davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1944-05-18
P|atforma SocijaistiCke Radnicke PaTtije
Usvojena konvencii Socjastcke Rancke Parte Ame
ke odrzana aprila- -maa 1914 New York. N. Y.

Nase drustvo Sc nalazi ma razdvajanju
puta Natpisi SUI jasno oznaceni.
Jedan ukazuje ma produzenje kapitaliz-
ma. On vod posleratni svet kronicnih eko-
nomskih kriza, besposlenih tvornica bes-
poslenih ljudi, sirenja anti-semetizma ra-
cizma, fasisticke kontrole drzavnistva vec-
ne borbe ratova
Drugi ukazuje ma Socijalizam svet
drustvenog vlasnistva, demokratske uprave
mad industrijama, rada izobilja "a sve, ljuds-
kog bratstva i trajnog mira.
Socijalisticka Radnicka Partija Amerike,
ma svojoj q. Nacionalnoj Konvenciji u gradu
New Yorku, l. maja 1914 iznasaiuci svoj pro-
gram Socijalistickoj preuredbi drustva pred
amerieke radnike, proglasuje da je ovo spor
koji niih suocava: DruStvo Sc krece, uzgred
napred prema miru izobiliu putem zajed-
nickog vlasniStva mad industriiama, iii pro-
duzava pod ekonomskim despotizmom pri-
vatnog vlasnistva novo crno doba Srednjeg
puta nerna.
Poreklo Suetskog Rata broj II.
Sadasnji globusni rat - najveca kriza sto
je kada suocavala civilizovanog coveka - IL
rastao ie liz predratne borbe medju kapta-
1stickin silama "a place svetske izvore.
Haos koii je nance, dokaz je sloma kapitalis-
ttkog sistema, njegove nesposobnosti da IL
pravlia Il korist drustva ogromno razviienom
proizvodnom maSinerijom stvorenom ME
mu.
Kapitalizam nje mogao resiti probleme
pritskuiuci drustvo pre- nego sto ie rat poeeo;
nti on fnoze resiti JOS vece problenle koN
&C Sc pojaviti kad Sc rat svrsi.
Ia wise cd decenije prvo pocetka Svets-
kog Rata broj II. tvornice su staiale neza-
poslene iii SUI operisale deo vremena dok su
armije neuposlenih radnika brojile ma Milo
ne Razlog je ocevidan. Kapitalisti posedujuci
Instruments proizvodnje i upotrebl javajuci
III "a izrabljvanie bezvlasnickih radnika, nj
SUI mogli naci place "a radnicki proizvod.
Samo je iedna "piiaca' mogla primiti obilni
proizvod nasih polja tvornica. Ta je pijaca
bila, rat
Sto je New Deal promaSio ucniti ma
kon sto su potrosene milijarde dolara uza-
ludan pokuSaj da Sc potkvasi pumpa poslo
vanja uGinio ie rat. Proizvodnia je odletela
do ne zapamcenih visina Ali, upamtimo ovo:
Mi smo naogli proizvesti isto toliko "a mir
1899 koliko smo proizveli "a rat 1914 Mi snno
1nogH sagraditi move tvornice tada, tvornice
koje bi izbacile isto tolko kuhinjskih stvari,
automobile, lednica it'd, koliko kugli, rat
nih zrakoplova topova koje nase tvornice
izbacuju danas Mi nismo to chill, jer kapita-
listi koji roseduju tvornice resavaju Sta ce
Sc proizvoditi nisu mogli naci pijaca wise
nego jedan dec stvarnog iii potencionalnog
prozvoda
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1944-05-18

I ako ie sekretar Stranih Po-
slova Sjedinjenih Drzava, Hull
nedavno izjavio da niko drugi
nece vlad att u oslobodjenoj
Francuskoj osim Francuskog
Odbora, on je ipak izrazavao ja-
ku sumnju u takvo gledisete po-
menutih dveju sila. Da bi do
nekle nagnao pomenute sile ma
popustanje, on je nagovestio da
one nisu jedine sile sa kojima Sc
treba nagadjati II. da je tn jos i
Rusija kao jaka iii jos najjaca
evropska sila, koju je nazvao
"draga Russia.
De Gaulle je takodjer rekao
da &c ''istorija oceniti Material
ne psiholoske razloge", prema
dopisniku New York Times" "a,
"odlaganje Saveznickog nastupa
ma zapadnu Evropu, on izgleda
da nagovescuje da SUI Saveznici
zadrzavani do sada, ne radi me-
dovoljne fizicke pripreme, nego
radi oskudice u volji da aktuju." :"
Vesti dale javljaju ola popu-
larnost Sovjetske Rusije magic
raste u unutrasnjosti Francuske.
cudno je da nj sama Russia
jos do sada nije formalno priz-
naIa De Gaulle-ovu vladu, MOI
da nj ona nema bolje misljenie
De Gaulle-u, nego sto imadu
njeni zapadni Saveznici. Pa ipak,
uzeto sve skupa, to su sve razni
burzoaski manevri kod svih sku-
pa, u nj jednom slucaju nece
Sc koristiti francuski radnici, ma
koji patent vladavine bio usvo-
jen, ma kojima Sc sada radi.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1944-05-18

