Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1944-09-22

named on the recommendation VI
q. M. Baruch and John Hancock.
It was last spring that the Messrs.
Baruch and Hancock completed the
report Mr.. Roosevelt had asked
them to make on how to uncoll from
a wartime economy to a peacetlme
economy.
The surplus products admins
traitor was the key man in the ba-
ruch-H Hancock plan, and When they
recommended Mr.. Clayton they
agreed that, in their opinion, bet
ter man could not be found in the
whole United States.
Mr.. Clayton did not want the job,
but it was put up to him IN way
he could hardly refuse without
seeming unwilling to help on very
vital problem. Almost from the
time he took hold he was sniped at
by the New Deal politicians, the
professional humanitarians and the
labor lobbyists.
The attack was based on the
usual ground that he was a big
businessman who had acquired a
good deal OF money, and 1t was
made by the usual people in the
usual way. But this did not greatly
disturb Mr.. Clayton.
An even-tempered man who can
resist pressure without showing irri-
tation, he kept his mind on his
work and certainly had the regard
and respect Of practically every one
here with whom he came in con-
tact. He is that kind of man.
Disturbed by Delay.
What did disturb him was the in
eXcusable delay in getting through
Congress the legislation essential to
the setup. The necessary law should
have been enacted before Congress
recessed for the conventions last
summer, and there was no reason
for the postponement.
1t early developed that the labor
lobbyists and the New Deal poll
ticians intended to oppose Mr.. Clay
tons idea as to the character of the
law, although, far from seeking one
man control, he himself proposed to
Congress that all regulations issued
and all single sales of property that
cost the Government million dol
lars or more be subject to approval
by policy board of Government
officials.
However. Mr. Clayton did ask a
clear grant of authority commen-
surate with his immense response
bility. Nothing else made sense. Yet
Congress passed a bill which rejects
Mr.. Clayton's counsel, runs contrary
to his concept of sound administra-
ton and that of the Baruch- Han
cock report.
Once this action was taken, Mr..
Clayton, of course, resigned as sur
plus products administrator, basing
his resignation on the sound ground
that the law made it impossible to
do the job properly. His protest
forced the Conference Committee to
make certain changes.
AS things now stand, there is no
provision for an administrator, but
full administrative and policy-mak-
ing power is vested in a board of
three. which, perhaps, is little bet
ter than board of four-but not
much.
Certainly the refusal of Congress
to accept the counsel of Mr.. Clay
ton, who was supported by Mr..
Byrnes, made inevitable Mr.. Clay
tons resignation. There was nothing
else for him to do. A man hardly
can be expected to take over a job
when the power to do it is refused
him.
The unhappy result is that in the
handling of one of the most critical
economic problems the services of
the most competent man have been
lost. These services would not have
been lost had Mr.. Clayton had be-
hind him the weight and influence
of Mr.. Roosevelt. And to that he
was entitled. But he did not have
that support. He had the support
Of Mr.. Byrnes, but that was not the
same thing at ALL.
President Bored"
The President cannot transfer his
influence to Mr.. Byrnes or any one
else. White House leadership is one
thing that cannot be delegated. So
far as this matter was concerned
the President not only did not supply
leadership but he could not be gotten
to evince any interest therein. The
whole business bored him.
Immersed in great problems of
military strategy, swinging across
continents and oceans on his mon
political trips of inspection" and
greatly stimulated by the interna-
tional conferences which follow each
other so rapidly, for long time now
it has been impossible to get Mr.
Roosevelt really to put his mind on
domestic affairs.
His closest aides, privately, have