Toledo union journal. [volume] (Toledo, Ohio) 1942-current, 1945-08-10
BLAME PLACED

10 90 an effective SUPERVISORY
and coordination job. By in
ference, if not explicitly, Sem
nate Majority Leader Barkley
gives another reason. In ad-
dressing the final session Of
the Senate before adjourn
ment, Sen. Barkley proceed to
recite list of items of un-
finished business which the
Congress had not acted upon.
On BarkIey's list were such
matters as government spon-
sored full employment pro-
gram, liberalization of unem-
ployment compensation, ex-
pansion of the whole social Sc
curity system, and the devel-
opment of additional valley
authorities patterned f e r
IVA.
In other words the Mead
Committee says we haven't
gotten far in reconversion be-
cause of lack of coordination.
Senator Barkley says in effect,
we haven't made progress be-
cause Congress hasn't really
enacted a program.
The Mead report was pre-
pared before the outcome of
the British elections. Senator
Barkley's speech came after
the Labor Victory and it is
not unfair to assume that the
temper of the majority lead
er's warning was much in
fluenced by the British election
This Interpretation is confirm
ed by the public attention
which was given to luncheon
meetings among a group OF
New Deal Senators.
CONFLICT AHEAD
Another straw in the wind
showing the effect of the Brit
ish elections on domestic pol
icy here is the statement of
Sen. Murray, chief sponsor of
the full employment bill
which bears his name. In tes-
tifying before a preliminary
hearing on the bill, he said
the people of Great Britain
"see INTO have turned to So
cialism as a possible solution
of their problems on domestic
reconstruction. In the days
ahead, l can see nothing
but conflict aid recrimination
for capitalism in America un-
less we provide a program
which will insure employment
for all Americans who are
able and willing to work"
usines spokesmen are
fully alive to the implications
of the British elections for
domestic policy in the United
States, from here on out. Say
ing in so many words that he
is describing the opinion of
the conservatives, A TT h VI
Krock, chief of the New York
Tt m e Washington Bureau,
writes that American foreign
policy was developed on the
assumption that w ins on
Churchill would continue in
power. With the change to a
labor government, Mr.. Krock
describes the conservatives as
asking whether the United
States should do anything to
strengthen socialist economy
in Great Britain.
Henry Hazlitt, member of
the Editorial Board of the
New York Times writes: "It
would be a strange paradox if
American capitalism were to
be asked to subSidize British
or continental socialism in its
early stages" It's apparently
okay with Messrs. Hazlitt and
Krock for the United States to
subsidize Churchillian private
monopoly economy.
When you cut through the
polite language, here is what
you get. The liberal and pro-
gressive forces in the United
States have been heartened by
the British labor victory and
from present indications are
prepared to go on the often
sive for the first time since
1897. The conservatives are
as worried as hell and will
not be unwilling to help in
discrediting the Labor Gov
ernment in Great Britain be-
cause they are afraid of what
it will mean for the United
States.