The Wilmington morning star., 1945-12-09
Closing An Epoch.
BY ARTHUR KROCK

WESTINGHOUSE tne HrSt t1I1le since the
Democrats took the Government from the Re-
mh1icans in 1888 the head of the American
State has endorsed legislation in the field of
labor disputes that would operate bilaterally.
Not only has President Truman endorsed it;
he has proposed it to Congress. This also has
not happened for twelve years.
| After President Roosevelt instituted the New
Deal in 1888 all labor legislation favored by
the White House, until today was designed to
| correct what was termed-and in consider
able degree was-the advantage enjoyed by
management over organized LABOR under the
law and the workings Of the economic system.
AS a consequence, from the Wagner Act for
ward the bills sponsored by the President and
passed by Congress were unilateral in labors
special interest and were administered and adj
Indicated in that spirit sometimes beyond the
letter of the law. And when Congress attemp-
ed to reverse the trend Mr.. Roosevelt either
caused the effort to b pigeonholed IN Senate
committe or interposed a veto. Thus the
Smith Connally act - the only break in the
blockade-reached the President in the form
of a confused compromise as a result Of Ad-
ministration efforts to defeat it altogether and
hence included faulty provisions which-though
Congress repassed over Mr.. Roosevelt's veto
gave him good ground for disapproval.
Mr.. Truman while member of the Senate
went along with the Administrators unilater-
al, pro.labor policy. He furnished the only in.
stance in the record of attempting to legislate,
and in wartime dor railway labor) that part
of an increase which had been denied by the
then Sterilization Director GMr. Vinson> under
the holdthe-line law. The Senate passed his
resolution overwhelmingly but it died in the
House.
After the President succeeded he showed
every sign until recently of pursuing the policy
line of his predecessor. But when strikes, many
of them irresponsible and at breach of con-
tract, began to multiply after VI Day and it
developed that labor leadership did notdeter
developed hat labor leadership did not deter
them and the Government had no power to
do so, Mr. Truman's position began to undergo
visible change. He said to visitors that labor
had '1et him down." He demanded that the
striking street-car and bus operators of Wash
ington return to work in fulfillment of Their
contract, after they had gone GU a second
time in a month, adding that labor must
spect Its commitments He merely expressed
hope for moderation when his lieutenants at
the Capitol reported that Congress was deter
mined to impose curbs on indscriminate
strikes at the expense of reconversion. And
last week he set the pattern for the general
remedy proposal to Congress today by ap-
pointing a fact-fnding panel to settle the diff
ferences in the oil industry.
In his greeting to the labor-manageme con-
ference, just adjourned, the President implied
that, if the conferees could arrive at no effec
tive solutions he would offer some himself
This he did today, three days after the confer
ence finished its sessions. And in formulating
his recommendations to Congress Mr.. Truman
took something from the Halliburton Hatch
bill, from the plan proposed by the manage
ment conferees and from the Railway Labor
Act.
The proposal is far less drastic than most
of the bills which have been introduced in
Congress and some of which were on their
way to floor action But that did not at least
Immediately, bring any organized labor sup
port for the plan when the President an
nounced it. All groups expressed their disap-
proval for various reasons, though this may
be modified if opposition proves hopeless
to block Congressional action as it appeared
today. If the Presidents method of choosing
the non-statutory fact-finding panels in the
General Motors and stel industry disputes,
and the decisions reached by those panels,
cancel some of labor's fears, it may with GER
tain amendments be willing to see the pattern
founded in law.
Labor leaders have always, Of course, re-
sisted any regulation which they think may
blunt the strike as an economic weapon. The
coolingoff period which is at the heart of the
Presidents plan, and the Railway Labor Act
as well, is unpopular with them because they
anticipate great difficulty in maintaining will
to strike among their followers during an en-
forced delay, even of thirty days. And, though
Mr.. Truman would confine the legislative in
strument to industries of national scope, to be
heard only when the Secretary of Labor GER
titles that a national emergency exists, labor
leaders today continued to insist that even in
these industries the sysem would no work
for labor Or management, and therefore not
for the public.
But the President has obviously decided tina:
no solution to the grave problem can be pro-
duced jointly by management and labor and
that, since the national interest acutely re-
quires full production, the political power must
produce one. Every appearance is that this
decision will be welcome at the Capitol where
tolerance of growing industrial disputes did
not last as long as it did at the White House.
Mr.. Truman in his message today showed
the courage his intimates have always claimed
for him, for politically he has made break
with the economic philosophy of the New Deal
and braved the resentment Of groups that
claim credit for his own election and two of his
predecessors This resentment will be diff
cult to register politically, however, unless the
Republicans in Congress risk their natural sup
port by grabbing at the professional pro-labor
line-New York Times
Editorial Comment
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