The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990, 1944-04-12

tOoSeVelt mas nOC yet finally mace
up his mind whether he will be
a candidate for a fourth term.
There is, to be sure, no other Dem
ocratic candidate now in the run.
ming. But, given the unique situa-
ton this year, no other Democrat
ic candidate can present himself
before the Republican party has
made its nomination and adopted
it's platform. Mr.. Roosevelt is
bound to retain his option, whether
or not he decides in the end 10
exercise it.
The country has the right to as
sumo that his mind is still open.
For if it were not open, if regard
less of what was the state of the
war and the political outlook at
home, he were irrevocably seeking
fourth term, he would be open
to the charge of clinging to power
for the sake of power That is an
accusation that no one who appre-
ciates his service to the country
will likely make.
This difficult decision is so mo-
mentous that it is in no sense a
personal and private one. 1t is a
public m ter which can and
should be discussed publicly.
1t is evident that in reaching his
decision the burden of proof is on
those who ask him to run again.
Not only is it an abnormal thing
| to do, it is also obviously an ex-
ceedingly dangerous thing to do.
There is the real risk that no hu-
man being can have the physical
strength to endure the STRAIN of
being President for sixteen years
like these There is the grave risk
of being defeated and in defeat to
discredit the war and the promised
peace. There is the certain risk of
an embitte-ed campaign which
would leave the country disunited
and would almost certainly bring
about as its aftermath prolonged
destructive deadlock of govern
ment during the fourth term.
The only ground on which Mr..
Roosevelt could possibly justify
taking these risks would be that
the Republican party, when it
came into power, would fail to
prosecute the war vigorously and
would shirk the responsibilities Of
the peace. In considering whether
this could happen Mr.. Roosevelt
would not be dealing fairly and
squarely with the issue if he as
sumed as a matter of course that
the Republicans cannot be trusted
A true consideration of the issue
will cause him to do what both
Lincoln and Wilson did before him,
to approach it by asking himself
what he could do to facilitate
transfer of responsibility and to
make it as certain as can be that
his successor will not fail
Only then, only if there is no
alternative to his seeking fourth
term, no feasible way of changing
the Presidency without endanger-
ing the national cause, would he
be warranted in letting himself be
nominated again.
He will, of course, be under
heavy pressure from his fellow
Democrats who will feel that his
refusal to run is the equivalent Of
conceding the election to the Re-
publicans. He will be urged to run
to save the party to which he owes
so much.
Yet, in fact, if one considers the
Democratic party and it's best in
terests in the long run, there is a
compelling argument in favor of
its not remaining in power. 1t is
that its mandate has run out, it's
time is up, and that to overstay
it's time when it would normally
go into opposition is to invite
catastrophe defeat at the next
election. For the party, as his
toric party in American life, the