Evening star., 1945-09-09
Wallace Book Called
Political Discourse
Warns of Glass Conflicts in
Setting Hypothetical Job Goals
By Ravm 0nd M0ley

IL Is a necessary premise in any attempt
to put value on what he says about
economics. For what is said for pur-
poses OF politics is one thing, while what
is said for the purpose of giving inform
alton is another thing. The purposes
are different. The purpose of political
discourse is to move people to action
such as voting for the writer or speaker
or for his cause. The purpose of in
formational discourse is to give the
reader or listener something to enrich
his store of knowledge or to sharpen his
wits.
Mr.. Wallace's pamphlet. Sixty Mill
lion Jobs just published, is political
discourse. 1t will prove to be effective
political discourse, for it will add to his
personal following, provide basis for his
future political actions give the admins
istration of which he is a member a
platform for 1916 and 1948 and provide
an alibi if things go badly Finally, it
may well provide Mr.. Wallace with
means of combat in the inevitable fight
IN the Democratic party between the
C1O-Wallace faction and the orthodox
Democrats now in the ascendancy un-
der President Truman-a fight which
started in the 1874 convention.
Mr.. Wallace has mastered the argot
and formulae of politics not through in
tuition, but through hard study, as he
masters other techniques, such as BOOM
erang throwing and Spanish Hence,
tho rct al OF ho
themes in the first few paragraphs of
his pamphlet.
Those themes are laid one on the
other, like bricks in a wall. First, there
is introduced the theme word, goal
Then, in the second paragraph the
villain is suggested. In paragraph three
appears the hand-on- heart pretense of
scientific validity. Paragraph four de-
velops the moral and religious back
ground. The muff1ed thunder of an i'm
mlnent threat to civilization is in para
graph five. The appeal to racialism is
in paragraph six. ole Debbil" Hitler,
/ slightly the worse from political wear.
is in paragraph seven. And finally, in
paragraph eight, appears the remedy for
it all. 1t is a complete political synthe-
sis, all done IN the first two pages. Not
since Bryan has a more meticulous ap-
plication of vote-stlrring technique ap-
peared.
With the reader thus conditioned 1t
is hardly necessary to consider the
marshaling of economic facts. But
since reasonable people may be inter-
ested in the nature of the Wallace eco
nomics, sampling of the material may
be in order.
Mr.. Wallace was master of the AAA.
That explains why, in considering eco
nomic facts. he first establishes goal
and then marshals his facts to suit.
A goal was possible in the AAA be-
cause the probable size of a crop could
be determined with more or less accur-
acy, on the one hand, and the limits OF
consumption, on the other. That sort of
planning cannot be applied to the prod
ucts of manufacturing. A vast uncer-
taintlty prevails there, conditioned by
possible Inventions, salesmanship, va
garies of public taste and many other
factors.
I The proposition that there should be
a specific goal of national production is.
thus, a wholly fictitious means of pe-
ginning an economic discourse on Jobs.
The very means by which Mr.. Wallace
establishes his goal-60, 900 jobs and
a $500 100000 600 national income-is by
fiat That is, he says that to consider
/ 1889 or 1910 as normal and as a reason-
/ able estimate for the future is some
/ thing no sensible man wants to ex-
pect" In fact, Mr., Wallace Just will not
/ accept it.
| So that closes the argument and
/ leaves the writer to create his own
/ goal.
The expectation that 100000 900 900
/ may be the national income in l949 is
/ huttressed by a curious impression left
/ by Mr.. Wallaces figures that the ma
| tional production has actually doubled
every 20 years in the past. Mr., Wallace
| neglected to give verifable sources for
this veiled suggestion, What he says is
| this:
This is recorded for us IN the fact
that every 20 years We have managed
TO double our national production of the
Things we want and need to have. 1t was
the equivalent of so billion in 1909, and
100 billion in 1929 1t can be 200 billion
in l949, and, I dare say, it can reach
| 400 billions in 1869 if private enterprise
! will only live up to its profitable oppor-
tunity of providing fuller life for
| all of us"
| The National Industrial Conference
| Board figure for national income in 1903
| is $50. 500 900 900. For 1929, it is S62,-
! Sl0.000.000 These figures are adjusted
/ to take account of the value of money in
terms of goods, which is the only legiti-
mate way of making comparisons, More
| over, since national income figures bear.
| a constant relation to production, the
| comparison here is valid. No possible
| combination of years since 1900 will pros
| duce the veriflcation of an assumption
| that the national production doubles
every 20 years Hence, the assumption Of
5000. 900 900 900 in 1949 is wholly hypo-
tnetical. And the prediction for 1869 ID
| sheer dreaming,
This is not to say that every one
should not hope, expect and work for
more production and more jobs. But the
danger in setting hypothetical goal is
not only that we shall probably be guilty
Of cruelty disappointing people, but We
shall be preparing the way for bitter
controversy about who prevented the
goal from being reached. That contro-
versy, so clearly predicted in the 'if' in
the above quotation, will produce noth-