Evening star., 1937-10-21
Heart WhOle-Fancy Free.

Apparently in response to the ex-
pressed fear of Senator Hiram Johnson
at least, on the immediate heels OF
it-President Roosevelt announces that
the American delegation will enter the
nine-power conference at Brussels next
week without any commitments to
other governments" That unequivocal
assertion seems to have been evoked
by the suggestion of the temperamental
senior Senator from California, battle
SCARED veteran of the old League fight,
that I'VE know perfectly well that
Ambassador Davis would not be going
to Brussels unless in advance a pro-
gram had been agreed on between
England and this country" On the face
of the Hyde Park denial, the Golden
States favorite native son has been
seeing ghosts, perhaps the haunting
creatures conjured up by memories of
his triumphant crusade against the
treaty of Versailles.
Beyond exploding the theory that
the United States is going to Brussels
shackled by previous obligations, the
President sheds no positive light on
what his program will be. He resolutely
declines to define his reference at
Chicago to quarantine" OF interna-
tional aggressors. Mr. Roosevelt merely
infers that Uncle Sam will foregather
with the other nine-power signatories
in a heart-whole and fancy-free spirit,
devoid of any entangling ties. Repudi-
ating the thought that America is
entering a bellicose conference, the
President emphasizes that the objec-
tive rather is to examine the Far
Eastern situation and study a peaceable
means of Fastening an end of the
regrettable conflict" Then he amplifies,
palpably for the benefit of Americans
who may sincerely share Senator john
sons misgivings that the President is
leading the country down ''the road to
war;" that the conference will seek
by agreement a solution OF the Chinese
puzzle. In the effort to find it, our pur-
pose is to Cooperate with the other
signatories to the treaty, including China
and Japan"
No danger to the United States
freedom Of judgment and action turks in
this simple statement of our position.
1t is clearly impossible, as it would
be obviously inadvisable, for President
Roosevelt prematurely to tip his hand
at Brussels. American policy, subject
to the understood limitations that
govern it, especially proposals that
might involve the country in warlike
complications, is bound, in the very
essence of conditions that surround all
international conferences, to depend on
actual developments there.
Mr.. Roosevelt has submitted in broad
outline what he hopes may be ac-
complished-f1rst of all, some scheme
of mediation, preceded by truce, which
might induce China and Japan to
adjust their controversy without fur
ther bloodshed. What are the ideas
of other powers on that score? Have
they anything better to offer? If truce
and mediation are infeasible, due to
the objections of China or Japan, or
both, or on other grounds, what next?
Who knows? In such an incalculable
and fluctuating situation as has been
unleashed by the volcano now erupting
in the Orient it is beyond the ken of
any statesman-be he President or
Senator to declare with Olympian
omniscience what should, can or will
be done. Mr.. Roosevelt has gone as
far as is reasonably possible, or diplo-
matically prudent, to outline American
conduct at Brussels.
Nor may it perhaps be inappropriate
to suggest that this is no hour for
deriding the notion of possible Anglo
American cooperation in liquidating
the Far Eastern mess. 1t is true that
British interest in it, measured in terms
of territory, political prestige and eco
nomic stake, vastly exceeds our own.
But ours is by no means inconsiderable.
In trade and in respect of traditional
concern with Oriental affairs, it is
tangible and important. We may realize
some day that it will be highly useful,
if not indispensable, not indeed to pull
any of John Bulls chestnuts out of
the Asiatic fire, but to find him hang
ing around in helpful mood, should
Uncle Sam need to retrieve some of
his own burrs from that flaming pile.
Something of the sort happened at
Manila Bay in May, 1898.