Evening star., 1946-02-17
By Gould Lincoln


tending from the Baltic states on the
north, down through the Balkans, and
is seeking to enfold Greece and Iran,
and even Italy. This throws the British
into position where they must seek
strong ally in Western Europe France
If she can be rebuilt into position of
strength, and into reliance on her own
empire and the United States.
This is disquieting picture. However,
If the leading delegates of the great
powers-the United States, Britain and
Russia-are to be believed, their coun-
tries are in earnest in their endeavor to
make of the United Nations a real going
concern to which all nations may look
for justice and security.
No more ringing declaration could
have been made than that of Prime
Minister Attlee of Britain when he said,
at the opening of the Assembly:
THE United Nations Organization
must become the overriding factor in
foreign policy"
Russian Ambassador Gromyko, speak
ing for the Soviet delegation, was no
less emphatic in asserting that agree
ment of peaceful settlement of all
international disputes must become the
rule and not the exception.
"All nations, large and small" Mr..
Gromyko said, addressing the Assembly,
ARE interested in seeing stable peace,
and in preventing repetition of ag-
gression." He concluded with declara-
tion that the Russian delegation would
do all in its power to make this first
meeting of the United Nations success.
The Russians, as a matter of fact,
have lived up to that pledge. They
have had their victories and their de-
feats-and the latter they have taken
in good part. One of the most tickliSh
of the problems which arose in London
was the complaint made against the
Russians by the Iranians, who charged
that the Soviet forces in Iran had
interferred with the internal affairs of
Iran-specifically, had denied the Iran
ian government the right to send more
troops into AZerbaijan in the north of
Iran to quell insurrection.
Presents Real Test.
Here was a real test, not only of
Russia's willingness to cooperate in the
new organization but also of the Security
Council itself, and its effectiveness.
Here was dispute between a great
power and a small power thrown into
the lap Of the Council within a week
after its creation Obviously it was
not matter which could be ignored
without the UNO losing prestige in the
eyes of the world.
1t was thoroughly debated-with heat
on both sides, generated particularly by
the large Mr.. Bevin, British Foreign
Minister, and the emphatic Mr. vishin-
sky, Deputy Foreign Commissar of Rus
Sia. The actual result was a definite
understanding that Russia would nego-
tiate without delay with Iran to settle
the dispute, that report of the progress
of the negotiations would be made to
the Security Council and that if results
were not forthcoming, the Council would
take the matter up again. This is a
sound precedent for the Council. Mr.
Vishinsky was successful in that the
complaint was not made a part of the
continuing agenda of the Council-but
he agreed that if an agreement was not
reached with Iran, the case could be
resumed by the Council.
One of the hopeful aspects of the
handling of the Russo Iranian case lies
in the fact that, though tempers ran
high and at one time it looked as
though there might be definite split,
the split did not happen. Mr.. Bevin
held out an olive branch to Mr.. Vishin-
sky which the Russians accepted, with
the result that the Council acted unani-
mously. Indeed, this ability of the
nations, representatives to come to
agreement was shown on many occa-
sions when there appeared to be serious
riffs.
Even more bitter were the struggles in
the Council over the Russian and
Ukrainian complaints of British troops
in Greece and Indonesia. In the Rus
sian-British issue hot words passed be-
tween Bevin and Vyshinsky. The Soviet
lost its demand for the immediate
withdrawal of British troops from
Greece. The Russians and the Ukrain-
lanS were no more successful in the
Indonesian case-and were voted down
in demand that special commission
be sent to Indonesia to investigate
However, the differences between Russia
and Britain were thoroughly aired and
the Dutch negotiations with the Indo-
nesians were given impetus. Further,
the Russians again appeared as cham
pions of dependent peoples-a roll which
they have sought ever since the San
Francisco days.
Contest Over Secretary.
The nomination of a secretary
general, chief executive officer of the
UNO, was one of the toughest nuts to
crack, particularly in view of the fact
that all of the Big Five-the United
States, Britain, Russia, France and
China-had to agree to bring about a
nomination. The United States having
been picked as the site for the perma-
nent home of the UNO, the struggle
over the Office Of secretary general
developed into contest between Eastern
Europe, dominated by Russia, and West
ern Europe, dominated by Britain. The
situation was easily discernible long
before the delegates assembled, in
London.
Early in the game the British put
forward the idea that an international
figure-like Gen. Eisenhower be
the choice for this high office. The
proposal was originally advanced, it is
true, when the British were still fight