The Waterbury Democrat., 1940-08-24

to the people that they had in Washington a government that could govern. In the first months he im- planted that conviction in the minds of the American people and in the minds of the world.
 Our people had seen the Congress and the executive so deadlocked that almost no measures could be enac- ted. They had lost hope not only in their own ability to meet the crisis, but in the ability of anyone to do any thing about anything. That was the very essence of the crisis. To overcome it the President, inspired as few men have been in our age, drove through a whole series of great measures in record breaking time, thus serving notice on every one that the Government was re- stored to full vitality.
 Everybody knew that there was vigor where there had been wearin- ess, unity where there had been dis unity, and the power to act where there had been impotency. The inn pression was driven home that there was no vested interest so powerful that it could block the action of government; that there was no dogma so deep-seated that it could prevent bold action, that there was no important group of people whose problems the Government was not prepared to take in hand. A Demo- cratic President and a Democratic Congress saved the day. In 1892, we found ourselves in disorderly, panic stricken mobs and factions. By June of 1883, we had become an organized Nation, confident of our power to provide for our own security and to control our own destiny. It was a triumphant achievement under the leadership of one of the truly great men of the century - Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
 CODE OF PRIVILEGE
 PURELY REPUBLICAN
 The Republican theory of pros perity had been the reactionary code of privelege from the time of Alex ander Hamilton to that of Herbert Hoover. It Is theory of pouring in prosperity at the top of the social structure and letting it trickle down to the bottom. It is the old story of Lazarus gathering the crumbs that fell from the rich mans table. The only economic program the Repub- licans have to offer the country is a high tariff. That was their remedy after the war for independence, after the war between the States, and after the World War. It is the remedy they offer now.
 With millions of unemployed, mil- lions of unemployable, millions of victims of economic forces thrown out of balance by universal world unrest the Republicans offer 6 higher tariff.
 Jefferson and Jackson had a dif- ferent theory. And so did Roosevelt. That theory requires that the hun gry be fed, that the jobless be em- ployed, and that those oppressed by the debts of an inflated credit struc- tllre have an opportunity to recover their economic stability. It is a pro- gram of direct action to create the conditions which will enable the farmers the laborers, the business men to help themselves out of the slough of despair and hardship. It Is a theory which calls for the re- tribution and extension of the pur- chasing power of the people. It is c theory which requires the govern ment to do something for the peo- pie 1t is supposed to serve. It Is c dynamic theory of government as distinguished from c "do-nothing" theory. It calls for action rather than resignation to the havoc wrought by uncontrolled economic fcrceg. It is q theory of courage and