davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Wilmington morning star., 1945-04-15

In many respects their completely
and scope were greater. The TACT
that he was able to understand the
issues of his time, to meet and
yanouish the evils which imperll'
led the nation, mark him as man
of the ages. And now, as Stanton
said of Lincoln, he belongs to the
ages''-snatched away by death as
Lincoln was at the peak OF MS
achievement in current affairs but
robbed of the eliminating glory
of setting the framework Of the fu-
ture.
In the shock of his passing the
nation stands unified-unified IN
sorrow, unified in tribute to truly
great man. Gone the noisy strife,
the c;amoring for personal ad-
vantage which so often mark the
American scene. AS the nation
turns to his successor in office
and offers him its support and de-
votion as he shoulders the great
burdens shifted to him by the hand
of destiny, We are suddenly en-
abled by tragedy to realize how
close together all of us really are.
History fortunately does not over
look the personal qualities OF the
actors on it's stage. It will record
in detail the features of his neigh
borliness and kindness, his magic
personality, his political skill, his
triumph over tremendous personal
handicaps, his marvellous ability
to enlist the sympathy of the COM
mon man by placing himself on
the same plane as the common
man. History does these things in
the case of any great man. But
beyond these personal qualities, its
verdict upon Franklin D. Roosevelt
may well turn upon his epochal
achievements as our president.
First, he saw more clearly than
any other American the social and
economic facts of his time, and
with tolerance and charity guided
the nation into the new and I'M
tried paths upon which it was nee
essary for it to set foot. Second,
he saw earlier and more clearly
than any other responsible Ameri-
can the threat of fascism and the
rule of force, and prepared us in
ways with which we are we'll
familiar to meet the challenge and
turn back the enemies of demo-
cracy and decency. And third,
he conducted two simultaneous
wars, either of which alone would
have been the greatest war effort
eve- put forth by this country, and
brought both within sight OF sue
cessful conclusion. These are the
three really GROWING triumphs OF
his career as president Failure to
comprehend clearly any OF the
three problems, or to adopt vigor-
Gus policies to meet them, would
have resulted in inevitable disaster
for the nation. Even in very brief
retrospect we can now see that
the angry shouting over the meth
The Wilmington morning star., 1945-04-15
Interpreting
The War
By J. M. ROBERTS, JR.
(Substituting for Kirke L.

The war of improvisation which
the Allies have been fighting ever
since the First Army established
it's unexpected bridgehead over
the Rhine at Remagen has more
or less fallen into discernible
pattern. However, continued dis
cussion at Eisenhower headquar
tiers of now We day will coma
emphasizes the uncertainty re
garding just what will be required
for the cleanup.
We day will come, we are told
sometime between the junction Of
the Western and Russian Allie;
and the end of the fighting which
that will involve. To the armies
apparently, it will mean merely
the continuation of whatever
cleanup is necessary, depending
on the Germans.
That Immediately raises the
question of what Germany has lefr
with which to make trouble.
The expectation of a Nazi hold
out in the Bavarian Alps has beer
so widely discussed until it is
treated almost as an assured fact
yet we actually have little except
rumor on which to base it.
It is certain that the Hitlerites
could concentrate enough stuff in
their redoubt to make consider.
able trouble. That they can con.
tinue anything which looks like q
real war is doubtful.
When Hodges men established
the Remagen bridgehead they
shocked the Allied planners al
most as much as they did the
Germans. But the Allies grabbed
up the ball quickly. The Germans
couldn't do anything about it.
Therein lies a clue.
Eisenhower had never planned
Tor Hodges to cross the Rhine in
connection with the Montgomery
Simpson offensive farther north.
Hodges Job was to clear the
Rhineland and stop, for the time
beng. Montgomery ana the Amer
lean Ninth Army were to cross
above the Ruhr, cut off Holland
and strike for Berlin. No Ruhr
trap was envisaged.
Then a few men captured the
Remagen bridge and the whole
picture changed. 1t was to save
many lives, and many weeks.
Since no military expert would
have dreamed OF trying an assault
across the Rhine and into the
rugged hills at Remagen, the Ger
mans weren't there. They tried To
get there, weakened their Wes]
enough to put up a real fight any.
where. Perhaps half million
Germans have gone under since
then, not counting probably 200,
900 trapped but not yet captured
in Holland and the Ruhr.
Obviously, once robbed of the
The Wilmington morning star., 1945-04-15
Rooseuelt;s Mission To Mankind
Achieved: His Cause Cannot Die

