The Wilmington morning star., 1944-10-28
Strong Point
BY ARTHUR KROCK

BY ARTHUR KROCK
WASHINGTON, Oct. 27-Some of the most
highly placed of the Presidents aides who
work closely with Congress are among those
who have expressed wonder that Mr.. Dewey
failed for SO long to emphasize the point he
dWelt on effectively last night. This concerns
the relations Of Mr.. Roosevelt with Congress
and the prospect that the next House will be
under Republican control making his going
even harder on Capitol Hill.
How widely accepted in this prospect was
illustrated today by publication of the results
of poll which the magazine Newsweek con-
Quoted among fifty political writer's for the
press who are stationed in Washington. In an
swer to question whether the next House ma
jority would be Republican the vote was 80
yes and 10 mo-, The situation this would
create and the Presidents misadventures with
Congress, inspired the following from Mr..
Dewey:
Since then O935), he Mr. Roosevelt)
has warred with Congress at every turn.
He has insulted its integrity publicly, and
its members have learned the bitter les
son that legislation asked for one purpose
is twisted to another. This is a sad foun-
dation on which to build the teamwork
necessary for the future.
Numerous observers of executive-legislature
agree that this is not an overstatement And
Mr. Dewey drove home his point with the
perfectly truthful reminder that in June 1910,
the President suggested that Congress (Which
remained to pass essential measures of ma
tonal defense) might as well go home and
actually did say that continuation Of the ses-
sion would serve no useful purpose except the
laudable one of making speeches.
Congress, without respect to party lines re-
y. 49, o.~:~
ington.
The Republican candidate then clinched his
Argument by saying:
If this stubborn course (''riding rough
shod over Congress'') is pursued it can only
result once again, as in 1919, in a disas-
trous conflict between the President and
the Congress. To that will never be a
party.
Mr.. Roosevelt and Congress first came into
serious conflict in 1887, but the initial cause
was not the Administration bill to make a
new Supreme Court majority by enlarging the
tribunal. The dispute arose over what was
called the Reorganization Bill. The executive
department drafted a measure, the effects of
which would have been to transfer from Con-
greSs to the President authority over bureaus
and agencies of Government which were in
dependent of the Executive and responsible to
NoLSIeSS anu us statutes alone.
This transfer would have included the quasi
judicial agencies and given to the President
complete control of them, including the right
to lay down the policies on which their deci-
sions would have to be based, the right to re-
move Commissioners who dixie the late William
E. Humphrey of the Federal Trade Commits
stony refused to "go along with Mr. Roose-
welt in quasi-judicial findings and absolute con-
troll of their funds.
Senator Byrd was asked by the President to
introduce the Administration draft Of his pro-
posals, which had been sent in a message to
Congress- Mr.. Byrd refused. While Congress
was joining the Senator's protest, Mr.. Roose-
welt launched the Supreme Court fight, which
shelved reorganization for the time being. 1t
was revived in the summer of 1887 by the late
Senator Robinson, but his bill was rejected
the President vetoed bill by Senator Byrd
and not until 1889 did Congress pass, and the
President sign, nluch-modified legislation spon-
sored by Senator Byrnes These episodes were
the deep roots of a legislative distrust OF the
President which has grown steadily, though
Pearl Harbor produced a working arrange
ment that applies only to measures for the
military conduct of the war.
The party lineup in the House, with two
setbacks, has altered in favor OF the Repub-
licans since 1885, as follows:
Seventy-fourth Congress d935-3O, Repubi-
cans 103, Democrats Szl, SeVenty-1uH COn-
gress d937-39), Republicans SO, Democrats 1888;
Seventy sixth Congress d939-4D, Republicans
16e, Democrats 1852; Seventy-seventh Congress
Q941-43), Republicans 1852, Democrats 2e7; the
Seventy-eighth Contress (todays), Republicans
PIP, Democrats 214, vacancies five, other par
ties four.
It has been pointed out that political history
in this country rejects the prospect that the
House najoriy will 60 to one party and the
Presidency to another, and that therefore, if
Mr.. Roosevelt is reelected, the Democrats will
probably regain working House majority,
which they have not now. The fact remains,
however that reports from contested districts
throughout the country strongly indicate that
new chapter to this history will be written
If the President is reelected, and the experts
for whatever their view is worth-firmly be-
lieve this.
On the other hand the prevailing view is
that no Republican landslide is in sight which
could give that party control Of the Senate.
But this is favorably offset for the Republicans
by two factors: an anti-Administratlon Senate
coalition has existed for some time; and if
the Republicans fail to carry the Senate, chair
oanships for Hiram johnson, Gerald wye and
other isolationists will not be at issue. = New
York Times.