The Wilmington morning star., 1947-02-15
TODAY

Continued From Page One

ca well founded that they can with
stand the disrupting effect OF al
economic crisis i n British recon
struction and a forced liquidatlor
for lack of man power ane
money-of many of Britain's i'm
periai and strategic commitments
abroad. .
Since the Roosevelt-Churchll
neriod ended, British-Amerlcan re
istions have seemed to be closer
than they ever were. But IN 1ac'
these relations have been eX
tremely superficial. concerned WIZ
the transitory incidents OF Worlc
politics, mainly when there wa
friction with Russia, rather Una
With the deeper interests and DE
velopments of the two countries
more a matter of teamwork IRON
day to day among professional
diplomats than of understanding
bv the heads of states and by Ine
two governments as a Whoie.f OF
q long time neither in London MOI
in Washington has there been tn
kind of consultation which was
carried on by Roosevelt ano
Churchill, Lothian, Wlnant, hop
kins. Marshall, Dill. Hallfax'
Keynes Brand, and consultation
which dealt with the deep strains
and differences that have to De
resolved continuously II the pai'-
nership is to work.
The realities of the BRUSH
American problem have been
CLOSED over by the solidarity
which has existed in opposing
Soviet expansion. This solidarity is
bound to be fragile. For when two
powers work together only because
they are opposed to a third they
can be separated and will diverge
whenever the third power relaxes
its pressure. This in the last anal
ysis was the fallacy OF Mr..
Churchill's Fulton speech, which,
though it was eve formally
avowed by either government, was
an indiscreet statement OF the
working thesis of the Bevin-Byrnes
| collaboration. This collaboration
depended upon the Russians con-
tinuing to employ aggressive tao
| tics and not upon an understand
ing about the postwar difficulties
in Britain, in the empire, and
ir America.
In SO far as Russia alters her
tactics and for the time being re-
ouces the pressure at critical
points such a S Trieste, the Oar
danelles, Austria, Iran, Manchurla,
which she shows many signs OF
doing, the real postwar difficulties
of the two English-speaking powers
emerge. They cannot be passed
over on the easy assumption that
a common front against Russian
imperialism is the answer to the
immense problem of the British
Empire, and OF Americas role in
its liquidation a n d reorganization.
For if that problem is not met, if
the policy of the two governments
is not thoroughly prepared in ad-
vance, if the measures they take
as the situation becomes critical
are too little and too late, we shall
all pay a heavy price for having
assumed that the British-Ameri-
can partnership S more strongly
founded than it is.
The terms of a genuine under
standing would, l imagine, have
to take account of the fact that
the British postwar crisis will de-
velop some years before the Amer
lean post = war crisis. For the
British start with Inadequate
means of production, which a be
made adequate only by a greater
investment of capital than they
themselves can now supply. We
| start with abundant means of pro-
uction, which though now fully
employed because of accumulated
savings, W i become super-abun-
dant when the immediate postwar
demand is satisfied. When that
time comes, and our own crisis
the 1929 of the second World War
begins to develop, we shall be
disposed, as We are not now, to
seek reliee by the export of capital.
That capital, if it could be ex-
ported now. would prevent the i'm
pending British crisis. But by that
time it may be too late, since the
British crisis may have run its
course and may have produced its
historic worldwide consequences
which cannot be undone. This in
it's barest but controlling essentials
appears to be the problem to
which the two countries need to
devote their attention.
A forced liquidation of even
some of the British imperial and
strategic commitments, made nee
essary by an economic crisis in
some of the most turbulent areas
of the world. No one can calculate
the consequences of the ensuing
disorder. But we may be certain
that it would usher in a e epoch
in human affairs. which we are
not now even theoretically pre-
pared to cope with.
For the history of empires, the
old Chinese, the Turkish, the Aus
TRAN, the Czarist, tells us that the
period of their dissolution is an
extraordinarily dangerous period
not only for them but for the
whole world. The struggle over the
succession to an old empire has
never been settled without war.
We are not doubt that the liqui-
dalton of the British Empire, which
is = of the great historic events
OF u age, will involve this coun-
try most especially and most pro.
foundry.