The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1938-05-05

issues, Wnlch seem TO get SCeaully
uglier and meaner all the time, the
Democratic primary fight in Pennsyl-
yania has very great national interest.
Nothing quite like it has taken place
in the country before 1t isn't really a
struggle between factions of the Dem
ocratic party-it's a struggle between
factions of organized labor with the
so-called Democratic bosses playing
secondary roles and their once over
whelming machine split asunder.
The basic facts are somewhat OBJ
secured by the mud with which the
more conspicuous figures on both sides
are being smeared. AS a pleased Re-
publican remarked: "The Democrats
are beginning to tell the truth about
each other" Certainly some surpris-
ing things are coming out-amOng
them that Governar Earle, than whom
no one has echod more loudly the
Rooseveltian denunciations Of bust
ness men, borrowed a good many
thousands of dollars from Mr.. Nc
Closky, the contractor, who later re-
ceived a good many million dollars
worth of contracts from Governor
Earle's State Authority From the ma
tional angle, however, the important
thing is that Mr.. John l.. Lewis has
abandoned his pose as the power be-
hind Senator Guffey and has made 1t
plain that Senator Guffey is his polit-
ical vassal rather than ally. He stands
out in the open today as Mr.. Guffey's
boss. BY forcing upon that gentle
man a complete c. l. o. ticket and
swinging him away from his friend,
Mr.. Earle, he has made it clear that
Mr.. Gutfey's part is to follow, not
lead Mr. Gutfey being more closely
identified politically with Mr., Roose-
welt and Mr.. Farley than any politi-
clan in the country, to certain eX-
tent this puts the Administration in
the position Of following, too.
No labor leader has ever been able
to do this sort of thing publicly to 4
United States Senator; nor to ma
tional Administration. The fury of the
battle is such that it is difficult for the
voters to see clearly, but it ought to
be plain that Mr.. Lewis is making a
great political gamble for very high
stake If he loses, his stature and in
fuence will be greatly diminished; if
he wins, he is Immediately in a posi-
ton of extraordinary power, which
can be extended in various directions.
This is true if his ticket is successful
only in the primaries. He would then
own the dominant party machine in
the State and be in position to name
the seventy-two delegates to the next
Democratic National Convention. But,
if he wins in the primaries and then
elects his candidates, he will own not
only the machine but the State. He
will have as his creatures both United
States Senators, the Governor and the
Legislature. In that event he could
and would-his labor intimates say,
launch movement for real Ma
tional Labor party along British labor
lines.
He is, they say, not in the least in
terested in either the Democratic or
the Republican party, or in the New
Deal or Mr.. Roosevelt A complete vic
tory in Pennsylvania will give him
the prestige and power necessary to
change labor's role in politics from
that Of a pressure group to genuine
national party, whose appeal, as IN
England, would not be confined eX-
clusively to the labor voters but be
rather general. The American Labor
party in New York, now little more
than a pressure group, could be
promptly expanded and Mr., Lewis
thus start off with his new party well
intrenched in the two largest States.
A good deal of this seems fanciful
and none of it may develop. Never
theless, it happens to be fact that it
is the political dream cherished at the
moment by Mr.. Lewis's particular
labor advirers and friends, and it I'M
daubtedly will take on some substance
should complete victory come to him
in Pennsylvania. Evidence that the
potentialities of a Lewis triumph in
the State ore understood is given in
the determined opposition of the A. F..
of l.. faction, which will strain every
effort to defeat the Lewis ticket IN
the primary, or, failing that, in the
general election. 1t simply cannot af-
ford to let him get away with it.
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