Detroit evening times. (Detroit, Mich) 1921-1958, 1941-01-16
BY HUGH S. JOHNSON

ana kept CiedT doout tilc
fight on the 'lease-lend" bill in
its present form. 1t is that the
issue here is not whether we
shall send aid to Britain. There
are. on either side of the lease
lend" argument. men of several
shades of opinion on both sides
of that question-from those
who believe in all aid Britain
may ask. to other men who in
sist only so much be sent as
will not slow up or make i'm
possible our own defense.
The debate here is whether
on the plea of aiding Britain
by methods short of war"
principally by selling or giving
supplies. with or without credit
whether on that plea. one
man, the President, should be
given unlimited authority TO
dispose of as much as he pleases
of the material resources of the
United States and its arTna-
ment in ships. guns, planes and
ammunition. not merely 10
Britain but to any nation any,
where on earth.
Those who want to aid Britain
say they wish to do so to defend
America. BY this most of them
mean that they want to keep
the ocean approaches to our
country open by supporting the
British navy and the British
bases in the Atlantic and else
where.
DUT the "lease-lend' bill in
ID tends something much more
than that Taken with the
Presidents fireside chat and an
nual message, his war aims are
no longer merely to defend
America in this sense.
They are no longer short OF
war They are TO defend
America" by insuring freedom
of speech and worship and from
want everywhere on earth"
and TO secure all nations from
attack anywhere on earth"
Under the terms of the bill.
all that is necessary for him TO
do 10 be free TO send our mill
tary and naval substance to any
country whether il is at war now
or not. is to find that to do
so would help American defense.
That is power to declare and
fight economic war for anybody
anywhere.
Nobody expects such extreme
absurdlty in practice, but the
way to test any such revolu-
tionary grant of presidential
power. never before thought
necessary in our history. is to
test its actual language. This
administration has frequently
stretched less liberal donations
of power than this TO shockingly
unexpected assertions of power.
FURTHERMORE, some of the
L language in this bill is so
generalized for example the
appropriation clause) that it is
not clear that il does not deliver
to the President power to give
away the financial resources of
this country as certainly II
grants him power to give away
all the ships of our whole navy.
No showing of necessity what
soever is made for this abject
abdication of congressional war
powers and the attempted show
ing of necessity for speed in
enacting this legislation won't
stand the slightest inspection.
The. next critical period in this
war is between now and May
and-bill or no bill-there is not
another thing or moment that
we could add to what Britain
could enjoy, receive or even or
der from us in that interim.
unless it is our intent to strip
our navy of fighting craft and
our army of planes, tanks and
guns, of which it has too little
even to begin training the men
II is calling TO arms.
MANY of the emergency"
vi powers granted since '33
have been so limited. All have
been extended. Why? Because
the granting of such massive
powers with a time limit is also
a grant of power to force the
extension of that time limit. 1t
has proved so with us over and
over again during eight years of
grants of emergency powers with
a time limit-even to the extent
of extending all presidential
powers for a third term.
The tendency of this admins
tration has been always to ask
for more powers than are nec=
essary even for its avowed pur-
poses. The tendency has been, as
now and as to the third term.
TO assert a reluctance to accept
such powers-then the tendency
has been to press them to the
limit of their grants and refuse
to give up any.
On that history and in such
a crisis. if ever a bill needed
robust dnhafn this ic that hill