The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990, 1944-10-12

InoSe VINO knew him best adj
mire Al Smith the most, and all
would wish if they could to per-
petuate his fame. They cannot do
this in the ordinary way by erect
ing monument to some manifest
public achievement with which his
name will always be identified. For
the greatness of Al Smith was that
of the great performer-of the art
list who acts his part, who plays
his instrument, better than his au-
dience have ever heard it done be-
fore. When the show is over, there
is no record except in their own
memories to prove his excellence,
and only their personal testimony
remains.
The stage on which he played
his part was not the nation and
not the world but the City and the
State of New York: On that local
stage he was, l shall always be-
lieve, the foremost master in our
time of the art of popular govern
ment. He did not contend with the
greatest issues of this epoch: he
governed only one state of the I'm
ion during an interval in the 1920 S
of relative quiet and ease. But
though he dealt with issues that
few now remember, the way in
which he dealt with them left an
impress upon those who watched
him and followed him that they
do not forget. -
When we try to define his pc
culiar distinction, we may say,
think, that he made good govern
ment popular in New York. That
calls for rare gifts in any democ-
racy. For the business of govern
ing, when you really settle down
to it, is over long stretches pro-
sale and tedious. To a degree
which threatens the maintenance
of democratic institutions, politi-
clans who must appeal to masses
of the voters make their living by
talking about almost everything but
the business of governing. Even
in war time most political oratory
has about as much relation to the
conduct of the war and the max
ing of peace as the radio plugs
for laxatives, deodorants, and hair
tones have to the news Of the day.
The greatest menace to popular
government lies in this separation
between what responsible officials
have to do when they administer
the government and what politi-
clans talk about when they appeal
for votes. For this means that
democratic institutions are not ed
ucating the people for the tasks of
government. While AL Smith was
Governor of New York, he bridged
this chasm as no one before or
since has ever bridged it. He was
able to fascinate great audiences
with the business of financing and
administering public affairs, n d
to make them share his own in
terest in problems that the ordi-
nary public relations expert would
say were too dull and over the
peoples heads.
1t would be easy to think that
he did this because he was such
an engaging and amusing human
being, and such a good Snowman.
But that would be, I think, to
miss the main point, which is that
Al Smith knew the city and state
like the palm Of his hand: he knew
the City Hall and the Legislature,
and. all the men who had been in
them, and the institutions in every
part ct the state, and who was the
head man and who was the JAM
tor. When he thought about the
public business, he was not think
ing about a mass Of boring papers
on his desk at Albany, but about
the living persons and objects that
went to make up the business OF
government.
His mastery of the subject was
his real stock in trade; no one
who heard him had the least doubt
that he knew what he was talking
about. There lay the difference be-
tween AL Smith and others who
also in their own way had popular
magic and a catchy style. He stood
out above all the other shoWmen,
and grew in popular confidence
while they declined. because his
were the honest goods. and the
people, if they are given 10 n 6
enough to realize it and to choose,
do in fact see through the charla-
tans. .
His career is standing contra
diction Ito the notion, now SO cur
rent. that experts in public rela-
tons can create a synthetic public
man, that professionals be
hired to write speeches which Will
endow him with a fictitious per-
sonality, and make him seem 10
be what he is not. AL Smith was
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