davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02
UNO 'Extraterritorialitv'
By Frederick Palmer

Moving about Washington, from the
Pentagon Building to Capitol Hill the
real interest is in what inside circles
are Saying-but not saying out loud.
Call this self imposed censorship, or
routine official discretion, it conceals
some surprising truth when we are all
hungry for the truth.
Take the example of the indicated
outcome of locating the UNO headquar-
tiers in the United States. Action on the
truth in this case may save scandal.
A secret vote, including State Depart
ment personnel and Congressman,
would show striking reversal of the
common view three months ago.
The StancheSt advocates of the UNO
are shocked; they see its future handi-
capped, If not imperiled, by the state
ment of DR.. Slogan Gavrilovitch Of
Yugoslavia, chairman of the UNO COM
mittee inspecting sites. He wants 40 to
so square miles absolutely under its
control. That is reminiscent of the
kind of extyaterritorial control by for
eign nations of the Chinese ports, which
have now been returned to China.
Did the League of Nations fail because
it had site not one tenth that size in
Geneva for as large a personnel as that
OF the UNO? The Pentagon Building in
Washington would provide Office space
for three times the maximum number
DR.. Gavrilovitch has in mind for the
UNO sccretariat. In the Pentagon the
whole force of the UNO would have
elbow room and be together to facilitate
intimate teamwork for the mighty task
in which all the world prays they will
succeed.
DR.. Gavrilovitch would have all the
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02
This Changing World
By Constantine Bro,On

municated to their respective govern
ments, will form the basis of directives
for the Allied supreme commander.
The veto power, according to some
high-ranking officials of the State De-
partment. will play in our favor in the
Far Eastern Commission. II any of
the nations interested in Japan makes
suggestions which are not to our liking.
we can block them by exercising our
veto. The whole question, of course,
depends on how far we are willing to
exercise this right.
In the meantime, there is some
concern in Washington military quar-
tiers over the fact that the Russians have
not yet disclosed whether and when
they will be willing to send contingents
to share in the occupation and policing
of Japan.
The British troops, some Is, 900 men,
and British naval squadron are al
ready in Japan and have placed them
selves under the orders of Gen. Mac
Arthur, who will designate the areas
under their control.
The Chinese have excused themselves
for the time being because they do not
have sufficient forces available. The
Russians have kept what is described
in high quarters as IAN ominous silence"
x r 4 y
1t is no longer secret that since
the Potsdam Conference the Moscow
government has insisted on sending a
large force to Hokkaido, the northern
most Japanese island near the Kurile
Archipelago.
This we have refused. Gen. Mac
Arthur has insisted on his prerogative
as supreme commander to designate
the place where the Allied armies will
be stationed, and is said to have selected
the southern tip of Honshu for the Red
garrison
The Russians so far have refused to
agree to this selection They insist that
1t is against the policy of the govern
ment to mix members of the Red armies
with soldiers Of other nationalities.
They maintain that the precedent set
IN Germany and Austria, where the
contact between the Russians and other
Allied soldiers are being kept to a
minimum, also should be followed In
Japan.
Gen. Macarthur insists that as su-
preme commander it is up to him to
take care of all forces of occupation
under his command and stationing Of
the Red contingents in Honshu would
not interfere with the "isolationist"
policy of the Russian high command
Actually the whole argument turns
around the fact that the American and
British governments believe the Rus
slams have chosen Hokkaido, which re-
inforces possession Of the Kuriles, be-
cause they intend to occupy Japan
longer than the Americans and British.
Moscow is accustomed to gaining its
point by waiting. According to re-
ports from American military observers.
no Russian forces will participate in the
occupation of Japan until we consent
to their being garrisoned in Hokkaido.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02
Question of Verucity

