The Wilmington morning star., 1947-02-25
AS Pegler Sees 1t
BY wEsTBKOOK PEGLER
Copyright by King Features Syndicate, Inc

TIE morality of the Roosevelt government
flowed from Roosevelt himself. He demanded
and got his price from Al Smiths rich friend,
john Raskob, before he would consent to run
for governor of New York in 1873, out told
the Irish Catholics of Boston in 1914 that he
did this as a favor to his friend. Smith. He
used the presidential office to gyp John Hart
ford of s196, 900 to defray the alHnony oolga-
tons of his son, Elliott. He helped himself
to philatelic ~rareties which redounded to the
profit of his heirs.
This being the standard of the regime, the
matter o. Henry Morgenthau's diaries and
recordings of conversations covering his II
years as Secretary of the Treasury presents
no new problem. He only honored the ex-
ample of a man for whom his regard ap-
preached reverence. Had he refralned on
grounds of propriety he would have implied
a criticism of his fuehrer.
Harold Ickes cannot be said to have looked
to Roosevelt for example and Justification,
however. He is an independent operator, con-
firmed in his own concepts. 1t was only coin
cidence that associated him with a president
who regarded public office as a private per
quisite.
There are many phases of the case Of the
diaries.
All others aside, there is the fascinating
possibility of Intimidation, personal and poll
teal, inherent in the Scrupulous recording o.
conversations In WHICH one pelS hloWo Adt
his remarks are being taken down and there
fore is On guard while the other or several
| others express themselves without restraint.
We don't know whether visitors were warned
Or not but l know l never was. However. l
may not have been recorded. One OF Morgen-
thau's assistants early n the game, Tor mis-
own protection, took to writing memoranda
to himself lest his version OF any matter be
challenged. Ar issue of correctness arose con-
corning a conversation which the two of them
had with Roosevelt one day. Morgenthau's as
sistant was able to confront him with a slight
ing remark by Roosevelt about Jews.
The record should show this.
The very titles of the cabinet offices, except
those of the Attorney General and the Post
master General, bespeak confidence. They are
all "secretaries'' of this or that and it must
be assumed that the founding fathers selected
these designations deliberately. They are not
ministers although they might have been
so called.
Obviously a Cabinet officer comes by much
confidential information, some of it scaada-
lous and detrimental to individuals. He may
be guided by it in running his office, but he
also has the power to use it however he de-
sires later. 1t should be, however, as jim
Farley used to say of confidential matter,
graveyard stuff"
But it would be worse than mere bad man.
ners, it would be treachery. To make a secret
record Of discussions in which one party
speaks freely and impromptu, possibly repeat
ing gossip, as human beings will, or recalling
extra curricular adventures on the town, as
stays do, which is then. preserved in the hands
of one who later may have occasion TO put
him over a barrel.
When a witness appears before a commit
tee OF Congress-, he is, by courteous custom,
allowed to correct his statements before the
record goes to press. Probably he will not
be allowed to alter his story materially, but
not all persons are at home in such appear
ances, so many make mistakes which might
make them seem silly. and these may be
edited. However, they know they are speak
ing for a record, unlike a man who attends
a conference believing that by an informal
conversation it is intended only to examine
ideas and judge personalities. Very early in
the new deal the office of the Secretary O
Labor became a statistical and political bu-
reau just because the rowdy giants of indus
try and the unions couldn't express them
selves in language fit for the stilted propriety
of Madam Perkins.
Both Morgenthau and Ickes had confiden-
tial investigating services at their command
and Morgenthau, at least, had expert cleo
trlclans and wiretappers legally employed
in his department. Such experts inspected his
own nome for electrical recording bugs and
tapping apparatus, a fact which indicates how
sensitive he was to eavesdropping.
A New York paper carried an advertise
ment a few days ago offering electrical secret
recording devices in the pleasant euise of an
innocent machine to preserve the voices of
loved ones. That face upon an evil gadget is
reminiscent OF the Sinking invitations to
fool your friends that were common IN the
rural circulation around the turn of the cen.
fury in the sale Of stage money! This ma
chine takes a record on a wire and, while
such recordings probably are inadmissible as
evidence in court, their power in blackmail
needs no emphasis. 1t may be assumed that
the invention has not been overlooked by the
organizations of professional terrorists oper-
atlng IL and out of New York who have under
taken to silence all nationalist in the Unit
ed States because the Nazis of m were
nationalists. too.
Consider the conduct Of Ickes and some
person unknown who said recently that Ickes
nad carried off with him records enough to
I'LL about 50 filing cases, which may have
been his own property. .
lckes' retort accused this person of hiding
aeh1nd a cowardly anonymity and he was
rlght. The authority who made the statement
prooaoly~ is AFRAID to reveal himself. Ickes
even challenged Julius H. Krug. his successor
IN the Interior Department, to make anything
OF the issue. Mr.. Krug wasn't willing to and
IT Will be noted that Krug was Secretary and
lckes was out last summer, but still Krug let
IckeS go to the National Park at Acadia, Me,
and occupy a house furnished and maintained
by the taxpayers at a "very moderate rent,
even though the park is run at a big loss.
l recall that when I first called on John
hartford in his New York office to discuss
ms permanent loan to Elliott Roosevelt
mere was a card on the wall which read in
bold letters: Not recording"
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