Imperial Valley press., 1941-12-11

WASHINGTON. Dec. IL In
spite OF the fact that the House 9t
Reps ripped through an anti-striNe
bill, 252 to l36. it is a good bet even
in the new 1912 inflated dollars
that the final form of the bill will
be no place nearly so drastic as the
version sponsored by congressman
Howard w. Smith OF Alexandra,
Va. Carl Vinson of Milledgevl.le.
Ga, and Martin Dies of Oranee,
Tex. This Smith bill ,as you'll re-
call. proposes 80 days notice of in
tent to stree, secret election under
government supervision before a
strike is called, prohibits violence
and outside pickets, and freezes all
open and closed shop conditions
now existing for the duration OF the
emergency.
1t simply isn't in the cards for
the administration to allow any bill
of that kind to go through as IS.
Consequently, during this second
week of December you will see some
of the most frantic labor politics
that have ever been unWound in
the capitol, and labor politics make
the ordinary garden varieties OF
Republican or Democratic or New
Deal or conservative politics look
like puny weeds indeed.
First strategy in this play was to
have the Smith bill referred to the
committee on Educa iOn and Labor,
when the measure reached the
Senate. Vice President Wallace was
the halfback who carried the ball
for this first down. but the signals
were undoubtedly called by a White
House quarterback. Furthermore.
Phil Murray of the CLIO. was given
assurance that Inc Senate Commit
tee on Education and Labor would
hold hearings IN which the labor
leaders would be given the oppor-
tunit to voice their objections to
the Smith provisions. So, the Sen
ate will deliberate plenty and give
labor every opportunity ~ voice its
objections, which are like wise
plenty.
GOOD" COMMITTEE
The Senate Cemmittee on EGuca-
ton and Labor is what the labor
lobbyists call a "goOd"
pro-labor committee It's chairman
is Ebert D. Thomas of Salt Lake
City, a Roosevelt backer with rec
ord which labor mas supported. 9th
ers on the committee are Democrats
Walsh of Massachusetts, Murray of
Montana, Pepper of Florida, Ellen
der of Louisiana. Lee of Oklahoma,
Hill of Alabama, Chavez Of New
Mexico, Schwartz of Wyoming, Mead
of New York and Bunker of Ne
vada Republicans Taft of Ohio,
Bridges of New Ha/pa\'e, Ball OF
Minnesota, Butler OF Nebraska, All
ken of Vermont and Roster Of West
Virginia, Progressive LaFOllette OF
Wisconsin. There isn't one real labor
batter on the committee. It's me-.
jorlty is northern-industria instead
Of southern agricultural. Conse-
quently the chances that this com
mittee will rush through the Smith
bill are what you might call slim.
,
this committee might naturally be
expected to report out TO the Sen
ate much-toned- Smith bill.
or new measure altogether witch
will be more acceptable TO labor.
What the House would do if a
much modified Smith bill or a sub
stitute for it were sent back by the
Senate for approval is one Of those
things that nobody knows for the
simple reason that the lower cham
Der of Congress is always unpredic-
table. In the light of what the Sen
ate may do in whiting down the
Smlt. anti-strike provisions. the
House vote of 252 TO 1876 may have
been little more than a letting off
Of congressional steam, a protest
against the way the strike picture
in defense industries is shaping up,
a wild swing Of resentment against
John l.. Lewis as personal devil
No. /. But even as a gesture, the
vote Is not without significance.
SOUTH HEARD FROM
From labor's point of view, to
get al the real meaning of the
Smith bill you have TO consider the
forces that put it over The leaders
were. besides Smith, Dies and Vim
son, all good southern Democrats.
CLIO. has just announced its inten-