Edwin w. Pauley, former treasurer
of the Democratic National Commit
tee, post in which he was the
party's principal money-raiser, has
had rather bad time of it during
the Senate Naval Committees in
vestigation of his fitness to be
UnderSecretary of the Navy.
Mr.. Pauley is personally and
financially interested in tideland oil,
title to which is now in dispute
between the Federal Government
and the States. This fact alone
would not necessarily disqualify him
for the post to which he has been
named by President Truman. But
according to witnesses appearing
before the committee, Mr.. Pauley
has tried to use political influence
to dissuade the Federal Government
from pressing it's claim to the tide
lands, and if the members of the
committee and the Senate believe
these witnesses it is difficult to see
how they can vote to confirm Mr..
Pauley.
Another and possibly more i'm
portant issue has emerged from the
hearings, however. Secretary of
Interior Ickes, an advocate of Fed
eral ownership of the tidelands,
testified that Mr.. Pauley, while
treasurer of the National Committee,
came to him and said that he could
raise several hundred thousand dol
lars in campaign contributions from
California oil men if the Government
did not press its claim to title to the
submerged oil lands. Mr.. Pauley
denies having made this statement,
and says that Mr.. Ickes is con
fused" Mr.. Ickes denies that he is
confused, and stands by his original
testimony.
Thus, an issue of veracity is raised
between these two men, one of them
being a member of the Presidents
cabinet and the other being slated,
according to reports, to become
Secretary of the Navy. This must
be- deeply disturbing to President
Truman, who is sponsoring Mr..
Panley, although it was not until
after he had become President that
the Federal Government began really
to press it's present claim to the tide
lands which Mr.. Pauley would leave
under State control. What the
remedy may be is up to the President
and the Senate. 1t is difficult to
escape the conviction, however, that
If Mr.. Truman were to have both
of these men as members of his
official family, he would be as en-
barrassed as the people would be
disillusioned
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02

The Far Eastern Advisory Commits
sion, which changed its name to the
Far Eastern Commission while Mr..
Byrnes was still in Moscow negotiating
new agreements with the u. S. S. r., will
undergo Streamlining and face-lift-
ing as soon as 1t returns to Washington
from its four-weeks visit to Tokyo.
The Soviet government has sent
memorandum to the State Depart
ment indicating that radical changes
must be made in the Commission,
since, in accordance with the Moscow
agreements concerning the Far East,
the commission will be a policy-making
body instead of a mere advisory organ
ization.
This commission was set up in an
advisory capacity after the postpone
ment of the London Conference. It was
given no powers over the Allied su-
preme commander, Gen. Macarthur.
Although the Russians were urged to
send representatives to this tooth
less" organization, they refused to do
so. Moreover, they Withdrew their prin-
cipal diplomatic and military repre-
sentatives from Tokyo. All the efforts
of the State Department to change the
attitude Of the Moscow leaders were
in vain. Inc Advisory Committee met
in Washington several times and, be-
cause they did not heye much work
to do, decided to take a trip to Japan
to have look around
The Moscow agreements drasticaIly
changed the whole situation. A control
council was established in Japan to
work with the supreme commander.
And while he had nominally full pow
ers, the members of the control coun-
Gil had the right to make certain OBJ
Jections which were to be communi-
Gated to the Far Eastern Commission
with headquarters in Washington.
u 80
In accordance with the Moscow
agreements this body has veto power
over some of Gen. MacArthur's policies,
such as changes in the constitution
OF Japan and major changes in the
makeup of the Japanese government.
The Russians, who were fully salts
fed with the new role given the Far
Eastern Commission, Immediately ap-
pointed representatives in the persons
of Andrea Gromyko, Russian Ambas-
sador to the United States, as the
principal delegate, and Counsellor of
Embassy Nevikov as his deputy.
Because of the new and vast powers
vested in this organization, the Soviet
government sent memorandum to the
State Department last month urging
a complete revamping of the commits
sion except in its personnel, matter
which Is Of no concern to the USSR.
But the Soviet government insists that
because of the new functions of this
body, which has become the supreme
policy-maker in Japan, it is essential
that its statutes and method of work.
ing should be changed.
In keeping with the new agreement,
the Far Eastern Commission will for
mulate policies which, after being COM
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02

