davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26
D. Culun.
(Svrsetak.)
Prvon1ajska proslaua S. r. @. D.

TTOOHtkJShU piOStuDU y. n. T.. d.
Socijalisticka Radnicka Orea-
nizacija Deleonista u Montevi-
dec, Uruguay, proslavila je Prvi
Maj nezavisno cd ikakvih dru-
9Th organizacija. Ona je sazvala
jedan sastanak, drugova i SIM
paticara, ma kom je odrzan govog
ma spanskom jeziku, znacaju
Prvog Maja. Govornik ie bio
drug P. Centner.
Iznoseci povodne motive O
proslavi Prvog Maja, te usvoie-
ne rezolucije ma raznim radnic-
kim kongresima, narcotic IL Pa
rizu, u 1882, u kojoj Sc zahtova
"Oslobodjenje Rada Cd Kapita-
la, sto treba da je polazna i
zavrsna tacka svih onih koii sla-
We Prvi Maj, drug je naglasio
da je Prvi Maj prank revolu-
cionarnog proletarijata. O -ezo-
lucijama, usvojenim ma nekinl
radnickim kongresirna, "a krace
radno vreme mace poboliSice
za radnicku klasu. on rece da ie
to pripadalo mladenackon do5u
radnickog pokreta; kada je isto-
vremeno i sam kapitalizam tel.
bio u svom najboljem cvetll i
mogao je dati posla svojin na-
jamnim robovima.
Ali danas, kada je kapitaE-
zam pretvorio celu zemlju. vcd,.
i vazduh. u bratoubilacki ratn;
pakao, koji Sc media opisati, ba-
viii Sc sa raznin refornama
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26

pai sa porobljenim narodom,
zgrazanju ma strani "demokra-
ta", ukljucujuci Benesa, nije
bilo granica, a sada oni cine
isto Sto su tinili nacisti. Cak Sc
ne kaze da~ 81 IA tri miliona
Nemci, nego da 81 cesi, "koji
su prindn neEnacko gradjans4
tvo."
Nedavno je Poljska pribegla
istoi praksi u Pomeraniji.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26

je jasna: Produktivne siIe naseg
vremena postale su tako ogrom-
ne, j tako rasirene, da geo.
grafske medic ne mogu wise slu-
ziti. Niti Sc te >produktivne sile
mogusvise razvijati pod kapita-r
listiekom iii plutokratskom kon-
trolom. Njihovo uspesno operi-
sanje zahteva celishodnu sveop-
stu organizaciju svih radnika "a
uzetih u svojim komplikovanirn
i raznorodnim procesima.
rtr,aI.1t
weekly People, %. juna1945.>
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26
Narodnost i Narod

