The Waterbury Democrat., 1937-04-01

AeS-@AA@AAAfsA y
proposals for reform of the S
TIME: 1t viii be June before
the senate comes to a final vote.
The current Judiciary committee
hearings will last two weeks, pos
Sibly longer. Then there will be
another two weeks of secret de-
alterations before bill Is reported
to the senate.
Debate ON the senate floor will
last at least six weeks. 1t will
start slowly, increase in tempo
and heat, but with no filibuster
for two good reason. First,
filibuster is effective only where
there Is time limit ON q ses-
sion. There Is no time limit
here; this congress can continue
until January 5, 1899. Second,
filibustering tactics could cas-
lily boomerang against the OPP
p0sition-a fact its leaders fully
realize.
After the senate vote, there will
be two to four weeks of dis
cussion in the House.
FINALLY, after senate and
house agree on bill, there will
be debate on the confirmation of
new justices. Only the senate
passes on appointees; and how
long it will take to obtain sem,
ate o. K. on the proposed six
young men will depend entirely
on whom Roosevelt names.
If the list includes Donald r.
Richberg there will be protracted
fight. Labor is out to get him.
Senate Polls
Today, the Administration has
the numerical lead in the SEN
ate.
The Presidents bill has steadily
gained strength since his Victory
dinner and fireside broadcasts, and
there is every indication of con-
tinued strength. The opposition'S
presentation before the judiciary
committee, while astutely stage
managed, has added no converts.
The oppositions' own secret poll
lists AZ "sure" votes and doubt
fup' Gao votes will be necessary to
defat the President). OF the 8
doubtfuls, opposition leaders adj
init privately they expect to get
only two.
On the other hand the con-
fidential check list of the Adj
ministratoin gives the oppose
tion only IA certain republic
cans plus 26 democrats. Total:
40. On the other hand, New
Dealers calculate as sure for
Roosevelt: IS. Final total they
predict is 60. Farley's private
estimate is a majority of six
votes.
The secret polls are important
as straws showing the current be-
hind-the-scenes trend. But they
are not conclusive. The big
struggle Is not over.
Final Outcome
Roosevelt seems sure of getting
virtually what he wants. 1t may
be the bill he is now demanding,
but the notifications will give no
joy to the opposition. He will
be able to put what legislation he
wants through the Supreme Court,
and that Is the main thing he is
after.
So far Roosevelt has stood pat,
stubbornly refused to consider any
compromise. However, he has
cautioned lieutenants J to tread
softly and to leave no wounds
that can't be healed. The Presi-
dent does not want to split the
democratic party if he can help it.
What he chiefly wants is to
find way for senators who are
with him on most things to climb
back off the Supreme Court limb.
Aftermath
Following disposal Of the court
issue will come the real work of
the session. The Administration
plans to follow the court bill with
a barrage of important farm, la
Dor and social welfare measures.
Behind much of the opposition to
Roosevelt's court plan, in and out
Of Congress, is fear of this legis-
lation.
Labor Leader
Senator Vandenberg of Michi-
gan, visiting in London between
sessions of Congress, formed a
fast friendship with John Burns,
veteran, white-haired labor lead
er and member of parliament.
Burns began life as an apper-
tice, had been workman most
of his life.
When Vandenberg left for home,
he asked Burns If there was not
some token he would like from
the United States. The Michigan
senator comes from the great fur
nitrre town Of Grand Rapids, had
in mind sending Burns some
American furniture.
There's Just one thing I'D
like" replied Burns-"a first
edition of More's Utopia"
Vandenberg spent three weeks
intermittently looking for the
book, finally found it in a sec
ond-hand book store in Boston.
He Ought to Know
During the hearing before the
House Foreign Affairs Committee
on the bill authorizing $5,000,-