NAsA SRnUSFVA: Prosye-
GiVanie radyfieke kfAse u dIhu
Maritsizrna: dA su rad kapl-
tai nepomirkiiyi nepfiiateIi;
Organizevanje radnicke klase
u j0dasu RepolkzeiOnarnu Poll r
tiGku Partiju IA csyajanje j.
razaTa ME P0Iiteke Drzaye ka-
pitalizma; Organizsyanje rad
nika jeanu revoiucionaEnu
Industrijalnu Juniju "a uzi-
mamie, drzanje j kretanje svih
zemaljskih industrial.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1944-05-18

"privatnog preduzeca", jer on o.
onina koji niSta re
rade da zgrcu milione, ON koji
rade neka gladuju rade.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1944-05-18
Kroz kapitalistieku An1eriku.


Tr,skovi tekutu gotnu dana bfe, plema zve. lima
IL Waslngona, S7 G6S OC00OO TroSkov ko
smatraiu ratnim toskovma bce Sc 25 O00O0o o uAup
no lzosi S93903 00O0o0 samo je1nu edinu godinu.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1944-05-18
Vazne medju,arodne vesti.
Air

Prema vesma IL Alzra od s maja Charles De Gaulle e
odrzao edan govor maja kojem ope kao do sad
tuzio svoje amercke branske Saveznke On tvro
oni jos nvek gledau izvesnm podozrenem Francsk
Oslobodlacki Odbor odnosu buducom vaavnom Fran
cuske.
RadnicÌŒka borba = Workers' struggle. [volume] ([New York, N.Y.]) 1907-1970, 1944-05-18

zuja celog sveta, a narcotic jul
goslavenska.
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
I he Dirtiest Compoiqn

The nation has just seen the drtiest campaign in a generation.
Also the most dishonest one.
So far a S the old party politicians were concerned, issues were
and befuddle rather than to enighten.
Personal references were insincere and fa1se-and both sides were
equally guilty. Literature appealed to the basest in human emotions
a last-minute booklet issued by Republicans which bore
obiquely upon racial prejudice.
Those voters who listened and read must have been ashamed of
the fairest crowd-and the most maligned-was the Political Action
with which Socialists disagree as a matter of economic
principle and political policy.
Well. now the votes are in and Labors candidates have been
elected. The question is now: Where do we go from here?" Will Labor
be satisfied to trust the president until the end of the war creates IN
employment increases class division, promotes group rivalrie1 and
brings an international set-up based upon the control of the world by
the victor nations?
Or will the organized workers of America, now that they have
passed the crisis of the election, use their power to set up an indepen-
lent political group that will no longer be a mere adjunct of the Rooe-
gat machine?
The campaign was disgraceful. And the election didn't really settle
anything. The same old problems at home and abroad-problems that
American people.
The same class and group interests promise to divide The nation
after the common danger of war ends.
And a new abundance gives future statesmen the choice of cap
italist unemployment, fascist control or democratic Socialism.
Viewing those choices and remembering the insncerity of the
campaign of 1914, who can feel optimistic about what America is likely
to be ten years hence?-Reading Labor Advocate.
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
The Loborites ond Liberals
Are Getting Organized

