Evening star., 1939-11-10


portant reason, of course, is that
the Republican managers really were
afraid that the recent Gallup polls
showing rise in the Presidents
popularity would carry over into
local elections. The belief was held
by some that the Gallup polls were
taken when war issues were DOM
inant and when the country was in
nervous mood about the embargo
and neutrality laws.
Does, therefore, the voting on
Tuesday mean that the non-partisan
atmosphere which characterized
Washington affairs during the neu-
trallty debate did not leave a per-
manent impression on the voters?
Even If the answer is that nobody
can yet foresee how much war issues
are going to influence the 1910 cam
paign, the electorate certainly re-
vealed itself as opposed to schemes
OF doubtful enonomic practically
such as were voted on in California
and Ohio. The voters showed a sense
OF discrimination on these questions
which is regarded here by the con-
servatives as decidedly encouraging
to their cause.
Issues Are Alike.
Thus there is not much difference
between the issues of a local char
acter which seek to drain the budget
and economic vitality of local gov
ernments and the larger questions
OF fiscal policy and particularly
Federal spending.
The administrations political an
alysts will scan the results of
Tuesdays election as eminently sat-
isfactory for publicity purposes be-
cause here and there the Democrats
won some local elections that they
didn't win before. In New York
City, for instance. there was a de-
cidedly Democratic sweep, but this
is not to be interpreted as pro-
administration or as related to the
national ticket. The fact that Tam
many is coming back into power
may possibly represent a turning of
the voters away from the tax policies
OF the La Guardia administration.
In any event, the prospect grows
that the 1910 campaign will furnish
a more responsive electorate on the
subject of economic issues than was
the case in 1896.
Taxes, labor relations, spending
and unbalanced budgets and unem-
ployment are the major economic
questions before the country and
Will continue to be unless a war
emergency not now foreseen should
develop suddenly and color the
whole 1910 campaign. -
Third-Term Issue.
There remains, of course, one
other issue of transcendent impor-
tance and that is whether America
IS going to be asked by the Demo-
cratic party to break her tradition
and elect President for the third
term. Members of the cabinet
openly favor it and officeholders
throughout the Government are un-
derstood to be quite active in sup
port of the idea because it is a sure
means of perpetuating themselves
IN their present jobs. But does the
country favor it?
Woodrow Wilson once wrote that
he did not believe presidential
tenure should be definitely fixed by
constitutional amendment, but that.
II 1t were fixed, it should be limited
to the customary two terms" In
the same communication, however,
he pointed out that what was really
bad about presidential succession
was not the length of service of a
President, but the means whereby
he secured his denomination. Mr..
Wilson said 1t was improper for a
President to be PERMITTED to serve
even two terms If he allowed his
own appointees to use governmental
power or their respective positions
to influence his own nomination.
The same argument would seem
to apply against third term. As
long as members of the cabinet
openly advocate third term for
the man who appointed them, evid-
ence is being built up bearing on
what Mr. Wilson called the illicit
power" of President to secure
denomination. Clearly, in the alb
sence of open reputation by Mr..
Roosevelt of the acts of his
own appointees, the of1iceholders
throughout the Government can
feel encouraged to go ahead and use
their influence to bring about the
selection of delegates who will vote
to draft" the President for a third
term.
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