Henderson daily dispatch. (Henderson, N.C.) 1914-1995, 1939-10-06

knowing that it will, without risk to
our ships and without risk Of money
or men, tend not to deprive England
and France and their allies of the
means of defense and Of subsistence,
which normally are available to
them not by reason Of anything we
have done, but wholly because they
may control the Atlantic and Medi-
terranean Seas against their enemy
if indeed it shall be proved by events
that they can.
Confronted with this choice, there
are many considerations, but the
consideration that appeals to be with
the greatest force is a moral con-
sideration, which | will not under
take to elaborate now, as I am sure
our people know what is going on
in Europe and what is involved.
Whatever may be said on behalf of
the German leader, it must be said
that he has shown to the world that
no obligation is binding upon him,
and that there is no way to deal with
him by way of covenant or agree
ment. We, and those who come after
us in this country, will have to deal
with world powers and we may just
ly desire to deal with powers which
respect their agreements and which
do not hold that might makes right.
We may now set a precedent that
will serve us we'll in the future, for
we can never hope to treat success
fully with powers not subject to ac-
copied moral restraints.
The motive in the pending bill is
that Of providing the security of the
United States by avoiding involve
ment in the existing war. To this
motive we must steadfastly hold in
all events. The policy outlined in
the bill is not SO much one of aiding
England and France as it is one of
contributing to the plans Of Germany
and her associates. And it is because
it is considered that the existing law
does unintentionally so contribute to
those plans that we have for months
been setting about to revise it. Since
we are unwilling to aid England and
France, surely we must see to it that
we do not assist Germany and her
associates by following a policy rec
ognized the world over as unneces-
sary to neutrality as defined by in
ternatlOnal law.
| could we'll stop here, but I am
impelled to add that | deeply desire
that this country shall not pursue an
abnormal policy, unnecessary to neu-
trallty, the consequence of which
would be to further the plans of the
German leader If he should succeed
| do not wish it to be said that we
aided him. We have an account to
to give to posterity and to the God
OF Nations, to the Righteous Ruler of
the Nations who exacts at last of
every Nation and every ruler, ana
indeed of every human being, even
to the third and fourth generations,
the penalty of iniquity. He is a cove
nanl-keeplng God and requires that
rulers shall keep their covenants.
lie does justice and loves mercy and
IN due time visits His judgments up
on all cruelty and upon all who per-
secute and Cypress His Offspring of
every condition, race and creed The
-iGator Of men created also the
moral law. 1t is self-executing. This
moral law is the wrap and wool OF
civilization. Others may forget but
we must always remember that it
underlies and sustains all abiding
law. Soon or late it blesses all who
observe it and overthroWs all who
disregard it. These considerations do
not Justify us in taking steps that
might involve us in this war, but
they would rebuke us if we should
maintain policy, unnecessary to our
neutrality, the consequence Of which
would be to contribute to the plans
OF the German leader.
We must make it plain beyond all
question that under no circumstan-
ces or. temptations will we lend
money to England or France or en-
gage our country or its sons in this
war.
Finally, let me say word of COM
tort to those who are fearful that
we will by some means become in
volved in this war l do not think
we will be involved. None of us can
forecast the long future. l see no
Likelihood that within two years we