Evening star., 1940-07-31

%JUIHS VUT VStimS
HitIer's Willingness to Assure
Safe Passage for British
Children Doubted
To the Editor Of The STAR
The faith of Messrs. Alsop and Kint-
ner in Hitler's reaction to their re-
cent humanitarian proposal for aiding
refugee children is touching, but hardly
plausible. Dramatic the problem may
be. but Hitler is swayed by no dramatics
save his own. Nor can he be shamed
into good behavior; that method has
been tried. It failed. When our Presi-
dent called for showdown, asking
Hitler's personal guarantee of the Sc
curity of his neighbor countries he did
not feel obliged to commit himself.
He has stated that he considers him.
self above consideration Of public opin-
ion. Since to date he has suffered no
reverses through its weight of scorn or
censure, since there now remains very
little free public opinion other than
that of the Americas to bring pressure
upon him, it is improbable that he will
be more influenced by it on this occa-
sion.
Nor is the humanitarian aspect Of the
proposition apt to appeal to him strong
ly If the story Of the Arandora Star is
true, it is clear indication of his attitude
toward the English child refugees, whom
he doubtless regards, not as harmless
children, but as potential adult enc
mics. He has but recently warned Eng
lish parents that their children are safe
nowhere: the threat is one of his
weapons. 1t he likely to waste it? Is
1t rational to suppose. at this critical
moment, that he will meekly surrender
that advantage?
And for what? For feeding the con-
quered populations Of Europe. But Hit
Ter has not admitted any such need. His
only statements regarding these peoples
have been to the effect of the vast inn
provement Of their condition under his
regime. How can he acknowledge his
inability to cope with problem which
he contends does not exist?
In any case, his concern for the plight
Of populations other than German is
slight. For that matter, his concern
for his own people is political rather
than humanitarian. He has wept, pub
licly and often, over their mistreatment
outside the Reich; but within it. for
years he has kept them on subsistence
fare, in training for the rigors of war.
Can we really believe he cares if the
rest of Europe starves?
One of his first acts in all conquered
territory has been to confscate food
supplies. In his reasoning, European
surpluses are for Germans. Since the
others have been deprived of normal
food supplies through his agency, how
much of talking point is it to offer
to feed them for him?
One consideration alone might in
| fluence him: Fed, the subject people
| might remain docile and less likely to
revolt; hungry, they may be source of
trouble to him soon. In this respect, we
should be playing directly into his hands.
1t is perhaps consistent that we should
go one step further in encouraging ag-
| gression: We started on that path with
our first neutrality bill in 1885. Ger
tainly such was not our intention, then
| or now. In our innocence, we did not
foresee that the measure would be in
| terpreted as an invitation to the con-
quest of small nations by powerful ones.
Nor could we see that refusal to sell
them means of self-defense would lead
to the day when our kindness of heart
would offer the conqueror aid in keeping
them subjected.
l. There was time when freedom to
this Nation was sweeter than bread. 1t
is too late now to ask the Poles, the
Norwegians, the Dutch which aid they
would have preferred. So we will feed
Europe for Hitler, who does not
agree that it needs to be fed: and ask in
return that he spare the children of a
country he has yet to conquer, though
he has had no compunction about war;
ring on children in the past.
But suppose he does accept the bar
gain? Must we be reminded of the way
he keeps his promises? Suppose, having
received the shipments Of food, he sinks
the ships with the children anyway.
What are we to do then? Reprimand
him and apologize to the British? Or are
we prepared to fight about it? This we
should decide beforehand.
When war broke out in Europe, while
maintaining in theory the principle of
freedom of the seas, we established our
intention of keeping our ships out of
zones Of hostilities, so that no issue
should arise which might cause our in
volvement. If now we attempt to buy
safe passage for our Ships we abrogate
our neutral right, reserved at the outset,
to operate those ships where we see fit;
we admit that the seas are not free we
concede German mastery Also we court
the very crisis we have been at such
pains to avoid.
There are practical considerations,