The Ypsilanti daily press. (Ypsilanti, Mich.) 1928-1962, 1940-12-17

Pendergast political machine in
Kansas City.
Before election l had occasion to
predict that a tremendous number
of charges Of violations OF the
Hatch act, in particular, would be
made shortly after the polling was
over. This forecast has been more
than verified. Milligan was draft
ed to dig into them because OF his
Kansas City record as a United
States district attorney He dug
theoretically. Now he has a grand
Jury avilable to return indictments
II he can make out adequate cases
against alleged culprits. It's under
the Hatch act especially. that he
must. if at all, get them.
It's law which provides, among
other things. that a partys organ
ization must not spend above
100000 on any given campaign.
Well, what is a partys organiza-
ton? Why, it's that party's ma
tional committee. 1t generally Is
agreed that both the Republican
and Democratic national commit
tees were meticulous in keeping
their respective expenditures in
side the 100000 limit.
Unofficial Organizations
But. say Democratic COMPLAIN
ants, besides their national COM
mittee. the Republicans had vast
flock of little independent local set
ups, like Willkie clubs, which, in
diWdually. spent money to a total
maybe running up into S10,000,00O
or S15,00O,0e0. Suppose they did?
They didn't spend to exceed a few
thousands apiece. The national
committee wasn't responsible for
them, individually or collectively
If the Podunk Willkie club chose
to blow in three or four figures in
cash on pro-Willkie advertising
with its home town paper. who
else's business was it? Nobody
else's.
If a body Of inquisitors, such as
Senator Guy Gillette's committee
on investigation Of campaign ex-
penses. could get full reports from
all these sources, add the figures
all up and broadcast the total, 1t
might be good publicity stuff. Even
so, though, there wouldn't be any
thing indictable In it. Further
more, such a reckoning's an abso-
lutte impossiblity. Indeed, the Gill
lette committee attempted it and
many Of the peewee organizations
gave the committee the horse
laugh. They said they weren't in
terstate. in character; they weren't
answerable to a federal investiga-
torial group Neither are they an
swerable to federal grand jury.
The Democrats didn't have so
many local campaign outfits. In
fact, few of them. Their national
committee kept inside its $1,000
900, and its minor aggregations
weren't Of sufficient consequence
to be worth much probing into.
What About Relief?
But the Republicans story Is
that the New Deals far-fung re-
lief and allied agencies so admin
istered their largesses and that
their bosses passed out such hints
to their subordinates and beneh-
ciaries as to influence the last cleo
ton result materially.
The Hatch act prohibits that
sort Of thing also.
But it's darned hard to prove,
before a grand jury, that funds
were 50 allocated or that such
pressure was brought as to imply
political motives The assump-
tons bound to be that money was
paid out as per usual. An agency
head could ask an underling, How
are you going to vote this year ?"
in a fashion to make the sub un-
derstand what he really meant
without saying so explicitly.
In short, inuendoes are available
a-plenty. But anything indictable?
Not so easy.
It stands to reason that Repub-
hcans accuse Prosecutor Milligan
and his grand jury Of trying TO
smear the G O. F.. while giving a
clean bill OF health to the New