Evening star., 1939-08-24
Text of Chamberlain Talk
Premier Asks War Powers in
Speech to Parliament on Crisis

the government felt it their duty to
leave no possible loophole for mis-
understanding.
The greatest calamity that could
occur was not desired either by
our own people or by the German
people.
We cannot agree that national in
terests can only be secured by the
shedding of blood or by the de-
struction of the independence of
other states.
That was the situation on Tues
day last. Then, in Berlin and Mos
COW, it was announced that ne
gotiations had been taking place
and were likely to be soon con-
cluded for a non-aggression pact
between the two countries. I do
not attempt to conceal from the
House that the announcement came
to the government as surprise-a
surprise of a very unpleasant char
acter.
For some time past there had
been rumors about impending
changes in the relations between
Germany and the Soviet govern
ment, but no inkling of that change
had been conveyed either to us or
the French government by the
Soviet government
The House may remember that
on July 81 1 remarked that we had
engaged upon step that was almost
unprecedented in character. I said
that we had already shown a great
amount of trust and strong desire
to bring the negotiations with the
Soviet Union to a successful con-
clusion when we agreed to send
our soldiers, sailors and airmen to
Russia to discuss military plans
together before we had an as
surance that we should be able to
reach an agreement on political
matters.
Criticizes Russia.
Nevertheless, moved by the OBJ
servations of the Russian secretary
for foreign affairs, that If we could
come to a successful conclusion of
our military discussions a political
agreement should not present any
insurmountable difficulty, we sent
the mission.
The British mission arrived on
August 7. They were warmly re-
ceived in friendly fashion and dis
cussions were actually in progress
and proceeding on basis of mu-
tual trust, when this bomshell was
flung down.
To say the least, it was highly dis
curbing to learn that while these con-
versations were proceeding on that
basis the Soviet government was
secretly engaged with Germany for
purposes which, on the face of it
were inconsistent with the objects
of their foreign policy as We had
understood it,
do not propose this afternoon to
pass any final judgment upon the
incident. That, I think, would be
premature until we have had an op-
portunity of consulting with the
French government as to the mean
ing and consequences of this agree
ment, the text of which was only
published this morning, but the ques-
ton which the government had tc
consider when they learned of this
announcement was what effect, II
any, this changed situation woulo
have upon their own policy
"Obligations Unaffected.
In Berlin the announcement was
hailed with extraordinary cynicisn
as a great diplomatic victory which
removed any danger of war since We
and the French would no longer be
likely to fulfill our obligation to Po-
land. We felt it our first duty to re.
move any such dangerous impres-
sion.
The House will recollect that the
undertaking which we have giver
to Poland was given before any
agreement was talked of with Russia
and that it was not in any way
made dependent on any such agree
ment being reached; how could We
with honor 60 back upon such ar
obligation which We had so otter
and so plainly repeated? There.
fore, our first act was to issue a state
ment that our obligations to POLAND
and other countries remained un.
affected.
These obligations rest upon agreed
statements made to the House o.
Commons to which effect has beer
given in treaties which are at pres.
ent in an advanced stage of negotia.
ton. These treaties, when con.
cluded, will formally define oul
obligations, but they do not in any
way alter, add to or subtract from