Evening star., 1939-04-16

into the hands Of the totaltarian states,
giving them strong footholds not only
commercially, but also for planting their
theology on our very doorsteps. It would
seem to me as an individual, therefore,
that isolation as policy is both danger.
Gus and impractical, no matter how at
tractive it may apepar in theory.
The Choices.
Assuming, therefore. that some kind Of
international relationship is necessary,
the choices would be these:
l. The possibility of meeting the chal-
lenge Of uneconomic competition by the
totalitarian states through the use of ex-
port subsidies on our part. 1t must be
recognized that the use of this method
would be an emergency and definitely
unsatisfactory substitution for normal re-
lationships. We should elect such a
course only to fight fire with fire. The
advantage of subsidy lies in the fact
that even though it is an emergency re-
quirement, it would protect our standard
OF living through the retention of for
eign trade that would otherwise be lost.
2. There is the possibility OF adoption
by America of punitive economic meas
ures similar in form to the proposed
economic sanctions such as have al
ready been adopted by the United States.
at least in part, by the recent raising of
the tariff wall against Germany and her
newly acquired possessions. Such puni-
tive measures may be effective when ap-
piled to the necessities of national life,
but they will adversely affect. either di-
rectly or indirectly, many channels of
American export and import trade.
Standing by themselves it is doubtful
whether such measures are desirable or
sufficiently effective as an economic in
strument
g. We could give active economic SUD-
port to those countries whose institutions
and principles are common to our own
interests. This support may be limited
to modification of the present Neutrality
Act, or it might go so far as to grant
availability of all necessary material to
friendly nations.
4. The final possibility is, of course.
that involved in making up our minds
that the only way to safeguard our free
dom and institutions is to make it evi-
dent that we are ready to join in active
combat for their protection. Practically
all Americans fervently hope that the
proper application of one or more of the
previous choices will make this last one
unnecessary. In any event. surely the
last choice should be adopted only if all
the other methods have failed.
Set Course Impossible.
Unquestionably. we would all like to
know the steps which our Government
plans to take with relation to foreign
affairs, but we must also realize that our
own steps are primarily protective and
chiefly made necessary by the acts of
the totalitarian states. whose moves must
be met as they are changed from day
to day. The Washington administration
can undoubtedly help us by pointing out
the relationship between whatever steps
it is necessary for our Government to
take to protect purely American interests
and our individual prosperity and Sc
curity.
Unfortunately, under present condi-
tions, it is impossible to formulate and
follow set course, for only by expert
ence can we see how effective is the
application of any one or any combina-
ton Of the methods already discussed
in meeting the problems created by the
aggressor totalitarian states.
The problems of maintaining our
democratic methods and making them
apply to the necessities of today's world
conditions are indeed difficult. There is
no doubt that the proposed plan for a
referendum on the question of war is
basically democratic. This would be
ideal in a democratic world. But in
matching the swift moves of absolute
dictatorship we must achieve maneu-
verability on our part without forsak-
ing the principle of strict accountability
to the people of the Nation If democracy
is to survive.
Copyright, North American Newspaper
Alliance, 1887