The Wilmington morning star., 1944-01-19
TODAY & TOMORROW
CONTINUED from Page One)

hers of the new world system?
Can we imagine such system in
which France and Poland do not
play a leading part? But how can
France play part if there is no
recognized French government?
How can Poland play a part il
the territory of the Polish state is
underlined? The world system can
not create a French government
or Polish state; France and Po-
land are needed in order to create
world system.
It is reckless to suggest that
such fundamental questions be left
in suspense until world organi-
zation, which is as yet not even
formulated on paper, is Instituted,
ratified and set up. These ques'
tons are before us now as essen
tiaI elements in our military plan
ming; we must pass through
France and Poland to invade ano
occupy Germany, and we must
have the full assistance Of France
and Poland, and agreement on al
fundamental issues.
We must have this now, and we
cannot wait until the promised ane
non existing world organization
comes into full force" If these
questions are not answered now
what we shall have is not a Polish
state participating as an ally II
our councils. but Polish problem
which we have to treat. When We
remember that the European wal
is only the first phase of the worlc
war, and that we are counting or
the combined action of the United
Nations to finish with Japan, the
urgency of settling issues which
could divide us is apparent.
President Wilson's experience a,
Paris should be a warning to us
not to neglect diplomacy in the
name of collective action and
not to postpone a broad but con
crete settlement Of the main is
sues Of sovereignty and of terri
tory. When the Germans asked fol
an armistice on Oct. 7, 1918, Presi
dent Wilson had committed him
self to fourteen points for a settle
ment and in addition to some thir
teen general, very general, prin
ciples. But he had never used dip
lomacy to commit his allies tt
any of his commitments. In ne
gotiating with the Germans, he
had neglected to negotiate frs
with the British, the French, the
Italians. 1t was not until Oct. 20
1918, thirteen days before the arm
istice, that President Wilson dis
cussed the European settlement
with the European governments
at that late date and after he hat
already bound himself morally tt
the enemy on the terms of settle
ment, he approved memoran
dunn, hastily inprovised in Pari.
by members of Colonel House:
staff, which explained in some
what more definite terms what hi.
principles meant. With two forma
reservations, but with no end O.
misgivings, the Allies accepted thu
explanation. But little had really
been settled because little hac
been explored and negotiated ane
agreed upon by diplomacy. There
was no dependable agreement or
the French, the Italian, the Polish
boundaries, nor on the Balkans
and the Middle East.
1t was amid this anarchy of un.
settled issues that the covenant Of
the League of Nations was draft.
ed. AS a result, in the disputed
regions of central and eastern Eu-
rope the feeble authority of the
disunited allies was flouted again
and again by military seizures,
acts of violence and local wars.
No one who knows this history
can, it seems to me, miss the
stern lesson which it teaches. II
is that the explosive issues OF
great powers, who must guard the
general peace against revival OF
the power of our present enemies,
and to invite anarchy in which
there will be little order, or pros
pect of reconstruction.