Evening star., 1940-03-07


that a majority of the House of
Representatives wants to do some
thing about it and is prepared to
discharge the regular Labor Com
mittee from consideration of the
measure. If this is inevitable, there
is no sound reason from political
viewpoint why the administration
should jockey itself into the posi-
tion of obstructing changes in a
law which has been proved in need
Of some amendment.
The G. I. o. strategy, of course,
though ostensibly in favor OF
amendments which would have the
effect of making the law even more
one-sided than it now is, really
favors no changes il the law Much
of the benefit that has accrued to
the C. I. o. organizers has come
from the c. I. O.'s intimate rela-
tionship with the Rational Labor
Relations Board, which has been
revealed before the special investi-
eating House committee to have
actually participated in the franz
ing of cases together with the
c. I. o. against employers.
The policy, moreover, of the la
Dor board has been to 60 after GER
tain large businesses while feeling
secure that the small businessmen
of America had neither the funds
nor the energies to combat the at
tacks of the labor board and its ally,
the C. I. 0.
Small Businesses Helpless.
The present drive for amending
the Wagner Act comes as much If
not more from the small businesses
of America, which are helpless IN
the face of an abuse of power by
the labor board scarcely paralleled
In all the annals of so-called quasi
judicial boards.
When President Roosevelt sum-
moned Chairman Smith of the
House committee investigating the
labor board for conference at the
White House, the impression that
arose at once was that Mr.. RooSe-
welt hoped to reach an agreement
with Mr.. Smith as to the nature
of the amendments to be proposed
at this time. The President in
sense became the chief mediator
between rival interests because he
knows the A. F. of L. will insist on
amendments and he knows, too,
that the House Labor Committee
will not, of course, stand out
against recommending changes in
the Wagner law if the President so
desires.
Mr.. Roosevelt's influence will be
important in the Senate, too, where
New Dealers have been inclined to
credit recently the rumors that the
c. I. o. desires were those of the
administration, namely, that Moth
ing be done at this session. The
President, on the other hand, has
been represented as somewhat
weary of the whole labor board
mess. When he appointed w. M.
Leiserson to the labor board. he
had hoped the other two members
of the board would see the hand
writing on the wall and change
their tactics. But somehow or other
no change occurred and the same
defects in administrative handling
OF the cases have persisted.
Mr. Roosevelt cannot very well
order the removal of Messrs. Mad
den and Smith and put Mr.. Leiser-
son in charge, so if he wants to ef-
feet a change in personnel he has
to agree to an amendment to the
existing law which would create an
entirely new board.
The President has the power to
veto over any amendment that
might be voted by both houses, and
1t is doubtful whether the opposi-
ton has the strength of a two
thirds vote as yet to override veto.
In Strong Position.
So Mr.. Roosevelt is in strong
position to ask for amendments at
this time which help employer-em-
ploye relations and yet do not in any
way weaken collective bargaining.
Representative Smith of the House
committee, a Virginia Democrat, is
emphatic that he does not want in
any degree to impair the effective
ness of collective bargaining.
Mr.. Smith has been trying to get
. unanimous report out of his COM
mittee. There are two Democrats
besides himself on it and two Re
publicans. The latter naturally want
more drastic amendments than the
chairman might be ready at this
time to press, SO if he is to get a
unanimous report there has to be
.on,oec;o,,c from, tho two New Dea'