Evening star., 1941-11-26
We Aid Free France

We Aid Free France
Extension of American lease-lend
aid to the armed forces of General
de Gaulle by presidential order is
not merely significant economically,
but has even more important po-
litical implications. If Washington's
relations with Vichy, already tense,
should end in an open break, the Free
French regime headed by General
de Gaulle, and formally established
with headquarters in French Equa-
torial Africa, would be the logical
candidate for diplomatic recognition
as the representative of the French
people, free from German domina-
ton
While American-made supplies
and munitions already have reached
the Free French forces, both in
Africa and in Syria, they have done
so indirectly by transfer from the
British government, which has re-
queSted them in its own name under
the terms of the Anglo American
leaSe-lend agreement. According to
the text of the Presidents letter to
Edward R. Stettinius, jr., lease-lend
administrator, this method is to be
technically maintained-as, indeed,
it must be so long as the Free
French regime is not automatically
recognized by our Government.
Nevertheless, the fact that the Presi-
dent specifically mentions the De
Gaulle forces as the recipients of this
aid and describes the defense of
territories under their control as
vital to the defense Of the United
States is long step toward dip
lomatic recognition, at least in the
"de facto' sense
Quasi recognition Of Free France"
becomes still more significant when
viewed in the light of two other steps
taken simultaneously by the Eco
nomic Defense Board. These were
the revocation Of all export licenses
to French North Africa, and a similar
revocation of all licenses for the ex-
port of petroleum products to Spain
and its possessions, including the
international Zone of Tangier in
Northern Morocco, almost opposite
Gibraltar, now under Spanish mill
tary control.
The stoppage of trade with French
North Africa was Washingtons re-
ply to the dismissal Of General Wey-
gand from his pro-consulship over
that vital region. So long as Weygand
remained in power there, limited
American exports were considered
to be justified as an encourage
ment for him to maintain middle
of-the-road attitude. Now that
Weygand is gone and his authority
has been parceled out among several
officials subservient to Vichy, our
Government is disincllned to allow
the sending of any more supplies
which would strengthen a presum-
ably pro-Axis regime. Some COM
mentators have suggested that this
action of the Economic Defense
Board might be considered as a last
warning to Vichy not to collaborate
further with Germany. But this
seems to be rather far-fetched. The
whole trend of events appears to
portend a definite decision of the
Vichy regime to yield increasingly to
German pressure.
The ban on petroleum shipments
to Spain and its possessions likewise
indicates that our Government an
ticipates closer collaboration be-
tween the Franco regime and the
Axis. General Franco even now is
giving fresh proof of his basic soli-
darity with the Axis by sending
representatives to the Anti-Comin-
tern Convention staged in Berlin.
There can be little doubt that Franco
will aid the Axis, tacitly or openly,
when the time is ri pc. Here, as with
Vichy, a showdown seems to be near.