Evening star., 1943-06-13
Nations
Continued From Page BID

surance has been received that at the
postwar conference table their right to
an independent national existence will
be recognized.
1t is true that we still nominally recog-
nize the existence of the three Baltic
states. Their Ministers who were in
Washington at the time they were abb
sorbed by Russia and then occupied by
Germany still are carried on the official
diplomatic list at the State Department.
These diplomats lead difficult life.
They are not in touch with their home
countries because the governments which
they represented no longer exist In
fact, they represent nothing except a
reminder to the American people that
this country still regards their countries
as independent nations.
But when they attempt to discuss the
future of their countries with our high
officials they are met with an enigmatic
silence. This is quite understandable.
The State Department officials are not
in position to say what will happen
at the green table.
Certainly we will fight for the prin-
ciples Of the Four Freedoms and the
existence of the national states, but the
fight will be vocal one. No one can
conceive the idea that American forces
will oppose the military might of our
Allies to safeguard the interests of the
small fry
Some sort of diplomatic solution is
bound to be found by clever diplomats
which should satisfy us that we have
done the best for these people.
Some observers believe, however, that
we have not made the most of our op.
portunities in order to secure a just
peace We could have had the strongest
had a strong policy. The ability of all
of them to continue their own war for
national existence depends entirely on
our cooperation with armed forces and
supplies.
More Than Liberal.
We have been more than liberal with
all of them. We have not denied them
a single request and in many instances
have allowed their interests to take
precedence over our own. We took the
point of view that the war is "all for
one and have accepted the opinion Of
the majority even when some of our peo-
pie thought that in the long run it might
harm the interests of this country.
Dat ic fo1t ~,
ters here that had we insisted that as a
reward for our unselfshness we might
have obtained formal assurances from
our associates that the postwar world
would be such as our people would like
to see.
Had we used the strong language our
contribution in this war entitled us to
use, we might have been able to obtain
definite agreements from our associates
that there will be no territorial expan-
sion regardless of how we'll camouhaged
or explained it may be.
Our Allies in the World War pledged
themselves to accept the Wilsonian
principles of no territorial conquest or
payment of an indemnity by the de-
feated nations. These pledges were not
kept; the territorial conquests were
camoufaged as mandates and the in
demnity as reparations.
With this experience in mind our
leaders could have obtained-and there
guarantees that the world we hope to
create will be a better world indeed,
with every nation which has been inde-
pendent and free in the past being as
sured that it again will have that right.
It is said in many responsible quarters
that it is unwise to bring up these con-
troversial matters at time when the
most formidable military operations of
the war are likely to start.
These so-called controversial matters
cannot offend or even worry our asso-
ciates if they look on the -Four Freedoms
and the Atlantic Charter in the same
spirit as our own people.
But in order to avoid future diSap-
pointments and possibly continuation
of the war in more latent and even
more destructive form, it Is highly de-
sirable that the question of the fifth
freedom-the right to exist-should be
settled before the war is ended.
It requires no long consultations or
conferences. If our associates are as
sincere as ourselves, and there is no rea-
son to doubt it, the whole matter should
be settled in no time. Then, in fact,
will the United Nations be undivided.