Evening star., 1944-10-17
Fourth-Term Reasons
Of lines Called Weak
u. S. People But Little Interested
In World Prestige, Says Writer

US People But Little Interested
In World Prestige, Says Writer
By David Laurence
When a traditionary Democratic
newspaper like the New York Times
which supports President Roosevelt's
candidacy three times out of four writes
out cogently its case in favor Of
fourth term the document becomes more
interesting reading for the moment than
campaign speeches by the nominees
themselves
Plainly, if the Times arguments are
the strongest that can be mustered on
that side and if these arguments alone
were to be considered by the maximum
number of voters as controlling, the re-
suit might be disappointing to the
Democratic hopes
This Is because, fortunately or un-
fortunately, the American people are
only incidentally and not primarily in
terested in one of the Times principal
arguments, namely, the effect which
the outcome of this election may have
among the plain peoples Of the world"
or on 'the great prestige and personal
following" OF the President abroad.
1t can hardly be considered logical
that the voters would feel they must
re-elect Mr. Roosevelt continuously just
to have the same man in the White
House all the time to deal with Marshal
Stain, who, of course, has assured him.
self of life term.
Hull Treaties Argument.
The argument that Mr.. Hulls trade
treaties would be emasculated if the
Republicans come into power, as the
Times implies, is countered by the fact
that the Democratic administration al
ready threatens to sponsor a system of
Government-controlle foreign trade
under quotas and restrictions worse for
America than any tariff system the
Republicans ever devised.
Relying solely on the Hull trade
treaties and Mr.. Roosevelt's large flrst-
hand knowledge of the problems that
will arise in the making Of the peace
the Times admits the many weaknesses
Of the Roosevelt administration in do
mestic affairs and says it favors fourth
term "only with deep reluctance and
strong misgivings."
The Times relies rather heavily on
the fact that "isolationist" and inter
nationalist newspapers are to be found
simultaneously supporting Gov. Dewey.
II this is reprehensible in a campaign
in which foreign policy has been so
commercially lifted out of partisan poll
tics by Gov. Dewey then by the same
line of reasoning many independent
voters should withhold support from
Mr.. Roosevelt because he has managed
to win the backing of the Daily Worker,
newspaper organ of Communism In
America, Earl Browder, and the Com
munists, as we'll as that of the conserva-
tive New York Times. To state the point
is to demonstrate its weakness.
What motley and variegated elements
swing to one or the other of the two
presidential candidates and what am
biguities hastily written party plat
form may contain are less important
than the character and fundamental
philosophy of each Of the two presiden-
tial nominees.
Mr.. Roosevelt furnished q realistic
precedent perhaps by ignoring the 1882
platform in crisis. Apparently plat
forms adopted before a candidate is
named are no longer considered by pub
lie opinion to be binding upon the sue
cessful candidate.
Quality Of Administration.
The real quality of an administration
is directly related to the administrative
capacity and judgment of Chief Exec
utive and the Times comedies Mr..
Roosevelt has for three terms been a
blundering administrator.
When the Times says 1t finds Mr..
Dewey's views on international affairs
more satisfactory now than they were
in 1910 but emphasizes Dewey's change
OF views as perhaps a sign of un-
steadiness, 1t CLOSES over the many
shifts and changes in both foreign and
domestic policy that are chargeable to
the present administration from 1888
to 1899
A fortnight course during the years
Hitler was rising in power might well
have been substituted for waverings and
fluctuations in handling military and
diplomatic preparedness against both
Germany and Japan
There Is, to be sure, a strong argu-
ment for Mr.. Roosevelt's election
strong in quantitative sense, or strong
in vote-getting sense even though
conservative influences like the New
York Times may disagree with the point.
It's the spending habits and policies
OF the present regime.
The Roosevelt administration which
spent s23 200, 100000 more of the peo-
Piles money than it took in between
1888 and 1889 promises to keep right
on spending after the war Is over and
that means temporarily more dollars
for everybody till the crash comes five
or six years hence. Dollar promises
always catch votes and often influence
elections.
Some other administrat ton, Of course,
will have to clean up the mess some
day but the fourth-term enthusiasts
can 60 gaily on promising just the same.
It's the strongest campaign argument
the Democrats have in 1914. They can.
they say, guarantee prosperity. They
can-at least till the next panic and
depression disproves their claim and
disillusions a gullible electorate.