The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990, 1945-01-05

that ave shall not get anywhere
by acting as if we knew the ans
wer to the troublesome problems
of liberated Europe but that
power politics" and spheres OF
influence" are ignoring our ad-
vice. The plain fact OF the matte
is that We-both the people and
the government-have no solution
for these problems, and what IS
more: we have thus far refused
to recognize the existence OF the
problems which have to be solved
There are the problems of who
is to govern, and how, in countries
which have just been liberated
from Nazi occupation. M. Roose-
welt was baffled by this problem
in French North Africa. Mr..
Roosevelt and Mr.. Churchill have
been baffled by it in Italy, in Bel
GUM, and in Greece. Along with
Stain they have been baffled by
it in Yugoslavia and in Poland.
The cornerstone Of our policy in
this field is the third declaration
Of the Atlantic Charter, which
says that they respect the right
of all peoples to choose the form
of government under which they
will live This sovereign principle
provides no solution for the prob
lem which has actually confronted
the Allies in every country which
has thus far been liberated. For
the problem has been to decide
what government to recognize and
to support and to work with in the
period Of time before the occupied
and liberated peoples can exercise
and to choose their form of gov
eminent. To guarantee that they
will be able eventually to exercise
their sovereign right is essential.
But before they can exercise it
there mas to be a government for
each of these countries.
There has to be government
with which we can make plans
for the coordination of our armies
with the underground resistance;
a government which can admins
ter the newly liberated territory
behind our armies; which can mo-
Billie the economic resources and
the manpoWer Of the liberated
country in order to fight this war;
which can distribute the relief we
are able to import; which C a n
speak for the nation in the settle
ment we propose to make with
the enemy and will therefore par
ticipate in the settlement; which
can represent the national interest
lii zour councils SO that we shall
not be accused, later on, Of hav-
ing ignored their interests.
Now the third principles Of the
Atlantic Charter tells US absolutely
nothing about how to recognize a
provisional government-that is to
say a government which has not
ben elected by the people because
it has not been possible to hold
elections. The principle Of the At
lar Charter is perfectly valid:
BIT for this problem, which con-
fronts us everywhere, it is per-
fectly irrelevant That is why all
Europeans who are confronted
with the problem re dismayed
when the State Department lee
lures them about the right Of all
peoples to choose their own gov
errnent. They feel like man
who has broken his leg and is
told that healthy man must
stand on his own feet.
The makers of our foreign poll
cy in the State Department have
overlooked. and therefore have
had no policy regarding, the prob
lem of government in the interval
between liberation and the hold
ing Of elections and the convoca-
ton of constituent assemblies.
They have had strong and sound
views on the principle which ought
to prevail in the permanent and
legitimate government of each
country in the future. But they
have had no views, no theory and
no principle, about the de facto
and the provisional, governments
which are indispensable immedi-
ately. There has been hiatus,
a blank space, in their thinking
and their planning and their poll
cy-making. That is why they have
vacillated and improvised, blown
hot and cold, and been without
clear views, on Darlan, Giraud,
De Gaulle. on the Italian King and
Eadoglio, on Tito n d Mikhailo-
witch, on the London Poles and
the Lublin Poles, and on the Greek
King.
Even if we cannot be wise, we
can at least be tolerant and chart
table and helpful by admitting
that the right course to take in
recognizing and supporting provi-
sional governments is an exceed
ingly difficult and even dangerous
matter to decide. There are no
precedents, there is no body of
tested political knowledge, which
we or anyone else C n readily
draw upon in the situation which
we face. Virtually the whole OF
continental Europe is, as a result
of the Nazi conquest, corruption
and destruction, without govern
ments which have a clear legal
...l LIN Oh a llanoed acceptancH