The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1939-05-04
The Late Convention Idea


Washington, April %.
Unquestionably Republican hopes
for 1910 are higher now than when
his session of Congress began. 1t may
be that some turn of the wheel will
change the situation, but as things
are today, it is the general opinion
that, barring war, the chances favor
the election Of Republican President.
That, at any rate, is the emphatic view
IF a majority Of supposedly well-in
formed Washington correspondents re-
Gently polled on the subject by week
ly magazine.
That, too, is the conviction of good
many Democratic politicians who do
not believe in deluding themselves.
Nor is their feeling affected by the
buoyant optimism so bravely voiced by
Postmaster General Farley in recent
iedicatory speeches. 1t hasn't the 1886
ring at all. The fact is that no one at
all realistic in politics can ignore the
fact that the conditions seem to make
the setup ideal for the minority party.
This is reflected in the new virility of
the Republican House and Senate
leadership, in the greater effectiveness
Of national committee publicity and
The militant determination not to hold
their convention until after the Dem
corats-if they have to wait until the
middle of September to do it,
The advantages are obvious. 1t will
enable them to profit by the blunders
and bad luck of the other side. In past
campaigns it was the Democrats who
did that. AS things are now, the Re-
Oubhcans can outwit the Democrats
and are unitd on the decision to do
so. Without minimizing the encourage
ment of the New Deal reverse last
November which in a dozen States
demonstrated that Santa Claus could
be beaten and the tide had definitely
turned, undeniabbly the great Repub-
,ican asset for 1910 is the Democratic
split.
Without that the prospect would
not be so good; with it, barring war,
it hardly could be better Clearly the
Democratic split cannot be closed. 1t
isn't that kind of split. 1t is much too
deep and wide and fundamental. If
Mr.. Garner and Mr.. Roosevelt should
kiss, make up and join forces, which
is so improbable as to be fantastic,
The split would remain. 1t is division
comparable to that which rent the
Republicans in 1912 and elected Wood
row Wilson President. Every political
ltterance of the President or his aides
is a belligerant demand that the Dem
ocrats who dissent from their view
get out of the party. On the other
hand, the attitude of Conservative
Democrats is that the New Dealers
are dangerous radicals, who have al
lied themselves with the Communists
and threaten national ruin by reckless
extravaganza and socialistic expert
ments. Far from getting together, the
factions grow more bitterly apart.
Under such circumstances, any ac-
zion the Democratic convention takes
would seem to the Republican advan-
tage. For example, if the conserva-
lives control and nominate Mr.. Garner
G or "a man Of the same type, New Deal
spokesman already have proclaimed
that a million New Dealers would vote
for the Republican, whether he be
Dewey, Taft or Vandenberg. That
statement was made some time ago by
Mr.. Ernest Lindley, one of the most
authoritative New Deal journalists. 1t
was clearly intimated by the Pre5i-
dent himself and by his aide, Solicitor
General Jackson. No one has any more
doubt about that than that, if the con-
vention should nominate a New Deal
er, conservative Democrats by the mil
lion would go Republican.
#*&
There are only two other alterna-
5ives--one, the selection of a compro-
mise candidate, who likely would not
be satisfactory to either faction; the
other, the denomination of Mr.. Roose-
welt, which, in addition to making
more complete the revolt of conserva-
tive Democrats, would raise the dicta-
tor issue and mean an assault upon
the oldest and most cherised of Amer
lean political traditions-that against
third term. Considering these things,
Republican cheerfulness is easy to UNI
derstand. Of course, it is always posi-
BILE to spoil the best situation through
stupidity and there are some very
stupid Republican politicians. How