The Wilmington morning star., 1946-11-15

no. De mastered without strong,
purposeful and coherent govern
nent in the United States. We do
not have it. We cannot trust to
our luck that somehow we shall
drift safely into port. We shall not
be let off cheaply. We cannot
count on getting by with generali-
ties. amiable but lazy expressions
0. good intentions. We shall have
to make an extraordinary effort OF
heart and mind to surmount the
crisis Of government which is now
developing. For the times are ex-
ceptionally troubled, and the gov
eminent as now constituted and
manned is exceptionally weak.
Our task is to form a govern
ment that can govern. We shall
not get such a government by in
formal consultation between the
President and the Congressional
leaders. Yet that appears to be all
that he and they have thus far in
mind tor carrying out their
pledges OF cooperation. Informal
consultation will not be enough. 1t
will not work because the induce
ments to agree are too weak. Con-
sultation is indispensable but to
be effective it should be formal. 1t
should depend not on Mr.. Tru-
mans inviting the Congressional
leaders in for a chat, or on their
asking him to receive them.
The consultation should be based
Oh law and not merely on the good
intentions, the moods and personal
idiosyncrasies. of a Few individuals,
Perhaps as good a way as any to
achieve this would be to adopt the
proposal of DR.. Galloway, the staff
director of the LaFollette-Mon'
roney Committee, and to create by
Joint resolution of Congress and an
executive order of the President,
an executive : legislative council
with a secretariat. The. great ad-
vantage OF establishing formal
machinery is that it would make
solemn the duty Of collaboration,
that it would focus the attention
of the country upon the task Of
finding agreement, and that it
would fix clearly and conspicuously
the responsibilities of the individ-
uals who promote Or obstruct
agreement.
The President should propose
some such machinery i he is 10
make effective and convincing his
pledge of cooperation. But even
that, it seems to me, will not be
enough. His position is peculiarly
and specially weak, and he will
need to do extraordinary things
to avert the consequences. They
will be distasteful to contemplate
now. But they will not be nearly
so hard TO bear as the personal
and public consequences of drifting
into a great crisis Of government.
Mr.. Truman's problem is the I'M
usual weakness II his position. He
has not only lost control of Con-
gress but he is only in name the
leader Of his party. His personal
weakness is an obstacle to coop
Grafton for joint action. For joint
action can be had only if there is
a greater equality of bargaining
power than now exists between the
Capitol and the White House. II
Mr.. Truman is 100 weak, the best
Republicans will be weakened in
de ealing with their own extremists.
Mr.. Truman can, however, es-
cape from the helpless position he
is in Il he can be induced to face
the realities and then to use the
political measures of last resort
which are still available to him.
He can say without qualification
that he is not a candidate for 1913.
This will strengthen him under
present circumstances i n c e he
will no longer be the man the Re-
publicans must destroy. He c a
reorganize his cabinet, offering to
the Republicans at a minimum
the post Of Secretary Of the Treas
ury, on the ground that as they
control the purse, a Republican
should administer the government
finances.
But if he were willing to be as
bold as wisdom in his circum-
stances requires, he would 60 fur
Their. He would inform the new
Congress that if, after there has
been a fair trial of Formal and
careful consultation, no adequate
JOINT program is agreed to-, he will
ask them to re-enact in some suit
able form the Act of 1892, and that
ne intends to resign. T S will
either break the deadlock, Or il
VIII r oil it by a national
election.
MIR. Truman will make a serious
mistake II he treats the idea OF
reslgning as a personal atfront and
a reelection on his courage. Wash.
lngton approved a law which con-
templates the resignation Of a
president. Lincoln and Wilson con-
sldered resigning had they found
themselves, as e y feared they
might, placed in a position where
tney could not perform the duties
OF the President. Lincoln and Will