The Wilmington morning star., 1947-06-17
The Truman Doctrine
BY ANNE O'HARE MCCORMICK


IT is pretty late to begin taking the prelim-
mary steps toward the program OF coordlnat-
ed and cooperative European reconstruction
Secretary Marshall proposed in his address
at Harvard. After the national debate on the
Greek-aid appropriation brought out that the
shakiness of one country, undermined from
within and without, represented only a small
segment OF a continental condition, the State
Department set up a policy-planning board,
a board of political strategy, to survey the
terrain as a whole and work out a plan Of
campaign, or a line of policy. that will relate
each move to the overall objective as well
as the means at our disposal, and prevent
frittering away the resources, the prestige
and above all the popular support Of the Unit
ed States in piecemeal, improvised and in
adequate operations.
This study is still in the initial stages. 1t
was no sooner under way, however, when the
sheer size of the undertaking overshadoWed
is other aspects. Nobody had quite estimated
the war damages to that continent which was
the main battlefield until it became clear that
he billions thrown in since the military truce
are Woefully insufficient to prime the pump
OF recovery or to give natlonS-meanlnS peo-
ple-the faith in the future which makes them
work for the future. For people do not care
enough to fight for the form OF government
they would choose to live unoer unless they
are sure they are going to live.
Every word now coming out of Washing
ION. from Mr.. Marshall down, indicates that
the policy makers are staggered by the task
before us. The first general view of the range
and cost o. implementing the Truman Doc
trine opens up the most SOLDERING prospect
this Government has ever been called on to
face. The Harvard speech represented the
Secretary's considered second thoughts on the
subject. 1t was not a retreat: rather it was a
restrained but firm reaffirmation Of the
American purpose-what might be called a
development of the doctrine in that it explain
ed it in the large sense in which it is now
conceived while at the same time endeavor-
ing to put it in terms of The possible.
This restatement recognized two things;
first, that the United States alone could not
Il it should build up the economy of Europe.
We are not rich enough for that. Perhaps it is
a blessing that no single country, even the
richest. possesses the means to solve a prob
lem of such magnitude. 1t is bad enough. for
ourselves and the rest of the world, that the
levels OF wealth are as unequal as they are.
If this abnormal contrast continues and sharp
ens-as it is sharpening-it is the mountain
that will be laid low and not the valleys
that wi. be filled up.
Britain, Sweden, Holland, Australia, nearly
all the countries that sustain the economic
edifice we desire to maintain, are saying
gravely today what Hitler was shouting yes
terday: I'VE must export or die" But the
time has come when the United States must
import or die. Grand this is the same thing
it must watch the death of the declining
system on which American life and prosper
ity turn.
The second thing is that this country should
not if it could try to save Europe alone.
European recovery is dependent On the re-
lease and use Of its own abundant skills, ener-
gies and resources. To assume that the re-
construction can be planned, directed, or ex-
clusively financed by us is to imagine a role
that is unreal, because it can't be done. UNI
popular because it spreads resentment, and
destructive because it negates the conception
Of Europe as an integrated economy and
group OF stable, independent states. Never has
it seemed so vital to American interests to
restore that concept.
The response in Britain and other Western
countries is evidence that they accept the
Marshall proposal as a welcome challenge to
heir own initiative. Reliable reports from
London indicate that the British Government
plans to call other governments together this
summer to consider a joint program of self
nelp, something like a four : year recovery
plan. which this country would help under
write if convinced that the investment would
benefit the economy of the whole continent.
The United Nations Economic Commission for
Europe has ben struggling with the prob
lem. 1t has the facts and figures. and this
spark may give its heretofore ~fruitless dis
cLsslons life and urgency.
Until now knowledge of the needs. even
the grim spectacle OF the progressive darken-
ing OF the picture, has not evoked any broad
gagged policy to deal with the European
crisis. The political obstacles to economic
salvation are as hard to overcome as the
seven deadly sins. Even our big stake-the
borrowed dollars that support our export busi-
ness-will be lost unless the whole structure
is saved.
A plan of cooperative action is imperative
on every count. Listening to the talk of sur
veys and conferences, one wonders if there
is time enough left to escape the consequences
Of waiting so long. We talk fast, and the
Soviet Government talks slowly. It stalls me-
gotiations, dwells interminably on pif1ing
points of argument. But it acts swiftly. i,,st
now it is organizing southeastern Europe into
a tightly integrated economic and political
nloc, completely controlled from Moscow
with a speed and finality that make the wis.,
full and nebulous talk about a Western bloc
sound like the outline Of a plot for An IN
produced play. What will be left ~ F,1rons
Unless there is quick action on the M.rsha 7
olan? New York Times.