Evening star., 1947-05-15

Tfunan'S ad- b gg.
visers think 1t
would be. bad oe
policy to be David Lawrence.
sending q lot Of vetoes to Capitol
Hill, as the voters might possibly
gain the impression that they would
have to elect a Republican President
in order to get any substantial
changes In existing laws relating
to labor matters.
But the political determination
to veto any bill that amends the
Wagner Act Is based upon the sim
pie proposition that the union lead
ers, while processing publicly q dis
satisfaction with the portal-to-por-
tai bill, really didn't care SO much
about Its provisions and really do
care about the new labor regulation
bill. They'll settle for one big veto
and that's veto of the Senate
bill even II unchanged in confer
ence.
Won't Be Dificult.
Mr.. Truman will not find 1t diff
cult to write veto message stating
a dozen reasons for disapproval.
The measure is highly technical and
almost anybody who Is familiar with
the technicalities can draft veto
message now, even before the Con-
ference Committee meets.
The line of argument will be that
there are really no serious labor
troubles, that management and la
Dor win get along better with less
rather than more law, and that the
proposed legislation Is ambiguous,
clumsy and irnperils established
rights OF unions.
The truth is the Senate bill, which
probably will be. the one that comes
out Of conference with most Of its
provisions unchanged, really gives
the labor unions some rights they
never had before and puts into law
what hitherto were only labor board
rulings, subject to change from time
to time as the personnel of the
board changes.
The proposed law gives manage
ment certain rights it never had
before. Likewise, there are respon-
sibilities and obligations imposed on
management that were doubtful
heretofore because they rested on
ambiguous decisions of the labor
board which have not been uniform.
Mr.. Truman, however, will be in
fluenced solely by the fact that
the AFL and CIO want a veto, and
he cannot expect their support at
the polls in 1S48 unless he does
their bidding. The two national or
ganizations, Of course, want no
amendments to the Wagner law
and certainly none that gives the
employers any rights.
The last several months of dis
cussion have produced not a single
constructive suggestion from the
labor unions to remedy abuses
either inside unions or in their i'm
pact on production and manage
ment problems. The labor urions
instead have stubbornly insisted
that the Wagner law remain un-
touched.
Runs a Big Risk.
The President runs a big risk If
he sticks to the veto plan. His risk
is less If the measure is enacted by
two-thirdS Of both houses over the
veto. For then public opinion will
have its way and the veto will be
nu1lified. Maybe by 1948 the veto
would seem less important.
II, however, there are not enough
votes to override the veto, the
country will blame Mr.. Truman and
the small group of Democrats in
the Senate who will have switched
their votes from the Senate bill
adopted this week. The issue will
be determined by a handful of
Democrats from among the 81 who
voted for the Senate bill the other
day.
The smartest thing politically the
Republicans could do now is to ask
the House to take the Senate bill
with just few minor changes and
with a clarification of the important
free-speech clause. Then none of
the Senators who voted for the bill
this week would find 1t easy to
switch after veto and the measure
would be enacted into law. This
naneuver would not satisfy those
who have sponsored the various pro-
visions of the House bill, but it
would not prevent them from re-
uewing their fight for further leg
islation snd the omitted provisions
in the January, 1948. session. For
labor issues will still be uppermost
in the public mind at that time.
The truth is the new legislation,
If passed over the veto, will not les
sen the power of certain types of
labor-union leaders to be arbitrary
nor will 1t endow them-or some of
the reactionary employers-with the
vision needed for an era of labor
management peace.
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