The Waterbury Democrat., 1938-01-27
: BEHIND ! THE SCENESl WASHINGTON @v RODNEY DuTCHER-l
 Democrat Washington
 Correspondent
The Price of Steel and Whether or Not It Can Be Brought Down With out an Accompanying Slash in Wages Has Be- come Terri6cally Impor- tant in Washington.
M RODNEY 0UTCHER-

Washington, Jan. 27.-The ques- ton whether the price of steel can be made to go down without an &C., companying reduction in wages of steel workers has become a crucial issue inside the New Deal.
 The anti-monopoly crusaders have that as their aim, and believe that the answer will determine whether their recent campaign has meant anything or not. The sit- nation is no end involved in a maze of pressures and counter pressures, both in Washington and In the higher councils of industry and labor. But no matter how in- volved it may be, it's something Co watch.
 The issue has been tossed to the New Dealers by President Ben- jamin F. Hairless of the U. s. Steel Corporation, who has said:
 ''It is clear that prices cannot be reduced without correspond ing reduction in costs, of which wages are the most important part"
 This followed appearance of Tom Lamont, member of the Nor gan firm, and John L. Lewis, gen. eralissimo of organized steel work CTS, at the White House. Lewis is supposed to have joined in a warning that agitation against high steel prices drove off buyers, who believed prices might drop. Lamont is supposed to have said that prices might be cut cautiously if enough demand could be stimu- lated.
 New Dealers shooting at steel prices insist those prices are way out of line; that the industry priced itself out of the market; that steel labor represents only 22.9 per cent of the finished product.
 Lewis, meanwhile, is seeking to contract with U. s. Steel which will involve no wage cut.
 There will be more to report on thi1 steel situation when some of the numerous big shots involved in it begin to get themselves dis entangled from current confusion and uncertainty.
 Team of Steel and Jackson
 The price of steel, you may be sure, is definitely involved in the political future of Assistant Attor- ney General Robert H. Jackson. It is he who has led the administra- tion's furious charge on monopoly and monopoly prices and it is he who would get the credit for the first big break in the enemy" lines.
 Jackson, abIest figure in the New Deal ranks according to Roosevelt, other New Dealers and many sideline observers-has been built up by his friends and sup p0rters-including F. D. R.-as the 1888 candidate for governor of New York, a key post in the forthcoming elections. Not to mention his appointment as solic- itor general
 Naturally he became an out-in- front target for the united fire and undercover work of numerous other unannounced candidates and the politicians who support their aspirations.
 As the report spread about that he also was RooSevelt'S choice to succeed himself in the White House. the lineup against him be- came even stronger, since there are many conservatives sworn to fight any effort by Roosevelt to influence nomination of his suc- cessor. (The presidential report is based only on Roosevelt'S friend ship for Jackson and his desire to see him become New York's gov- ernorO
 Needs the Victory
 The New York political situation is so scrambled by numerous com- plicationS that it is difficult to tell just where Jackson stands in the scrambling. He has suddenly be- come an outstanding f1gurc in state politics, and Roosevelt's. endorse ment is the strongest single factor of strength any New Yorker can have.
 But the anti-Jacksonite strategy is to insist that acceptance of him as a gubernatorial candidate has been apathetic. "That's why a Jackson victory in the form of a steel price cut (but without any accompanying wage cut, mind you) would be a clarifying boost for Bob Jackson.
 If you want to know whether Roosevelt still means" his mo- nopoly crusade, just watch his ap- pointment of a successor to take charge of antitrust cases.
 Copyright, 1888, NEA Service, Incl