The midland journal. (Rising Sun, Md.) 1885-1947, 1940-12-27
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McGRADY SELECTION

McGrady's, it may not be so hot.
Eddie is dollar-a-year man. He
can't afford to be that except on
part-time basiss
After life Of unselfish service for
labor unions at wages far below his
worth, he was getting on. He
had family obligations. In addition,
he is the easiest ''touch" / know.
If you are out of luck, all you have
to do to get McGrady's money is to
ask him for it. So he didn't have
anything put aside.
The RCA did one of the most in
telligent things in recent industrial
management. It employed this
great union labor leader to keep
its labor relations straight, made
him first director and later vice
president and paid him a salary
commensurate with other first lieu
tenants of Mr.. Sarnoff. RCA would
not willingly lose his services, and
Mr.. McGrady can make belated
preparations for his old age.
For these reasons, it would be
unfair to require him to give up that
job. It would also be unnecessary,
because if the war department is
wise it will keep out of labor dis
putes. Keeping out wouldn't take
too much of McGrady's time.
Except at the arsenals, and to q
limited extent elsewhere, the war de-
partment is not an employer. It
procures its supplies from contrac-
tors. They will get into some dis
putes. There will be some strikes.
Some of them will delay the rearma-
ment program. But it is not the
army's business to horn in. That is
the business of Sidney Hillman's la
Dor organization Or the Perkins con-
ci1iation service.
Army officers are not fitted by
training, background or Office to
conduct themselves well in the heat
or emotion of a strike situation
where you can't move men by yell
ing: Squads right" If the army
doesn't push this porcupine over to
the departments where it belongs,
or if it permits them to push it over
to the army, some soldier is suck
er. It is safe bet that it won't be
done while McGrady is there, and
that if it is done he won't stay there.
sAPPEASEMENT' r.
Out of the administration are COM
ing private warnings that one great
American danger just now is organ
ization and daily growth of "appeas-
ers" and their cunning propaganda
to stir up public sentiment for zap
peasement."
It isn't easy to define just what is
meant by this use of the word. APP
peasement, as by-word, grew out
of the series of settlements with Hit
Ter acceded to by France and Eng
land, whereby they WEIGHED on the
alliances France, at least, had made
with such little nations as Austria
and Czechoslovakia, in order to
''ring Germany in a Gordon sani-
taire of STEEP and to preserve the
provisions Of the treaty of Yer
sailles.
They tossed those little nations to
the Nazi wolves quite obviously be-
cause there was nothing else they
could do. They had allowed them
selves to become too weak and Ger
many to become too strong to do
anything else.
The very word "appease, taken
with the circumstances of those set
Elements, implied that there was
some right on the Nazi side. The
appeasing concessions were used
not as truce to gain time for all
out defense. They were used as a
narcotic assurance to the British
and the French of "peace in our
time," with an effect that they went
on snoring while Germany became
stronger and stronger.
Some of us began to insist that we
prepare, years before Munich and
with growing insistence ever since
-insistence on our own weakness,
on the great threat growing in the
world and the absolute necessity
for American rearmament.
Many, if not most, of those who
took this stand believe we are not
even yet arming effectively. We
have preceded and supported every
move to speed and increase total
defense to the point of American
invincibility on this side of the
world.
Our only point of difference with
other equally earnest and sincere
Americans is that we do not believe
in either the necessity or the wis
dom of scattering our defense over
more territory than we can guard,
do not believe in putting our coun-
try into a military situation in which
its defense depends on the strength
or weakness of others-their blum
ders or successes.
We do believe that, whether Brit
ain wins or does not win, we shall
never be safe again without ade-
quate defense of our own, that part
of our strength is our financial
soundness and that we cannot weak
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