The Waterbury Democrat., 1937-06-28

] VAS.
 Because the measures were inc troduced with Presidential blessing it was assumed they were iden- ticaL. They are-except in one vital detail. This Is the all-im- portant question of final control over rates to be charged for the power that will be generated whether it shall rest in Washing ton or in the individual Author. ities.
 The bill sponsored in the Sen- ate by Senator George Norris, father of the Tennessee Valley Authority, vests this control in the regional Authorities. The measure offered in the House by Chairman Joe Mansfield of the Rivers and Harbors Committee places 1t in the hands of the Federal Power Commission.
 Undercover Feud
 Behinds this difference is a sharp split of opinion in inner Administration circles, and at the root of it is the bitter undercover feud between Chairman Arthur Morgan and the other two mem- bers of the Tennessee Valley Au- thority.
 Morgan has been at logger heads with his colleagues for more than a year over the policy to be pursued toward private utility interests. He favOrs con- ciliation and trading, while the others demand vigorous cOmpe- titiOn.
 Mansfield's bill aims to prevent a repetition of this dissension in the proposed new Authorities. Power Competition
 It represents the views of pow erful liberal elements in the Pres ident's councils who are incensed at Morgan's pro-utility leanings. They think they can forestall a re- currence of this by centralizing control in Washington, also make the point that if the individual Authorities have the power to fix rates in their areas they may en- gage in cut-throat competition among themselves.
 Government vs. utility competi- tion, the -wingers hold, Is good economics and profitable for con- sumers generally. But competi- tion for business between govern mcnt agencies is a horse of anoth- CT color. The taxpayer is sure to lose.
 Norris is as critical of Mor- gan as this Administration group, but he balks at central ized control. He fears that plac- ing national rate-fixing power in a Washington commission would make the problem and the agen- cy football of politics. A Pres ident, through his power of ap- pointment, could load up the commission with utility minded members who could jack up rates and undermine public power production.
 Both camps tried to get the President to side with them when the legislation was being framed. After considering the matter for a long time, he finally decided that both had valid arguments and the best solution was to put the issue up to Congress and let 1t choose. No Tears
 There were no tears shed around the White House when Jack Gar ner climbed into his big, swanky official car and headed for the cool comforts and ease of his veranda in Uvalde, Texas.
 The exact opposite was the case. The inner presidential cir cle was overjoyed to see the V.P. 20. In recent months he had got very much i'm it's hair.
 Publicly Garner makes a great show of his loyalty to "n1y boss" But behind the scenes during this session, there has been no more persistent and effective foe of Roosevelt policies than the grizzled little Texan. He has secretly yielded a murderous knife.
 It was Garner who inspired the abortive move to put the President on the spot in the sit-down strike issue by attaching a rider to the Guffey coal bill condemning this tactic. It was Garner who con- ceived the stratagem of a 40 per cent contribution requirement. to riddle the Presidents $500, ,O00,- 900 relief measure. It was Gar ner who has been urging Admin istration floor leaders to ditch the Supreme Court bill until next year"-which would mean its fin- ish.
 And it vas Garner who, in the face of a positive promise to ap- point friendly Senators on the unemployment and relief inves- tigating committee, named in- stead a group predOminantly hostile to the Administration. Jack slipped over this fast one just before he pulled out of Washington.
 Garner out of the Capital is a ----------