The Wilmington morning star., 1946-11-11
As Pegler 1t
nv B PEGLER

pal2n OratlOnS ana doVeTllSeilieA'e,
now that the objection to new dealism, when
I thought was most important and still be-
lieve was most persuasive in the change, was
mentioned hardly at all by the republican
candidates and their highly indignant assls-
tants.
OF course, the people were good and sore
about the scarcity of food in the stores and
the hours lost waiting in lines, and the oegSee
of relief from this condition only reminded
them that the shortage had been artificial
after all. President Truman had guessed
wrong. There was a good deal of ll-tennpered
and mostly dishonest dispute about the hous-
ing shortaging and, while Governor Dewey was
justified in boasting that, within his state,
he had done better than the national govern
ment had done in the nation, still I wasn't
blaming Mr.. Truman or the democrats. We
had done very little building of rental prop
critics since 1929, when millions of the voters
who now felt the pinch were very young. You
get a stuffy effect when you speak of invest
ment capital but you understand the idea
when you ask yourself whether you would be
willing to put your own savings in an apart
ment-house o. subdivision for the purpose OF
making a dollar. Did Harold 1ckes? Did
F.D.R.?
In the war years we had done no perman-
ent building of this kind in the areas of regu-
lar need and the dilapidation had been faster
than usual for lack Of materials and labor and
lack of incentive to make repairs under rent
controls. Those controls still punish and re-
strain the landlord-Who is a historic rascal,
as we all learn from infancy, always wanting
his rent, just as we are always wanting our
Wages-but retard investment building. No
body wants to become a historic rascal for
nothing. Unlike the meat shortage, this trouble
couldn't be cured by the removal of price
control because, whereas the ranchers had
plenty OF critters held back, awaiting higher
prires nohnNv had IN nm four.rooro op,r%
ments or six-room detached houses stashed
away.
l think people were angry about something
that few of the successful candidates even
mentioned except, as in Tom Dewey's case,
to brag how well they had done in spite of
unnecessary difficulties, without condemn
ing the difficulties themselves. Republican
policy and propaganda ignored it.
l mean the arrogance and stupidity, the
dumb, bossy conduct of the unions.
Edltoriallsts and our punditry wrote about
this, but the candidates were extremely deli
cate and yet l say the people were madde~
over these impositions than they were over
high prices, meaning imitation, o. anything
else. The candidates lodged the subject, be.
cause the republicans are still afraid of the
power OF the unioneers, even after election.
IL you watch closely you will notice that they
WILL 60 on tlptoe even now, with 1948 in mind.
The democrats Of course, were stuck with
the blame and the best they could do was
lnsinuate that the tories and f~ascists, mean
ing the republicans, were bent on driving
down wages and destroying labor's gains,
But II a tory or fascist in big business drives
down wages he also drives down the market
TOR what he makes and the prices thereof, so
l thought that argument came from a cam
palgn book, not from the campaigner's in
telligence. And labor's gains, according to
their script, included wanton strikes and
goonery with tire chains, clubs and half
orlcks, with icepicks and big-head nails to
puncture tires and the jugular cut. The little
strike in a key operation such as ball-bearings
or glmmlcks which throws out of work thous-
ands OF others, thousands of miles away. The
Jugular is only a little piece of tubing that
you wouldn't give ten cents for when yours is
all right, but if it is cut, you have trouble
way down to the tips of your toes.
me democrats were stuck with the re-
sponslblllty for all this and couldn't denv
H. so they called the system labor's gains and
tIied 10 make people think it was good fo~
all OF US. l think the people had come To
iedlHe that the system was no mere nuisance
oy now put an outrageous imposition. and
voted republican in the mistaken idea that
lne republicans had promised to do something
about it, although they didn't. Who nron,iead
to do anything about it? What did he nrnrn
to do. oiils
l get l oont know how many thousands
VI letterS a year and more than half of them
49, ABOUT unions and most of them hot against
unions, including letters from union Nom.
oers. Ihese people have seen unionism in the
raw and no Joe Guffey or Dan Tobin, singing
MS pay and perquisites whether in Con-
sreSs, IN a state capital or in a union office
can Tell them it is good fo- them, either
no" or In the long run, to be forced 70 mt
up with the lmpudence of the union bosses
TO be pulled off their jobs ARBITRARILY. IN he
robbed of their petty little insurance benefits
oieo OF assessments to buy jewelry for a LOT
OF parasitic buns and furs for their babe
ana TO meet their gambling losses at the
track and the tables in Miami d1rino The
hloernstlng season of the criminal scum. Thew
nave seen wages in some of the BUILDING lines
driven So high that they realize that It isn't
possible to own homes on their paw for in.
vestors to build homes for them. Some of the
very men in the building lines who are sup
posed to get those wages now see that thew
nave raised themselves out of work. PEOPLE
realized that unions we're stronger than the
new deal government, which picked them up
as a political protege for what there was in
1t, and found themselves in a fix when the
protege grew up to the size of the United Mine
Workers the Auto Workers and the Transfers
and Maritime unions, which chawed raw beef
with the very life of New York even while the
campaign was going on.
Old Harold Ickes, now that he is out, has
been giving Mr.. Truman the devil lately for
letting John L. Lewis tell the government
where ia oct off But Lewis fold Tckes uhoro