zam vec sam razara naciju. Male
nacije, kojima Sc vec tako
mnogo klepetalo, nemaju buduc-
nosti. U prkos jezik-za-zube bes-
mislice snabdevane cd besedni-
ka Ujedinjenih nacija i u prkos
svih konferencija sastanaka We
likih Triju, Svetski Rat br. II
je pokazao jasno da nacija, a
narcotic mala nacija, kao neza-
visna samoupravna drzava, ne
moze wise postojati. Ona odlazi
liz egzistencije iz 18TH samo-raz-
loga koji SUI je doneli u zivot.
| Pri zavrsetku srednjevekovnog
perioda, produktivne sile SUI mad
rasle drustvene forme nametnu-
te od samo-izdrzavajucih, isklju-
civo osamljenih mesta, u jednu
ruku, i granice feudalnih siste-
ma, u drugu. Tako osamljene,
produktivne sile bile su nespo-
sobne da Sc prosiruju dalje. Nuz-
ne Sire oblasti slobodna kreta
MIA proizvodnih sila dale su raz
vitak politicke nacije.
| Danas SUI owe produktivne slle
nadrasle granice nacija. Pri "a
vrsetku kapitalistickog sistema,
industrija je porasla tako mno-
go, tako je sveopste medjuza-
visna, da SUI nacionalne medic
zapreka niihovom dalnjem ma
pretku. Nacija wise nije zadovo-
liavajuca, i ona mora odlaziti.
Zaista, predstavnici plutokratije
wise ne govore naciji, osim radi
propaganda skakljanja pucans-
iva. Oni zamenjuju rec narod sa
reci Sila.
Mala nacija sadasnjeg vreme-
ma jeste tacno u istom polozaju
kao osamljeno selo u jedanaes-
tom dvanaestom veku - zapre-
ka progresu. Postojanje malih
nacija ovisi potpuno dobroj
wolff, iii politickoj koristi, ve-
likih sila. Kada Sc rat poiavi ia
cinjenica iskace jasna. Osovins-
ke sile su morale da' pregaze j
zauzrnu male nacije, a saveznic-
ke nacije moraju ciniti isto. O.
sovine SUI preuzele kontrolu mad
Norveskom, Danskom. Holandi-
JON it'd, a saveznici okupiraju
militant Timor, Siriju, NADIA
gascar. Iran i tako dale. To je
neizbezno. Rat, kao svaka dru-
ga industrial, iii deo industri-
/ ialnog sistema, moze Sc jedino
operisati ma velikom kantaru. A
svaka mala nacija koja je ma pu-
tn mora isceznuti kao toplota u
zgradi pod deseto-tonskom bonn
bonn.
Oval uslov je, sto, gospodin
Godfrey T. CARAT. u svojoj
"Mussolini's Roman Empire, VIZ
10 zgodno naziva, "novi zakon
pustare", kada Sc pozivao ma "Sir
John Simon-ovu ugodnu teori-
ju da one [male nacije] postoie
| iedino ma racun bolova velikih
Sila." I, potrebno je primetiti
takodjer, da i gospodin Church
ill, u svom pobednom govoru ma
radio, pozivajuci Sc ma de Valera
j Irsku, rece da postoje "smrtn;
moment u nasem zivotu, i da
nije bilo radi lojalnosti pri-
jateljstva Severne Irske mi bi
morali doci u zatvorenu sobu
sa gospodinom Valerom iii iscez-
mutt "a uvek sa zemlje." A to je
verovatno istina.
| cineci optuzbu da ce Socijali-
zam razoriti naciju, plutokratiia
pripisuje Socijalizmu onu vrlu
stvar "a koju je ona sama kri-
va.
| Kakve &c greografske podele
biti nuzne u Socijalisnckom
drustvu, to je pitanje koje mi
ne mozemo predvideti, niti je
nuzno da to cinimo. Jedna stvar
.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26

