The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1938-12-08

! Upon at least six such occasions it
has been impressively stressed that
the President was 'at the crossroads;
that he had to make "a choice; that
he could follow farther along the road
of expenditures and experimentation
or turn toward retrenchment, concil-
iation and solvency. In view of the
fact that upon not one of these Occa-
sons when the President had choice
has he chosen to turn right, but al
ways continued left, it would seem
absurd again to point out the "choice."
Yet, although the answer is always
the same, these pointers OUT seem
never to abandon hope that the day
will come when Mr.. Roosevelt will
take the path to the right. Singu-
| larly enough, this is being urged upon
him now not only by the few conser-
vatives left around him but actually
by some of the more realistic New
Dealers who, discouraged by the fail
ure of the purge and the results Of the
election, privately admit that the
whole New Deal philosophy is wear
ing out; that at bottom this is a bus
mess country, and that six years is
longer than the sob stuff about the
"underprivileged third" can be effec-
lively used. In brief, the country is
beginning to turn.
Realizing this, it has been suggested
to the President that the recent cleo
ton makes it not only easy but GER
tainly wise for him to make conces-
sions to conservative and anti-New
Deal sentiment. He could, if he will,
nullify much of the criticism against
him and restore good deal of this
prestige and position. For example,
it is agreed that the people as whole
have become distrustful of the WPA
setup The political saturation of the
relief organization and the fact that
it was administered by Mr.. Roose-
velts personal agent played a consid-
cradle part in the New Deal defeats.
There will be an irresistible drive to
change this system and put relief in
| the hands of nonpartisan boards or
commissions. Instead of trying to
block this movement and insisting
upon Mr.. Hopkins purity and the viz
tue of the system, Mr.. Roosevelt's
friends urge him to take the initiative
in the change.
Similarly, it is suggested that rather
than wait until amendments to the
Wagner Labor Act are forced on him,
he himself propose amendments that
will remove the great grievances OF
the employers against the Labor Re
| lations Board and make Of it really
impartial tribunal. 1t is also said that,
with great benefit to himself and to
the country, he could effect changes
| in the IVA administration, such as
making its yardstick really measure
thirty-six inches instead Of about
twenty-five. He could also proftably
remove the public impression that its
purpose is to crush private enterprise
without regard to law or justice. And,
finally, he is urged not to Illustrate
the efforts of the Under Secretary,
Mr.. John Hanes, to present to Con-
gress, with White House backing,
tax bill that will not infame busi-
ness interests generally or further
block the road to recovery as did his
surplus-proft tax scheme.
There is nothing in the situation
which should make it hard for Mr.
Roosevelt to do any of these things.
Clearly, it would be common political
sense to do them. Certainly, he would
be widely commended by many who
now do nothing but criticize him. But
those who know him best are sure that
he will continue to the left, just the
same. The reasons are these: First, he
is congenitally a crusader whose IN
stincts and desires are toward the left.
The Left Wingers are the fellows he
personally likes. Second, the most po-
tent appeal that can be made to Mr..
Roosevelt is that oft-repeated phrase,
Don't let the people down." Every
time his radical friends have used that
one-and they do it every time he has
"choice"- the President responds
with greater expenditures and more
structures against business. Third, he
cannot bear the thought that he must
make concessions to business and not
business to him. Those who recall the
boat of that Madison Square Garden