Worcester Democrat and the ledger-enterprise. (Pocomoke City, Md.) 1921-1953, 1940-03-15

Z
strength and preferences are schedul-
ed in but few instances and primary
results will therefore have slight eff
feet on what the political leaders de-
eide in Philadelphia and Chicago next
summer.
Considered in this light, of what
value are preferentials Presidential
primaries? The question is highly
debatable, but many sober students Of
the subject believe such elections are
more trouble than they are worth.
Theoretically, they are supposed to
enable the voters themselves to choose
their own Presidential candidates, but
the theory does not work-for reas-
ons already cited. To be truly eff
fective, say it's critics, the Presiden-
tial primary would have to be follow
ed in every state, instead of only a
third of the states, as now. More
over, the critics hold that all present
primary laws would have to be re-
drafted to conform with national
Presidential primary system-a task
regarded as almost impossible. All
things considered, says the critics, it
would probably be just as well if the
Presidential primary procedure were
dropped completely, letting state con-
ventions choose delegations to the ma
tional conventions.
But though it has many shortcom-
ings, friends of the preferential Pres
idential primary maintain that it has
an inherent worth as democratic
safeguard against "bossism" and a.
gainst political cliques that dictate
candidates. from behind the closed
doors of "smoke-filled" rooms. Ac-
cording to this view, the system
should be encouraged to perfect itself
as a slowly evolving political pro-
cess. This could be done, say its
friends, if the preferential Presiden-
tial primary were sincerely respected
by political leaders and if it were al
lowed to work as it is meant to work.
The practical reality, however, is
that the system is not working as it
is meant to work, and currently much
of the blame for this is being charged
against President Roosevelt. By his
silence on the third-term issue, it is
held, he has Frightened off" all but
Vice President Garner from the Demo
cratic Presidential primaries, and he
has thus kept many potential candi-
dates from entering the race to be
judged by the voters. According to
those who deplore his continued sill
ence, President Roosevelt has encour-
aged "innercircle" New Dealers who
seek to have him re-nominated and
who are intent on keeping all other
possible Candidates out of the picture
until convention time. In any case,
whether he intends to run again or
not, President Roosevelt has been ac-
cused by his critics of attempting to
control the nomination next July thru
a primary strategy calculated to give
him as many state delegations as pos
sible.
But however true it may be that
such strategy undermines the demo-
cratic intent of the Presidential pri-
mary, neutral commentators seem gen
orally agreed that the system has not
distinguished itself even under the
best of circumstances. This judgment
is based on past experience and on the
fact that the system has steadily lost
ground since 1916. Such factors as
"favorite son" candidates, stalking
horses" and the traditional unwilling
ness of candidates to run in certain
instances have greatly impaired the
Presidential primary, and not much
can be expected of it unless there is
sweeping reform in both political Gus
tom and political law.
Accordingly, as they take place
from now on, the forthcoming primar-
les will probably be regarded as little
more than straws in the wind, and
their effect on next summers nomi-
mating conventions will be good deal
less than decisive. AS of last week,
few of them could be looked upon as
significant in an immediate sense.
For one thing, the third-term issue
will be effectively dramatized in the
Wisconsin and Illinois contests be-
tween President Roosevelt and Vice
President Garner, and for another
thing, Vandenberg and Dewey will be
testing each others strength in Ne