available for the purpose is the assurance
that the plans America makes America
will remain to carry out
How can such assurance be given?
The Foreign Policy Association, in
recent report, suggests that a presiden-
tlal statement might suffice. But presi-
Dental statements can be reversed by
future Presidents or emasculated by
public 1ndifference-and of that indif-
terence there are already alarming signs
congressional resolution? But no
Congress can by such means bind sue
ceeding Congresses.
better means, it seems to me, would
be preliminary treaty between the
Tour occupying powers: Britain France,
Russia and the United States. This
might well be very simple treaty, bind
ing the four powers to continue to par
tlclpate in the control of Germany as
long as necessity for such control ex-
lsts and not to withdraw save by COM
mon consent. 1t might also bind them
to adopt general policies for the control
OF Germany on the basis of a common
administration for the whole country,
subject of course to the adjustment of
German boundaries in the east and west
as might later be agreed upon.
Such a treaty would definitely pledge
the faith and honor of the United States
to the completion of our task in Ger
many. 1t would form a solid founda-
ton for the formulation and execution
of Allied policies in that country 1t
would go a long way toward providing
against public indifference and COM
placency. and it would erect a barrier
against the campaign of pity which is
already beginning to appear and which
will certainly be accentuated later on.
AS long as our policies in Germany
are at the mercy of every change in
the political climate in this country. or
every change of opinion in high places,
we shall be able to accomplish very little.
1t may be said, with considerable force,
that we need to put flrst-class man, a
man of standing in the country and of
reputation abroad, man of character,
ability and experience, in charge of our
German commitments. The success of
Gen. Marshall in China is an example
of what good man can do where lesser
men have failed.
But that monument must have
foundation on which it can be erected,
and that foundation can only be a
definite commitment by the people of
this country to stay and see the work
completed which their soldiers have SO
well begun.
(Copyright, 1o461
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02

inhabitants of the 40 or so square mile
area removed from the region to then
be occupied by not more than the
population of small town. No local
MERCHANT, no peasant (as a farmer is
called in DR.. Gavrilovitch'A own coun-
try) is to remain to contaminate the
secretariat or disturb its labors for
world democracy and peace.
xx
A son of the land of the town meet
Ing could not be expected to under
stand the extent Of the conception OF
the royal estate. It will comprise
palatial homes and offices, looking out
on Handicapped vistas, with long riding
paths, parks, Fairgrounds, clubs, theaters
and an auditorium large enough for
grand opera.
This is the dream for the exclusive
world of the UNO when our GIs are
without housing and looking for Jobs
and we are feeding starving peoples
overseas. 1t is time for DR.. Gavrilovitch,
whose own country is under dictator
ship without free press, to get down
to earth. 1t is time for him and his
fellow delegates to realize that the
United States is a most important
nation in making the UNO a success for
their sake.
The United States has been decided
upon as the site of the UNO. But It
is not too late for the United States
to insist upon a reasonable limitation
of space and quarters for the home of
the UNO. If not, the increasing under
cover irritation may break out. We
shall hear from it in Congress. There
are other elements than those have
mentioned which may lead to a scandal.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02
Send Good Men
By Maj. George Fieldine Eliot

All our troubles In Germany boil down
to this: There is no certainty that the
American people are going to stay with
the job of controlling Germany until
that job is finished
1t won't be finished in year or two.
It's matter of a generation or two at
least.
It's matter of careful and thorough
planning, of the adoption of basic policies
to which all four occupying powers agree,
and then the carrying out of those poll
cieS by competent persons
Unless there can be some assurance
that the people OF this country are going
to continue to give their support to such
program, there is no use trying to
create 1t and put it in effect. Our Allies
won't agree to common policies if they
don't have some assurance that we'll stay
with them. Good men cannot be OBJ
tanned to carry out these policies unless
they know that they are going to be
backed up, and unless there is reasonable
hope that they will be left on the Job
long enough to do the job. Too many
good men have quit the German scene in
disgust already.
Yet this is task which demands our
best, II we are going to do it properly.
1t is just matter of winning the war.
We haven't won it yet. despite the fact
OF military victory. 1t won't be won
until we have attained the object for
which it was fought: Security against
German aggression. We didn't win in
1918 because we failed to make our vic
tory secure We had 20 years of uncer-
tainty and fear, and then another war.
We will have the same thing again unless
we do our job now-and stay with it
until it is finished, until there arises a
German generation which is convinced
by hard facts and by experience that
its only hope for decent life lies in an
honest attempt to live peacefully with
its neighbors, and not in seeking another
chance to conquer and despoil them.
It's no use blaming our Allies or the
Army or trying to find some other scape-
goat. Our Allies are not perfect, any
more than we are, but they will be far
more ready to adopt common and rea-
sonable policies in regard to Germany
If they are assured that we will stay in
there pitching until the game is won
The Army has done. under great difficult
ties, magnificent job, and it is high
time the Army should be relieved from
responsibility which is not properly with
in its province. The first and central
necessity both for the formulation of
sound policy for controlling Germany
and for its execution by the best men
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02
luini Panels

