Minneapolis spokesman. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1934-2000, 1945-08-24


understood why FEPC was not in
cluded.
With the war finally over, war
time FEPC is subjected to be dis
continued any time now. 1t is one
of the many war agencies created
by Executive Order for the dura-
ton of the war.
The only hopeful sign in recent
days was the statement of U. S.
Senators Burton of Ohio and Ball
of Minnesota, both Republicans,
that Congress should take up i'm
mediately after its vacation, the
bills creating a permanent FEPC.
With the prospect of millions of
workers being unemployed within
the next few months, the problem
of the Negro assumes a more Sc
rious role than at any time since
the depression. According to the
first annual report of FEPC, every
twelfth American in prime war in
dustries is a Negro. This means
that, as these war industries begin
to lay off workers, millions of Ne
groes will be affected.
While Negroes no more than any
other group can expect to hold on
to these purely war jobs after the
war is over, nevertheless, the big
question facing these Negro work
ers is whether they will be retained
according to their seniority as these
plants reconvert to peacetime pro-
duction. 1t is true that, in many
plants most Negro workers do not
have seniority to the degree of
others who have worked in such
plants much longer. However, there
are many of our workers in plants
where they do have seniority.
Since most industrial plants have
been organized by one of the two
great labor organizations, the en-
forcement of seniority rules rests
largely with these union officials.
There is one thing we must watch
however. That is, that there be no
collision between union officials
and management in the dismissal
of Negro workers despite their SEN
iority.
Before the creation of the FEPC
by late President Roosevelt in June
of 1912, many union officials had
worked hand in glove with manage
ment to keep Negro workers out of
employment. The only way we can
be sure that dismissals can be ac-
complished on a basis of fairness
and equity, is through the continu-
ance on the job of FEPC.
The greatest danger facing Ne
gro workers now is that Bilbo and
others in Congress who are anxious
to eliminate FEPC, will take ad-
vantage of the parliamentary stu
alton presented them by the end of
the war to demand liquidation of
this agency.
During the days of reconversion,
Negro workers will need a strong
government agency to back up their
claims for justice. Unless there is
such an agency in operation, we
will suffer the usual fate Of being
the last hired.
In his article in The Cleveland
News last Saturday, Charles J. Still
well, president of The Warner &
Swasey Co., said: "In all the de-
velopment of the future economy of
this country, the Negro definitely
will have his place, and probably
an increasingly important one"
l hope Mr.. Stilwell is correct in
his prophecy that the role of the
Negro worker in the postwar era
will be an increasingly important
one, however, we can't forget that
to get employment in his plant, a
bitter fight had to be waged, even
including a court case brought by
the Future Outlook League.
The best security the Negro
worker can have in the postwar
period is a permanent FEPC. With
Congress reconvening soon, it is
important, therefore, that the full
power of the Negro voter be mobil-
lied to impress President Truman
and Congress of the Importance of
this legislation. Both political
parties are on record for a perma-
nent FEPC. Because this issue has
drawn the opposition of so many
southerners, its path through Con-