The Wilmington morning star., 1946-11-11
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LIPPMANN
FROM PAGE ONE

VI CttASo
first wears of the republic, when
Europe and the world were en-
gagged in the Napoleonic wars, the
country was dangerously divided
on party lines, and became TWICE
involved - first on n SIDE ana
then on the other Of that world
war. The infant republic had not
vet found its own line of vital In
terest and policy. Only about elgnt
years after the end OF that worlo
war did an American policy
emerge. It was established as a re-
suit of bipartisan consultatlon
and agreement in Monroe's ad-
ministration, and it was so well
conceived that in its essentials 1t
was the foreign policy of all Amer
leans for the remainder of the cen
fury.
Since 1914, and indeed since the
Spanish War Of 1898, the country
has again been in the throes OF
forming q new foreign policy. Only
parts of it are, ever now, well
settled for example that the
United States has vital interests IN
the whole region of the Pacific.
The Presidential election of 1900
was fought holly with this as a
leading issue. Many years passed
before there was such sufficient
agreement about the Pacific and
the Far East that Franklin D.
Roosevelt, a Democrat, could de-
fend at the risk of wal with
japan the interest in China and
the far Pacific which was first de-
clared, against tremendous inter
nal opposition here at home, by
Theodore Roosevelt and John Hay
and Elihu Root. Even at the end
of the first world wal our Far
Eastern policy was still so unset
tied that Mr.. Hughes, when ne
was Secretary of State, had to OPP
crate through a bipartisan ar
rangement with the Democratic
leaders of the Senate.
We are now in the process OF
forming an American national
policy for Europe and the Middle
East. 1t is agreed by almost every
one now that the United States is
vitality interested. But no one, lit
orally no one, is quite clear and
certain what our interest is and
how it is to be implementcl. A BIZ
partisan arrangement will be nee
essary until a settlement in Europe
is reached which permits us to
have a settled policy in relation to
Europe. That will surely take a
good many years.
Some important aspects Of the
new policy have, however, reached
the point where our position no
longer depends on a bipartisan
arrangement and has become the
national position. I do not think
we are counting u chickens be-
fore they are Matched if We say
that full and active participation
in the United Nations is now a
settled national policy. We can
say also, I think, that the deter
mination is fixed to play a leading
part in the settlement of the war:
the country will not withdraw
from the settlement as it did in
1920.
But the partlit will play in the
settlement is still experimental,
unclarified and indeterminate.
There is no use pretending t1al
the excellent working arrange
ment represented by Secretary
Byrnes and Senator Vandenberg
is operating conception Of how the
world war should be settled. That
is something to be worked for. 1t
is not something which has al
ready been achieved.
The eventual form Of American
policy towards Europe and Aisa
will depend in very large measure
On whether there can be a politi-
cal settlement in the worl dwhile
the Republican party adjusts it.
self to the fact that in the conduct
of internal affairs 1947 is not and
can not be 1920.
For we face the fact that we
have to make a world settlement
while the Republicans, who are
rising to power, are profoundly
uncertain as to what the modern
age requires of them.