sam "a sebe, odeljen cd masa
/ naroda svojim skolarskim siste-
MON. Svi skolovani ljudi Evro-
pc govorili SUI, pisali pisma i
knjige ma latinski - ma jeziku
Rima =. I, posto je latinski je-
xix. bio jerk nauke, Rim je bio
prestolnica naucenog sveta -.
/ Nauka je bila ogranicena skols-
kim pravilima koja su izrasla u
vremenu, tako da su duhovnici
bill jedini Skolovani narod. Sred-
njevekovni skolarac je gledao ma
sve sa duhovnjackim ocima. Ma
celu nauku Sc morale gledati kao
ma deo teologije. Stvari cd zna-
nosti = imeno, da Ii Sc zemlia
okretala oko sunca iii sunce oko
zemlie - smirivane SUI teksto-
vima IL bibliie, umesto da Sc is
trazuju cinjenice. covek koji je
ucinio otkrica u znanosti mogao
je biti zaustavljen iii kaznjen
ako je on pronasao da su du-
hovnici bill pogresni u icemu."
(F. Seebohn, "The Protestant
Reformation.")
! Owl faktori su stavili ogrom-
nu moe u ruke crkve, koju Hem
ry Drugi nije nikada mogao sa-
vladati. Pobeda mad cIkvom ie
tdosla mnogo kasnije. Sta je on
uradio bilo je to sto je stvorio
trajni sistem administracije pra-
vosudja kroz cello svoie kraljev-
stvo, delimicno primenjujuci sta
re saksonske tradicionalne "a
kone, delimicno razvijajuci
svoj sopstveni sistem. Njegov sis
TEN je bio tako cvrsto ustanov-
lien da ga cak nj ludost ME-
gova sina nije mogla unistiti.
Njegov razvitak nije mogao MIS-
ia uciniti nego da odvede u for
miranje nacije.
Cd toga vremena, svako po-
kolenje je dodavalo dalnje de-
talje dok moderni oblik nacije
nije, bio dovrsen. Videee Sc da
| je nacija, u njenom pocetku, BIZ
la korisna probitacna ustanova
koja je omogucila drustvu da
progresira il zastoja istrosene
forme srednjevekovnog perioda.
Ona je ucinila borbu "a oslobo-
djenje znanosti prirodnih istra-
zivanja cd veza duhovnjaclsih
vladavina, mogucom.
] Period u kojem Sc razvija ma
CHA najbrilijantniji je engles-
koj istoriji. U MENU, start en-
gleski jerk, obogacen dodatcima
IL francuskog, bese ozivljen i
prva velika remek-dela engleske
literature bila SUI pisana. 0 ovom
periodu pisao je Stubbs:
ITO je TEX mali dec ovog ve-
likog perioda koji mi namera-
vamo opisati ovom poglavlju;
i istoriju nase sopstvene domo-
vine "a vreme owe epohe, velikih
ljudi i velikih uzroka; ali on sa-
cinjava istoriju onoga sto je en-
gleski najveci doprinos svetskom
progresu." (Stubbs, "The Early
Plantagenets.")
! Kako je nasa nacija, tako obe-
cavajuca u pocetku, postala u
naSim danima prosto orudje u
rukama gange plutokratskih IL
rabljivaca radnika, to je druga
prica. Kapitalizam, zasnovan ma
eksploataciji, korumpiran je u
svojoj vrloj sri. On skrnavi sve
sto MIN dodje u dodir. On je
iskvario naciju udruzio je sa
najponiznijim oblikom laznog
patriotizma.
cesto Sc postavlja pitanje, no.
&c Ii Socijalizam razoriti naciju?
Jedan nacin da Sc ma to odgo-
vori jeste da skrenemo paznju
ma to da plutokratski kapitali-
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26

oiIl,esu dec svoga osobnog pri-
puiul][lv1; j . ostalos te bitt kol-
f1Ihovanoshao 'degsrepeFsEija ko-
lie l5ena11Easdugsje fehsalesae
koi cd 800, ,oo0.0oo SeEkih kruna
IL vnednosti naneSenog kvara ne
hnatkom okupacijom."
Kada 81 Nemci slitno postu-
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26
(Nastavak 50 /. strane)

