The Wilmington morning star., 1947-05-03
TODAY
and
'rOMORROW OR
BY WALTER LIPPMANN

BY WALTER LIPPMANN
Secretary Marshalls account o1
the arguments at Moscow ended
with the statement that Europe
is sinking while the doctors de-
liberate' and that therefore "ac'
ton cannot await compromise
through exhaustion. At this point
Mr.. Dulles, speaking the next
evening, began to tell that part
of the story which Secretary Mar
shall, for the best of reasons, O.
n1itted. The two speeches have to
be read together, the Marshall
speech for a sober objective ac-
count of the arguments in the co.1-
ference, the Dulles speech for a
broad indication of how American
policy is shaping up.
| American policy has, however i.
not yet taken shape. It is only
shaping up. We must take, said
Mr.. Marshall, without delay
whatever action is possible" to
meet the pressing problems" of
European "disinte grafton. But
since. we are not yet clear about
what action is possible, Secretary
Marshall, who must take the &C
ton, abjured all the large gen :
eralizations and rhetorical pro-
misses which have so often in the
past served as a counterfeit for a
policy, a plan, and a program OF
action.
The heart of the difficulty is
that western Europe is a highly
industrialized area which cannot
in itself become self-supporting
and solvent. Though we may be
able, as Senator Vandenberg sug-
gests, to agree on a political set
tlement with the Western ccun :
tries and have "a peace program
which at least unites those who
can agree" the economy of west
ern Europe, including western
Germany, can be kept going only
as long as the Western Hemi-
sphere is able and willing to meet
the international deficit of all of
western Europe.
This could be done for a while.
But not forever. 1t will have to be
done until the Soviet Union as =
sents to a general European set
tlenent, which permits eastern
Europe (not merley eastern Ger
many to reunite with western
Europe. 1t will have to be done
in order to induce, and in some
measure to compel, the Soviet
Union to agree to a general Eu-
ropean settlement. But it is plain
that our delegation has come
hack from Moscow without any
illusions as to how difficult, how
costly, and perhaps how danger
Gus, such a policy is bound to be.
In working out this policy Of
action that cannot await COM
promise through exhaustion, the
spirit and purpose which animate
the Administration n d Congress
are of paramount importance. If
it is undertaken in the spirit Of an
ti-Communist crusade. and for
the purpose of uniting the demo-
cratic states against the totali-
tartan, the chances of success are
negligible. The resistance genera
ted not only in Moscow but all
over Europe will defeat us.
If, on the other hand, we act in
the spirit which Marshall and
Dulles reflect, our action in west
er Europe can be designated to
unite rather than to divide the
whole of Europe. For We have the
resources to stimulate such re-
vival Of western Europe that the
profit and advantage of collabo
rating with it will be manifest,
an, even compelling, in Prague,
Warsaw, and Moscow.
We are already at the point
where we must consider extraor-
dinary measures of assistance to
the United Kingdom. to France
to Italy. to western Germany. and
to many of the smaller western
European countries. L we are
wise, We shall not wait until the
collapse. which is clearly IN sight
within the next eighteen months,
is upon us.
In acting to forestal this col
lapse, we can afford to have no
illusions. The deficit of the west
ern European countries cannot be
met, as Mr.. McCloy's recent ad-
dress makes clear, by the World
Bank, or by the American b:nk-
ing community. The sums needed
are too large. The transa ctions
are abnormal and altogether out
side ordinary private finance Nor
can the deficit be met by govern
ment loans because in fact these
sums cannot be paid back. They
will have to be contributed as a |
investment in peace and
prosperity. That will mean the
revival in some form or other OF |
wha' was known in war time as
le:1d-lease. A different name for
it may be invented. But that in
fact is what it will have to be.
Now as we face up to the reali-
ties of the burden, our prime con-
sideration must necessarily be,
not how to get the money back,
but how to make that money pro-
mote peace and prosperity. 1t will
not do that l believe, if we allo-
cate our contributions to each Eu-
ropean government separately.
That will merely put them all on
the dole, whereas what is needed
is Z reorganization of the bank
rupt economy of Europe, and
then, to make the reorganiza ton
succeed, a large contribution