The Wilmington morning star., 1947-10-25
Abroad
By ANNE O'HARE MCCORMICK
In The New York Times

By ANNE O'HARE MCCORMICK
In The New York Times
The realignment in France is a major
event in the political evolution OF postwar
Europe. The picture remains a moving
picture, so it is rash to assume that the
Gaullist victory represents the final line
I'M. Voters continue to float from port to
port. seeking anchorage in strange wa
tiers. More people vote Communist than
adhere either to the party or It's phlloso-
phv. and these fellow-travelers are still
hanging or. The French and Italian cleo
tons show that so far it is the Commu-
mist vote that is fairly static and the other
parties that are in motion - growing
shrinking, splitting, or merging as in
France into a new combination.
But the movement is crystallizing. Polar
izing Right and Left is the current de-
scription of the process - but which IS
the Soviets is in masking a reactionary
and despotic government under the name
of communism and labelling ~"rightist'
everybody who carries on the historic left
list fight against tyranny. This is turning
around the sign at the crossroads, substi-
tuting government of, by and for the party
for Lincoln's definition, needing the liber-
al by calling him onservatlve-an get
ting away with it!
In France, for instance, he Communists
react to the rise of the new opposition
by calling for a rally of the "republi-
cans" The elements uniting in de Gaulle's
"rally'' cannot yet be precisely classified.
1t draws support from all parties, includ-
ing old-line Socialists as well as the
splinter parties of the so-called Right. But
the suggestion that 40 per cent OF the
French electorate is not republican is the
kind of grotesque Misrepresentation that
so often boomerangs on the heads of local
Communists. The Cominform will have to
do better than this to succeed in its double
edged job of "nationalizing" and "inter-
Matchmaking" party propaganda.
The new French movement is a rising
rather than a party, extraordinary because
it is a plurality without a single repre-
sentative in the Assembly. Probably it's
strength does not surprise de Gaulle him.
self. He has never doubted that he was
right in his concept of the Fourth Republic
or that in an emergency the people would
turn to him. Just before he resigned in
January, 1916, he predicted that the peo-
pie would learn by experience that the
Communist aim was either to take over
France or prevent any other government
from functioning.
But the landslide surprises his aides.
They don't know exactly what to do with
it. Neither does the Ramadier Govern
ment. The Socialists still hold the balance
of power, but the shaky political apple
cart is completely upset and the confusion
is deeper than ever. While nothing can be
done until the run-off elections next Sun
day, the talk in Paris is of a referendum
to dissolve the Chamber and a call for
a general election.
For although the vote is primarily anti
Communist, it is also for the recall of
de Gaulle. A traditional aversion to strong
men and leaders, made the French re-
signed to his withdrawal from public life.
He retained a great personal following,
however and the success of his appeal
now means that the bulk of his followers
believe him when he declares that he has
no dictatorial ambitions. They are tired,
none the less, of impotence in Govern
ment. They are disappointed in the new
parties and their old m~aneuvers. Every
visitor in France hears the complaint that
the Fourth Republic is only the feeble
hangover of the Third.
Three aspects of the election are worth
emphasizing. One is that the new move
ment has united more Frenchmen than
have voted together for many years. An
other is the Radical Socialist support of
the Gaullists. Long the ruling party, the
Radicals have made a poor showing since
the liberation, but the political experience
they bring to de Gaulle and to the other
amateurs who head the rally" should do
1luC1 10 SIIeISLIen IL. Inc CHlTQ is t1dl
it probably reflects the anxiety Of the mid
die class, larger in France than in any
continental country and gradually being
squeezed out of existence by initiation, low
rations and insecurity.
The working class discomfort which the
Communists exploit is matched by the des-
p~eration of the white collar, professional
and small shopkeeper class. These people
form the France we know best, frugal,
intelligent, skeptical, self-centered, ~self-re-
specting, with kind of cold passion for
personal freedom. In their struggle to sur
vive they nave turned from the Popular
Republican party back to de Gaulle. Most
of them call themselves a little left of
center, and this is the alignment de Gaulle
| claims for himself. He has said repeatedly
that he will not head a party called Right.
It would seem likely that the remnant
of the Popular Republicans will eventual
" ioin this group and that Georges BIZ
dault. their outstanding leader, will con-
tinue as Foreign Minister in any reorgani-
cation of the Government. France is we'll
aware that the solution of her internal
crisis depends on her external relations,
first of all with the United States, and
while the State Department, remembering
mast difficulties, looks with misgivings on
the return of de Gaulle to the International
scene, he is a symbol Of the revolt we
lead, and the Importance OF France in
the QGVClODN1CIlC I'll Ali1Cl1 q pulley In I'LL
rope has never been more clearly recog-
nized than it is today.
In the matter Of emergency aidfor En-
rope the immediate question is one of ele-
mental human survival in a free soceitv
Sen. Arthur H.. V%andenberg (R) of Mi
chigan.
. I have been criticized from all sides. 7
have been called both a Communist and
a traitor to labor. AS long as this situation
continues suspect I am doing an Impartial