The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990, 1946-02-09
Today And 7 Tomorrow
Continued from Page One)


It is that the United States should
play this role. But it cannot De
PLAYED successfully unless the
United States now does in the
Middle East what it has done IN
the Far East since the beginning
Of the war: unless within our aln.
ances and partnerships, we ADOPT
an independent line Of policy, based
IN our own sources OF intorma.
tion and our own judgment OF what
IN the long run it would be pest
to do. If we had not taken an IN
dependent line in China, the pros,
meet would not be nearly so GOOD
&c II is that we shall be able to
avoid a conflict Of empires IN
disordered China.
There is in the Middle East a
conflict Of policies, and both are
insolvent. That is to say, neither
government can get what it wants
which is the security OF its vital
interests-by following the line IT
is now taking.
Mr.. vishinsky has nothing to Of
fer. except to push and to press,
to rnaneuver and to finagle, until
the Soviet Union has worked It's
way through the British barrier
in the Balkans, Turkey, and Iran
Mr.. Bevin, as any one can see who
reads between the lines OF his
speeches, has thought OF nothing
better than to resist grimly and
dogeedly in the hope that the
Soviet advance can be stopped
in the first place by a como!na-
ton of Greek, Turkish, 1ranian,
and Arab nationalists, and in the
second by Western Europe and the
United States. .,
This is a case where they will
; both lose, and all the world will
lose with them, If they continue
> as they are going.
The Soviet Union may have
enough power and influence to de-
: tach Greece, Turkey, and Iran
from their British connections.
: But Moscow should not forget that
once the Soviets set out to become
. in the Mediterranean and elsewhere
4 naval and air power-being al.
= ready the worlds greatest land
t power-they will inpinge rectly
t upon the vital interests Of the Unit
ed States. For that, unless extra
ordinary care is taken. would be
Y the beginning Of condition that
S we can never accept-a condition
e of rivalry, competition, and I'm.
e certainty on the high seas.
n There must be no mlsunder-
standing in Moscow on this crucial
: point. We claim no monopoly OF
S sea power. We have no illusions
= that we could establish and main
teresf in ee2222B Bf0aXy. Web We have ,snd no IN.
q ed in Europe or in Asia. Quite
> the contrary. But the United States
= is Continental island, and we
can never be unconcerned in any
OF the oceans or their connecting
seas. We have every interest Of
;; our own, AMI in our view as re.
sponsible guardians Of the peace
| Of the world, in preventing be.
fore it can develop a rivalry in
sea power. Therefore, we must in
sist, and Moscow will find that we
do insist, that any serious change
in the strategic position in the
Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf,
and the Northern Pacific, be pre-
coded by full agreement, explicit,
binding, not merely verbal but ma
terial, on ornaments and the in
stallations of sea and air power.
Such agreement will be inpos-
sible if in the name of its rightful
security the Soviet Union has
nothing better to suggest than to
dominate Greece, Turkey, and
Iran to subvert the British posi-
ton, and burst out into the Medi-
terranean.
Mr.. Bevin will, however, misread
the situation if he thinks the Unit
ed States will, therefore, under
write a policy Of standing pat. He
must not expect it, no matter who
applauds him in London. He must
not count on it, and in measuring
the support which he gives the
Turks, the Greeks, and the Iran
ians, he must be exceedingly care
full that there is no ambiguity which
could mislead them. For the Brit
lsh-American partnership, though
one of the great realities of the
postwar world, is not unlimited.
No statesman can afford to ignore
it's limitations.
Thus we are in peace and in war
the partners of the British Com
monwealth: we shall never again
debate the question of defending
the British Isles, Canada, Australia,
or New Zealand. We are also mem
bers of the same economic and
social order: that is why we are
proposing to extend a loan on
terms and for purposes which are
unique in the history of nations.
Behind both of these great Ameri-
can policies there is the conviction
that we belong to the same politi-
cal and moral community, and that
we use not only the same language
IN our speech but in our hearts.
But this partnership and this
sense OF community does not in