Worcester Democrat and the ledger-enterprise. (Pocomoke City, Md.) 1921-1953, 1940-10-25
Why We
Must Aid
Britain


and literary ability, and of wide in
fluence as journalist. 1t is therefore
important to weigh carefully what he
says on a subject of such vital i'm
portance as our national defense. His
radio address of Sept. 5, 1910, was
designed, primarily, as criticism of
those, such as the Committee to De-
fend America by Aiding the Allies,
under the Craftsmanship of Mr.. Will
liam Allen White. This committee
whom he criticises wishes, as he says,
to send as much material aid to Great
Britain as possible Gen. johnson takes
the position that it is untrue that
Britain is the first line of our de-
tense, and he insists that for the de-
Tense of Americans America must re-
ly only upon it's own resources, and
he further claims that any material
aid given to Great Britain would only
diminish our own American resources.
He does not explain what he means
by defense of America" and the cap
ton of his address is q wholly fall
lacious one. He says eve face no
danger of invasion" It is presumed
that he means by this invasion of
United States territory. That we do
not face this at the present time is
probably true, but no one believes
that our immense preparedness pro-
gram is based upon the supposition
that we will shortly have to defend
our immediate continental frontiers.
The danger to America is very
much greater than this and is one
that has existed since the earliest
days of the Republic. The funda-
mental policy of the United States
for 1875 years has been the so-called
Monroe Doctrine. President Mon
roe announced to the world and es-
pecially to the European powers
bound together under the title "The
Holy Alliance, that no conquests
were to be permitted upon this hemis-
phere by any European power and
that no intrusion of any alien sys-
tenn was to be permitted. Great
Britain and the United States have
been through all these years in accord
as to the Monroe Doctrine. Their
combined sea powers have enabled
the United States of America to con-
tinue in peace.
It is the danger to this policy
which has now led to public approval
of selective CONSUMPTION and the
building of an immense Navy for use
both in the Pacific and the Atlantic
Oceans. Every informed man knows
that this great building program
would be quite unnecessary if Great
Britain remained unimpaired in
strength and if her fleet, together
with that of the United States, were
stronger than any fleet that could be
marshaled by the totalitarian powers.
Gen. Johnson intimates that this is
a humiliating position and that we
are asking somebody else to defend
us. That, of course, is wholly mis-
leading view. Great Britain and the
United States for 1876 years have
been in accord on Va policy. If the
British fleet is destroyed or captured
the United States fleet, in order to
maintain the Monroe Doctrine, will
have to be in the Atlantic and our
interests in the Pacific will be with
out protection. If the fleet is div
ided into two for the next five years
it would be inferior in power to the
fleet which could be marshaled by
the totalitarian powers. We would
be threatened with war in both oceans
We would have to fight for the
maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine.
We could, and I believe should,
have given as a matter of national
interest a great deal more aid to
Great Britain than we have already
done, but that does not impair the
value Of what we are doing. Gen.
Johnson's quarrel is with our major
premise that the destruction of British
fleet would profoundly affect the
saftey of America. It is Gen. john
son and those who think as he does
who are mourning the danger Of
certain war for the United States.
We will not permit the transfer Of
any territory in the Western Henri
sphere from the conquered nations to
Germany. We will not permit any
South American state to be taken ov-
err by Germany, directly or indirectly.
This is a very large contract. This
is a great policy, but one which it
has been possible to carry on be-