Evening star., 1947-03-24
West Germany Seen
As Vital Battlefield in
Fiqht on Communism
By NewboId Noyes, Jr.
Stor SfoH Correspondent

ica's economic fight against the
further spread of communism,
Western Germany is as much a
part of the battlefield as Greece
and Turkey. Perhaps a more
important part.
Conference of Foreign Ministers
talks about the economic side of the
German problem can not be prop
erly understood except in this light.
In theory the ministers started dis
cussing political matters only last
Friday. In the German picture,
however, are deeper political con-
siderations than those developed in
their last two sessions. No one has
spoken openly about them. But
they have run beneath the discus
sions during these first two weeks
like a strong, silent underground
stream.
Now, while the conference is tax
ing q day off to find out where it
stands, is a good time to think
about them.
Referred to by Marshall.
Secretary of State Marshall has
come closest of any Of the ministers
to mentioning these considerations
directly. That was when, talking
about reparations, he opposed bur-
dening the Germans Ito the extent
that democratic government could
not hope to survive"
These words have a familiar
sound. Two weeks ago President
Truman called on America to do
what it can economically to give
democratic government the hope OF
survival in countries threatened
with the imposition of totalitarian
Communism. Because Greece and
Turkey were Immediately threat
ened he asked for immediate aid to
these two countries.
Obviously we have a similar stake
in promoting our kind Of democra-
cy in that part of Germany where
Communism still has not been I'M
posed-that Is, Western Germany.
Threat of Hopelessness.
There, as in Greece, democracy S
chances of taking hold depend
greatly on economic well being OF
the people. In Germany, as every
where else in the world today, the
greatest threat to the survival OF
freedom is hopelessness, child OF
misery and idleness.
To strengthen democracy in
Greece we know we must produce
a psychology of hope in that coun-
try. We must do the same in Ger
many.
This doesn't mean we ought to
keep pouring money into the Reich.
Western Germany Is potentially
rich area. 1t shouldn't need money.
What 1t does need, from our point
of view, is chance to get its peace
time industry functioning again so
as to maintain reasonable mini
mum standard Of living for its peo-
pie without dole from us.
We must therefore resist all at
tempts to drag Germany down eco
nomically, to saddle her with obli-
cations which she can only meet at
the sacrifice Of reasonable living
standard for her people.
Must Have Going Economy.
From our point of view 1t is proper
for the Allies to limit stringently
the development of heavy industries
which might enable Germany to
devastate the world again. But
within these limitations from our
point of view, she must be free to
build going economy that can ana
does sustain her people. This must
be the German hope.
Such a view is in the nature OF
things for us. 1t is not, explicitly,
our policy" There are plenty OF
other arguments that can be made
for the things we want in Germany
and against things we don't want.
They are honest arguments so far
as they go.
But when we talk about the level
OF industry, the import-export pro-
gram, the necessity for economic
unity in Germany or the reparations
problem, we cannot but think of
these things in terms of their po-
ntical effect. In terms, that Is, OF
how they will bear on the chance
of the Germans to work out their
problems as free men.
Idea Not New to Nation.
This is no new idea with us, al
though enunciation Of the so-called
Truman doctrine" points it up.
We have long been thinking in
these terms.
On December II, 1945, for ex-
ample, Secretary of State Byrnes
made a statement emphasizing that
in setting a postwar level for Ger
man industry under the Potsdam
agreement we had merely been de-
Gliding what part of the German
industrial plant could be removed
In reparations. We weren't, he said
agreeing to hold down the German
economy permanently.
We would limit its direction-we
would agree to keep Germany dis
armed. But we wouldn't establish
controls designed to depress the
German standard Of living below
the European average.
We would also agree tnat Ger
many must pay reparations for the
damage she has done. But we have
wanted this payment to be a quick
one, once and for all, and made out
of capital. Germany must be free,
we have said, to develop her peace
full economy as fast as she can after
she has made the payment.
This idea behind our approach tc
the economic problem in Germany
of course has its equal but opposite
bearing on the views of the Rus
slams. They talk about it even less
than we do. But the Russian lead.
ers understand very well how the
psychology of hopelessness in Other
lands plays into their hands.
Soviet Rearguard Action.
Since the end of the war hel
diplomats have fought a brilliant
rearguard action against peace Of
the sort which could help stabilize
the world economically. giving rea
hope to suffering millions Of Eu-
rope and Asia. If there is hope
these people may be inclined to Try
- 1.S.. t,-,od and frnnIry,o of fhe