Evening star., 1941-11-19


Mr.. Roosevelt
and John L. David Lawrence.
Lewis. The benefit of sincere con-
viction and deep-seated purpose
may be attributed to the head of the
mine workers union as well as to
the President, each in his concep-
ton of what should be proper labor
policy in crisis.
But he is a superficial observer
who believes that the labor situa-
ton is either the outgroWth of a
conflict of persons or the result of
a mere difference of conception be-
tween the mine workers union and
the Government of the United
States as to the scope of It's rights.
The fundamental of the present
battle is a reaching for monopoly
power by a veteran labor union
which has been encouraged by the
administrations own policy to be-
lieve that collective bargaining is
an all-pervasive instrument for the
intensiication of labor's economic
power.
Conflicting Policies.
Under a system of collectlvism.
such as prevails in the Soviet
Union, the Workers Committees are
all powerful and in America there
are many labor dictators who think
that capitalism and private initia-
tive should be regulated and all the
corresponding powers awarded to
the workers groups.
Today the President who has tol-
Grated the collectivist theory, is face
to face with its implications and he
can hardly wax irritable or lose his
temper over a system that has been
building up for many years with the
friendly and sympathetic support
of his own party in Congress. Like
wise, from the beginning of the
present war era. the President or
his cabinet officers have repeatedly
said that everybody else must make
sacrifices but "labor's social gains
must not be lost. This is a doctrine
of labor as usual" which conflicts
with business as usual in time of
war
There is. moreover, a tendency in
government to make management
the scapegoat on everything. But
industrial production depends on
both labor and management. Union
labor today is slow to realize that
1t must make concessions and that
the right to strike in wartime is
really a right of rebellion. This is
8 sacred right, to be sure, but it is
exercised only II the government
In power Is tyrannical or wrongly
directed. Labor. on the other hand,
processes to be anxious to beat Hit
ler and prevent Hitlerism. so its
sincerity is open to question if it
allows the right to strike to super
sede the right to produce goods.
Blunder for Lewis.
Palpably a blunder, for instance
Is the way Mr.. Lewis lets the miners
In the commercial coal areas go out
on sympathetic strike. 1t is non
sense to say these are spontaneous
demonstrations. They are plain
violations of the Appalachian agree
ment or else they are wildcat strikes
which Mr.. Lewis reveals himself un-
able to control.
Mr.. Lewis cannot win against the
Government of the United States
He has been defeated by the Gov
eminent before. But Mr.. Roosevelt
Is not going to use troops and phys
tcal force to persuade Mr.. Lewis
He Is going to use the majesty of the
law itself which in a national emer-
gency must protect the public in
terest
The public interest today is
against interruption of the national
defense program Where dispute
occurs and a governmental agency
has issued its opinion as to which
is right or wrong, it doesn't matter
in ordinary times if such a ruling is
ignored unless. Of course, there is
a penalty attached. This week. on
the other hand, since mediation has
been carried on and a judgment
rendered, the public interest requires
that the ruling be obeyed
Can't Tolerate Strikes.
Congress is considering legislation
b terminate strikes on defense
work. 1t probably was mistake in
the first place for the President to
assume that honeyed words or elo-
quent pleas would move the labor
bosses who have become dictators
with the aid of the Wagner Law
~~