Evening star., 1941-08-24
Declaration of Atlantic Seen
AS Mold for Unified Policy
AS Peace Feeler, Roosevelt. Churchill Statement
Also Tends to Take Wind From
Sails of forthcoming Offensive.
By Felix Morley.

citation of nations, except perhaps by
inference, and indicates that 1t will be
joint Anglo-American responsibility to
disarm, and then effectively police, the
nations which London and Washington
agree to define as aggressors.
One further and very important, diff
ference is of setting rather than OF
character. On January 8, 1918, the Gen.
tral Powers were nearing the end OF
their tether, Congress had formally de-
clared war and President Wilson's wholly
objective statement of American war
aims was therefore triply effective as
dissolvent of German morale.
On August ID, 194l, the political and
military positions were far from iden-
tical and the personal pledge Of the
Chief Executive of a non-belligerent
power to disarm aggressors therefore
seems somewhat premature, to say the
least.
But if the declaration of the Atlantic
is unimpressive as statement Of either
war aims or peace objectives, its i'm
portance in developing and consolidating
a unified Anglo-American position must
not be minimized.
1t is this consolidation of policy, likely
to endure whatever the outcome of the
war, which emerges as the most signifi-
cant aspect of the Roosevelt Churchill
| conversations.
Merger. Has Advocates.
AS indicated by the popularity of the
Union Now" movement there are many,
In the United States as well as in Great
Britain and the self-governing do
minions, who definitely favor a merger
Of national independence in order to
create a federalized Anglo-American
| state.
For some of the advocates of Union
Now" this end is perhaps primarily a
war objective-to speed active American
participation and thereby lessen the risk
that Great Britain may have to accept
an unfavorable peace.
In developing their program the Fed
eral Unionists have somewhat naively
patterned their thinking on past de-
velopments. Because the American
colonies were successfully united after
achieving independence, through the me-
dium of a Federal Constitution, it is
assumed that the English-speaking ma
| tions should follow the same procedure.
| Thus. Anglo-American Union would be
! launched with the establishment of a
| super Congress, with so many repre-
! sentatipes.@fro the United States, so
T many from Great Britain, Canada,
/ AustranA and so on. all nicely pro.
! portfoned according to population.
| The objective may be admirable, but
the procedure is highly unrealistic. Its
oversimplified thinking is based on the
very questionable assumption that be-
cause certain political technique served
admirably in 1889 it will be equally ap-
| propriate for wholly different circum-
stances in 194l.
One OF the most important aspects of
the recent North Atlantic conference was
the dramatic emphasis it gave to the
method of direct executive contact, in
tentlonally ignoring not merely the in
herited prestige, but indeed the actual
existence of elected legislative bodies.
The chief executive of Great Britain
presumably came to as yet undisclosed
agreements with his opposite number in
the United States. But beyond that there
was intimate and very important COL
laboration between the ranking officers
of the two nations charged with the
conduct of land, naval, air and economic
warfare.
The meeting of President Roosevelt
and Prime Minister Churchill is the most
striking instance yet of the technique Of
direct executive contact. But it is by
no means the only illustration For in
stance, Sir Arthur Salter, representing
the British Ministry of Shipping, has
for some months now been in Washing
ton working out shipping supply prob
lens in continuous consultation with the
Maritime Commission
Whether or not the United States ac-
lively enters the war measure of union
with Great Britain is already here It
is not recognized as such only because
it has come in form unexpected by
those who have been foremost In Its
advocacy.