Evening star., 1949-09-04

and Walter P. Reuther have risked
their leadership over a fourth
round of postwar wage increases
and welfare pension demands for
millions of workers.
Seldom since the first Labor
Day parade in 1882 has there been
such challenge to industry
across the bargaining table, af-
fecting so many workers.
Personal rivalries between the
three big union chiefs play a part
in the struggles.
Fight Still Ahead :.
Mr.. Murray, as head of the Con-
gress of Industrial Organizations
and leader of up to a million steel
workers, is most on the spot. He
forced his dispute with employers
into the White House. and Presi-
dent Truman appointed fact
finding board to recommend a
solution.
Regardless of the boards pro-
posed settlement of his 30-cent
package" demand. the big and
little steel companies under con-
tract with the steel workers have
indicated they may-and prob
ably will-f1ght it.
That makes Mr.. Murray's posi-
ton the most precarious. Mr..
Lewis. head Of the independent
United Mine Workers.. and Mr..
Reuther, who leads nearly a mil
lion members of the CIO United
Auto Workers, have nudged their
contract negotiation dates past
the September deadline for the
steel boards report.
Only Murray knows how big a
part his break with Lewis plays in
his insistence on a 12h-cent
hourly pay increase and a pension
and group hospital plan for steel
workers. Lewis has had well
fare and pension plan since 1916.
when the Government seized
strikebound mines and made the
Krug-Lewis agreement for their
operation.
Murray. stuck with long term
contracts, has had his hands tied
but would like to force the steel
industry to set up liberal pen
sion and hospital plan now.
Reuther is in much the same
position. A very vocal rank and
file in the auto plants keeps the
youthful. red-haired Reuther on
his toes. If Lewis and Murray
get too far ahead on the so-called
welfare issues, Reuther's general
ship may be severely attacked.
Much Of the zeal for pensions
and hospital programs can be
traced to Lewis. "the innovator.' -
Short Week Cuts Reserve
| Lewis first asked for a welfare
royalty in 1945, but the war was
still raging and he withdrew his
demand. After WI day, he went
after it in earnest. After a 59-day
strike. he and Secretary Of the
Interior Krug agreed on a s.
cent royalty on each ton Of coal
for a welfare and disability pro-
gram. BY direct negotiation with
the operators, he has built this up
to 20 cents ton, or about $780,
100000 year. This summer he
! has indicated he'd like to double
that.
As part Of his strategy this
year. Lewis put hard and soft coal
miners east of the Mississippi
River on a three-day work week.
BY so doing he kept the welfare
payments coming in without too
much loss and gave the miners
a summer of at least partial en-
ployment. +
Because of market conditions,
the miners were working only two
to four or five days anyway.
In delaying a contract show
down with the operators until
after Murray has his, Lewis in
dicated again the resourcefulness
which has made him the most
controversial labor leader for a
quarter century.
He discarded the miners mo
contract. no work" policy and
announced the diggers would con-
tinue indefinitely to work under
terms of the pact which expired
June 80.
The three-day week. he said
would put the industry on a
steady economic keel, stabilize
prices and avoid a shutdown. It
would also, incidentally. help eat
up the reserve supply of mined
coal which put him at a dis
advantage in contract talks with
the operators.
Thirty years ago he fought
Samuel Gompers, head of the
American Federation of Labor.
when, as a husky young upstart,
he insisted on organizing workers
by industries instead of crafts.
He finally got enough support in
the AFL in 1885 to establish q
committee for industrial organ
ization. But that led to his custer,
along with his associates. and
then the CIO became a rival
labor federation.
Bold Strategy
Lewis and Murray, his long
time lieutenant. split over the
latter's allegiance to President
Franklin D. Roosevelt and other
things. Murray went along as
head of the CIO while Lewis pur-
sued an independent role. In 1946
Lewis tried another term with
the AFL, but soon locked horns
with the leadership.
There again his strategy was
bold. He wanted to- ignore the
Taft Hartley Act. Other AFL
leaders couldn't agree. so Lewis
went his lone way again. But
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