DDS he used was not after all ~,
cerned with the essential lssra.
The emergencies of his tine 4.
manded new methods, and he bss
the courage and vision to adv.
them, while at the same time -.
tanning the basic form and ns
stance of our American wav y
life.
During no other period Of or,
history have so many Americas,
had so many reasons to be awar.
of their president. Through fl.
whole broad range of our econor;.
and social life his hand was fen
In providing adequate food CLOTH
ing and shelter for the disadyan,
tagged. in seeing to the relief of N.
old and afflicted, in curling N.
rapacity of economic despotism in
assuring a more equitable distri.
button of opportunity, his record
is a beacon towering far abc.s
that of any of our other presidents
But with any man, great O:
small, it is not what he says. mn
even so much what he does bt
rather what he is that endears him
to his neighbors. 1t is not yet tim,
to pass judgement on the utter
ances of Franklin D. Roosevelt
or to compare the qualities Of hi,
prose with the majestic simplicity
of Lincoln's, the polished loftiness
of Wilson's, or the stately vision
of Washington's. To some better
extent we can appraise the things
he did. But best of all we can say
what he was. 1t was what he was.
great humanitarian, friend 50
devoted than often he sacrificed eff.
ficiency for loyalty, a man whose
heart throbbed with that Of the
multitude. that shone through ev.
erything he said and did. One might
differ with his measures, question
his policies, grow angry at his ad.
ministrative methods, but one
could never doubt his warmth. his
deep sympathy for the downtrod.
den, his tolerance and kindness.
It was these very qualities that
drew upon him most of the censure
that fell to his lot. 1t was these
qualities, rather than the ruth.
lessness of the despot of the gcud.
ging concessions of the Bourbon
that drove him on to become the
undoubted champion Of the masses
of common people.
Those who believed as he did
are bowed in sorrow at his passing,
but they grieve for the man and
not for the cause. They know that
there has passed from the scene
the greatest leader the liberal
school of thought has yet produced,
but they know also that great
though the leader was, the cause
is greater still, and that it is for
us, the living, to cherish the ideals
for which he fought and died, To
us from falling hands he has
thrown the torch. Be it ours to
hold it high.
The Wilmington morning star., 1945-04-15

Rhine barrier, the Germans didn't
have enough army left to put up
a show in the west. Either these
forces already had withdrawn to
the southern fortress or they
would never reach it.
Although there is the possibili-
ty, there is no Indication that i'm
portant Withdrawals have been
made from the Russian front. The
Nazis there seem to be awaiting
the same fate as in the west.
The Germans are fighting hard
in the southwest, fought bitterly
to keep the Russians out of Aus
tria and the southeast corner Of
the redoubt. But there is a real
question whether they have or will
be able to collect an important
army in the south. At, any rate
it seems unlikely that any great
part of the forces now engaged
above the waist" either on the
east or west, will ever get Their.
Many are trapped north of the
Allied penetration line.
The Wilmington morning star., 1945-04-15
Nv HENRY r. EMORY

No other single event that could
have transpired in the world to-
day could have brought so keen a
sense of loss to all Americans as
the death of Franklin D. Roose'
welt, the beloved president of the
United States. In hts tragic pass
ing one of the fateful hours Of his
tory has struck. 1t is not merely
that man of almost incredible
personal qualities and superb
achievements has died. Trans
cending these things is the fac'
that to a degree probably hereto
fore unmatched, the destiny OF the
world rested in the hands OF this
one individual. 1t was to his great
ness of soul, his vision, his hui
name qualities, his magnificlen1
ability to get along with people
that the world looked to steer il
through the morasses ahead.
Franklin D. Roosevelt mad be
come a habit with the people. Of
the United States. He had been II
Office for more than twelve years
That is such a long time that many
young Americans can remember
no other president. It has become
difficult to imagine doing without
him. The fact that he was return
ed to office for twice as many
terms as any other president ever
held testifies to his unique power
to grasp the problems of his day
and to cope with them in the way
most nearly attuned to the heart
beats of the common people.
Washington has been called the
Father Of his country, Lincoln its
Savior. Franklin D. Roosevelt may
well come to be known as its Pre-
server. The recurring crises which
the nation surmounted under his
guidance were no less real and
awe-inspiring than those which
confronted Washington and Lincoln
The Wilmington morning star., 1945-04-15

