Montgomery County sentinel. [volume] (Rockville, Md.) 1855-1974, 1941-07-17
/ Might Be
| Wrong.
by p. G. StrOmberg'

training and practice to concen-
trate all his energies on the
affirmative and either ignore or
lightly dismiss the negative. 1t
is also a fact that most of our
lawmakers are lawyers. There
fore it follows naturally that a
lawyer member of Congress, in
his public addresses, stresses
only the points he hopes will
win converts to his way of
thinking rather than acknow-
ledge certain accepted facts
which, of themselves, weigh
heavily against his argument.
To argue a case before court
is very different from presenting
a case of national Importance to
the public. True patriotism and
a sincere endeavor to place all
facts before an audience should
prompt any speaker to rise
above the selfish purpose of
winning a case without all the
evidence being in.
A number of our United
States Senator's, notably Sena-
tors Taft, Wheeler. Nye and a
few others, preach the doctrine
of complete isolationism or near
isolationism, make statements
which, standing alone, cannot be
successfully challenged. But in
many cases such statements can
not be let stand alone. In order
to give a complete and compre-
hensive picture such statements
have to be either modified or
elaborated upon. Such state
ment is the one that this coun-
try, in occupying Iceland, HAS
GONE TWENTY-FOUR HUN
DRIED MILES FROM OUR
SHORES WHEN ICELAND rs
ONLY SEVEN OR EIGHT
HUNDRED MILES FROM THE
BRITISH ISLES. That state
ment is true. But it is also true
that Iceland is only A FEW
HUNDRED MILES FROM
GREENLAND AND GREEN
LAND is ONLY A FEW
HUNDRED MILES FROM THE
COAST OF NORTH AMERICA.
The former statement is likely
to provoke unfavorable reaction
toward our occupation of Ice
land and it is manifestly neither
fair nor sincere. On the other
hand if, instead of the half
statement, the entire story were
given, the reaction would be
most favorable.
Tricks of oratory and success
full efforts to confound an audi
ence can be excused in normal
circumstances when correction is
later possible, but in national
emergency there is no time for
correction of errors and we are
already the victims of too many
accidental and intentional errors
Under the national emergency
President Roosevelt should be
permitted to carry on our de-
tense program and foreign rela-
tions unhampered by bitter
partisan or anti administration
attacks. Cessation of such at
tacks would be a forward step
in our national emergency even
if, in order to obtain it, it were
necessary to invoke some of the
unused authority vested in the
President during the emergency.
Gag rule? Perhaps, but in any
serious matter the end is worth
the means. We no sooner feel
a let-up in the nervous strain
created by so many strikes than
we are confronted with a bar
rage of words over the air, the
only purpose of which is to
spread a feeling of unrest and
disunity.
1t is not necessary to assume
that the granting of supreme
powers to the President and his
cabinet during the national
emergency will mark the end of
our democratic institutions. We
are too deeply rooted in our way
of doing things to permit that.
We must, however, realize that
the best way of getting things
done now is to concentrate
authority in as few hands as
possible and thereby get our