Evening star., 1939-07-21

~. Sor nations by
the retention OF
Charles G. Ross. the embargo, but
1t Is something to be grateful for in
a depressing situation
Thanks to the recent discussion,
the issue has been stripped down
TO It's essentials 1t is simply
whether the United States, in the
event Of a general European war,
wants to aid the aggressor powers
and nobody thinks of them as other
than Germany and Italy-or throw
its economic strength on the side
OF France and England.
Whatever the United States does.
or omitS to do. in its relations with
warning Europe, it is bound to
help one side or the other. 1t can
never SO isolate itself that it's acts
will have no bearing on the outcome
of general war. This is the in
escapable fact that the debate over
the administration anti-embargo
proposals has made clear.
From the point of view of those
who think the embargo should be
repealed, it is fortunate that the is
sue is so clear and understandable
In this respect President Roosevelt
will be in far better case, should he
elect to take the issue Ito the coun-
try than was Woodrow Wilson in
the last great popular battle over
our foreign relations.
Complexities Defeated Wilson.
At the outset Wilson seemed t.
nave the winning side. There wa:
tremendous appeal in the idea OF
the nations of the world acting in
concert to prevent war Gradually
however, the opponents Of tho
League of Nations broke down tho
support with which Wilson started
In part, they were able to do this
because of the complexities in which
Wilson, by virtue of the complexity
OF his subject, found himself in
volved. 1t was impossible for him to
simplify his cause. Questions relat-
ing to the obligations of the United
States under Article x, to the man
dated territories, to the relative vot-
ing strength of Great Britain and
the United States in the league
these and many others arose to be-
cloud the central issue The slogan
that finally got home to the people
and decided the issue was the SIM
pie keep out of foreign entangle-
ments' of the opposition.
In the present contest with the
isolationists. Mr.. Roosevelt has not
only good cause but one that can
be simply and forcibly presented to
the country. Whatever smokescreens
may be thrown up by the opposition,
no one can fail TO understand that il
we lift the embargo on arms, ammu-
milton and the implements of war
we advantage those powers that pre-
sumably in wartime will have COM
mand of the seas-namely, France
and England-and that if we keep
the embargo we help Germany and
Italy.
Since We are bound, whatever we
do, to tip the scales in favor of one
group of powers or the other, should
we not, in our own selfish interest,
tip them in favor of the two powers
call them democracies or not, as
you like-that are standing athwart
the path of the dictators?
Peace First Objective.
The question is not whether we
should 60 to war to aid France and
England. Both sides, there can be
no doubt, are equally desirous of
keeping the United States out of
war. The position of the admins
tration, as admirably set out in the
statement by Secretary Hull, which
the President sent to Congress with
his full approval on July IA, is that
the best way to safeguard the peace
OF the United States is to take all
possible steps toward preventing the
outbreak of a European war. The
present embargo, through the pas
sive aid that it gives the dictators,
increases the likelihood of war.
Not only is it clear that Hitler and
Mussolini benefit from the existing
law (and any doubt on that point
should have been removed by the
rejoicing in the Nazi press at the
failure of Congress to change the
law. but it is clear that the trun-
Gated statute we now have. since
the expiration of the cash-and-c carry
provisions, is a menace to our peace
by reason of its omissions. This is
point that has not been sufficiently
emphasized in the congressional de-
bate.
Under the statute as it stands,
wartime trade can be carried on
freely in all other commodities than
those classified as arms, ammunition
and the implements of war. That is
condition much more likely to get
us into trouble than the shipment
| of arms. The administration bill
| proposed to diminish the danger by
requiring that American nationals
| divest themselves of title to any
commodity-whether arms, wheat.
cotton, steel, copper or anything
else-before its shipment to a belli-
gerent. What we have now as the
| result Of the Senate's shelving Of
the Hull Roosevelt recommendations
is the mere stump of a so-called
neutrality act-dangerous in what 1t
provides, dangerous in what it omits.
The Senate has handed the Presi-
dent an issue on which, If polls of
public sentiment mean anything, he
can 60 to the country with full as
surance of ultimate success.
0nk klnnd Nant;e+ Nn~a1