the United States to certain victory in this
greatest Of all wars And In the last year
he had helped lead the world toward a just
and lasting peace.
"Plans for that peace have been advanced
so far under his leadership that all of us have
right to expect that they will be carried
through to completion, under the leadership
dent Roosevelt with authority to represent the
United States in the Conference Of United
Nations
The Greensboro Daily News says:
Our sympathy goes out to his family,
his nation and to all those people who
are dumb under oppression and whose
silence is heard only of Cod" for he was
their champion, and his loss is an ire
parable one.
Out of the clearness of his vision came
distrust of isolationism the trade of de-
stroyers for bases which bolstered Britain
in her hour of desperation, lend-lease. Sc
lective service, American preparedness,
and at last, for it cannot now be far
off. victory. Surely he fought the good
fight and led us in sight of the promised
land of peace Surely he has earned our
unstinted admiration and gratitude. Now
he rests from his labors, but his work will
follow him.
And. the Durham Herald declares:
"No man has more consistently command
e the respect of international citizens. His
person and his opinions were sought and re-
criticisms that were heaped upon him by
nolitical partisans, he kept his genius as a
great politician and a towering statesman.
'stalwart in DEATH the President will live
on in the movements of world affairs. He has
imbued his associates with his particularized
idealism, They will not overlook his lead
ership.'
The Wilmington morning star., 1945-04-15
TOP % THE MORNING

''The Gospel is the only cure for the
worlds weep hurt. The trouble is essen
TALLY moral and spiritual-men have forgot
ten God Hearts must be changed. We
can meet the worlds problem only by multi
plying the number of those who fear God
and keep His commandments"
DIR. DARBY FULTON.
The Wilmington morning star., 1945-04-15

W. Ronald Lane.
Garland S. Curran.
Robert S. LeGWin.
Robert r. Romeo.
James E. L. Wade.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08
(Nastavak sa l.. strane)

(Nastavak sa /. strane)
vecu nagradu nego sto ikak"c
mole reel mngu ~izraziti Il zahva!-
nom priznanju j toplom priia
tcljstvu gr6kog naroda."
III prkos velike provokacjie"
produzuje Scobie, wi Sc boriste
sa sarnc-zadrzavaniem i san2o
tontrolom zasluznom Britansise
lmperije."
/ ako ie ustanovlieno Cd svlio
Gak j konzervativnih i reakcic-
narnih kapitalisti6kih izvora, Oh
ELIAS predstavlja oko cetiri pc
tine grckog naroda. Churchill,
Scobie i Leeper, kojeg je Il tome
podupro i britanski Parliament,
otkrili sl da to niie bio greki
rarod. Tu su bill "Bugari". Gre
XII narod' je bio ma drugoj stra-
nj. Tamo gde je samo jedna Pc
tina naroda bila. ! u ime- toga
"naroda', Scobie izrazava "a
hvalnost britanskim voj niclina
koji "galantno" ubijase odrapa-
nu, golu i bosu s%irotinju, koJa
+razila niSta wise nego da Sc
kazne faSisti j da Sc uspostavl.
ne radnicka, nego kapitalisticka
demokratija.
Istovremeno, "Delegacija EA-
NJ, koja je bila ma putu "a At!nu,
povratila Sc nazad nakon sto Je
| grcka vlada zahtevala ola Sc broJ
delegate mora ograniciti ma trl,
cd kojih svi moraju biti komu-
nisti," izvestio je jedan radio
brodkest u Atini.
Grcki spor nije resen, nltl &c
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08

vrednosti, jos Sc upiru il petnin
lila da in ubede ola Sc pobornici
Atlantskog Cartera - Churchill,
Roosevelt i drugi - bore "a s'o-
bodu naroda. | prema tome, oni
otvoreno i bezobrazno varaiu
svoje sledbenike.
/ mi III, dale, trostr1eko optu-
zuiemo i osudjujemo pred rad
nickom javnoscu - sto Sc drze
kao pijan plota, omega sto su sa-
mi njegovi z%vani6nici zpanicno
proglasili NE ZVANICNIM -
Atlantski Carter!
Izdajnici jedni! Crn VAN obra2
bio, Jadikovacete cd sada pa svc
dok vas proleterska revolucija
metlom ne pocisti na istorijskc
bunjiste!
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08
Jedna dopulia

