St. Paul recorder. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1934-2000, 1945-09-21

proved by the Senate OF the United
States. It is natural, therefore,
that men who have the backing and
sponsorship of one or more power
full Senators are likely to receive
priority consideration.
E. Barrett Prettyman, D. c.
lawyer, named to one of the va
cancies by President Truman, was
sponsored by Sen. Willard Tydings
of Maryland. Bennett Champ Clark,
former Senator from Missouri, who
was defeated in the 1914 elections,
was a close friend of the President
when both were serving in the
Senate. He was a close friend of
a number of other Senators, too
and had the backing of several
Wilbur K. Miller of Owensboro, KY.
was sponsored by Majority Leader
Sen. Alben Barley.
Judge HASTE was not sponsored
by any Senator, though at the elev-
enth hour some interest was elicit
ed from Sen. Harley Kilgore OF
West Virginia.
The first lesson to be gained from
this incident is the fact that 13,000,-
900 Negroes in the United States
are without representation in the
Senate. That is not news, but it is
significant and important.
Of course, getting into the Sen
ate would be a herculean task for
Negro, subject as a Senator is
to election by the voting pOpula-
ton of the state at large. His
numerical strength is greatest in
those states where he is denied
the right to vote by poll taxes
and other ruses. But being repre-
scented in the Senate, even though
the Senator's face be white, is
another situation entirely. There
are a number of states in which
the active Negro vote is the bal
ance of power. No Senator could
be elected in these certain states
without heavy support from its
Negro voters. Once elected, he
should represent" all elements
of the population. Many Senators
have in their states Negro law
yers of outstanding qualifications
to whom they never give
thought when a federal judiciary
vacancy occurs.
And therein lies the second les
son. Most Negroes are playing
the game of politics as strictly
amateurs. They are making few
if any inrOads into the party ma
chinery of their states. They are
important only when an election
is in the immediate Offing, instead
of being an integral and cOntinu-
ing part of both the Democratic
and Republican organizations.
1t makes interesting reading
when a Negro announces he is on
the fence and is going to throw
his weight to the side that prom
Uses" him the most. But when
the cake is cut, it is the winning
political machine that handles the
distribution. Everything is work
ed from within, and the fellow
who stood alOOf on the outside
remains there.
That is one reason why I daily
admire Congressman William L.
Dawson more and more. He has
set for himself a goal-Over
long or short periodic weave
the Negro into the fabric of the
Democratic Party so that he will
be a constant factor rather than
a periodic election bauble. He
needs a lot of cooperation from
a lot of people to succeed. The
same thing needs to be done with
the Republicans.
But Dawson will get little credi
for his wisdom. Instead he will b
blamed by some for HASTE no
being named to one of the court o
appeals judgeships. In cold-bloode
political circles, however, Hastie-
who resigned as Civilian Aide t
the Secretary of War to coura
geously criticize the administratio
and who threatened to resign fror
the National Citizens Political Ac
ton Committee at the height of tn
Presidential campaign unless Gel
tain things were done-was nc
politically deserving, HASTE him
self probably would be the first t
admit it, and even more probabl
would not have done differently i
either instance.
This country is still run on tn
theory that to the victor belong
the spoils. Right or wrong, that
the way it is, and if Negroes wan
to win in the game of politics, the
will have to first get in the parl
then play by the rules, and choos
teammates who meet all the eig
bility requirements.
DIR. Frederick InRe