Browning chief. [volume] (Browning, Mont.) 1941-1953, 1948-04-16

H.! year. Possibly there
was an excuse for the
payment of subsidies
during the war, but fighting stopped
two years ago, and subsidies are still
with us to the extent of billions of
dollars each year. Congress no long
er fears the word. In fact both par
ties, as represented in congress, are
afraid to stop the payments because
of the possible effect on the votes of
the interested minorities.
When, in the early years of this
century, the ocean shipping interests
suggested the payment of govern
ment subsidy as a means of keep
ing the American flag on the seas
over recognized trade routes, con-
gress, especially the senators and
representatives from Mississippi
valley agricultural states, would
have none of it. Eventually the post
office department solved the problem
by heavy payments for carrying the
mails over essential ocean routes.
Ship owners got the money but it
was not called subsidy.
When congress enacted the La
Toilette seaman's law it represent
ed benefit to the seamen at the
expense of the ship owners. The
shipping lines could not pay the
prescribed wages and barge
freight and passenger rates that
would compete with those of for
eign countries. But congress would
not consider subsidy. It did pass
a "wage equalization law under
which the government paid to the
ship owners the difference between
prescribed American wages and
the wages paid on ships of other
lands with which each American
line was forced to compete. 1t was
not subsidy but the American
taxpayers paid the excess wages
congress voted the American sea-
man.
In the early 192Os the nationally
circulated periodicals and the large
city newspapers had a bill intro
duced in congress to reduce the zone
postal charges on that portion of
newspapers and periodicals filled
with advertising. Such reduction
would be reflected in lower charge
for advertising over wide distribu-
ton areas. The rural press was op-
posed to such reduction To such
papers it meant distribution. at lower
rates for space. of the advertising of
city merchants and mail order
houses competing with the local mer-
chants of the smaller cities and
towns. l was asked to represent the
rural press in the postal committee
hearings on that bill, and was told
l would be fighting for hopeless
cause. In my statements to the COM
mittee I repeatedly referred to the
subsidy the passage of the bill would
give the city merchants in their COM
petition with the rural merchants.
That word Subsidy" won what had
seemed to be a hopeless fight. Con-
gress was afraid of it and that bill
never got out of the committee.
Those days are in the past. The
subsidies with which the New Deal
appealed to minorities seem fasten-
ed upon us for long time to come.
Neither political party is willing to
propose repeal for fear of losing
the votes of the nlinorities that are
prOfiting from the government pay
ments. To be rid of such an expense
the American taxpayers must rise
in wrath and vote out of office any
man in either party who refuses to
relieve us of the burden we are
carrying. Without subsidies for the
few we can have tax reductions for
the many.
The strength of Wallace, the Iowa
farmer, is greatest in the slum sec
lions of the large cities.
New Deal relief and the WPA
were more responsible for captur-
ing the northern Negro vote than
was the advocacy of racial equal
ity. But that advocacy of racial
equality could cost the Democratic
party the white vote of the south
ern states.
In the metropolitan cities you can
count on a reasonably heavy Wallace
vote next November.
Thinking only of ourselves breeds
unhappiness for the individual
The visitor hailed from a small
village in Canada. She expressed an
unfavorable opinion of American
newspapers because they did not
carry the Canadian news in which
she was interested. Her young son
played hockey on his home town
school team. She expected the
American newspapers to carry the
wins of that home town school on
the front page. To her that was i'm