Evening star., 1947-03-13


nations were being sacrificed to a
greed for power in other parts of the
world, warned: LET no one imagine
that America will escape" II the ag-
gressors have their way. And now
another President, explaining his
appeal for measures to curb the po-
litical aggression of the Soviet I'm
ion, finds it necessary to say: "This
is no more than q frank recognition
that totalitarian regimes imposed
on free peoples, by direct or indirect
aggression, undermine the founda-
tions OF international peace and
hence the security of the United
States"
Mr.. Roosevelt's words fell on deaf
ears The late Senator Borah saw in
the Chicago speech "just another
case of Great Britain expecting every
American to do his duty" Others
were Indifferent or actively hostile
And in the end Mr.. Roosevelt was
shouted down; nis warning went un-
needed. But what Mr.. Truman aptly
calls the swift movement Of events"
was not checked by American indif-
ference. Within less than two years
after the quarantine speech the
world was engulfed in the beginning
of the most devastating war in
history
So now, as Mr. Truman appeals to
the intelligence of the American
people, he finds much support for his
position in relatively recent expert
ence. Those who feel a sense of be-
wilderment by this turn of events,
who find themselves in the grip of
indecision, would do we'll to remem-
ber that we have been over this
ground before, and that World War
II followed speedily upon our un-
willingness to face the truth dec
ade ago and stand out against ag-
gression while there remained some
hope that timely and effective ac-
ton would prevent war.
Admittedly, our choice today is a
devils choice, an inescapable choice
between evils, There is risk Ia what.
ever we do, and that being the case,
the only rational thing is to choose
the course that is least dangerous.
The argument in behalf Of the
policy advocated by Mr.. Truman can
be boiled down to this: There can be
little hope of avoiding third world
war unless, eventually, the United
States can come to a dependable
and comprehensive agreement with
Russia. That will take long time
and it will be realized only as the
urge of men for freedom asserts it
self even within Russia, a process
which we hope will force the Soviet
government to give the Russian peo-
pie a greater and growing voice IN
the shaping of their own destiny.
For it is inconceivable that the
Russian people, given freedom of
choice, would look with any greater
favor on war than would the people
of this country. The prospects for
this emancipation of the Russian
people will be set back, however, If
the present Soviet regime is permit
ted through our default to exercise
effective. domination over Europe
and Asia. For in that event Russia
would be much stronger, relatively,
than she is now, and the men who
determine policy In the Soviet Union
would have correspondingly less in
centive to come to decent terms with
U.s.
Consequently, under this line of
reasoning, our best course. In our
own interest, is to move into the
areas which have been exposed, and
which will continue to be exposed,
by the collapse of British power. If
we do not do this, the Russians will.
And as the Russians move in, be it
in Greece, Turkey or elsewhere,
there will be an end to freedom and
even to hope. Then, indeed, will we
be isolated, not by intelligent choice
but by the inexorable pressure of
events.
To meet this threat the President
has made relatively modest propos-
ais. The things which he asks should
be granted, and without delay. But
these proposals, as he has said, deal
with only one aspect of the situa-
ton. We should not beguile our
selves with the belief that $500, ,000,-
900 for Greece and Turkey can buy