Evening star., 1938-01-30
Nearing Solution of the
Ulster Problem.
By A. G. GARDINER.

LONDON, Jan. 29.-Whatever the i'm
mediate results of Eamon de Valera's
visit to London may be, it marks the
breakup OF the ice age between the two
countries. 1t has warmed the atmos-
phere. and atmosphere. much more than
any practical lsue, is the source of the
trouble. Facts are kings that Wilma
ding, as the Scotch say, and, in the
emo, TACT must prevail over prejudices
and pedantries. And the outstanding
TACT about the ice age is that it is an
lntolerable burden to both countries
rulnous to 1reland's chief industry which
is exclusively dependent on the English
market and disastrous to the interests of
England. In making his gesture, Mr.. De
valera has been influenced by three con-
slderatlons. His new constitution is now
IN being. and. having completely estab-
nshed the fact Of independence, he can
address himself to the realities of the
situation. The second Is that the last
election fOreShadoWed a change in the
political structure and left him more or
less dependent on the uncertain support
OF the Labor party. The third is that the
policy OF seeking to make Ireland eco
nomically self-sufficient behind a barri-
cade OF tariffs, supplemented with boun-
ties within. has impoverished the coun-
try, raised the cost of living and swollen
the flight across the Irish Sea in search
of employment.
What are the main obstacles to settle
ment and reconciliation? 1t is felt
here that in stressing the question of
partition at this stage, Mr.. De Valera
puts the cart before the horse. The ex-
istence Of two Irelands. each so necessary
to the well-being of the other, is de-
plorable fact. materially and spiritually.
1t impoverishes and stereotypes the bitter
feud between Protestant and Catholic in
the political sphere that has bedeyiled
Ireland so long.
But the union of the two Irelands can
only be brought about by consent. De
Valera himself has disclaimed the idea
that it can be imposed by force And
the conditions of consent do not at
present exist. They have been reduced
by the anti-British tendencies of Free
State policy, and the immediate effect
OF the announcement that De Valera
would raise the subject in the conversa-
tions with Premier Neville Chamberlain
was to lead Lord Craigavon to spring an
election in Ulster which will be held next
month and which will be an overwhelm-
ing vote against union. De Valera
himself will not stand for the seat to
which he has been elected in the past,
but which he has never taken in the
Ulster Parliament
X
Before union can be usefully dis
cussed, the ground must be cleared of
nhStrlntinnS onH q coirt 0f
ciliation must prevail in Anglo-Irish
relations. The first step is the ending
of the economic war. It began with
De Valeras appropriation of the land
annuitieS, leaving the British government
to pay the interest on the borrowed
money. He did this on the ground that
the treaty was imposed by duress and
was therefore not binding. The matter
should have been settled out of hand by
arbitration, but De Valera would not
accept commonwealth arbitration. and
Britain retaliated by imposing duties on
Irish goods. Both countries know the
devastating price they are paying for
this folly. and the negotiations that have
now begun should devise a reasonable
basis of compromise and a return to
normal trading conditions.
The other crucial question is defense.
That might be solved by common policy
in which the land annuities could be
allocated to Irish defense. Englands
dependence on the North Atlantic route
makes the security of Ireland against be-
coming the base of an attack in the
event of war an issue of imperative ne
cessity. That security is at present
achieved by the terms Of the treaty Of
1922, under which certain stations on
the Irish coast are reserved for naval
defense. De Valera's attitude, however
inimical to England, has never been
inconsistent with the desire to remain
within the British defensive system.
He recognizes that his country is safer
from attack under that system than
if she were isolated.
And in sharing In common defensive
policy, Ireland would not only come into
line with the other dominions. but would
remove the one ground of concern which
lies at the root of England's historic pre-
occupation with Ireland.
Whole-hearted cooperation in this
great matter would have another conse-
quence. 1t would pave the way to union.
In removing the fear of hostile Ireland
in time of war, it would insensibly modify
the mind of Ulster and lessen the feal
that union with the Free State might In
q time Of emergency involve her in open
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