Detroit evening times., 1945-07-12

WHICH OilC diSO IOltS lHdI lIC
may not be amended without the con-
currence of all the Big Five, and that its
provisions include no precise definition of
aggression, one can recognize that there
is truth as well as wit in the wisecrack that
FIVE CATS AT SAN FRANCISCO HAVE
BEEN LEGISLATING FOR FORTY
FIVE NICE.
Mr.. John Foster Dulles has been
quoted as stating that the charter ex-
ceeded his expectations. These expec-
tations must have been pitched in an
extremely low key.
nNE can recognize some minor inn
" provements in the original Dumbarton
Oaks draft as result of the deliberations
at San Francisco.
After some haggling Soviet obstruc-
ton, the right of the nations in this
hemisphere to maintain their regional
peace association and to take action in
case of emergency without waiting for
the action of the world security council
was recognized.
References to Justice and to
human rights Were Dritten into the
charter, although IL may be doubted
vhether a single Polish political pris-
oner or deportee Was released as a
result of this verbal gesture.
The discussion rights of the assembly
were clarified
Again, after bitter opposition from
the Soviet delegation, which significantly
and consistently took the most restrictive
and illberal attitude toward the rights of
small nations, it was agreed that the Big
Five veto should not apply to discussion
of questions which might be brought be-
fore the security council
The veto on investigation, however,
remains in full force.
If, for instance, Bulgaria with con-
siderable lend-lease aid from Soviet
sources, should attack Greece or Turkey,
if Yugoslavia should attack Italy or
Albania, such disturbances of the peace
could not even be investigated if the
Soviet government should interpose its
veto
The most important thing for the
American people to understand about
the San Francisco Charter is that 1t
contains no system Of compulsory inter
national laW and order at all, that
every great poWer, noU as in 1913,
must rely on its oWn strength for
security.
But Just because no curb is placed
powers, the force of American nationalist
opposition to the charter is weakened.
America, as one of the Big Five remains
in the last resort judge in its own case,
master of its own freedom OF action.
1T is ironical that the charter which
4 was so widely balyhooed in pro-
fessional internationaiist circles actually,
when adequately analyzed, leads to some
very isolationist conclusions. | recently
heard a sincere and disillusioned inter-
nationalist, who will be satisfied with
nothing short of world government"
remark, and quite accurately: THE charter
institutionalizes isolationism."
There is only one major aspect of the
charter which raises a serious question Of
American constitutional practice This is
the power of the American delegate (Mr.
Stettinius) in the world security council.
1t is new departure and a risky
departure to permit one man, however
high his personal qualifications, TO COM
nit the United States to war No other
great power at San Francisco showed the
slightest disposition to sacrifice an ota
of national sovereignty or constitutional
practice.
The American Congress should
consider Uery seriously the deSUo-
bility and feasibility of Working out a
procedure Which would effectively
preserve its solemn constitutional re-
sponsibility to decide Whether the
American people should go to Dar.
The possible necessity of swift action
by the security council in certain cases
may be recognized. Yet the power of
Congress should not be nullifed
nfo
be worked out along the following lines.
When a major crisis arises the American
delegate in the security council should not
take an important decision or cast a
decisive vote except with the approval of
a special informal council on foreign
affairs which should include the Presi-
dent, the secretary of state and the
majority and minority leaders of the
House and Senate committees on foreign
affairs.