Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-03-01

distrust, which in turn breeds sus.
picion and distrust.
Some suspicious are unfoundet
and unreasonable. OF some other,
that cannot be said. That require.
: frank discussion between grear
powers OF the things that give riss
TO suspicion. At the Moscow Con.
terence there was such frank dis.
cussion. 1t was helpful. But thu
basis OF some suspicious persist.
and prompts me to make some
comments as to our position.
We have Joined with our allie:
In the United Nations to put ar
end to war We have covenantec
not to use force except in the de.
Iense OF law as embodied in the
; purposes and principles of the
Charter. We intend to live up tc
that covenant.
But as a great power and as a
permanent member of the Security
Council We have a responsibility to
use our influence. to see that other
powers live up to their covenant
And that responsibility we also in
tend to meet.
Unless the great powers are pre-
pared to act in the defense of law
the United Nations cannot prevent
war. We must make it clear In ad-
vance that we do intend to act to
prevent aggression, making it clear
at the same time that we will not
use force for any other purpose.
Power Relationships.
The great powers are given spe-
clal responsibilities because they
have the strength to maintain peace,
II they have the will to maintain
peace. Their strength in relation
TO one another Is such that no one
OF them can safely break the peace
If the others stand united in defense
of the Charter.
The present power relationships of
the great states preclude the DOM
nation of the world by any one of
them. Those power relationships
cannot be substantially altered by
the unilateral action of any one
great state without profoundly dis
turbing the whole structure of the
United Nations.
Therefore, If we are going to do
our part to maintain peace in the
world we must maintain our power
to do SO, and we must make it clear
that we will stand united with other
great states in defense of the Char
ter.
If we are to be a great power we
must act as great power, not only
IN order to insure our own security
but in order to preserve the peace
of the world.
Much as we desire general dis
armament and much as We are pre-
pared to participate in a general re-
duction of ornaments, we cannot
be faithful to our obligations to
ourselves and to the world if we
alone disarm.
While it is not in accord with our
traditions to maintain large pro-
fessional standing Army, we must
be able and ready to provide armed
contingents that may be required on
short notice. We must also have a
trained citizenry able and ready to
supplement those armed contingents
without unnecessarily prolonged
training.
Calls for Universal Training.
That is why in the interest of
peace we cannot allow our military
establishment to be reduced below
the point required to maintain a
position commensurate with our re-
sponsibilities, and that is why we
must have some form of universal
military training.
Our power thus maintained cam
not and win not be used for agrees
sive purposes. Our tradition as a.
peace-loving, law-abiding, demo-
cratic people should be an assurance
that our force will not be used ex-
cept in the defense of law. Our
armed forces except as they may be
called into action by the Security
Council cannot be employed in war
without the consent Of the Congress.
We need not fear their misuse un-
less we distrust the representatives
of the people.
l am convinced that there is no
reason for war between any of the
great powers. Their present power
relationships and interests are such
that none need or should feel in
secure In relation to the others as
long as each faithfully observes the
purposes d principles of the
Charter.
1t is not enough for nations to
declare they do not want to make
war. Hitler said that. In a sense
he meant it. He wanted the world
to accept the domination of total
1tar1an government under his direc.
ton. He wanted that without war
II possible. He was determined to
get 1t with war if necessary.
To Danish war, nations must re-
Train from doing the things that
lead to war.
Belief in Life and Growth.
1t has never been the policy of the
United States in its internal affairs
or in its foreign relations to regard
the status quo as sacroSanct, The
essance OF our democracy is our be-
lief in life and growth and in the
right of the people to shape and
mold their own destiny.
1t is not in our tradition to de-
TEND the dead hand of reaction or
the tyranny of privilege. We did not
fight against the Nazis and Fascists
who turned back the clock of civili-
zation in order that we might stop
the clock of progress.
Our diplomacy must not be mega
tive and inert. 1t must be capable
OF adjustment and development in
response to constantly changing cir
ssTA TEnslT OF THE CONDITION OF THE
PR0vIDENT LIFE INSURANCE
COMPANY