One of the most important parts
of the latest of Samuel H. Kress'
gifl to the National Gallery is a
sedes of nine panels by Demanding
Luini, the great Lombard painter of
the late fifteenth and early six
teenth centuries. The pictures thus
referred to have been arranged as
they originally were meant to be in
a room built especially for the pur-
pose. When viewed in their logical
order, they are discovered to tell
one of the several different versions
of the legend of Cephalus and his
wife Procris-a morality tale of
sort designed to warn against the
dangers of mutual jealousy.
Painted on plaster and transferred
to canvas, the sequence possesses
the delicacy and the "dignifed
serenity" for which Luini is famous.
The artist allegedly was a pupil of
Leonardo Da Vinci, and his drawing
is meticulous, his coloring modest,
his organization of his work SYM
metrical and easy to follow. Such
qualities would be expected in the
effort of disciple of the painter of
"The Last Supper" and "The Mona
Lisa" But Luini excels his master
In imagination, in the chemistry of
his endeavors and in the effect
which they create in the mind and
the heart of the spectator. People
instinctively respond to his compo-
sitions. He is popular genius in
the best and most accurate sense of
the phrase. The Cephalus- Procris
sequence is a panorama of an era.
Luini portrayed not Greece so much
as unspoiled Italy. His landscapes
are more realistic than romantic.
The trees and flowers and animals
are genuine. A like observation ap-
plies to the human characters of his
fable. If they were not sketched
from life, they certainly were drawn
from memory of persons the artist
actually knew and had had abund-
ant opportunity to study.
Luini himself, as it happens, de-
serves research. Little is known of
his career. A mystery surrounds
him. He is supposed to have been
born in a village on the Lago Mag
giore in 1475, but both the place and
the date are uncertain. None of his
early pictures carry any proof Of
the time when they were executed.
Critics think they show the influ-
ance of Borgognone and Braman-
tino, yet there is nothing to confirm
their theory except an intangible
impression. Leonardo never domi-
mated the canvases Luini produced
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02
Struteeist Honneqon

Postmaster General Hannegan's
presidentially approved strategy for
breaking the legislative log-jam at
the Capitol involves no new tech
nlques, no secret weapons in the
tlme-honored art of exerting execu-
tive influence on Congress in behalf
OF administration sponsored bills
The plan, although older than the
New Deal, proved extraordinarily
successful during the heyday of the
Roosevelt regime. It calls for a jul
dicious concentration of presidential
pressure on priority" measures
(once known as must" BILLS rather
than on long list of administra-
ton favored legislative reforms.
There is substantial evidence that
Democratic stalwarts in Congress
will welcome Mr. Hannegans deci-
sion to reinstate the priority system.
1t is well known that party leaders
have been dismayed by President
Humans policy of dropping in the
lap of Congress broad request for
many types of legislation without
necessarily specifying which bills he
desired action on first. A stalemate
has developed over the Presidents
recent 21-point program on which
he has urged prompt legislative &C
ton. Mr.. Truman has no Tommy
Corcoran to send to the Hill and
endeavor to start things moving.
Most of the members of the White
House inner circle on whom Mr..
Roosevelt relied for liaiSon with the
Capitol have been replaced by new
advisers, few Of whom are expert
enced in such matters.
Mr. Hannegan apparently has con-
WINGED the President that Congress
needs some authoritative day to-day
guidance by an expert liaison staff
operating with White House ap-
prevail. Furthermore, he has obtained
presidential sanction for instituting
the tried and proved priority system,
under which the adminiStra ton will
designate certain bills for preferen-
tial action. Mr.. Hannegan is select
ing a special staff of experienced
men, most of them New Deal vet
Grams, to keep in touch with mem
bers OF Congress and seek to marshal
them behind certain measures. Top
priority, it is said, has been given to
minimum wage legislation, with
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02
Envoy Extraordinary

