Evening star., 1946-05-31
Truman Faces Fotefu,
Decision on Case Bill
Situation Pictured AS Holding
Political Future of President
By Dapid Laurence

L OlltlCdl TutuIe Oh IIeSlQent
By Daud Laurence
President Truman may in the next
several days ruin his whole political
career, or assure himself OF reelection
by an overwhelming majority in 1s4S
Whether to sign or veto the modified
Case bill on labor relations involves for
him choice or decision of transcendent
importance, and while he may get con-
siderable advice, the final Judgment
must be his own.
The President is in a difficult spot.
The record shows he temporized with
the railroad labor unions and did not
act in time to prevent Nationwide
paralysis of the economic system for 43
hours, which cost the country heavily.
The stenograplaic record as revealed
by A. F. Whitney. railroad union chief,
alleges that Mr.. Truman promised i'm
munity from prosecution under the
Smith -Connally law in return for a
postponement of the rail strike for five
days-an exercise of power which is
clearly unconstitutional and wholly in
defensible from the standpoint of law
enforcement
Big Battle Shaped.
The record also shows the President
played ball with John L. Lewis and
gave him contract, overlooking en-
tirely the violations of the Smith Con-
nally law growing out of the concerted
action OF miners in staying away from
work after the mines were seized.
But while all this may have alienated
some labor votes among railroad unions
and captured some among coal miners
Tor Mr.. Truman, the big and dramatic
battle for votes revolves around the
Case bill, which has been passed by
a heavy vote of both Houses of Con-
gress and lies on the Presidents desk.
1t Is not an extreme measure and
could readily be signed by Mr.. Truman
without doing any real injury either
to collective bargaining or to the cause
OF responsible unions. But the left.
wing labor groups have made the pro-
posed law the acid test Of the Presi-
dents friendship for labor.
These groups completely ignore their
own violent attacks on Mr.. Truman and
threats to vote against him anyway for
recommending to Congress that workers
be drafted into the military service
when "any plant, mine or facility" is
seized by the Federal Government after
a strike or work interruption seriously
affecting the countrys economic opera
| tions. This latter bill is before the
Senate but may go back to committee
and die there. If it is pressed for
passage, it will be considerably amended
and weakened.
Another Bill Involved.
| The epublican-Democratic coalition
which wants to see some restrictive
legislation passed to curb labor union
monopolies Is much more interested In
the Ball-Smith- Taft bill, which is the
Senate version Of the Case bill. and
wants 1t signed by the President. While
there are enough votes to override a
veto in the House, there will not be
a two-thirds vote for the Case bill.
Under the circumstances, some Sen
| ators want to tack the Ball-Smith-
Taft bill onto the Presidents bill for
emergency powers and send it to him
to sign or veto. But there are other
Senators who think this would be play
ing into the hands OF those who want
both bills vetoed, for, if the emergency
measure contains the Case bill, the
President has good excuse for vetoing
the whole thing on the ground that
he did not get from Congress what he
asked for
II, however, the emergency bill is
delayed or sidetracked for several days,
as it is likely to be either by flibuster
In the Senate or by conference delays
between the two Houses, the President
may be confronted only with a choice
between signing or vetoing the Ball
Smith-Taft bill On that issue his po-
itical dilemma is, indeed, very irksome.
For If he vetoes the measure he will
be regarded by the conservatives and
the middle-of-the-road voters as hav-
ing made theatrical gesture with his
drastic proposal for q draft Of workers
and then as deserting the very voters
with whom he achieved a new popu-
larity only the week before.
Could Lose Conservatives.
The labor vote is bound to 60 to the
Democratic party anyway. no matter
what Mr.. Truman does with the bill
before him. But substantial segment
OF the middle-of -the-road and con-
servative vote, which would be enough
along with the regular Democratic vote
to assure him of election in 1948, would
be lost to him, as well as the election.
Senator Vandenberg or Harold Stas-
sen or Gov. Dewey could beat Mr.. Tru-
man in 1948 If he misfires In the pres
ent crisis and winds up with a record
of having offered a drastic bill to curb
strikes and then as having vetoed a
much milder one.
Mr.. Truman's best bet is to sign the
measure and enforce all laws hereafter
without fear or favor. It's the sure
way to win the vast independent vote,
which dislikes timid and weakened
executive but admires and votes for q
man with courage.
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