The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990, 1944-12-19
TODAY and TOMORROW
Bv WALTER LIPPMANN
EI1ROPE AFTER TEHERAN lment cannot

easily. But l venture to oeneve
that the decision to proceed w.
ward a peace settlement csulo De
made now, and that this IS the
only way to begin to untangle the
snarl in which Britain and tne
United States find themselves IN
Italy. Greece, and elsewhere IN
that area.
The first step, following de-
cision to make peace would be TO
invite France to participate IN
Mediterranean affairs as an equal
and principal power. Nothing cam
of course, be settled in the Meol.
terranean without t-r:nce, ana all
proposals of settlement will have
far better chance of acceptance
if they do not come from the Eng
disappearing nations alone.
In partnership with France we
should then undertake to end the
hopeless contradictions of 1talV S
position-that of a country which
is at once a "co-belligerent'' and a
defeated enemy. The only way to
end the contradiction is to make
peace with Italy, to supersede the
armistice by a treaty which fixes
definitely the Italian frontiers, the
Italian colonies, and the repara-
tons to be made by Italy to Greece
and to other victims of Fascist
aggression.
Until this is done there can be
no Italian government, which can
know what it is doing, which can
win the confidence of the Italian
people, or exercise any moral au-
thority during the terrible ordeal
through which, as result of the
war and of Fascism, the Italians
are destined to pass.
In the framework of negotia-
ton to make Mediterranean set
Element, the Greek tragedy can
perhaps be transcribed by max
ing visible to the Greeks a decent
future that they can work for in
place of the horrid present in
which they are living. In that
framework. too, the coming transi-
ton in Spain from Frances Fas-
cism to freer regime might be
accomplished with the least sui
fering and general international
disturbance
re- +hoco ,ro tho ooparol Epes VIC
ought to take toward a construc-
tive solution of our problem, then
we must not be discouraged and
put off because in London and in
Washington men are too tired to
decide questions they would rather
postpone, and so set in their ways
that they see all the practical diff
ficMties and do not see the neces.
sity and the promise.
As a matter of fact, there is
good reason to think that we are
going to proceed, perhaps by being
pushed rather than by our own
statesmanlike initiative. along
these lines: General de Gaulle's
conversations in Moscow could moi
have ended in a treaty Of alliance
if France and the Soviet Union
had not come to an understanding
on the German question. Great
Britain and the United States,
which also need an understanding
with France on the German ques-
ton, need an understanding with
France on the Mediterranean
question.
Mr.. Churchill and Mr.. Roosevelt,
Mr.. Eden and Mr.. Stettinius, can
do no better than to recognize
that Europe, afte rthe liberation
of France, is no longer the Europe
they were thinking about before
the liberation Of France. For in
Europe the Big Three have become
in fact the Big Four. One of these
four - France - is politically a
great power and a liberated ma
ton. For this double reason the
advice Of France, which under
stands from experience what lib
Grafton means. is now indispen-
sable if we are to avoid the mis-
takes which have been made in
Belgium, Greece and Italy.
Copyright, 1914, New York Tribune
Inc.