The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990, 1944-10-16
BY WALTER LIPPMANN
ON THE MOSCOW
CONVERSATIONS

The conversations in Moscow be-
tween Prime Minister Churchill
and Marshal Stain pose a very
great question in American for
eign policy. 1t is what part the
United States should play in the
settlement of political questions in
eastern Europe, in the Balkans,
and in the Middle East. This part
Of the world has long been an
arena of conflict; the issues are
tangled and deep-seated. and be-
fore Americans can discuss them
responsibly we must make up our
minds how far the United States
should, and how far the United
States can, intervene in this part
of the world.
Until we have done thai, we are
being what Theodore Roosevelt
called meddlesome matties when
we issue strong private pronuncia-
mentos on the Polish-Soviet, the
Transylvanian, the Yugoslav, the
Macedonian, the Palestinian prob
lem.
1t is by no means easy to define
the real interest and the true pol
icy of the United States in tina.
part of the globe The reason it is
so difficult to do it is that we are
not sure OF our ability and of our
Willingness to exert steady influ-
ence in region which is so re-
mote from the sources of our pow
er. Spasmodic intervention only
muddles everything. We must not.
then, in honor make what other
peoples will regard as promises of
our support. For however good the
intention, the result is a cruel de-
ception. When, for example, Gov
ernor Dewey said one day that
only volunteers should be kept in
Europe when the fighting ends
and a few weeks later allowed
himself to give the Poles the i'm
preston that he would back them
up, he was fooling either himself
or the Poles.
That is not solvent American
foreign policy. It is like writing
checks, which some one will trv
to cash, before you know whether
you have enough money in the
bank.
The real question which we need
10 discuss is, it sseems to me
wnether the President ought to be
participating as principal in
the Moscow conversations about
Poland, the Balkans, and the Mid.
ole East. Those who think he
should be participating must be
prepared to say that the United
States has definite interests in and
definite views about the specific
settlement of these questions.
views which it is prepared to adj
vocate and then to sustain over q
long period of time. Others think
ne Is right in being represented
by an observer, and in exerting
what influence he can in favor of
general agreement among the par
ties directly at interest. Is this not
the more responsible view for
Americans to take? For how can
we presume to insist on specific
settlements unless we are willing
TO stand by them with specific
guarantees?
We are, I submit, using phrases
as substitutes for thought when
we deplore this on the ground that
IT is a recognition of Spheres of
influence Of course, there are
spheres of influence and no two
countries have the same sphere OF
influence. Is any one going to
argue that the influence of the
United States is not greater in the
caribbean Sea than 1t is in the
Baltic, the Black Sea or the east
ern Mediterranean? Or is anyone
going, to argue that the Soviet in.
nuence should be equally great in
Central America and in central
! Europe?
The wisest thing we can do, I