Evening star., 1941-11-28

ecutives are being told that they
must expect some form of legislation
and that the question before Con-
eress is not whether there shall be
restrictive legislation, but what form
it shall take.
The union labor executives have
SO often stalled or killed off pro-
posed legislation that they have
relied Oh their lobbying power TO
stop the present drive. But they are
discovering that thanks to the tao
tics of John L. Lewis, legislative
restriction on defense strikes is
inevitable.
The reason is clear. A subStan-
tial minority in the House has been
getting ready to 90 on strike itself
against any or all defense measures,
appropriations or control bills unless
something is done about the labor
situation. The President had
chance in the recent fight over the
repeal Of certain sections of the
neutrality law to discover that he
had a full-fedged revolt on his
hands. The reaction of public opin-
ion, moreover. has been adverse to
the bold way in which collective
bargaining rights were used to stop
the mining of coal, not only in places
where the demand for closed shop
was being made, but in places where
1t already had been granted.
Two Sources for Objections.
When it comes to writing a bill
there will be some objections from
the management as well as the labor
side to compulsory arbitration. 1t
has been rightly argued that arbitra-
ton merely means that one man
the public member-or perhaps a
panel of three in which one man
casts the deciding vote-applies a
particular policy that does more
harm than good. For instance, in
the current arbitration between the
steel men who own the captive coal
mines and the miners union, nothing
will be settled by the decision of
the public member, John r. Steel
man. If he decides against the
closed shop, it will not deter other
unions from asking for it and strik-
ing. If he decides in favor Of the
closed shop. hue and cry in favor
of closed-shop demands will arise
from one end of the country to the
other and turmoil will not be dimin-
ished but increased.
The real way to apply a national
labor policy is to have a war labor
board with statesmen and objective
thinkers on it. A board Of three
eminent citizens, preferably Federal
judges, should be entrusted with the
task of mediation or conciliation or
even voluntary arbitration but be-
fore such a tribunal is created, Con-
gress might we'll lay down as its
opinion the kind of national labor
policy that should be followed.
II. for instance. it were agreed
that the closed shop controversy
would be eliminated for the dura-
ton of the emergency, if it were
stipulated that strikes could not be
called without q secret vote of the
members of union and if the
unions were compelled to follow a
cooling of period before exercising
their right to strike. the number
Of major interruptions probably
would drop to the vanishing point.
A public tribunal to announce which
side was right or wrong in a juris-
dictional dispute between unions or
In controversies between manage
ment and labor would preserve the
voluntary nature of the formula,
Discipline Lacking.
Labor union leaders of both the
c. I. o. and the A. F. OF l.. now are
clamoring for national plan to be
applied on voluntary basis without
governmental intervention. But the
country has observed a number of
such professions of loyal purpose
and desire to cooperate with the
national defense program only to
note that Notwithstanding such
proclamation Of high purposes
strikes 60 on just the same down the
line in the labor union locals. Nc
discipline comparable to that of the
law itself exists in the labor union
movement and this is not due to
recent growth or inexperience of the
unions. The United Mine Workers
OF America is veteran organization
and Mr.. Lewis is veteran leader
yet nearly 10000 workers walked