The Waterbury Democrat. [volume] (Waterbury, Conn.) 1917-1946, 1937-01-14
Made Swift Switch
Of His Plans in
Auto Strike

was equivalent to breach Of the
present contract, which provided
negotiations for renewal In Febru-
airy.
The auto unions had grown fast
er than expected, claiming 100000
members today. Sitdown strikes be-
gan to explode like fifecrackers, es-
pecially in rubber, where organiza-
ton also exceeded expectations.
Then the nat glass strike threat
ened to shut down auto production,
anyway, moving the crisis to that
front.
Lewis met 1t head on, as he always
does, by demanding showdown
from the biggest Of all the auto Or
CARNATIONS, General Motors.
That is his habit. He Is "quick
on his feet" Rather than hewing
to preconceived line Of action die
tated by set principles. Lewis meets
things, as they come. He sees sit
uation< gets the essence Of It, and
makes quick decision. He never
vacillates or stews over 1t.
~ sis
He's Different Man Now
Lewis views have changed since
the days when he was a thoroughly
conventional labor leader In the
early 192O,s.
Then he was against control Of
industries through political agen-
cies, and talked Of putting strait
Jackets upon the supply Of indus
trial energy" and paralysis Of ini-
tiative and enterprise"
Now he writes Guffey coal-control
bills.
Then he relentlessly ousted "reds"
and radicals of all sorts from his
miners organization. Now he di-
reefs his organizers to work with
anybody who will work with YOU"
Then he was q republican who
was offered cabinet posts In the
Coolidge and Hoover days. Now he is
prominent Roosevelt supporter
who Is looked on as the strongest
possibility to lead labor party
after Roosevelt"
Demands Voice for Labor
But Lewis is not philosophical
radical. There Is no reason to doubt
that ne still believes that "all Of
Americas ills could be remedied by
a return to the principles Of the
founding fathers, as expressed In
the great documents Of the Consti-
tuition and the Declaration Of Inde-
pendence."
What he now believes Is that de-
mocracy has been largely negated
by Industrial and financial control
over both government and the living
conditions Of the average man. He
wants to organize labor into such
strong industrial unions that their
voice will be loud In the government
and In industry.
Should that mean a frankly labor
run government such as England
had some years back, Lewis would
say what Of it,"
Should 1t mean greater degree
Of industrial democracy than this
country has ever dreamed, Lewis
would say, II believe In democracy"
and he would mean 1t, too, forget
ting the half-dozen districts Of the
u. M. w. which are ruled from
headquarters. without local auton-
omy even to choose their own off,
GERS.
Sets His Goal High
In short, Lewis believes labor does
not possess the power, in govern
ment or industry, that its vital i'm
portance entities 1t to have. He Is
out to see his goal achieved.
II that meant a directly political
labor movement Of 20,000,0 900 tightly
organized workers, Lewis would not
shrink.
II that, in turn, meant Lewis him.
self as labor candidate for the
presidency, Lewis would not shrink.
Responsibility, even SO awful a re-
sponsibility as that, has never
caused John Lewis to draw back.
Yet 1t Is doubtful II Lewis Is per-
sonally ambitious for the presiden-
cy. II his labor program could go
through tomorrow, 1t Is likely he
would have no political ambitions.
There was o sincere ring IN his
| voice when he refused raise from
$4,000 to $4,000 O year at the last
miners convention. land accepted
gold watch instead.
II don't know what one can do to
justify such confidence" he said.
except Just to do the best he can.
I'm content to serve my people on
that basis. ;"
THE END