Evening star., 1948-09-06
The Loyalty Debate

The report of Senator Fergusons loyalty
subcommittee is an informative and rea-
soned document. In some respects, but
not in all, it parallels the recent report OF
the House Un-American Activities Com
'mittee, both OF them being in notable
agreement on the point that Congress has
not enjoyed full cooperation of the White
House in the effort to rid the Federal
payroll of Communists and their sympa-
thizers.
In its report the Ferguson group starts
from the premise that no person has
right to work for the Government. Work
ing for the Government" the report states,
sis a privilege which should be extended
only to those in whom the greatest trust
may be imposed" 1t is hardly to be sup
posed that there will be any substantial
dissent from this at this stage, nor from
the corollary proposition that where rea-
sonable doubt exists as to the loyalty OF
an employe. that doubt should be resolved
in favor of the Government. The difficulty
arises in the choice of techniques to deal
with disloyal workers and the different
individual reactions to the evidence
against them One may also reasonably
suppose that partisan political considera-
tions enter into the clash between Con-
gress AND the President.
The Ferguson report Is persuasive in
dictment of the Federal loyalty check
program as it has been, and is being, ap
piled It's criticisms are specific and
apparently are we'll supported by facts.
1t recommends Improvements which, on
the face of the matter at least, can be
made without great difficulty and wher
ever possible they ought to be put into
effect by the executive branch. To men
ton but one thing, the committee criticizes
the production-line manner of handling
loyalty checks, and urges that priority
and special treatment be given to appli
cants for sensitive jobs concerning whose
loyalty there may be serious doubt. 1t is
absurd to make it possible for such persons
to remain in important positions for weeks
and months while the routine of the check
is being followed, and the improvements
recommended should be put into effect.
1t Is difficult, however, to escape the
conclusion that the most serious handicap
on the loyalty program is the continuing
conflict between the President and the
to give Congress access to all facts which
could reasonably be put at its disposal.
The White House takes the position that
the Presidents order of August S, amend
ing the earlier stringent order of March
13, makes available to Congress all of the
information it should have. But the
simple truth is that it does nothing of the
sort, and this is demonstrated by the fact
that the Ferguson committee, as late as
yesterday, had been unable to find out
why William w. Remington was permitted
to hold several important Government
positions between December, 1s45, and
June, 1948, while the Department of Justice
had substantial information indicating
that he hadsbeen involved in Soviet es-
pfonage activities. II he was left undis-
turbed 30 the FBI could watch him in the
hope Of nabbing confederates, there is no
reason why that could not be stated now.
On the other hand, If he was able to stay
in office through the negligence or in
difference of his superiors that fact, too,
can and should be put upon the record.
1t is significant that as recently as last
Thursday the President revived his "red
herring" charge against Congress, and
renewed his contention that the investi-
cation is designed to take the public mind
off high prices If this were believed, the
effect would be to discredt the congress
sional investigation of subversves in Gov
eminent But as the latest Gallup poll
indicates, the President, by such tactics,
is more apt to discredit himself than the
Congress in public estimation. He could
learn something from both the tone and
the content of the Ferguson report.