The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990, 1944-12-15

giving his support to the legally
recognized authority which bears
those powers and traditions the
continuity Of which many countries
have highly developed" In the exc
cutlon of this policy, he has run
afoul of the armed patriots of the
resistance, and has found himself
denouncing them as Bolshevists, an
archists and brigands.
This is a tragic conflict because
to Churchill above all other men
the world will be forever in debt
for having rallied the resistance to
Nazism.
In the last analysis the conflict
has arisen. I believe, because Mr..
Churchill is trying to apply h e
great principle of legitimacy in gov
eminent without correct appre-
citation of the unprecedented condi-
ton of affairs which the Nazi con-
quest and occupation have created.
The European governments
which existed in 1889 have the title
deeds of continuity and legitimacy.
But their titles are impaired be-
cause in one way or another these
government failed in the highest
duty Of a government, which is to
maintain the independence Of the
nation. In some cases other failure
was honorable, in others not so
honorable: in all cases the burden
of resisting conquest was at least
shared by the organized forces Of
the resistance within the German
lines. These resistance movements
had no legal titles. Yet they per-
formed the greatest function of
Legitimate government, which is
to preserve the national indepen-
dence.
By virtue of this the extra-con-
stitutional forces have themselves
acquired title of legitimacy which
in justice and in expediency must
be recognized, which cannot be ig-
nored and overridden. In very
real sense they too represent that
continuity of powers and tradi-
tons which Mr.. Churchill finds
in the established governments, but
in them alone. The problem is how
to fuse the legitimacy acquired by
the resistance movements with the
legitimacy inherited by the old gov
ernments.
This cannot be done by ordering
the resistance movements to hand
over their arms to the governments,
and then to dissolve and disappear.
Where this has been. attempted, as
in Greece and Belgium, it has led
to bloodshed, or as in Italy to stag
nation and confusion. The expert
ence of France, and what is likely
to be the experience of the Nether-
lands and of Norway, demonstrates
that in this interim period after the
Germans leave and before the coun-
try has recovered some semblance
of a normal life, government is pos
sible only if the resistance move
ment is treated with high respect
as one of the legitimate pillars of
the provisional state.
There are no clear and obvious
precedents to guide us in this sit
uation. Statesmen have to break
new ground in order to amalga-
mate what remains of the old states
because it is not discredited by
treason, collaboration, or coward
ly incompetence-wit the new au-
thority formed in the struggle with
the Germans. The French Consul
tative Assembly, which combines ell
ements of the old with the represent
tatives of the new is almost certain.
ly the prototype of the best that is
possible in the way Of popular
foundation for government in new
ly liberated country.
It is certain, I think, that the old
governments cannot survive with |
out the support of the organized re-
sistance movements. On the other |
hand, it is true also, and realized,
I believe, by the resistance lead
ers that they alone cannot discharge
the whole responsibility OF govern
ment. They have lived and fought
inside the German lines and in this
terrible struggle many of their best
men have persisted; all of them
have been cut off from contact
with the rest of the world; all of
them feel that for four years they
have been out of touch with affairs.
They need, especially in their for
eien relations, the leadership of /
men who have lived in the free
world. !!
But they will never accept the
leadership of such men if the first
proposal put to them by the return
ing exiles is that they should dis
arm, dissolve, and disappear. For
thew will trust the men from the II