The Wilmington morning star., 1945-02-14
u. s. Is Termed Buffer
Between Reds, British

ll1io dISd lie Sdlu tlldI N1ellellCGdC
of France and Lord Curzon Of
Britain established the line in dis
cusslons on winding up the first
World War and that it came down
to question whether Stain would
ask less for Russia that Clemen.
ceau and Curzon had been willing
to grant.
Repeatedly Byrnes emphasized
the importance of American parti
cipation in European settlements
He cited the cases of Greece, Pc
land and Yugoslavia as examples
of nations where there should be
or could have been concerted &C
ton by the great powers to aver
spheres of influence politics anc
internal violence.
There was great danger
he said, that one group or another
inside a country would likely gel
in touch with the British or the
Soviet government and solidit sup.
port for its own struggle for pow
er.
Asked whether the President hao
plan for making personal re-
port to the country on the confer
ence, Byrnes said he knew of none
but my hope is that when he re-
turns he may make radio broad
cast or address Congress"
Meantime the Crimean plan for
tomorrow's world encountered
some criticism.
There appeared to be wide &C
ceptance of the Big-Three pledge
to continue Anglo-American-Sovie
unity after the war and to call the
United Nations conference at Sar
Francisco April Is to breathe life
into the Dumbartn Oaks security
plan. Proposals for smashing Ger
many, for breaking UP her notori
Gus general staff as well as the
Nazi gang, and for hobbling hel
war-making powers also drew
much praise.
But some of the sections hav'
ing to do with relations between
the great victorious powers ano
their smaller allies-particularly
the plan for settling the Polish
controversy-Were in for rough
weather.
Comment and reaction showed
the wide extremes of praise and
criticism. Acting Secretary of State
Grew called the plan lone of the
greatest steps" yet taken toward
lasting peace, but Rep. O'Konski
(R.-Wis.) Numbered in the House
that it is a stab in the back for
Poland' and a second Munich"
In London the Polish exile gov
eminent bitterly rejected the for
mula applied to its country anc
accused the Big Three of violating
1.-The letter and spirit of the At
lantic Charter and the right of ev'
cry nation to defend its own IN
crest"
In effect this formula recognizes
Stains long-standing claim to the
eastern third of pre-War Polanc
up to the Curzon Line) and his de-
sire for a pro Russian government
at Warsaw. Poland is to be "mov
ed westward" by acquiring com
pensating lands taken from Ger
m any-which Stain had also pro
posed The present Soviet-backeo
regime at Warsaw is TO be convert
ed into national unity govern
ment at which time Washington
and London will recognize it, dis
carding the exile government
which they have heretofore sup
ported in opposition to Russia.
Since Stain got what he wanted
in Poland it was considered prob
able that he also received assur-
ances about what he has long
sought in one Or two other places
notably AngIc-American recogni'
ton fir Soviet absorption of Lithua-
mia, Latvia and Estonia and warm
water outlets to the Pacific at the
close of the japanese war.
Even more broadly all the small,
err nations have keen interest
in the kind of compromise worked
out for setting the Dumbarton Oaks
voting issue. The hope and expecta'
ton among American officials was
that it would provide some safe
guards which Russia had sought
for great powers accused of ag.
erosion without going all the way
and allowing such powers to sit in
Judgment on themselves.
The great VS.. small power ques-
ton was one of those that made
the Crimean meeting necessary.
President Roosevelt went determin-
ed to find out how far Churchill and