Browning chief. [volume] (Browning, Mont.) 1941-1953, 1943-10-08
WNU Service, Union Trust Building
Washington, D. C.

WNU SeFVlcc, OulOH 1TuSt DuhuiuS
Washington, D. C.
Slowly the pattern of Americas
postwar plans are taking shape, but
only the pattern.
When congress returned, 1t was
evident that no matter how much
disagreement there might be as to
the details of the role the United
States will play in the postwar
world, the people have registered
one idea: they want to take part in
some kind of an international or
ganization to maintain peace.
The same opinion turned up in the
conversation of three members of
congress of widely differing political
sentiments with whom I talked
shortly after they returned. Speaker
Sam Rayburn told me that the one
phrase which received the most ap-
plause in the speeches he made in
the Southwest was when he said that
the United States must do q mans
job for peace.
Two leading Republican senators
expressed the same idea, namely,
that "the people seem to be of one
mind" that America must join in
some kind of international effort aft
er the war to maintain peace.
The disagreements in congress
are chiefly a difference in degree
and represent a discussion, for the
most part, over details that nobody
expects congress to decide in ad-
vance anyhow.
Of course, there are two things
which make for lack of harmony;
one is the natural desire of each
political party to criticize the other
in a campaign year; the other is
the effort of small groups to get
over their own particular ideas.
Secretary of State Hull, in his
speech of September IL, made it
plain that the administration was
in favor of an international organi-
cation which would agree to use
force to maintain peace-implying
that the United States would offer
its armed forces in collaboration
with other nations to stop aggres-
sion. He went further on the SUBJ
ject than any official so far but there
has been feeling on the part of
many members of congress that the
people would support such a policy.
Pooling of Resources
Meanwhile, the public has gradu-
ally come to the realization that
Winston Churchill, as the kings first
minister with plenary powers, and
President Roosevelt, as commander
in-chief and, therefore, with similar
authority, have agreed that the
United States and Britain will pool
their military resources not only un-
til the fighting ends, but until the
emergency is ended.s They will do
this merely by continuing the COM
mittee of joint chiefs of staff.
They have made it plain that they
consider the emergency, or as an
official spokesman for the United
States described it, "a period of
transition" will not end until the
last peace treaties are signed. In
other words, the United States and
Great Britain intend, as long as the
emergency exists, to take part in an
organization to establish and main
tain the peace by means of what
amounts to military alliance be-
tween the two nations.
Prime Minister Churchill was
ready to sign written agreement
which would include Britain's pledge
to remain our ally and continue the
war with US until Japan was beaten
that much he told the newsmen-
and he added, the President had
said it was not necessary, that his
word was good enough. Presum-
ably, the written agreement would
have included the continuation of the
joint committee of the chiefs of staff,
too. But written or unWritten, such
a pact now exists.
1t is, therefore, clear that the
President intends, if he remains in
office, to maintain an interim ar
rangement which will keep this coun-
try an active factor in world af-
fairs to the point where its policies
will be supported by military action.
This will be of indefinite length, as
Churchill put it, until it can be shown
that better arrangement, including
all nations, can be found to sup
plant it.
In one sense, therefore, it is less
important what decision the con-
gress or the administration makes
right now as to it's foreign policy
since there will be plenty of time
for the people to become fully &C
quainted with the whole situation
during the TRANSITION period" when