Evening star., 1939-04-09

and mining, are approaching this situa-
ton. Others are years or decades re-
moved from the logical end of present
developments.
Analyzing the work of the board in the
first three years of its existence, Brooks
found that "a per cent Of all cases
handled by the board were settled by
of charges brought by unions
against employers. Sixteen per cent of
the charges brought by unions or workers
are dismissed by board officials without
justification. "As far as the boards rec
ords and actions are concerned, there
FORE" Brooks concludes, 40 per cent of
the total number of cases are settled
without gain to the workers or their rep
resentatives and to the relief and salts
faction of employers"
Breaking 1t down further, Brooks found
that 95 per cent of all actions brought
out formal procedure-l6 per cent by
dismissal, "a per cent by withdrawal and
IS per cent by adjustment. 1t is only in
the remaining per cent of cases that
there are formal hearings, reports, deci-
sions and orders. And it is few of
these cases, such as Ford, Remington
Rand and Weirton Steel that made the
big headlines.
With respect to inter-union disputes.
for the most part between A. F. of L. and
c. I. O., Brooks has another interesting
analysis. He shows in table that in the
first 208 election contests conducted by
the board involving both A. F. of L. and
c. I. O., the former won only % per
cent. This Brooks points out. has been
the basis for much of the bitterness of
the A. F. of L. toward the board. But he
adds-"Such bitterness is, in some re-
spects. comparable to an attack on the
use of voting machines because they
record the victory of the party with the
largest number of votes"
Has Some Discrimination Power.
In small minority of cases. accord
ing to Brooks. the board does have the
power of discrimination through its
power to select the appropriate unit for
collective bargaining Altogether, ac-
cording to the author, there were only
48 cases in which "the determination of
the appropriate unit was of vital impor-
tance to the outcome of the election"
These cases included craft VS.. industrial
single plant VS.. several plants, and local
vs.. regional issues. OF these 48 cases,
Brooks writes, "a were clearly settled in
favor Of the A. F. of L.; 10 were clearly
1aI IL, fo,,N re ho -
cases were compromised with the A. F.
of L. receiving q slight advantage in
four instances.
1T is therefore impossible" Brooks
adds, Ito conclude that the boards poll
cies explain the relative success Of the
c. l. o. in board elections. If an arith-
metic test be applied, the board has
leaned slightly, If at all, toward the A.
F. of L. The relatively rapid advance
Of the G. I. o. must be explained in
terms other than the partisanship of the
ballot box"
Brooks suggests that certain changes
in the act might contribute to public &C
ceptance of the work Of the board. It
might bes advisable, he says, If the act
were amended to allow employers as well
as unions to appeal for investigation and
possible settlement Of jurisdictional con-
flicts. He suggests also that an amend
ment to the act requiring all unions
having dealings with the board to file
annual financial reports might be use
full. And he adds that such an amend
ment would be particularly useful if 1t
were applied not only to A. F. of L. and
c. !. o. unions, but to employers asso-
cations, company unions, citizens COM
Climax Becomes Defense.
Brooks concludes his book with STIR
ring defense OF the Wagner Act as
means of extending democratic control.
He says:
1T is true that the existence Of the
National Labor Relations Board serves
to strengthen the influence of the Fed
eral Government over the economic life
of the Nation. But the reason for the
existence of the board is to encourage
the development of unionism by remov-
ing the anti-union obstacles in its path.
To just the extent that unionism Is en-
coraged, the means of democratic con-
troll over the Federal Government are
enhanced. Although the board is a
Federal agency, its task is to hasten the
advance Of local industrial democracy
and democratic political checks upon
Federal power. Through the N. L. r. A.,
the Federal Government is atoning for
its concentration Of power by assisting
the progress of check upon itself"
That, then, is the case for the board.
Curiously enough almost the only other
defense has come from Fortune, the
magazine of big business, which made a
lengthy analysis of the agency and
reached somewhat similar conclusions.
Just now labor board officials are being
very careful to express no opinions. They
are preparing the case they will present
before the Senate committee. But
whether they will make themselves heard
in view Of the barrage Of criticism that
is certain to be directed 1T them is .
question.
tceeyright 1esej