Coulee City dispatch. [volume] (Coulee City, Wash.) 19??-19??, 1937-08-26

have stressed the point that Vanden-
berg would be about as strong as
any Republican likely to be NOM,
mated. They have gone on from
there to the old political logic that
the man farthest out in front in
any contest is the man most of the
other candidates shoot at, and hence
is very apt to be crippled in the
final stretch. The other candidates
"gang'' him, fearing that otherwise
there would be no chance for any
one of them.
This, most observers have figured,
is what Farley wanted to happen to
Vandenberg, thus greasing the way
for the exit of the strongest oppon-
ent Franklin D. Roosevelt-or who
ever runs in his place-could have.
The real truth is very different in
deed. Farley is more afraid OF
something else, by far, than he is
of Vandenberg's running. What ne
is most afraid of is that NO Re-
publican will run!
Supremacy Confident
Farley is absolutely confident,
and with considerable logic, that
whoever the Democrats nominate
assuming they do not 60 plain
crazy-can beat any Republican
who may be nominated. The Demo-
Gratis might not carry 46 states, as
they did in 1886. They might not
even carry AZ, as they did in 1882.
But it would be mighty hard for the
Republicans to beat them. In fact,
fair betting odds right now ought to
be about ten to one that it will be
impossible to revamp the Republi-
can organization into a winning ma
chine by 1910, even if they should
have an appealing candidate and a
popular platform.
There are more factors entering
into this situation than are explained
by the debac1es of 1882, 1884 and
1896. Or by Roosevelt! There are
situations in Individual states, not
ably New York, New Jersey, Penn
sylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and
Connecticut states that the Re-
publicans simply must carry to
have chance in presidential cleo
tion-which make the carrying of
any one of them an uphill job for
the Republicans.
In all those states the old leaders
have passed out of the picture, and
no competent hands or shrewd
brains have taken their places in
the G.. o. P. machines. The New
York Republican organization went
to pot along about 1920. Not a Re
publican senator or governor has
been elected since that year, while
the majority of the house delega-
ton has been Democratic beginning
with the 1922 election.
The Republican organization in
the other states named carried on
a little longer than did the Empire
state leaders, but they have been
dying on the stem. Pennsylvania
"Puddler Jim" Davis is the only
Republican senator from the whole
lot, and the Democrats are counting
on knocking him off next year!
What Farley is more afraid of
than any Republican, no matter how
strong, is the dissolution of the Re-
publican party as a national insti-
tuition, and the split of the Demo-
Gratis into two camps. Further, Far
ley happens to know that Vanden-
berg is one of the best known Re-
publicans who privately favor aban-
doning the word Republican" So
the naming of Vandenberg by Far
ley was very shrewd hypodermic,
not for Vandenberg, but for the old
G. o. P. elephant!
Might Be Worse
Business representatives in Wash
ington-the bright lads who look aft
er the interests of the various in
dustries, etc.-are relieved that the
wages and hours bill is going
through this session, surprising as
that may seem.
Not that they like it. With one
accord they agree that it is terri
Bile. But they think that if it's pas
sage were delayed until next ses-
sion it would be worse.
When they saw how William
Green marched up to the Capitol,
after being RELOCATED to the has
beens by so many commentators,
and put a few teeth in the measure,
they realized that if passage could
have been postponed the measure
would be much more radical than
it is now.
For instance, there is only hair
line now holding the minimum
wages that the board can fix for a
community at 40 cents an hour.
There is provision, slipped into the
bill by Green, which provides that
the board may not fix a minimum
less than the minimum obtained
by collective bargaining.
But being as the limit is fixed at
40 cents, the board simply could not
interfere with a concern which was
paying a minimum of 40 cents,
though the minimum established by
collective bargaining in that vicin-
ity might be SO cents.
Obviously the two elements were
injected in the bill without thought