Evening star., 1945-01-10
Vondenberq Offers 3-Point War, Peace Plan

Now we are getting somewherel
Fear OF reborn German aggression
In years to come Is at the base Of
most of our contemporary frictions.
This Second World War
plaques the earth chiefly because
France and Britain did not keep
Germany disarmed, according to
contract, after World War No. l.
In other words, when we deal with
Europe's fear-her justified fear
of another rebirth of German mill
tary tyranny in some future post
war era, we are at the heart Of
the immediate problem which be-
devils our Allied relationships.
Proposes to Meet Problem.
II propose that we meet this prob
lem conclusively and at once. There
is no reason to wait. America has
this same self-interest in perma-
nently and conclusively and effec-
lively disarming Germany and ia
pan. 1t is simply unthinkable that
America, or any other member of
the United Nations, would allow this
Axis calamity to reproduce itself
again. Whether we Americans do or
do not agree upon all the powers
that shall reside in an ultimate in
ternational council to call upon us
for joint military action in behalf of
collective security, surely We can
agree that we do not want an in
stants hesitation or doubt about our
military cooperation in the peremp-"
tory use of force, if needed, to keep
Germany and Japan demilitariZed.
Such crisis would be the length
ened shadow of the present war. 1t
would be direct epilogue to the
present war. 1t should be handled
as this present war is handled.
There should be no need to refer
any such action back to Congress
any more than Congress would ex-
pect to pass upon battle plans today.
THE Commander in Chief should
have instant power to act, and he
should act. I know of no reason why
a hard-and-fast treaty between the
major Allies should not be signed
today to achieve this dependable
end. We need not await the de-
termination of our other postwar
relationships. This problem-this
menace-stands apart by itself. Re-
gardless of what our later decision
may be in respect to the power that
ehol1 Io dolooofod IN tho Droci dapf to
join our military force with others in
a new peace league-no matter what
limitations may commend them
selves to our ultimate judgments in
this regard-I am sure we can agree
that there should be no limitations
when it comes to keeping the Axis
out of piracy for keeps. I respect
fully urge that we meet this prob
lem now.
Then, in honest candor, I think
we have the duty and the right to
demand that whatever immediate
unilateral decisions have to be made
in consequence of military need,
and there will be such even in civil
affairs, they shall all be temporary
and subject to final revision in the
objective light of the postwar world
and the postwar Peace League as
they shall ultimately develop. As
President Roosevelt put it in his
annual message:
During the interim period, until
conditions permit genuine express
sion of the peoples will, we and our
Allies have a duty, which we can
not ignore, to use our influence to
the end that no temporary or pro-
visional authorities in the liberated
countries block the eventual exer-
else Of the peoples right freely to
choose the government and the in
stitutions under which, as free men,
they are to live
Should Stand BY Ideals.
II agreed to that. Indeed. I
would go farther. I would write 1t
in the bond. If Dumbarton Oaks
should specifically authorize the ul-
innate international organization to
review protested injustices in the
peace itself, it WOULD at least par
TALLY nullify the argument that we
are to be asked to put a blank
check warrant behind a future sta
tus quo which is unknown to us and
which we might be unwilling to
defend.
1--WE are standing by our guns with
epic heroism. I know of no reason
why we should not stand by our
ideals. If they vanish under ulti-
mate preSsures, we shall at least
have kept the record straight; we
shall have kept faith with our SOL
dier sons; and we then shall clearly
be free agents, unhampered by
tragic misunderstanding, in deter
mining our own course when Berlin
and Tokyo are in Allied hands. Let
me put it this way for myself. I am
prepared, by effective international
cooperation, to do our full part in
charting happier and safer tomor-
rows. But I am not prepared to
permanently guarantee the spoils
OF an unjust peace. 1t will not
work.
1--WE need honest candor even with
our foes. Without any remote sug-
gestion of appeasement, 1 wish we
might give these Axis peoples some
incentive to desert their own totter-
ing tyrannies by at least indicating
to them that the quicker they us
conditionally surrender the cheaper
will be unconditional surrender's'
price. Here again we need plain
speaking which has been too con-
spicuous by its absence, and, upon
at least one calamitous occasion, by
its error.
Il realize, in such momentous
problems how much easier it is to be
critical than to be correct. I do not
wish to meddle. I want only to help.
I want to do my duty. It Is in this
spirit that I ask for honest candor
In respect to our ideals, our dicta-
t1onS and our commitments as the
greatest contribution which govern
ment can now make to the only kind
OF realistic unity which will most
swiftly bring our victorious sons back
home and which will best validate