Evening star., 1947-09-26

on u. >. FOf
serious problem to administrative
boards unrestrained by definite stat
utes and unrestrained by court re-
view. That domestic policy derided
government Of law, and glorified
a government Of men unrestrained
by law or justice to individuals.
I believe our most creditable ef-
forts have been that of establishing
the United Nations, and the new
inter-American treaty. There we
have made serious attempt to
keep our promises. There we have
created forum in which the prob
lens of the world likely to lead to
war can be discussed and brought
out into the open, and at least par
TALLY solved. The American
treaty, credit for which must 70 to
Secretary Marshall and Senator
Vendenberg, offers even more hope
OF future peace. Il sets an example
which may ultimately be extended
to the entire world.
Even in the United Nations Char
ter. however, and particularly in its
first draft, we forgot about justice
and turned to force as the basis of
peace. All Of the emphasis Is on
the powers Of the Security Council
to police the world. The Charter
Is not based primarily on a system
Of law or the administration Of jus-
tice. It's plan is like one of setting
up vigilantes to punish crime with
out a criminal code. The Security
Council is required to make such
decisions in its final use of force
as will maintain peace and security,
without any express reference to
justice. OF course, the two are not
synonymous.
Security Council Theory.
In theory, the Security Council,
acting in full compliance with the
Charter. could take territory from
one nation to which it Justly be-
longed and give it to another be-
cause it felt that such action would
produce peace. Thus, Mr.. Cham
berlatn agreed to the transfer of
Sudetenland to Germany. In theory
the Security Council might find that
the destruction of an entire nation
would tend to a more peaceful
world. Poland, for instance, has al
ways been bone Of contention be-
tween other nations. BY substitute
ing the maintenance of peace and
security by force for law and Jus
tlce, we authorized the basing of de-
cislons on expediency, and for ex-
pediency there are no rules which
cannot be changed to fit the facts
OF the particular case.
1t Is astonishing that the ORIGINAL
draft Of the Charter at Dumbarton
Oaks contained practically no ref
erence to justice whatsoever.
Through Senator Vandenberg's
strenuous efforts, numerous refer
ences to justice were inserted In the
final draft, but I do not believe that
they extend to the Security Council
In Its use Of force. The new en-
phasis on justice will certainly jus
tify us in using our veto power
whenever we think 1t necessary to
prevent unjust decisions. BY that
course I believe we can develop a
practice in accord with ideas of
law and justice.
In the long run, however, peace In
this world can only be affected by
a law agreed to by all nations, q
court to interpret that law, and a
police force to enforce the law. Un-
til that occurs 1t is hard to see how
we can surrender our veto except
IN limited fields covered by very
specific definitions. Yet, as long as
the great nations retain their veto
power the Security Council cannot
prevent q major war.
Dealings In Economics.
The dealings OF the 'administra-
ton In the foreign economic field
have certainly not tended to pro-
oilce world stability. We hastened
into theoretical plan for an inter-
national fund and an International
Bank costing us $4,000, ,000, ,000
We were assured 1t would bring eco
nomic stability to the world. Even
assuming its principles were sound,
which I have always questioned, it
was a complete waste of funds to
set it up before we had created a
world In which 1t could effectively
operate.
Subsequently we found that the
Breton Woods agreement did moth
ing whatever to meet the real crisis
in Europe, and contrary to the as
surances Of the Treasury at the time
we were considering Breton Woods,
we had to make a direct loan to
Great Britain. Now we see that that
loan failed largely Of its purpose.
In the Breton Woods agreement,
we forced the British Empire to
agree to give UP various established
trade relations which they consid-
cred essential for their own eco
nomic life. No doubt our planners
thought we were benefltting the
world, but the British feel we were
forcing them to buy American prod
ucts they did not desire.
In the British loan agreement, we
insisted upon sterling being made
convertible into dollars. It proved
to be the last blow to the British
economy. We have created the i'm
preston that we are desirous- of
forcing American economic control
over the entire world and particu-
larly imposing on all nations the
Hull Clayton theory of free trade.
don't think the charges are remotely
justified, but they come about from