Evening star., 1937-03-30

Of noses, nor an intelligent Demo-
cratic majority registered in the last
election indorsing in exact terms the
sit-down strike. Quite true. But, on
the other hand, the whole policy Of
the New Deal, Federally and in the
States, has given color to these de-
mands of the more militant leaders
of organized labor.
John Lewis, the leader Of the new
group of labor unions, supported
President Roosevelt, and helped to
elect the Governors Of practically
every State where sit-doWn strikes
are occurring. Lewis has enough votes
under his control to defeat the Demo-
Gratis in the various States at next
years election and to overturn the
Democratic majority in the Lower
House If the Democratic leaders de-
Sert him.
Lewis Has Club.
So, whether or not we had an ac-
tual majority indorsing in specific
terms the sit-down strike, the politics
of the situation, for all practical pur-
poses, gives Lewis carte blanche.
That is to say, Lewis has this club
if the President does not take it away
from Lewis in a knock-down-and-
drag-out quarrel, a presidential de-
mand for ancient property rights.
The ajority, If it is majority,
of the voters of the country, outside
of organized labor, may be shocked
at the spectacle of the sit-down strike
actually depriving property owners Of
their established rights. But, unless
those who are shocked pass on the
shock to the executives, Federal and
State, by outcry and protest, and do
that mighty quick, the time for pro-
test will be gone.
Backed by a vociferous public SEN
timent, executives, by which one
means the President as we'll as the
various Governors, could summon the
righteous Indignation of this populace
and demand due process of law"
The executives, meaning the Cover
nors and the President, could say to
the sit-doWn strikers: wait until
you have gone to the legislatures for
laws authorizing the sit-down strike
before you act. Until then, get out. ,
Public May Not Care.
But so long as the only vocal
militant demonstrations are made by
the sit-down strikers and their friends
in organized labor, our political
executives, which also includes the
President, will assume that the public
does not care. In 1861, Lincoln ig-
nored the order Of the Supreme Court
in the Dred Scott decision. Possibly
democracy today will slip around the
courts.
The Congress and the legislatures,
under the leadership of the various
State and Federal executives, might
amend the Constitution, might abro-
gate ancient property rights and
might establish in custom, if not by
law, the industrial tenets of the New
Deal
But this whole revolutionary hy-
pothesis is shrill and falsetto, even
theoretical speculation. America is
still America, unless some subter-
ranean fault hides the coming earth
quake Lewis fight with the industrial
leaders in motors, oil, coal, textiles
and steel is no unique combat in
American history. Old Sam Gompers
conducted a fabian advance for 40
wears, Eugene DebS, in 1894, stirred
up a big row, but nothing much hap
pened after the fireworks, except that
Debs had to go to jail. Ten years
before Debs, Martin Irons and the
Knights of Labor stood where Lewis
stands today with his vertical union
Martin Irons, Debs and Gompers
pushed the workers little ahead in
every contest.
If Lewis seems revolutionary-and
he is in his demanos-it is only be-
cause he is going forward from labor's
last stand. But the democratic sr.f.t
still is the dominant ideal in Ameri-
can life, and, in the end, whatever
temporary upset we may be facing,
the final solution will be a democratic
solution, an answer involving give
and take-the good old democratic
compromise that is the beginning Of
political wisdom and the cement Of
our American civilization.
(Copyright. 1881, BY the North American
Newspaper Alliance Inc)