covek sa kvalifikacijama potreb-
MIN "a takvu borbu. On je bio
TEX osamnaest godina star kada
je nasledio vojvodstva cd Nor
mandy i Anjoua. y devetnaest
godina, lukavom zenidbom, on
dodje do posedniStva Aquitaine
vec je postao mocni evropski Via
dar. U dvadeset godina, on je
otisao u Englesku prisilio je
Stephena ma svoje uslove, a go
dinu docnije, on uze prestolje
Engleske. Kao glava kuce cd An
joua, kraljevi Palestine MEGA
smatrahu kao poglavicu njihove
porodice i ponudise mu svoje
prestolje. Kao poglavica Norma
ma, kralj Sicilije gledaSe ma ME
ga kao ma svoga verovatnog ma
slednika. Henry nije dozvolio da
sve ovo udje u njegovu glavu
niti da ga zbaci sa ravnoteze. On
nije bio narodnjak. (Otkuda bi
on mogao biti toy / on nije
imao namere iii naklonjenosti
da gradi politicku naciju. Ali on
jeste hteo da prosiri svoju vlast
i svoje sopstvene zakone mad ce-
lin svojim kraljevstvom da suz-
bije ambicije svojih barona.
Trgujuca mesta, kao kmeto-
vi, zahtevahu oslobodjenje cd ba-
ronske tiranije nasilja. Tako Sc
njihove potrebe podudarahu sa
potrebama kralja. Oval cd dva-
deset i jednu godinu star kralj
bio je dovoljno lukav da vidi da
bi dobrobit njegovih podanika
formirala cvrst osnov "a njego-
WI sopstvenu moe. On Sc dade ma
posao da povrati zakone svoga
pradede, sa dodatkom njegovih
sopstvenih, konacno dovrsujuci
pojmnjivi legalni sistem "a celu
zemlju - sistem koji Sc odrza-
vac kroz vekove. On je razru-
sio kastele sagradjene "a barone
u vreme burne vladavine Stephe-
ma; povratio je novac ma jedins-.
tvene srebrene novcanice zako-
mite tezine; poslao je nazad L
njihove domovine barone stvore-.
ne cd Stephena, zajedno sa nil
hovim iznajmljenicima; povra
ito je imanja njihovim ranijim
posednicima. On je zauzeo Was
nistvo mad celim imanjem pre-
nesenim sa krune, narcotic dr.
zavnu penziju sa kojima je Ste
phen obdario svoje novo-stvore-
ne grofove it'd. / ako ne namerno,
njegova politika je bila izracu-
nata da poveze engleski narod
| i teritoriju u jednu politicku je-
dinicu. On je oziveo starodrev-
ne polozeje sefova, u CHE je ruke
stavio ubiranje poreza i admi-
nistraciju pravosudja u sirovima
kao u saksonskim danima, tako
daiuci lokalnu sigurnost po-
mazuci ustanovljenje razmene i
trgovine. Sa ovim merama Hen
Try je potkopao moe uzurpators-
kin feudalnih magnata da opo-
rezuju sude svoje sopstvene va
zale i kmetove, da kuju svoj sops-
tveni novac da vode ratove kao
nezavisni princevi. 1stina je, owl
rezultati nisu dosli odmah, posto
baronstvo nije, najverovatnije,
bilo voljno da ustupa bez borbe.
Ali Henryev sistem, jednom "a
pocet, nije Sc mogao unistiti i
: pod tim sistemom Engleska pos
tade politicka nacija, pod jednom
vladavinom kontrolisana cd je:
dinstvenih zakona svuda.
'Crkva je takodjer bila feudal-
ina ustanova imala je razloga
da Sc protivi Henryevim prone
mama kao i baroni; ali je imala
mnoga druga [protivljenja] po-
red tih. Razgranjavanje crkve
|pokri celu Evropu i ona dobi o.
gromnu moe. F. Seebohm pise
o ovom:
"1z cinjenice sto je popovstvo
bilo skoro jedini sko1ovani ma
rod oni su postajali advokati i
l. n
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26
Swim Pretp|atnicima
Radnicke borde

Preko tr po decenije kako RADNIcKA BORBA organ
Jugoslavenske Federacije L. neprekdno sr arksstku
svetlost medu jugosavenskim e
vreme ucila kako da zaedncki
naJamnog ropstva uposavljavauc dstveni poredak
kome &c sv korsni canovi drusva pra popunu drvenu
vrednost svoga rada.
RADNICKA BORBA Sc sroeo prdrzava Marksove lozinke
da osobodene adncke klase b kanosvesnQ deo sa
adnka Ouda ona ne nkad svoo sto trazila hoaboracu
a eiementlma koji nemau c unsenje naanog ropsva
Ona cello nelosrdno sbaa danas ba)
zvane radncke pokre ko zagovarau aradnju burzoask
elementna Jer kasna saraa vod nas kas obod nego
naprotv vecto ropvu Ona nepreno zagovara
la kasnu borbu jer kroz kasnu bobu kasnu potCko
ekonomske organzacje adncka klas moc &c osobod
amnih okova.
Da bi osgurao opstanak RADNICKOJ BORB tako bi
bia stanju produzit svoo misom mom prosveeiva
organizovanu jugosavenski radnka godnje prea
u Konuenciske SkupStine koima sv ljube Radnicke
stampe raz novcane poge Buduc da nen pretpanici
neee b stanju prustvova ovogodsnjo Konvencji nase
Feerace cno priloz svoje prloge otuda pozvau da
svoe prloge salJu dole popsanog oval naein
njen opstanak istovremeno odgovore vojm duznostma
Mr.. F. Sepeevic
sekretar Federacije,
3413 st. Clair Ave,
Cleveland A. Ohio
Drag druze:
prlozenom Salem ii $, moi prlog
konvencijski fond RADN1cKE BoRBE
uME)
Dana ana-------------------------
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1945-07-26