A new political wind is blowing. The returns from Tuesdays cleo
ton contain astonishing items. Groups are becoming politically con.
scious. People are learning that they can represent their genuine in
terests and ideals at the ballotbox. Our twoparty system as we saw i
in operation recently is not merely two sets of political machines run
dent Roosevelt was not a party at all in any accepted sense. Millions
of men and women without party ties lined up for what they wanted
If this meant merely that there has been a great increase in indie
pendent voting, that would be cause for celebration. In New York
State the Liberal party poned more than three hundred thousand vote
and the ALP more than four hundred thousand. Just about one-fourth
of voters of this state recorded their choices under labor auspicies
Labor does much more than hold a balance of power. 1t has gone far
beyond the stage. And the great majorites piled up for Roosevelt III
Chicago, Los Angeles, Detroit, Cleveland, Boston were not marshallec
by the regular Democratic machines They resulted from cumulative
efforts of countless citizens who did not are for the Democratic
Party IS a party, Such a decisive independent vote is a sort of national
insurance against political decadence.
Be the real significance of what has happened goes far deeper
These citizens who won the election for President Roosevelt r. not
merely independents. They are laborites and liberals. They voted for
Roosevelt because he stands for an ideal and a program. Because he ran
on the Democratic ticket they voted for him-outsdef of New York
state-with a Democratic ballot, But they are not Democrats with a
big D. They would much prefer to have candidates of their own, a pro-
gram cut to the measure of their purposes, a party which they can
control. Nt""
The hoped-for transformation has in many localities passed beyond
the balance-of-power and choice-of-evils stage. More than one candidate
IN tar-Separated localities was actually nominated and elected as the
result OF activity completely outside the regular party apparatus. The
liberals and laborites are getting organized. They are learning the polit-
ial game. Transcending the role of kibtzers and mourners over
political corruption, they have achieved a dynamic of their own. =
The New Leader. &.M". ~
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
Business Rivalry May Split Allies
British Frightened by Possibility Thot Americans
May Crowd Them Out of Foreign Markets

The way Uncle Sam and his Allies have hung together in this
sIobal w a is probably without parallel in the history of the world. If
we are to achieve enduring peace after the war, we must find a way
to continue those good relations. Can we do it?
So far IS the plain people of the various nations are concerned,
the answe is eyes" but the plain people, a a rule, haven't a great
deal to say about foreign policies. The bankers, the. industriaists, the
diplomats and the miitarists look after that.
AT the moment the greatest menace seems to be the frantic desire
of business men to secure foreign outlets for their trade. This is under
standable, but it should not be carried too far, as it has been in so
many instances in the past.
Sir George Schuter, a typical British Big Business man and mem
Der of Parliament, urges that Uncle Sam curb his exports, 81 Ga to give
Britain a chance.
eve are frightened at what we read about your country's prepara-
lions for postwar industry and export" he says.
If the bushes men of u chief ally are frightened before the
markets for its products? Sir George suggests that we should "concen-
trate O. raising living standards at home" He has something there.
Within the confines of the United States, our business men have
the richest market in the world and it is capable of tremendous ex-
pansion. Millions of our people-perhaps is much IS a third OF our
populaton-are without proper food, clothing and housing. No one
questions that statement.
If we raised the living standards of this submerged" segment, our
business men would not have to worry very mach about foreign
markets.
Let no one imagine we r advocating that Americans abandon
foreign trade altogether. That would be absurd, but it would be equally
absurd to exaggerate the Importance to Americans of foreign trade.
There has never been a time in the last SO years when we exported
more than 6 or per cent of Ill total production. s.
That runs into billions every year and, therefore, is not to be dis
regarded. But, the comforting fact is that we Ire less dependent on
foreign markets than any other country, with the exception of Russia.
Our business men and politicians should not overlook that important
fact-Labor
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
Don't Rely on the
Government

Those who expect too much from u profit interest dominated
federal government in the way of social and economic reforms are
worlds prize ophmists. And optimism, carried to extremes, is equally
anti-social as is extreme pessimism. On
Take this question of housing: Our headquarters town, for in
stance, has long been in need of modern, mere lveable homes for the
low and even the middleincome people. Overbuilt during temporary
booms, such as the first world war boom, it has had more than its
share of shanties, shacks and condemned apartment houses (Which
strangely enough, are allowed to be used). AS a matter of fact, dis
gusted, public spirited citizens have been heard to term Superior a
SPRAYING slum, with only a sprinkling of decent housing, along the
edges, for the fortunate few. But regardless of the antidiluvian nature
Of the accommodations, the rents were always comparatively high.
>ur town. All the shanties were packed to overlooking and new housing
was desperately needed. Uncle Sam stepped in, but his housing, natur-
ally, was controlled by profit interests at both ends, local and national
Our local housing authority treasured the real estate interests, at
the start of construction, that most government houses will be of a
very temporary nature, and will be torn down when the wr ends. The
result: Government slums added to the private profile slums.
We note that the National Housing Agency, too, treasures the real
estate interests in its new releases. Practically all public housing 10Y
built is of temporary construction and is to be removed after the war
need has been served" announced Administrator John B. Blandford
jr, in a recent news release.
Is it temporary because of the lack of good building material? No!
ME-. Blandford makes that clear by saying that "al private val housing
is of permanent construction planned to be absorbed into the regular
lousIng supply of the community after the war"
The moral is clear "The low-income man is a fool to rely O gov
rnment-sponsored housing reform in our profitdominated society. If
building one comparatively, together with others of his group.
growing number of American cities. Having applied the theory and
If low-income Americans already enjoy the comforts of truly modern
ZONES that would be the envy of even the most fortunate tenants of
private profit suns, such a those of Superior. - The Co-Operative
Builder.
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
A Struggle for Control
of World Airwoys

