The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990, 1946-04-01
MORE ABOUT
LIPPMAN
FROM PAGE ONE

fore the inhibitions Of individuals
arising out Of patriotism or fear
of prosecution are greatly reduced.
It would cease to be a crime
against the state to help the IN
spectors: it would have become
a crime to obstruct them. In
dividuals who wished to observe
and to enforce the world law on
this subject would have the sup
port, once they had managed to
invoke it, Of the combined power
and influence of all the complying
states. We need not suppose that
the complying states will rely
wholly upon United Nations in
spectors wearing badges to identi-
fly them; they will maintain also
diplomatic and consular agents,
intelligence services, and there
will be spread all over the world
journalists, business men, tourists,
missionaries and students. 1t
would still be theoretically pos
sible, but it would be much more
difficult, for another Hitler to lock
up an anti-Hitlerite or to have him
disappear surreptitiously, without
some word Of it being sent by the
mans family or friends to some
agent or even a mere citizen Of a
complying state.
There is every reason to think
that the international family OF
scientific men would become the
foremost supporters of the interna-
tional agreements we are discuss
ing. These agreements would
recognize, legalize and protect the
established traditions of scientific
men: the agreements would au-
thorize them, invite them and in
duce them to do the very things
that they need to do and must
want to do. Because atomic en-
ergy cannot be developed without
them, they occupy a strategically
controlling position. They are,
therefore, the naturally appointed
guardians Of any system Of inter
national control. They would be
most expertly qualified to draw
conclusions from the reports that
would come in not only from the
formal inspectors but from all
other services of intelligence and
information.
Our agreements will be sound
law not only because their purpose
is good but because they enable
the many scientists and technicians
to serve their own interests and
professional ideals. It is easier to
administer laws like these which
release multitudes of men than
laws which restrict them. Agree
ments of this type would use the
liberty Of the individual to regu-
late the absolutism of the national
state.
All this will become possible if
we found the treaties we propose
to ratify upon the basic principle
that they prescribe rights and
duties not only for states but for
individuals. But if we do not in
troduce this ingredient, as Hanil-
ton called it, then the agreements
will not be laws. They will be
declarations only. For observance
will depend upon the faithful per-
Torrance by all sovereign states,
and enforcement upon the willing
ness and readiness of some states
to wage total war in the name Of
collective security.
Yet our conclusions, however
cogent, would have no practical
Importance if they were merely
theoretical demonstration that
atomic weapons can best be regu-
lated in a certain way. We should
then have just another plan for
the limitation of ornaments, and
we know from the experience of
1919 to 1889 that partial disarma-
ment does not prevent war and
may indeed prove to be a snare
and a delusion for those very ma
tons that put their trust in it. In
the end we must be concerned not
with atomic war but with war,
since we know perfectly well that
the best possible system for regu-
lating bombs will be swept away
if there is another great war. If
there is another war of the giant