Ambassador to all the aporld-
There should be special flags unturled
At his approach. There should be
stressed
A crimson ribbon for hts breast,
And truppings that Mould indicate
He is the messenger OF Fate.
There should be couriers to convey
The tidings that he comes this wap:
And trnmpeters to make it clear
That he is pery, Uery near.
Winged sandals such as Hermes ,Dore
Should bear him lightly to each door.
A halo should adorn his head,
Fashioned OF kindly things he said
To those for tDhom his coming knelIed
The ,pisttul little hope they held.
All this piston tuhen meet
The postn,an coming down the street.
B. Y. WILLIAMS.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02

after 1910. The younger man was
indebted to the older, but he was
not his slave. Perhaps the most
compelling force in Luinis life was
his love for the beautiful woman
who posed for 1.-THE Virgin of the
Rose Hedge in Milan. He painted
her again and again with an obvious
devotion. Still active in 1881, he
died the same or the next year under
conditions which are not clearly
established. The National Gallery
owns four other works from his
hand-the magnificent Portrait of
a Lady," given by Andrew w.
Mellon, and three supplementary
interpretations of the identical
woman in different roles, given also
by MIR. KreSS.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1946-02-02
Polish Problem

The grave charges made by Lon
don and Washington against the
law enforcement branch of the
present Polish government brings
back into the limelight of public
interest the thorny problem which
that unfortunate country presents.
In virtually identical terms, Foreign
Secretary Bevin and Secretary of
State Byrnes accuse the Polish Sc
curity police of numbering promi-
nent members of political parties
which are in the Polish govern
ment's bad graces. These open
charges follow repeated diplomatic
representations by the British and
American Ambassadors to Warsaw
which have had no effect.
The indications are that the Polish
government is not minded to heed
these protests. The reaction of the
Polish official press and government
spokesman to Mr.. Bevin's statement
was an angry denial of the charges,
coupled with assertions that Poland
was an independent nation whose
government would do as it saw fit.
Now, in answer to Secretary Byrnes,
the Polish Ambassador here denies
the charges, puts the blame on agents
of the former London government in
exile, and goes so far as to assert
that those exiled elements, headed
by General Wladyslaw Anders,
maintain contact with their terror
list" agents in Poland through
group of the national armed forces
stationed in Coburg in the American
zone of Germany"
Whatever may be the truth about
the doings of those "reactionary"
agents, the Polish government is not
free to do as it pleases, because it is
bound by the terms of the Yalta and
Potsdam agreements, to which it
assented in order to get recognition
from Britain and America. One OF
those terms is the establishment of
a democratic, representative gov
eminent, attained by free elections.
And both Secretary Byrnes and For
eign Secretary Bevin have pointed
out that their governments assumed
responsibility for the carrying out
of those pledges.
However, the weight OF reliable
evidence is to the effect that the
present Polish government is ruth
lessly prosecuting all those who do
not bow to its policies; also that
those elements constitute majority
of the Polish people. Under such
circumstances the holding of free
elections is impossible. Furthermore
a high Polish official has announced
that the elections, when held, would
be democratic in the sense that
the Poles understand democracy,
and not in the western sense" This
is, of course, the line taken by Soviet
Russia and all its satellites. It re-
veals more clearly than ever how
thoroughly the present Polish gov
eminent, originally Moscow's crea-
ton, is Moscow's tool. In view of
all this, it seems that Washington
and London have reason to regret
what seems to have been premature
recognition of a regime which makes
mockery of its international
obligations.