The Wilmington morning star., 1947-04-16
Watering Weeds
OF Suspicion
By ANNE o'HARE MCCORMICK

By ANNE O'HARE MCCORMICK
The conference Of the international Trade
Organization is not as dramatic as the Coun-
Gil Of Foreign Ministers. But in many re-
spects the meeting in Geneva is as important
as the meeting in Moscow. 1t also repre-
sents a contest Tor the survival Of economic
freedom in a world Of widening and tighten
ing government controls over trade. The signit-
icant feature of this contest is that Russia is
not present. The countries represented belong
for the most part to the Western world. They
are in the main anti-totalitarian, so the su.
preme political issue Of our time does not di-
vide them. Nevertheless the outlines OF a
deepening economic schism are apparent -
between the American free enterprise system
and the trend toward state socialism.
Moscow is the scene Of high-power. bargain
ing in slow motion for stakes so great that the
almost imperceptible advances and retreats
are watched with breathless interest. The re-
ports bring little sense OF the reactions Of
the Russian audience; for the distant specta-
tor it is like a stage in an empty theatre.
But people elsewhere follow the action. They
understand that control Of Germany is the is
sue. Collapsing Europe makes them mere
aware than their leaders were two years ago
that the mastery of Germany means the mast
cry of the Continent, and the mastery Of the
continent is the first step toward domination
OF the world.
Certainly the Soviet Government is absorb
ed, not TO say obsessed, by Europe. This is
the big surprise OF the postwar period. The
political strategists Of the war shared the gen.
eral opinion that Russia's main interest was
in Asia. 1t was clear at Teheran and Yalta
that Stain was determined to erect his own
Gordon ~sanitaire in the West, but Roosevelt
and Churchill were convinced that the main
drive Of Soviet expansionism would be direct
ed eastward. Perhaps it would have been if
the westward drive had not been a pushover,
or if the Russians had not discovered the
fascinating potentialities Of Europe. Obviously
Moscow sees in that weakened but highly or
gained, industrialized continent a fulcrurn of
power imcomparably more useful than the
amorpnous masses of Asia. The emphasis on
vast reparations out of current production in
Germany for years to come and the economic
policy pursued in ali the satellite countries
show that Russia aims to integrate the Euro
pean economic system into her oWn.
1t is the focus for Henry Wallace. The
trouble with his campaign is not merely that
it Is designed to weaken confidence abroad
in the good faith Of the United States. Ex-
coriating his own Government for taking on
the job the British Labor Government begged
us to assume after carrying it to the present
point "reactionary regime, collaboration
list generals and all - may make his praise
Of Britain convincing to the opponents Of Be-
vim but hardly to the Laborites hitherto re-
sponsible for Greece.
Whether his British audiences will accept
him as the spokesman Of President Roosevelt
against his successor, and as the representa-
tive Of ''25, 600, 600 Americans who voted for
Roosevelt" is a more serious question. Mr..
Wallace assumes a great deal when he pre-
tends TO know what the late President would
think if he were alive. Mr.. Roosevelt was a
pragmatic and flexible = minded statesman.
Like all leaders of any account and any
sense Of responsibility, his views changed as
circumstances suggested new appraisals. His
views on Russia changed in the course of the
war. Nobody can be sure what they would be
today, but it is certain that they were in pro-
cess OF changing again when he died,
But the chief mischief Mr.. Wallace can do
is to water the suspicious Of the United
States that grow like weeds in the poisoned
and impoverished soil Of Europe. He can cast
doubt on every effort we make to help our
embittered friends and former foes to get on
their feet. He can confirm the enemies Ct
democracy when they mock our use Of that
word. He can besmirch the motives OF Ameri-
cans who accept new burdens unwillingly be-
cause they feel that power and wealth i'm
pose unavoidable responsibilities. He can tear
down the symbol that still means something
to millions who have nowhere else to look for
hope and freedom.
A nation that lives on an economic level
above the rest of the world is not much loved
by nations down below. The Well-fed are not
very popular among the hungry poor. They
are glat to hear an American giving tongue
to their smoldering envy OF America. Our
part is to walk carefully among the weak and
the wounded, convincing them that as a world
power our sincere purpose is to expand, not
our own frontiers, but the frontiers of free
dom; to clear the ground of the embers OF
war in order to lay the foundations Of peace.
All this shows up very clearly at Geneva.
The test we face at the International Trade
Conference is even harder than the challenge
Of Moscow. At Geneva the purpose is to de-
velop ways and means to revive m
among nations with different economic struc-
lures. Although Russia is absent, we are about
the only nation present that clings to private
enterprise in the pre-war sense. Peace de-
ponds more on adjustments in this field than
on political settlements, and as the most
flo,lrishing economic system, here again we
have to lead the way. The underlying forces
making for agreement are compelling - SO
strong, one delegate said, that "only if the
United States acts like the Russia of the
economic world" can the effort break down
New York Times.