet with
united resistance. 1t must also provide a
method for organizing a common defense,
for providing the members with the
necessary military equipment, and for
bringing their united military power into
play Immediately after an act Of aggres-
sion against any member
II this is done it will serve the important
secondary purpose Of enabling the Western
nations to present strong front against
aggression If the worst comes. But 1t will
also serve the more immediate and much
more important purpose OF discouraglng
aggression. For the Soviets are far less apt
to resort to war If they know that the
Western Powers are both resolved and
ready to meet force with force.
In the best of circumstances this under
taking will be difficult enough. 1t will be
hopeless if we do not play our full part.
Much, perhaps all, depends on the atti-
tude of the Senate. Those who oppose
assuming any military commitment In the
North Atlantic pact are motivated by
reluctance to see the constitutional func-
tions of Congress whitfield down. This Is
understandable And it may be that per-
suasive constitutional arguments in support
of their position can be advanced.
But it is difficult to believe that rational
men will want to win a constitutional
argument at the price of losing this last
best hope for peace. Yet the chance for
peace will surely be lost If the United States
finally takes the position that it will assume
no commitment to join with its friends
and fight If need be against aggression.
This is a matter in which men must not
lose sight OF the main chance. Differences
over a constitutional doctrine which was
valid enough century and half ago must
not be permitted to blind us and cripple
us in an atomic age. If we are to have any
hope of security, then the people OF the
United States must insist that their Sen
ators and their President approach this
matter in the spirit of accepting the
maximum commitment that Is constitu-
tionally possible. We must remember that
our attitude, and the effect Of that attitude
on both our friends and our potential
enemies, can spell the difference between
success and failure in this all-important
venture.