Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-05-17
Test of Government

The refusal of the coal miners and
the operators to arbitrate their diff
ferences imposes upon the Govern
ment, as the representative of all
the people, a clear responsibility to
use It's power to safeguard the
national welfare.
1t is suggested that President
Truman proposed arbitration with
little hope or expectation that it
would be accepted, but in the belief
that a refusal to accept would pre-
pare the public mind for seizure of
the mines by the Government. It is
hard to believe that this is the case.
In the first place, there is no need
to prepare the public for Govern
ment action. If there is any present
or prospective criticism of the Gov
eminent, it rests on the ground of
inaction, not of action, in this grave
crisis. Secondly, there is very little
reason to suppose that Government
seizure of the mines would result in
any real solution of the problem
raised by the inability of the con-
tending parties to agree among
themselves and their refusal to sub
nit the dispute to arbitration.
In discussing his arbitration pro-
posal, Mr.. Truman said: The coun-
try is in desperate straits as a result
OF the recent strike of the coal
miners. Coal must be got out Of the
ground. The whole life of the Nation
has suffered from the coal strike
and will suffer increasingly if there
is another stoppage." At the same
time a spokesman for the President
said that seizure of the mines is
the only legal power the Govern
ment has" in event of a complete
breakdown of the negotiations.
Obviously, assuming a continuing
deadlock between the operators and
the miners, this presents a choice
between two alternatives. The Gov
eminent, lacking legal power to deal
effectively with the problem, can
weakly submit to the disastrous con-
sequences which the President saws
will follow another work stoppaee
In the mines. Or the Government
hnaIly recognizing it's duty to act
IN behalf of the whole people. can
equip itself, through action by Con-
greSs and the President, with the
legal power to say to Mr.. Lewis and
the operators, and to all others who
would fight out their disputes at the
expense of the Nation, that private
industrial wars cannot and will not
be tolerated any longer. r
This can and should be done IN
full recognition of the evident fact
that there is a real need in the
mines for some such .nealth and
welfare fund as that demanded bv
Mr.. Lewis. This is not to say that
MI. Lewis or any other labor leader
is privileged to insist upon the ex-
elusive right to determine what the
needs are, how the funds shall be
raised, and how the funds shall he
administered. Nor is any labor
leader privileged to say that the
acceptance of his terms is a condi-
ton precedent to the making of
any contract or, after the expiration
OF truce, the doing of any work
The operators would seem to be on
more reasonable ground in insisting
that this problem is one which calls
for legislative treatment, after a
careful investigation, the objective
being to provide adequate protection
Tor all Workers-not merely miners
whose occupational hazards are such
as to justify special treatment at
public expense.
But this, while important, is not
the immediate problem. The Dues
ton which presses upon us is
whether this Government is going
to function as a government, or
whether it is going to abdicate in
favor of men whose sense of re-
sponslblllty is unequal to the han
ding OF the extraordinary power
conferred upon them by a Govern
ment whose own authority Is now
challenged.