weekly People, %. juna1945. +,
Evening star., 1945-06-25
Reminder of Failure

Sometime before next Saturday
night Congress will go through the
formality of again extending the
time during which the occupancy of
certain alley dwellings in the Dis
trict of Columbia remains legal.
Without such extension, it will be-
come illegal to occupy such dwellings
after July /.
At one time it was believed that
the presence of such a law on the
books would serve as an incentive to
the enactment of effective legisla-
ton permanently to clear the in
habited alleys and to provide sub
stitute dwellings for their occupants.
The law at least expressed con-
gressional policy. But in one form
or another it has been there since
before the start of the war in 1917
and is apt to be there for years to
come after this war is over.
No local problem has been more
thoroughly explored by congress
sional committees than this matter
of the alley dwellings. And none
has been more futilely dealt with.
Part of the blame lies with the re-
fusal OF appropriations committees
to comply with the spirit of the Alley
Dwelling Act, drawn in anticipa-
tion of more funds than were al
lowed. Part lies with the public
housing authorities, who became
preoccupied with more spectacular
undertakings than clearing the al
leys. And part of it can be laid to
the war, the lack of building mate
rials and the acute shortage of all
types of housing.
Clearing the alleys was a postwar
project in 1918. 1t remains so now,
after almost thirty years, toward the
end OF another war. Each extension
of the deadline for clearing the al
leys serves as a reminder, If nothing
else, of deplorable failure,
Evening star., 1945-06-25

Berlin, is not among those who
share this belief.
The Russians celebrated the de-
feat of Germany with a great victory
parade in Moscow yesterday. Stand
ing beside Premier Marshal Stain
in the reviewing stand, Marshal
Zhukov said: AFTER four years of
savage battles we have entered a
period of peaceful development. The
Soviet state has emerged even more
mighty from the grim struggle we
waged, and the Red Army the most
modern and powerful army in the
world."' Then he added this note of
warning: But for us it is un-
seemly to become conceited or COM
placent. In the future, too, we must
strengthen the economic might of
our country, increasingly perfect our
military skill, study the abundant
experience of the fatherland-war,
and develop our military science"
Obviously, the Russians are not
among those who believe that weak
ness points the way to peace. For
the present, at least, they are going
to look to their own security, and it
behooves us to do likewise.
Evening star., 1945-06-25
The Soviet Example

General Patton is not a man to
weigh his words, and some of the
things he has said since returning
to this country might better have
been left unsaid. In his latest pub
lie statement, however, he is so man
ifestly correct that it is difficult to
see how even his severest critics can
dissent from it on any basis except
that of willful refusal to recognize
an obvious fact.
The commander of the Third Army
told an American Legion group at
Hamilton, Massachusetts,, that the
Second World War will be the last
war if we are prepared against the
possibility of future wars" This is
another way of saying that the
United States for an indefinite pc
riod of time cannot entrust it's Sc
curity to any international organ
ization, but, while cooperating fully
and in good faith with other nations
seeking to maintain peace, must
look primarily to its own military
strength as its shield against an
other war.
There are those who dissent from
this view, who say that constructive
steps toward military preparedness
compulsory peacetime training, for
example-would be regarded with
suspicion by other nations and would
be interpreted as evidencing our lack
of confidence in cooperative meas
ures to maintain peace. They be-
lieve, apparently, that the way to
prevent war is to be unprepared. It
is interesting to note that Marshal
zhukov, who led tlle Red Army into
Evening star., 1945-06-25
Okinawa Casualties
By Maj. George Fieldine Eliot

