Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1940-11-10
By Raymond p. Brandt.

swer or to take the consequences.
The Republicans and their independ-
ent supporters seemed to overlook the
personal security argument except in
the upper-income groups which contain
relatively few voters. With only few
exceptions, the incumbent administra-
lions have had an advantage if indus
trial production is high or is rising.
Coolidge, Hoover and Roosevelt were
beneflciaries of rising production indexes
in 1924, 1923 and 1886, respectively.
Hoover was the victim of the low index
of 1882.
During the Roosevelt speaking trips it
was the custom of several mischievous
reporters far back in the automobile
encourage to call to the assembled crowds
along the streets, Anybody here for
Willkie?" Usually there were many
affirmative cheers. When the question
was asked at the Pratt Whitney airplane
plant in Connecticut, the immediate
response was, We've got jobs"
Fear Tactics Fail Again.
In 1886 the New Deal slogan was
"Are you better off today than you
were in 1882" This year the Presi-
dent boosted that 100000 additional
persons had been put to work during
his administration. Willkie could only
promise production, production, pro-
duction' through national unity" and
he tried to spread fear among the lower
income groups by telling them that they
would hopl ia ;y
social security taxes Col. Frank Knox,
now in the Presidents cabinet, tried
the same tactics in 1886 when he de-
clared that insurance policies-perhaps
the principle form of savings in the
lower-income group-would be worthless
If Roosevelt was reelected
The fear" tactics failed in 1886 and
they failed in 1910. If the Republicans
are to appeal effectively to workers
with jobs they much find new arguments.
This campaign also reafirmed the old
political belief that no one person can
deliver" the organized labor vote. John
l.. Lewis broadcast that he was not tell
ing followers how to vote for Willkie
but his threat to resign as head of the
c. I. o. made it clear that he believed
they would follow his advice. The re-
turns from Pennsylvania, Illinois and
West Virginia, where his strength was
considered strongest, demonstrated, as
did the Pennsylvania Democratic sena-
torial primary of 1888, that he had an
exaggerated conception of his political
influence. If reports of local politicals
mean anything, Joe Louis, the prize
fighter, swung more votes to Willkie
among the Negro voters than John L.
Lewis did among organized workers.
Ickes Makes Challenge.
OF all WILKES support, the journal
istic segment took the worst beating
and suffered the greatest loss of prestige.
The campaign was not so vicious in
scurrilous printed material as the
Hoover-Smith contest of 1928, but the
distortions in the editorial-and news
columns of some reputable publicans
harked back to the earlier days of ire
sponsible personal journalism.
Although the Roosevelt Wallace ticket
received about SIS per cent of the popu-
lar vote on Tuesday, only about Is per
cent of the daily press favored their
candidacy. If the traditionally Demo-
cratic papers of the Solid South are
eliminated from the total, the percen-
tage would be much lower. This lack
of support has angered the New Dealers
including the President.
Secretary of the Interior Ickes, who
likes to proclaim that he is a former
newspaperman, challenged the press
Thursday to tell why the President had
received only 40 per cent daily newspaper
support in 1882, SO per cent in 1886 and
% per cent this year.
The New Dealers believe that the radio
was one of their great assets in the
campaign, and well they might. The
President has the most effective radio
voice in public life and he rarely forgets
his unseeing radio audience of many mil
lions even when he is directly address,
ing his largest meetings. At Boston,
where his interjected farm speech nom
plussed his immediate listeners, the
President pointed significantly to the