Evening star., 1937-09-04
By NC. K.

oAA CAAI ASpCShlDCi AeAdAlGAS
Monthly have leading articles
on the political future Of our
Nation. and both articles, moreover
are significant. The Harpers piece is
by Stanley High, lately member Of
the Roosevelt general staff, and is but
the first OF series Of three 1t is
called "Mr. Roosevelt and the Future" )"
The Atlantic Monthly article is from
the pen OF Herbert Hoover and is
called THE Crisis and the Political
Parties" Both authors admit that a
crisis Is at hand, and both offer
ptophesies and solutions. They differ
rather widely, however, in their ideas
Of what this crisis is, and they differ
altogether as to what is to be done to
meet it.
Mr.. Hoover sees the issue as between
liberty and governmental coercion,
and certainly he offers material on
which to base his case. He says,
"The first political partly in the
United States in its Declaration
adopted as part Of its platform the
demand for life, liberty and the pur-
suit OF happiness The Fathers were
intellectually honest. They did not
promise happiness. They only as
serted that for pursuers Of happiness
freedom would be safeguarded
With all our modern problems of
industrial life. the miseries from war
and its depression aftermath, with
some who get too much and some who
get too little, this method Of securing
happiness Is being questioned in the
world. That question is whether hap
piness is to be attained through lib
erty OF men or whether government
can take over the pursuit and deliver
the happiness by coercing the people
into what some bureaucrat thinks
should make them happy. The issue
may be stated in another way. Shall
coercion be limited to criminals and
men of ill-will who would encroach
upon the freedom OF others? Or shall
government undertake to
plan the lives Of upright men and
coerce and compel them to comply?"
That, as Mr.. Hoover sees it. is the
crisis which Is before us and he feels
that Americans will have the issue Of
liberty or coercion before them when
they 60 to the polls in the next cleo
ton That they may decide to cast
liberty away he unhesitatingly admits.
Personal liberty" he says. will
live only so long as people wants it
to live. The phrases, the forms and
even the documents OF liberty may
continue and liberty def it is dead
in the spirit Of the people" So he
is not unduly optimistic, nor does his
mood seem to be fighting one In
his opening paragraph he remarks
that he is not up for reelection, but
only grateful for his freedom, which
he finds has developed objectivity in
him What he has objectiyely seen
is what he is now trying to put before
the people in this article
HAVING stated the crisis. as he
sees it. and elaborated it some
what. Mr. Hoover then diagnoses the
condition of the two major political
parties. He finds that the strength of
the Democrats rests on the upward
swing of the business cycle, upon the
belief of many that the philosophy of
liberty is exhausted, and upon the
promise Of the simple and quick de-
livery OF happiness =. also =. upon
the patronage which through Federal
State and municipal Offices reaches
into nearly 100000 families and
through Federal disbursements to un-
employed and farmers reaches another
5000 900 families-nearly one third of
the whole people"
Republican strength, he says. rests
on the record Of the Republican party.
its great membership and the almost
religious zeal with which most party
members regard their party tie.
Democratic weakness lies in 'the
fact that many members of the Dem
oCratic party, including some of its
greatest leaders. still believe in free
dom" Republican weakness lies in
the partys failure to enlist youth. in
its complacence and in its inability, so
far. to crystalize plan with which to
face the new issue.
What then is to be done, as 1910
looms on the horizon?
Mr.. Hoover considers plans for
creating a new party, for forming
coalition between liberty loving mem
bers of both parties and still other
responsibilities. but concludes at last
that such endeaVorS would be fruitless.
Instead, he suggests that the Repub-
licans meet in convention next year
mot TO form creed. or the usual plat
form, but a declaration" For, he
concludes, America needs a new and
flaming declaration of the rights and
responsibilities OF free men"
A VERY different picture is pre-
sented in Mr.. Stanley Highs piece
in Harpers. Mr.. High sees the crisis
that lies before us not as a condition
which may involve the fortunes of
Americans. but rather as personal
problem chiefly concerned with Mr..
Roosevelts ego. Blithe!y and matter
Of f-factly, this writer suggests that Mr.
Roosevelt's personal psychology will
indicate to him that third term is
desirable And, if that happens, why
then a third term Mr.. Roosevelt will
seek For Mr. Roosevelt, says Mr. High
has raised up crop Of problems which
may not have settled themselves by
next election day. And Mr.. Roosevelt
is a man temperamentally opposed to
giving up what he wishes to continue
Ergo: We may have a third-term
President.
Mr.. High does not view this pros
pect with alarm, be it understood. On
the contrary, he introduces the third
term idea with persuasive casualness,
as if (of course) it has been in every
ones mind all along. and as if it
would be the most natural thing in
the world.
The issue" he says, &c. . is between