Browning chief. [volume] (Browning, Mont.) 1941-1953, 1948-06-04

But some observers feel as News
week magazine expressed 1t some
time ago: "Stassen's fortnight quest
Tor votes may end much of the tradi-
tional coyness Of aspirants. In the
future, It's thought that more can.
didates will frankly announce their
intentions well in advance of cleo
ton" Well, maybe.
There is plenty of old-line resent
ment against Stassen, not only be-
cause he began an open campaign
so early, but also because Of the
efficient, powerful, highly-organized
and aggressive machine he has
built up. A right wing Republican
l spoke to recently seemed especial
~ resentful, grumbling about the
big money" backing Minnesota's
ex-governor, and the New York
banking interests that wanted in"
Senator Taft was reported so
furious over Stassen's invasion Of
Ohio that 1t was thought that he
might forget his rivalry with
Dewey and throw his support to
the New Yorker earlier in the
convention II the deadlock was
certain.
All this talk AGAINST candidates
Is interesting psychologically.
You always hear far more rea-
sons for voting AGAINST a candi-
date than you hear for voting FOR
one. It's a very good thing that no
candidate is ever quite SO bad as
his opponents claim he is. Other
wise the government would fall
apart regularly every four years.
Monroe Doctrine
Is Reactiuafed
On Charles street in the sleepy
little town of Fredericksburg, va,
In the first floor office of a story
and-e-half brick house, you can see,
If you obey the parking signs and
stop there, a beautiful brass-bound
mahogany desk, artistic handiwork
of the French cabinet makers of
the early 18th century.
1t is an historic piece of furni-
ture for on its surface 125 years
ago, there was signed a document
which, reactivated today, becomes
at once the challenge and the hope
OF free men throughout the world.
That desk, carefully carried across
the seas as a precious heirloom,
found its way into the great, empty
rooms of the White House, newly
rebuilt after the destructive fire set
by an enemy torch in the War of
1872.
Turn back the pages to December
Of the year 1923. At this desk sits
a man in a stiffly-starched stock.
His broad forehead is wrinkled with
thought. His wide eyes look down at
the document he is about to sign.
1t is his message to the 18th con-
gress Of the United States, but it
embodies the spirit and is couched
in the phrases which his predeces-
sors have used before him express
sing the intent and the obligations
of the young republic Of which he.
James Monroe, is the President.
Two years before, the Car of all
the Russians had uttered a ukase
that no foreigner must approach
within 100 miles of the American
coastline north Of the 51st parallel.
Russia then had a firm foothold on
the northwestern coastline of the
western hemisphere. The iron cur
tain had descended.
Plus ca change, plus ca reste lax
meme chose!
eve could not view any interpo-
sition for the purpose Of oppres-
sing them (the free countries of
the Americas) by any European
power in any other light than as
the manifestation of an unfriend-
ly disposition toward the United
States"
One hundred and twenty-five years
pass.
Today, the United States, in a
world that has shrunk until Moscow
is nearer to Washington than Bos-
ton was in Monroe's time, rededi-
Gates its resources to "help free
peoples to maintain their free insti-
tutions and their national integrity
against aggressive movements that
seek to impose upon them totali-
tartan regimes"
The words are President Tru-
mans, but the spirit is the same
as that breathed in the Monroe doc.
trine. America carries on.
Polysyllabically, John L. Lewis
and Gen. Douglas Macarthur have
something in common. Perhaps
Lewis should run as MacArthur's
vice president. Think of all the
sonorous five-syllable-word sta te-
ments they could get out.
In President Lincoln's time, most
Of the speeches were made in the
open air without benefit of public
address system or microphone. Now
all you really need is a few friends