The international conference On civil aviation now meeing-in Chi
cago, has given little encouragement to those who believe that, with the
world growing smaller every year, all the nations must learn to get
along with n another under some sort of supernatural authority.
This conference, even more than previous conferences on relief and
rehabilitation, food, and monetary Sterilization, could have drawn the
pattern for the peaceable settlement of issues likely to lead to inter
national conflict; and certainly the coming struggle for control of world
alrWayS has more potential trouble involved in it than any other single
branch of trade r commerce. The temper of the conference was in
dictated by its abrupt dismissal of the far-sighted AusraHan-New Zea-
land proposal for the Decentralization of the aviation airways as
praiseworthy but impractical idea1ism.The big-power battle was drawn
between the American and British plans Opposed though w e ire to
certain restrictive features of the British plan, WE thoroughly endorse
the proposal for a strong world anyways authority to allocate routes
frequency of service, and rates, over the American proposal for I'm
bridled competition. Even more, we favor the Canadian compromise
proposal which would apply to International airways the highly sue
cessful principles of the Civil Aeronautcs Board in this country: inter.
national regulation of world air routes in place of restrictive trade
barriers, and freedom of competition (but no cutthroat compehtion)
With the best operator getting the business. Instead, the delegates seem
to be accepting the American plan for wideopen competition: a plan
distinguished by excessive nationaism, impelled by the short-sighteo
greed of American operators, and fraught with the perils of a new and
particularly vicious trade-war-The Nation.
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
HE'S WONDERFUL

statesman throws his shoulders
back and straightens out his tie,
And says, my friends, unless it
rains
the weather will be dry"
And when this thought into our
brains
has percolated through,
We common people nod our heads
and loudly cry, How true"
The statesman blows his massive
nose,
and clears his august throat,
And says, "The ship will never sink
so long as it's afloat."
Whereat we roll our solemn eyes
applaud
with main and might,
And slap each other on the back,
the while we say, Hes right
The statesman wakes stern ana
warm,
his drone becomes a roar.
He yells' II say to you, my frlenoS'
that two and two make four.
And thereupon u doubts dissolVe'
our fears are put to rout,
And we agree that there's a man
who knows what he's about!
LABOR. Washington
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
CONSUMERS GOUGED
BY ViTAkAIN MAKERS

Americans are paying outrageous
prices for vitamins because a group
of manufacturers have conspired
to eliminate competition and keep
up costs.
That was one of a number of
charges lodged against II compa-
MES by the Department of Justice,
in a suit filed in Federal court at
Chicago.
Among the companies named
were the duPonts. M~organ-con-
trolled Standard Brands, Quaker
Oats, Gelatine Products, Borden
and Carnation Milk companies
Nestle's Milk Products, Parke-
Davis, E. R. Squibbs, Winthrop
Chemical Company and the Char
les Bowman Company.
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
BEEF
VERSUS AMERICAN
PORK
ORK

The faltcring policy of the U. S.
A. toward our southern good neigh
bors seems to- be getting nowhere
fast. Our threats led to economic
sanctions which are too slight to
do much damage to Argentina; but
they arouse no enthusiasm among
other Latin-American countries,
which fear that the economic pow
er of the colossus of the north may
someday be used against them too.
The shipping embargo does not
stop Argentine exports to the U. S.
A. in their own ships; trade also
continues uninterrupted between
the fascist country and other Latin
American republics and Britain. :
These republics of the western
hemisphere, like other small
States, want voice in all postwar
settlements. They want higher
prices for exports.
The Manchester Guardian com
mented: "The U. S. is going rather
far in its coercion -. We Britons
like the Argentine brand Of fas.
cism as little as does Mr.. Cordell
Hull, but we also prefer Argentine
beef to American pork From
The New Leader.
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
in THE WIND
From I'll NATION