Imena prilagaca ma skupstini u
Monroe, Mich, odrzatoj 9. de-
cembra 1914, nismo imali pri ru-
ci kada smo obelodanjivali dopis
So iste, koji Sc pojavio u broju
cd 4. %januara, a koja smo sada
dobili. Stga III obelodanjujemo
sada u ovim redovima. Prilagaci
neka nam opposite, a citaoc neka
uvazi ovo "a dopunu ponenutom
dopisu.
Imena slede:
M. Vidovic $500, P. Trkulja
$500, l. Sisnjak $500 i D. Vuk-
manovic $500. Pc $1.00: l. Luke,
P. Slepcevic, M. Kovac i Chas.
Scepovic. Svega $17.00.
UYedniStUo.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08

kako izgleda, biti resen. Brita-
Mia izmislja sve moguee lazi da
opravda svoj postupak u Grckoj
i da odrzi reakcionare ma vladi,
koje cetiri petine grckog naroda
nece. Ali, takva je kapitalisticka
demokratiia. Ona nikada i nije
nista wise, nego vlast iedne Pc
tine mad cetiri petine stanovnika,
pa makar to bio So pristanskom
poslednjih.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08
KnOZ ArIERIKU
Nastavak sa /. strane.)

mo Il federalnoj vladi, a mozda
je isto toliki broj i drzavnih u
pojedinim drzavama>, opstinslkih
i gradskih uposlenika, koji bi
mogao Bit JOS i veci cd toga. A
ako dodamo i voisku koia nije
mania Cd iedanaest miliona on
da dobivamo pravu sliku moder-
nog kapaalizma.
Ogromna vojska nekorisnih. Ill
drustveno stetnih osoha, zivi na
grbaci drustva. Tia vojska broll
cd Sesnaest do dvadeset miliona
osoba. Socilalisticko drustvo bl
moglo sa iednim udarcem likvi-
dirati celu tn armiju parazitslzog
uredienja. Skoro nj jedna cd tin
funkcija ne hi bila potrebna So
ciializmu. Ovu voisku drzavnih
uposlenika ne treba brkati Sd
vojskom koja "vrsi" upravu mad
proizvodnjom. Ovo je opet sas-
vim druga vojska. Socijalistlcko
drustvo bi "zadrzalo", II. u re-
organizovanom smislu, Same pc.
slednju. Demokratski izabrans
cd samih radnika, u industrlJal-
MIN junijama, uprava hi vrsils
drustveno korisni posao.
Danasnjih sesnaest do dvade
set miliona nekorisnih, cak Stet
nth drzavnih uposlenika bio b
stavljeno ma korisne industri S
Ike i JAYNE poslove. Ratna raza
rama ne bi takodjer wise f>osto
jala. A jos kada i to dodamo, d;
ne bi bilo nj izrabljivanja. ord;
bi to zaista bio svet "a koi: 81
vredno boriti i sve sto smo u sta
nju zrtvovati. Ma kraju k~rajev;
Socijalizam &c biti ostvaren.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08

Ali ovo je samo jedna strana opste isti-
ne: da je "a Rusiiu bilo lako, u konkretnoj,
istorijski posve jedinstvenoj ~situaciji 1917, da
zapocne socijalnu revoluciju, ali &c "a RusiJu
biti teze da je produzava i dovrsi nego "a dru-
ge evropske zemlje. ia sam imao priliku ola
ukazem 1913. i cd onda je dvogodisnje iskust-
vo potpuno potvrdilo owl tacku gledista. =
~. Lenin.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08

Ako je to naSa duznost da
%pomazemo svaki istinski pokret
naroda, nije mania nasa duznost
da zastitimo tex obrazovanu jez-
CRU nase proleterske partije, ne
zrtvujuci je nekorisno i ne doz-
voljavati proletarijatu da Dude
desetkovan u besplodnim mes
MIN pobunama'.- Mdrr-Engels.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08
'OganizaCija mira iii
Socija|izam

