The Waterbury Democrat., 1941-12-10

EWSNm 1J eimply lSn't fin the cards for the administration to allow any bill of that kind to 90 through as is, Consequently, dur ing this second week of December you will see some of the most fran tic labor politics that have ever been unwound in the capitol, and labor politics make the ordinary garden varieties of Republican or Democratic or New Deal or conserv- ative politics look like puny weeds Indeed.
 First strategy in this play was to have the Smith bill referred to the committee on Education and La. Dor, when the measure reached the Senate. Vice President wallace was the halfbaek who carried the ball for this first down, but the signals were undoubtedly called by White House quarterback. Further more, Phil Murray of the c. ]. Q, was given assurance that the Sen- ate Committee on Education and Labor would hold hearings In which the labor leaders would be given the oportunity to voice their objections to the Smith provisions, So, tho Senate will deliberate plenty and give labor every opportunity to voice its objections, which are likewise plenty.
 GOOD"
 COMMITTEE
 The Senate Committee on Edu. ! cation and Labor Is what the labor lobbyists call good" - meaning pro-labor committee. Its chairman Is Ebert D. Thomas of Salt Lake City, Q Roosevelt packer with q rec. ord which labor has supported Others on the committee are Dem. oerats Walsh of Massachusetts, Murray of Montana, Pepper of Flor ida, Ellender Of Louisiana, Lee of Oklahoma, Hill of Alabama, Chavez of New Mexico, Schwartz of Wy oming, Mead of New York and Bunker of Nevada: Republicans Taft of Ohio, Bridges of New Hampshire. Ball of Minnesota, But- Ter of Nebraska, Aiken of Vermont, and Roster of West Virginia; Pro- greSsive LaFollette of Wisconsin. There isn't one real labor batter" on the committee. Its majority Is northern-industrial instead of southern agricultural. Consequent ly, the chances that this commit tee will rush through the Smith bill are what you might call slim. On the contrary, after It's hearings, this committee might naturally be ex. pected to report out to the Senate a, eh-toned-down smith bill, or a new measure altogether which will be more acceptable to labor, What the House would do If a much modified Smith bill or sub- stitute for 1t were sent back by the Senate for approval Is one of those things that nobody knows, for the simple reason that the lower cham berS of Congress Is always unpre- dictable. Tn the light of what the Senate may do in whittling down the Smith anti-strike provisions, the House vote of 262 to i36 may have been little more than . letting of of congressional steam, e protest against the way the strike picture in defense industries Is shaping up, wild swing of resentment against John L. Lewis as personal devil Mo- 1, But even as q gesture, the vote Is not without significance.
 SOUTH
 HEARD FROM
 From labors point of view, to get at the real meaning of the Smith bill you have to consider the forces that put 1t over The lcacers were, besides Smith, Dies and Vinson, all good southern Democrats, O. I. o. has just announced its intention to organize the south. It cannot do so as long as there are bans against outside picketing and the provision freezing open shop conditions. The Smith bill Is, in other words, an ef- fort to check 0. I. o. organizing am- bitions in Dixie. And the biggest la bor fights of all are yet to come on this southern front.