Evening star., 1947-04-25

m m bers for Frank r. Kent.
the Republican bill but a total House
vote 1908 to 107 sufficient to over
come presidential disapproyal.
Concededly closer to their constit-
uents than the Senate and with
every member coming up for re-
election next year, it is impossi-
BILE to escape the conclusion that
that overwhelming vote reflects the
feeling of the American people on
this subject. There is no other
way to interpret 1t.
Two Questions Arise.
Notwithstanding, the impression
grows that Mr.. Truman will use
his veto. Two questions naturally
arise: Cd Why? 10 What will be
the effect? AS to why" the prac-
tically unanimous answer from every
informed observer Is pressure. y
Whence comes this pressure?
Certainly it does not come from
business, big or little; or finance,
or the great mass of unorganized
workers, or the conservatives, or
the independent voters. Not only
the House vote but every poll that
has been taken anywhere shows
these groups strongly in favor OF
restrictive legislation. The pressure,
of course, comes from the opponents
OF any labor legislation. And these
include besides the labor bosses, all
the professional liberals" and every
radical group and spokesman in
the country.
1t is a left-wing drive of an intense
and somewhat desperate nature.
Though a majority Of the Truman
cabinet is distinctly not in sympathy,
it is abetted by some of his political
advisers and second-grade admin
istrative aides. The first are anxious
to keep the old Roosevelt CIO politi-
col alliance intact. The second are
prolabor subordinates who in silly
speeches at union meetings have
been denouncing the bill before they
know what Is in it, forecasting
industrial chaos" If any real law
should be enacted. In effect. this
Is CIO propaganda and it Is difficult
to believe that Mr. Truman will
not sense both the stupidity of his
political strategists and the lack
of balance in these departmental
orators.
So much for the pressure" AS
to the effect of the Truman veto. it
would be to kill all labor legisla-
ton at this session. Certainly the
House would override but in all
probability it would be sustained
in the Senate, where the Republican
majority is slim and there are
enough pro-CIO Republicans, COM
bined with Democrats, such as
Messrs. Pepper, Murray and Hill, to
prevent a three-fourths majority.
Triumph for CLIO Seen.
This, of course, would be a great
triumph for the CIO and its radical
affiliates. 1t again would give them
the link with the White House
which they SO skillfully exploited
during the Roosevelt regime and
which was the basis of their bluff as
a great political factor.
j.. Again, Mr.. Truman would be
hailed as a true liberal" real
friend of labor" its savior from
punitive" and drastic" measures,
which is what these labor bosses
brand any measure changing the
present status. His praises would
be sung In all the CIO publications.
But there would be grave doubt of
his judgment as he would have
deeply disappointed millions of
Americans sure to believe that un-
worthy political reasons had af-
fected his action. In the last few
months these have warmed to him
as much because apparently he had
ended the degrading CIO domi-
nance in the Democratic party and
the national Administration as for
any other reason.
In addition, unless he can con-
vince the country he has real con-
victions on this subject that rise
above politics and better reasons
for regarding the eventual bill as
punitive" drastic" etc, than have
yet been presented, he not only
will have frustrated the earnest
desire of the people for protection
against labor-union abuses, but he
will have greatly strengthened the
Republican appeal in l948.
1t would be easier to understand
the veto forecasts If the personal
relations between Mr.. Truman and
the CIO bosses were the same as
those between them and his prede-