In hiring contract-termination
negotiators, the War Department
requires "a present earning capa-
city exceeding $4,000 per annum
and preferably $40, 900 and up
ward" That eliminates all civil
service career employees, regard
less of experience and ability. And
the job pays only $4,000.
Advertisement in Chicago street
cars: ''The Fifth Freedom-Free-
dom from high funeral costs Lain
and Son Funeral Directors"
In South Africa, the Dutch Re-
formed Church Synod of the Trans
vaal has adopted, without a dis
senting voice, a resolution oppos-
ing the marriage of Afrikaans-
speaking (South African Dutch)
citizens with English-speaking citi-
zenS.
An editorial attacking the CLIO,
in the Memphis Commercial APP
peal" makes an exception: "Of
course there are many CIO lead
ers to whom communism is as re-
pugnant as it is to the Daughters
of the American Revolution"
From a letter by a Coast Guards
man to the "Detroiter'; Nov and
then a civilian gives me a lift; buys
me a drink. When l thank them,
they usually reply, We'll, it's the
least we can do for you fellows in
the service It's little comfort tc
fight for a drink, a lift, a glac
hand. What l want is that the flu.
ture is free of war. / don't wan
anyone to feel indulgent toward
young lad because he may b.
killed"
An anonymous circular takes ex
seption to the Wagner acts proVi
sion requiring reinstatement O.
employees who have been dismis
sed for union activity: SIN order
ing an employer to take back al
undesired employee, the New
Deal was forcing two people to as
s~ociate with each other when one
at least, did not wish to do so; tn,
unwilling n had to pay the othe.
also. This is violating the yer!
fundamentals of freedom.
Thomas F. Woodlock, the philo
sopher of the "Wall Street Jour
nal," on the origins of fascism
THE Popular Front is the frs
sign of a degenerative disease in
democratic state such as ours
which, if unchecked, finally result
in the .single-party state and thu
all-powerful leader - in othe,
words, the very thing we are al
supposed to be fighting-fascism!
Festung Europa: The Volkischel
Beobachter complains that Czech;
on the streets of Prague these day;
too often have IAN Irritating
SMILE. -. Between 60 and IS pc.
cent of the population of HOLLAND
has been affected by the floods lie
loose by the Nazis.
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22
DANGER AHEAD!
G. is POISONED
ABOUT WORKERS
Vet Says Soldiers Rarely Hear
Good Reports About Labor

Federated Press reports a kick
from Bloomington, Ill, home town
of Pfc. Robert Jones, a marine
veteran of Guadalcanal who is
back home on furlough, which may
indicate a studied plan to use the
veterans of World War II to OPP
pose unions and put labor in its
place when the time comes that
workers r again searching for
jobs that can't be found.
Most of the labor news we got
was bad" Ftp quotes Jones, 1--WE
rarely heard anything good about
labor"
The story doesn't tell who is re-
sponsible for the sending of the
news or the attitude of the mill
tary brass hats concerning it. How
ever, newspaper readers in most
local communities know that,
while strikes were always played
up in the news stories, huge profits
and actual sabotage was given
minor position on the inside of the
profit SYSTEMS newspapers.
If soldiers come back home with
a grippe against union men who
served on the industrial front the
work of a future native fascist
demagogue will be able to get off
to a good start when veterans com
pete with o veterans for a chance
to work for the masters of the
free" enterprise system which
both Roosevelt and Dewey are de-
termined to save at all costs.
Proletarec. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1906-19??, 1944-11-22

The November 7th election re-
suited in a victory for the Demo-
cratic party. But it did not adj
vance the cause of democracy.
There is still the same big prob
lem to be solved, the problem of
how the wealth of the world can
be produced and distributed in a
name that will result in security
instead of uncertainty, happiness
instead of fear, peace instead of
war, democracy instead of dicta-
torShip.
1t is alarming to reflect that both
major parties c~ampaigned on a
principle that is dead. Both de-
clared their faith in what they
called free enterprise. But the
fact is that the free enterprise
economy has run it's course and
al no longer serve to keep civili-
cation from collapse. The policy
mdKer or Two OLD parties, the men
who wrote the speeches, rugged the
issues and coined the slogans,
know that. The people who voted
didn't know it. AT the most critical
period within the lifetime of any
living American, the voters were
herded into line by words which
were intended to confuse and not
to e%nlighten.
Free enterprise died in 1929.
The new way of life made it's
entry upon the stage of history at
the same time.
Had not the government accept
ed responsibility and imposed con-
trolls upon the American economy
and American business, starvation,
class strife and national collapse
would have been the nations fate.
Had not the government extended
its authority and increased its res
possibility to the point of financ-