The Omaha guide., 1947-09-20
PREJUDICE IS EXPENSIVE
BY Leo Cherne, Executive Sec'y
Research Institute of America,

oy Leu
Research Institute of America,
Whatever the nature and how
ever far the extent of u parti.
cipation in world affairs, discri-
mination-particularly that dir.
ected against the Negro-is the
heaviest milestone around the
neck Of American foreign policy,
In our effort to prevent Soviet
domination of independent and
democratic nations, a federal law
against discrimination in employ.
ment would, in our Influence
abroad, be worth the sum we
have appropriated under Truman
Doctrine. And so that I may be
completely understood. may ! say
that I intellectually support
I every peaceful effort that will
successfully impede the west
ward march of the Russian pol.
ice state.
There r equally valid day-to
day, dollars-and-cents reasons
right here at home for the elm,
nation of prejudice in employ.
ment. Any Community Of work.
ers that is Disseminated against
in employment is also a com.
munity Of consumers who dis.
eliminates against the purchase
Of American-made goods. Any
man who can't earn can't buy.
The bare subsistence group in
the American community is not
on the market for radios. auto.
mobiles, washing machines, nor
even bathtubs. When the aver.
age salary Of one teacher in
southern elementary schools is
only 80 per cent Of that of
another teacher, quite obviously
that teacher is only 60 per cent
the purchaser. He provides only
three-fifths the economic stimu.
lation to our total society tina.
he is capable Of.
In the rural south, the Negro
family's income is only one-half
that of his white neighbor. In
the southern city it is only one.
third as large. In the north. the
average white family's income is
almost go per cent. 1t is estimat-
ed that in the south 80 per cent
of all Negroes fall into the low
est income bracket as compared
to less than IS per cent of the
white population; and while in
a normal year Is per cent of the
white population will earn over
$4,000, only one-tenth Of l per
cent Of the Negroes will do so.
If other words, Americas
magnificent productive capacity
and its even more remarkable
standard Of living are not shared
by one in ten of our citizens.
Furthermore, the costs Of dis
elimination in terms of product.
ivity, although diffuclt to meas
ure, are substantial. When an en-
ployer is limited in his choice Of
qualified employees to certain
racial Or religious groups, he can
not always choose the most skill
ed man for the Job. Every time
he must hire the poorer man,
productivity suffers and costs Of
production r increased. Like
wise, when a skilled mechanic
must take a job as a servant,
the community suffers a double
loss. Not only is his productive
capacity unutilized, but our in
vestment in bis education is vast
ed.
No economist can precisely in
cate the dollar-and-cents cost of
certain aspects of discrimination.
But We do know that the follow
ing conditions involve an enor-
nous national cost.
The Negroes average life is ten
years shorter than that of the
white population. Three times
more Negro than white women
die in childbirth. Illness and dis
ease do not confine themselves
conveniently within color groups.
Wherever the death rate for the
Negro is highest, so too does the
uedln rate rise o n members
of the white race. In those states
in which infant mortality among
the Negroes is greatest, the
deaths of infant white children
are greatest. There are many
times when an economist wishes
he could actually compute the
dollars-and-cents value to our ma.
ton of a single life. We know
that life has a value. A live
person works, buy, builds, ex-
pands, stimulates every face of
our economic activity. To the ex
tent that we fail to protect the
lives Of any group, we diminish
the fruits Of our society and the
share of each Of us lin them.
All the factors add up to an