-
cd Nth proizvoditi bogatstva "a
upotrebu, a ne "a prodaju. Zbog
toga nece biti potrebe "a place
nj domace nj svetske, te tako ne
&c biti nj borbe oko pijaca, koia
uvek ma kraju krajeva vodi U
kapitalisticki rat. Tada neci bit
nj borbe oko sirovog materijala.
Svaka Socijalisticka zemlja CO
zeljno voditi razmenu sa svojin
sestrama. Kada Sc izbije osnov
ispod ratova, tada Sc oni ne mo
GU nikako pojaviti. l to je, "a
ista razlog, zasto nema mira be-
Socijalizma!
Posto &c pod Socijalizmom sva-
XII radnik primati potpunu drus-
tvenu vrednost svoga rada, ia
da nece biti nepozeljnih suvisa-
ka, te zbog toga nece biti nj lutte
besposlice, krize iii depresiie,
koja je mucila radno covecanstvo
pre- ovog rata koje Sc radnic
phase, kao kuge - svakom ie
poznato da je zemlju, iii zemlje
liz depresije privremeno izvu-
kao rat, Sto znaci da &c Sc opet
ako kapitalizam prezivi oval rat
pojaviti ljuta besposlica, onogs
momenta kada industrije pre-
stanu dobivati ma milijarde rat
nth porudzbina - vec &c oslo
bodjeni radnici planomerno pro
izvoditi, i svaki "suvisak" bic
zeljeni cilj; svakat "besposlica'
bice dobrodocekana, koju &c rad
nici uzivati, troSeci tai "suvi-
SAX"
U Socijalistickom svetu &c hi
ii moguea i ekonomska koordi-
nacija, koja je pod kapitalizmon
radi istaknutih razloga, nemogu-
ca. Socijalisticke Industrijaine
Junije, jedne zemlje, bratski G
pomagati junije druge zemlje d
dostignu vrhunac proizvodnje
Svaka Socijalisticka zemlja VIC
dice razmenu sa ostalim Zemlja
| ma = kao sto &c i u unutraSnjost
iedne Sociialisticke Industrial
ne Republic Rada, industrial
ne junije voditi mediusobnu raz
menu. Kao sto Sc vidi, bez exc
nomske koordinacije Socijalis
ticki svet bio hi nemoguc.
Ma osnovu gore pomenutih a
loga, jasno je da &c u Soc'Ja
Istickom svetu vladati prava dc
mokratija, ier Ii MENU nece bIi
klasa, vec slobodno besklasn
stanovnistvo, koie &c posedovai
svo drustveno bogatstvo. Ia {
konomskog roba, kao sto je NJ
jamni rob, i pod najprogresivni
Jim kapitalizmom, nije nikad
bio prave demokratije. Sauna re
rob, znaei negacija slobode =
negaciia demokratije. U svett
Ii kona nece biti nj pomish
nekakvom ekonomskom robovs
niu, kao sto je Socijalizam, sic
hoda demokratija sasvim su Il
giene.
Pored toga Sto ie Socialist q
svet. Kud i kamo, bolji cd kap
talizma, on je postao akutn
istorijska nuznost, jer kapitaiE
tick svet znaci katastrofu cove
canstva. Ali istorija ne moze d
Sc krece nagonski. Ona traz
klasnosvesne Instruments, z
svoja postignuca, u utrobi ST
rog drustva. Radnicka klasa ]
ia, koja je jedina u stanju odge
; WORTH tome velevaznom poziv
istoriie. Zbog toga Sc i kaze q
ie to istorijska misiia radnick
Elase. da obori kapitalizam. Zhc
toga Socijalisticka Radnicka Pa
j tia, decenijama poziva, / n
: prekidno &c pozivati, radnick
i klasu da Sc sprema; da Sc Org
> nizuje ma Marksistickom ucenj'
da srusi k%apitaliZam / ma nJf
:. GOWN rusevinama podigne sve
> Besklasne Slobodne ZaJednIce-
Industrijalnu Republiku Rada-
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08
QNastavak sa 8. strane)

