Evening star., 1939-03-12

The hottest hot potato steaming in
the State Department is the Spanish
problem. To recognize or not to recog-
nize? And If so, when? Other problems
itching our makers Of foreign policy
may be more monumental, but the ques-
tion of Spain is more pressing.
Claude Bowers. our Ambassador to
Spain, who has not been in Spain since
1886, has arrived from Europe to talk
recognition with President Roose-
welt, Secretary of State Hull and
his leading aides. Mr.. Bowers got
to Washington just one month less than
eight years after the United States rec
ognized the Spanish Republic Recogni-
ton of the Franco Nationalist regime
would be an American admission that
the republic was gone.
When our leaders in matters interna-
tional meet behind the State Depart
ment's Slated, swinging doors to con-
template the Spain of 1899, they have
before them the three guideposts Of
classic American doctrine involved in
the recognition of new governments:
Recognition is likely. first if and when
the new government is in substantial
control of the territory it claims to gov
ern: second, if the new government is
accepted by the country; third, if it
gives promise Of ability to observe the
obligations and responsibilities devolying
upon it in international law.
Nf ;e
ton. Even if the United States should
feel that the Franco Nationalist gov
ernment. master of three-quarters of
Spain, has substantial control of the
Spanish territory, is acceptable to the
Spanish people and can take care of it's
will not necessarily follow. From the
birth of the Union to the days of our
Civil War, the United States had a hard
and fast recognition policy, which, oddly,
was five times applied to Spain. But
the policy now is variable. One illuni-
mating factor in the present situ-
uation is that the United States
considers recognition problem in the
first instance of the neighbors of the
government that is to be recognized.
Neighbors France, Great Britain, Italy,
the Vatican, Germany and many others
have extended recognition to Franco.
A Long Record of Change.
The frequent comings and goings of
Spanish governments began in 1908,
when Napoleon moved his authority into
Madrid and set his brother, Joseph Bona
parte. on the throne lately held by
Ferdinand. In 1912 the French govern
ment was driven out by the angry Span
ish and the British under Wellington.
In 1914 Ferdinand returned to his palace.
In 1920 revolution deposed him, but
in 1928 he was the ruler again. In
1868 revolution overthrew the govern
ment of Queen Isabella II in favor Of
republic. In 1875 the monarchy was
restored by Alphonso XII. Iu 1881
the monarchy under Alphonso XIII was
erased. The republic which is apparent
ly on its way out in 1889. succeeded it.
The Republic was born by a coup, but
it is dying by revolution. a slower, more
devastating process. On April II. 1881,
the Spanish Foreign Office notified our
Ambassador in Madrid of the establish
ment of provisional government with
Alcala Zamora as president. The Am
bassador was informed officially what he
knew already, that King Alfonso had
turned the government over to Zamora
on April IA and had left Spain April IS.
April 81, following action by the prin-
cipal European powers, we recognized
the new government by sending a note
to the Spanish Minister of Foreign At
fairs The note acknowledged the Min
ister's communication of April II and
stated that "the Government of the
United States of America takes pleasure
in according recognition to the provi-
sional government of Spain" When the
provisional government became the
established government. no further rec
ognition action was necessary.
Question Easier Then.
One of the differences between 1881
and 1889 is that the Republic entirely
superseded the monarchy at once and
was plainly the accepted government of
the whole of Spain, whereas the Franco
rule is not yet nationwide. The United
States has moved its recognition ma
chinery slowly where civil wars are con-
cerned. since France and Great Britain
came close to recognizing the Confed-
eracy during our own Civil War. The
TO
by Secretary of State Seward, who in
1868 declared in an instruction to the
American Minister in Peru:
THE policy of the United States is
settled upon the principle tfat revolu-
tions in republican states ought not to
be accepted until the people have
adopted them by organic law, with the
solennities which would seem sufficient
to guarantee their stability and per-
manency. This is the result of reflec-
ton upon national trials of our own"
Until Stewards day, the dictum of Sec
retary of State Jefferson had governed
our policy. This simply was that it was
the American principle Ito acknowledge
any government to be rightful which is
formed by the will of the nation, SUBJ
stantially declared" Recent historical
influences of that day probably helped
direct Secretary Jefferson.'s course, as
they later did Stewards. jefferson re-
called our Revolutionary War and
Frances recognition of the Colonies in
1777 when, so far as jefferson was con-
cerned. we had government formed
by the will of the Nation, substantially