The Wilmington morning star., 1945-02-16
BY WEsTBROOK PEGLER

our rights and dignity human beings, that
Harry Hopkins expresses from time to time.
His haggard physique and his sickly condition
are dangerous camouflage. They make him
seem harmless, although Napoleon, too, was
little man and suffered from dyspepsia
I find people disposed to regard him as
only trivial and mercenary adventurer, at
worst, whose vicarious pot-bolllng for the
American magazine thorugh the medium of
a ghost is only the established way of ex-
plotting the war for a profit to keep him in
money to bet on the horses. Surely horse
yard habitue must have sporting blood in his
veins and, after ALL the sinister proposals and
even the threats which he offers under his
name in print, are not binding on the Roose-
welt government.
But aren't they?
Well Hopkins is President Roosevelts most
intimate friend and chief cousellor. Thus, we
owe it to ourselves to assume that, when he
says in print that American students should
not be allowed to waste their time studying
Latin, he speaks for Roosevelt. Think what
we may about the Importance OF Latin in
education, this man here is telling us what the
next generation of American citizens may not
study, and with Roosevet's silent consent and
with the benefit of Roosevelts power and
prestige, consistently he could tell us what they
must study This is not just Harry Hopkins
| speaking. Harry Hopkins, by himself, couldn't
tell his opinions or intentions to any editor.
So we have to realize that the man who
tells us in tone of command that the Ameri-
can people must accept as compulsory guests
in the privacy and intimacy OF their homes
strangers who will be drafted for work, is
speaking as one who knows Roosevelt's inner
mind and his plans. If Rooevelt diagreed,
he would throw Hopkins out as he threw out
Stanley High a few years ago for writing a
magazine article that displeased him.
If our homes are not our own, are we free
citizens or mere subjects of regime?
They did that in Russia. to be sure, but,
in this country the men who framed the
constitution felt strongly ON the issue of the
compulsory billeting OF strangers in their
homes and the invasion of their family pri-
vacy. Remembering their recent experiences
with the soldiers of the English king, they
insisted on writing into the Bill of Rights an
article forbidding it. This amendment dealt on
ly with the billeting of soldiers, but we may
allow ourselves the reasonable assumption
that the only reason why they didn't forbid
the compulsory billeting Of civilians was that
they didn't think anyone would ever have
the effrontery to try it.
Hopkins assures us that these drastic
changes in our way are proposed for the dur
alton OF the war only and strictly as emer
gency measures. AS to that, however, we are
too trusting if we believe that the "emergen-
cy" will end when the shooting stops. War
continues until the peace is signed. This war
has been so unconventional in all other re-
spects that we must anticipate years of
"emergency' during which the present Roose-
welt government, and possibly, its successor,
would decide what subjects student might
study and introduce strangers into American
homes.
Hopkins and Roosevelt know, of course, that
Hitler forbade certain students arbitrarily to
take up studies according to their own choice
and bent. But now Hopkins not only tells us
hat Tafi n CHI he ohn1ic had but
far as to say that some students should quit
High school. Well, which students, then. must
quit? And who is going to pick the lucky
ones who will be given the advantage of an
education? And would man capable on such
command to our people hesitate to forbid
the teaching OF religion? Or to require the
teaching of atheism?
Consider Hopkins.
The central figure in divorce case, un-
important by himself, the unlimited guest for
years OF the American people as a resident
of the White House, this person, who never
was elected to any public office, actually lays
down these conditions of life to us. And he
says, IN tone of authority, mo American,
anywhere, not in the war effort, should be
allowed to decide for himself how much he
will give.''
He read that over before it went into type
and he meant every word OF it. We must be
wary enough to assume that, in the absence
Oh repudlallOn, hOOSeVelt means It, too.
This means that the government, and Hop
kins, will decide how much each citizen shall
give. That means, in turn, the power of total
confiscation of all the earned property, the
insurance, the savings, the investments of all
Americans.
And, he added, angrily, 1T won't blow over
and it does mean YOU
More recently, Hopkins, now enjoying in
time of war, the peak income of his life, had
the assurance to state his position on COM
pulsory military training for boys after the
war. His" position, we may be sure, is
Roosevelt's. With his marital record, he say:
"For year after year these boys will estab-
fish our manners and morals and standards
of conduct
What will those manners and morals and
standards of conduct be, then, under an ex-
tension of the same regime?
The manners of the Roosevelts who throw
service men off army planes in favor OF dogs?
The morals of people who exploit office for
riches and favor, who throw high public office
to political door-bell pushers as reward for
their loyal party service? How else did Goeb-
bells in Germany get their jobs under Hitler?
Don't under-rate Harry Hopkins just be-
cause he is only Harry Hopkins, a nonentity
known to almost all of us only by his pictures.
He speaks from the bedside Of the President
of the United States. Otherwise he would be
still nonentity and his declarations would
never be ptblished at ALL