Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1941-06-13
Says Labor May Lose
New Deal Support
Administrations Powers Seen
As Susceptible Of Use
Against Striking Unions
By Jay Hayden.

By Jay Hdyden.
When all of its aftermaths are counted
the Army enforced ending of the North
American aviation strike is likely to
have as important effects on American
organized labor as did the similarly dis
persed general strike of 1926 on British
organized labor.
For we'll over a decade, beginning with
| 1918, every enactment of the British
Parliament relating to labor was on the
side of extending rights and privileges of
trade unions and in 1923-24 the Labor
Party for the first time achieved COM
plete control of the Government. But
in 1926 labor overreached itself. A gen.
eral strike was instituted for the pur-
| pose of compelling Parliament, which
had been returned to control of the Con-
servatives in the election of 1924, to do
labors bidding Not only was this strike
| broken by a mighty upsurge of British
popular opinion, but 1t was followed by
enactment of the present Trade Dis
| putes Act, sharply restricting union &C
| tivities.
This law bans any strike which is
aimed to coerce the Government either
directly or by inf1icting hardship on the
community. Sympathetic strikes are
barred. Picketing is declared illegal if
so conducted as to intimidate workers or
to cause public disturbance. Unions are
made financially liable for damages
! ,ffa bu aroo1nuprc IN Of
illegal strikes. Levying of political as
sessments on union members is pro-
hibited. If unions are to claim protec-
ton in their right of collective bargain
ing and other privileges they must
register with the Government and re-
port annually on their membership.
finances and other details of organiza-
ton.
British labor strongly opposed the
Trade Disputes Act, but on taking over
the Government in 1929 did not move for
! its repeal It's excuse for inaction was
| that it did not have a clear majority of
the Parliament. The opposition retorted
| that the laborites were afraid to move
| against the act because they knew it was
Overwhelmingly popular.
Consider the comparable trend of
events in the United States. Here, for
eight years previous to this week, all
Federal labor legislation has been favor
able to the unions. The Roosevelt ad-
| ministration has operated virtually as
a labor government. For many months
! the President refused to move against
| strikes in defense industries and his
| congressional leaders blocked legislative
! proposals to this end.
But then came the tieup of fifth of
American military airplane production
| in the North American strike, featured
by striker defiance of not only the Ma
tional Mediation Board but of their own
national leaders.
In a twinkling the whole Government
was galvanized into action. The Presi-
dent ordered the Army to take over the
plant and followed through, with, the
work or fight" warning, contained in
the order that draft deferment of de-
Tense workers who have ceased to per-
form their jobs" be cancelled. --=..-
On the same day the House attached
| amendments, denying funds to any
worker or employer failing to abide by
recommendations of the National Media
| ton Board, or to any worker 'picketing"
a plant engaged in defense production.
| The Vinson bill, requiring a compulsory
cooling-off period before strikes can
begin in defense industries and impoS-
ing other restrictions upon unions, is set
down for consideration by the House
next Monday and its passage in some
! form seems certain.
On the Senate side, a bill has been
| passed formally authorizing the Presi-
dent to seize struck plants. And this
was made more drastic by adding the
Byrd amendment, declaring that all
strikes or lockouts which impede the
national defense effort are contrary to
sound public policy
Most significant of all, perhaps, was
the news on Wednesday that nine union
promoters of the strike had been barred
from unemployment in the North
American plant and that steps were
being taken to GUST them from their
union jobs. The implication of this
action is quite plain. 1t is that union
leaders thenceforth must bow down to
commands of the Federal Government
or face the possibility that the Army
will move in and install some one else
in their union jobs
The House amendment, denying funds
to employers or employees who fail to
comply with orders of the mediation
board, virtually amounts to compulsory
arbitration. If this provision persists
and attached as it is to an appropria-
ton bill its removal either by the Senate
or the President will be extremely
difhcult-it means in effect that the
mediation board thenceforth is vested
with full power to fix wages.
Unless the Roosevelt administration
has changed its ways this will not mean
financial loss for the workers. Practi-
cally all strikes so far have been. settled
by increasing wages and this usually
by Government fiat and at the expense
of the taxpayers, who must pay the
defense cost.
But the plan may not work out SC
we'll for the unions and their leaders
If wages and working conditions are to
be determined entirely by the Govern
ment, what need is there for workers to
continue to pay union dues? But there
again the Government may step in. For
those union leaders who are playing its