While We do not as yet have the full
breakdown of the American casualties
on Okinawa, Admiral Nimitz has made
public enough figures so that some COM
parsons can usefully be drawn. These
comparisons suggest that the Okinawa
campaign has not been as costly as
hasty assumptions have led many of
us to believe.
In the first place, we have-in COM
pairing Okinawa with Two Jima and
Saipan-tended to forget that on Oki-
nawa We were using many more troops
than We did at either of the other
two places. Hence comparisons based
on total casualty figures are misleading;
a better comparison may be had by
using percentages.
The total numbers of troops and naval
personnel employed are not available.
But we do know that we used seven divi-
sions on Okinawa, as against three divi-
sions at Two Jima and at Saipan. We
will not go far wrong if we assume
that the amount of naval and air sup
port, special service units and so on
will be roughly proportionate to the
number of divisions employed. This
isn't exact, but it will do as basis of
comparison.
Now let us look at the casualty figures:
Evening star., 1945-06-25

answer questionnaires, though no house.
wife would hire cook that way. The
nonfraternlzation order holds at the
highest levels. The military governor
OF province may not sit down and talk
sympathetically in a two-way conver-
sation with some one he intends to
intrust with an important task, such
as forming an anti-Nazi cabinet. But
one has to talk sympathetically with
people even to find out that they are
scoundrels.
II there were any German who wanted
to publish a newspaper and could start
one We would at least learn what he
was up to. We could watch the response
OF agreement and of opposition. AS it
is we are trying to govern like the
three monkeys, who hear not, see not,
speak not.
We are getting out a weekly news
paper for the entire Province of Ba-
varia, but it may not publish edito-
rials. nor advance any ideas even to get
reactions to them. We appoint pro-
vincial governors and mayors and tell
them If they do not do their job prop
erly they may be court-martialed But
since no one, including ourselves, has
the foggiest notion of what the proper
government may be, these officials nat
urally are avoiding being court-mar-
tailed by avoiding doing anything be-
yond orders and. above all, by avoiding
having any ideas. We won't even allow
any one to open theater.
+
But man as political creature,
which simply means man as mind,
cannot live without ideas, and I can
not see anything to be gained by deep
ening the present imbecility of the 75.-
100000 people living. unfortunately, not
on distant island, but right in the
heart OF Europe. The trouble with our
war Is that we have got our uncondi-
tional surrender. We asked the Ger
mans to give themselves over to our
will and they have. and it seems we
haven't any will.
Has anybody asked what we are 60
ing to do with Japan when it, too
falls into our arms like tons and tons
of lead?
Evening star., 1945-06-25
On the Record
By Dorothy THOMPSON

PARIS.-I confess that after the enor-
nous effort crowded into the few weeks
spent in Germany have no notion of
what, if anything. is going on in the
German mind There is despair, there
is immeasurable shock and disillusion-
ment, there is terrible and Unlicensed
hatred, there is shame and turbulence,
there is fear. There are all signs of
Generalization, callousness, self pity
and, it seems to me more than anything
else, a docile. almost imbecilic vacuity
of morale, both intellectual and politi-
cal
1t is as though the whole history of
Rome, from the republic through Nero
and Caligula to the fall, has been
crowded into II years of national expe-
rience and all reactions are emotional.
My overwhelming impression is MOTH
ing is going on in the German mind at
all-everything is happening in the solar
plexus and, like dreadful problem chill
dren with unaccountable shifts in mood,
the German people are. at one moment,
throwing themselves into our arms with
low means and, possibly, in another they
may be biting Our throats or rending
their own garments or holding Holy
Roller meetings. I just don't know.
Neither, however, do the people in
trusted with military government and
obviously they never will know as long
as they prohibit any sort Of political
activity.
X X X X
When We entered Munich, the Ba-
varian separatists movement was con-
tending with the Free German move
ment. Our people seem to think neither
amounted to anything. Probably we
are right, but unless the Germans could
speak and publish papers. how in the
world can we know. All life of the
mind depends on communication and
reactions of others to the communica-
ton. We are living in a world here
where there is no communication be-
tween the Allied military government
and the people except for the COM
munication of orders, and there is no
communication of the German people
with one another
We select officials bv asking them ta