poslednja moze te alate preuzeti
operisati bez pomoci parazitske
kapitalisticke klase. Kada sc DAM
izrabljivacki sistem odrzava j
dale bez ikakve istorijske po-
trebe, cak ma Stetu vecine sta
novnistva, on je osudjen ma smrt.
Bankrotstvo kapitalizma, kao sto
smo videli, viri il svih rupa
njegove p%lanirane International
ne organizacije. l tesko izrablje-
nom c~ovecanstvu sveta, ako sc
ostvari ia zlo-namerna organi-
~zacija. Grozne posledice SUI oci-
gledne skoro i malom detetu.
Sve minute poteskoce i fla, ko-
je je postojeca nesretna genera
CHA podnela pod razornim kapi-
talizmom, bice decije igracke u
sravnjenju sa onim sto je ceka
pod vladavinom posleratnog KID
pitalizma.
Bas sada, kada Sc 'demokrats-
XII" kapitalizam toboz bori "a
~ocuvanje slobodnog sveta, ME
gova "najdemokraticnija' zem-
liza, Amerika, kuje ropske zako-
ne koji &c nadmasiti u sverlu,
sva fla srednjevekovnog i is
torijski-logicnog feudalizma
Draftovanje radnika. To je pred
met o kojem Sc medju kapita-
listickim politicarima neprekid-
no govori. Draftovani radnik bi-
&C prisilni rob - cinienica koju
ne moze nj sam arhi-feker, VIM.
Green, bez primedbe progutati.
On rece da Sc do danas vidi ida
ie slobodni rad produktivniji cd
ropskog rada." Dok sam pred
sednik Roosevelt, kojeg su svi
fekeri i fekerciei. pa i sam Green,
podupirali i jos ga podupiru,
trail uspostavu ropskog rada. To
su tex rane crne ptice, jos ernie
ga doba, koje nam nosi u svo-
Jim nedrima razbojnicki kapita-
liam.
Ne, radniGe. nj Roosevelt, ri
| Churchill, nit Stalini, nisu tyo-
! il prijatelji. Oni su svi povampl-
raci ranijih tragedija. Koliko be.
+, Sc Prvi Svetski Rat imperijalis.
ticki, sto oni priznaju, toliko j.
i oval, iii bolje da recemo:: ova,,
je JOS i wise takav. Koliko sa.
veznitki politicari behu nepri
jatelii oslobodjenja radnika [
proslom ratu, toliko SUI, pa i VI
Sc, postoieci "demokratski" pred
stavnici. Ma primer, Churchill
IL odnosu prema grckom marc
du, koji Sc bori "a uspostavu, III
radnicke, nego puke demokrats
Ike provizorne, burzoaske vlada
vine, a kojeg "demokratski'
bombasi i "demokratski" tenko
vi ma komade drobe. Koliko be5'
socijalna demokratija antiradnic
ka, toliko SUI, i takvi SUI, i da
nasnii "komunisti". Koliki benz
izdajnici radnicke klase, tadasnj
Sajdemani i Eberti, toliki SUI
danasnji Browderi i Stalini. Ba
obratno swim pomenutim: kc
like oni behu neprijatelji rad
nieke klase i prijatelji kapitali
zma, toliko je Socijalisticka Rad
nieka Partija Amerike prija
tell radnicke klase, a neprijatel
kapitalizma. Ona je takva bill
u proslom Svetskom ratu. On
je takva i sada - nepomirlji>
neprijatelj klasne vladavine,
neumorni zagovarac besklasn
slobodne ljudske zaiednice.
Socijalisticki svet.
Kada Sc radnici, prema ucs
niu S. L. p, organizuju politicl
i industrijalno, da tako, ma m
ran i civilizovan nacin, zamen
i kapitalizam Socijalizmom, sam
&C tada celom ljudskom rodu b
ii osiguran trajan i zasluzan mi
/ Tada wise nece jedna zemlia, ks
kurjak, vrebati drugu zemlj,
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08
Entertainment and Dance in Chicago

The Bulgarian Branch SIP of Chicago will hold an entertainment and dsce on Saturday.
be served Admission 25 cents Everybody welcome.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08
II zIVOTA
Vecerinka u Clevelandu

U nedju H. februIao Hanak Cleveland pdneduje vce1nku u sachenhem Hall down
sa9, 7O1 DenanA Ave- Geak u Z SAT- uvce Be domacez akMke govora zbamh iga
Ia Ne dngO bre Sc - ODBOR.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-02-08
Valentine Party in Los Angeles

The WEEKLY PEOPLE Club of Los Angeles invites you to auend it's pecrl Valentine Party
the benefit O. the WEEKLY PEOPLE on Sunday February H. at the Engineers Hail. 1888
lOk Street A block nah of Venice 8 blocks west of Figuera)
A delicious buffet supper is eng planned - Ill you can eat for only S5 no admission
charge The fun ens at 4 pm Special games fvrs music refreshments all arranged for
your enjoymen so won't you come and be our VaeMne?