The Wilmington morning star., 1945-02-22

tiers, and for this there must he
willing and faithful participation
by the neighboring states. Nat,Jr
ally, they will participate in max
ing the policy which cannot be
administered without them.
This is but one illustration
among many which might be ad.
duced of how in practice the au.
thorlty of the Big Three is certain
to be shared and to become de-
centralized. What the less power
ful nations are asking as a matter
OF principle and of right thew will
attain. The right principle is the
only workable principle as we
come INTO the era of pacification
and of reconstruction.
ii this were better understood
if in their statements of policy the
Big Three would only affirm it
expilcltely and positively, it would
be a great help. Not only would
they strengthen the confidence of
the other Allies, but also their pa.
hence anc tolerance in accepting
the leadership of the Big Three
during the coming period of mill
tary crisis when the leadership of
the Big Three is so necessary to
the common cause.
The one best opportunity to do
this will come when we expound
the Dulnbarton Oaks charter at
Mexico City and at San Francisco
The crux of the difficulty is that
IN the security council five great
powers have "a special position.
mere is no reasonable doubt that
1or the purpose of preventing an
other world war in this generation
these five powers occupy spe-
eli position. If they are agreed.
mere cannot be world war: if
they become enemies, their con-
fllct will be a world war.
But though this is a sufficient
reason for their special position,
1t would be the part of wisdom
TO acknowledge that this peculiar
state OF affairs will not last for
ever. AS a matter of fact. it can
last only for a certain period of
tlme. That is the period of paci-
flcatlon while Germany and Japan
are under special control and are
on probation. IT the pacifica alton of
our enemies is a failure, as it
was from 1919 to 1888, the nations
Will become aligned for another
war. If the pacification is success
ful. our enemies will be readmit-
ted to an equal place, and through
reconciliation the true peace will
begin. If and when that day
comes, the security council as it
IS now organized will have to be
reconstructed.
Therefore, it seems to me. we
ought to recognize these truths by
proposing that it be called the pro-
visional security council. and per
haps by providing that its consti-
tuition should be reconsidered at
some agreed time in the future.
This would 60 far to remove the
suspicious and to meet the moral
OBJECTIONS OF our less powerful al
hes. 1t would also be the proof
that we understand the principles
OF peace, and do not confuse them
with the necessities of war. or the
expedlents which we shall have to
adopt in the era of pacification
which will come between the war
and the peace.
For then we shall be proclaim
ing the fundamental truth that as
long as the world is divided into
vlctors, vanquished and neutrals,
the reign of peace has not begun.
arrangements, be they a Yalta
conference, or the security coun-
eli designed at Dumbarton Oak
which tit the war and the pacifi-
catlon are not to be treated as
the permanent institutions of a
world at peace. They are de facto
and provisional, and provided that
all men think of them that way,
1ney can serve great practical
purpose in inaugurating a true
peace.
Copyright, 1e45, New York Tribune
Inc.