Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1937-05-09

" President than under the neu-
a trality bill which became law
May 1, 1887, and which gives him
the power to decide whether this
country shall go to war or remain at
peace. It Rsuas the Chief Executive
discretionary powers, such as no oI1ler
President has had heretofore, to decide
the course of action in the event of
an international conf1agration
1t is doubtful whether there is a
single Congressman or official of the
State Department who believes that
there can be neutrality legislation
adequate to keep any country out of
war. The question of war or peace
Is a matter which rests exclusively
with the will of the people and the
efficiency Of the principal executives
to avoid entanglements. People, as
a rule, can be swayed by propaganda
and emotionalism. This is particu-
larry true when leaders who have de-
termined ideas about helping, or not
helping. the world through the might
Of the United States shut their eyes
to or even encourage certain types of
propaganda.
There was a bitter battle in Con-
gress as to whether the President
should be granted such vast powers
in administering the neutrality law
or whether the Congress should decide
on certain restrictions and policies
and make it mandatory for the Presi-
dent to apply them without regard to
the general international political
situation or lineup.
Major War Held Unlikely.
The chief reason why the advocates
OF neutrality act controlled by Con-
gress have lost is that the State De-
partment and the White House have
been able to convince their conferees
senators Borah, Pittman, Robinson
and Representatives McReynolds,
Bloom, Luther johnson and Hamilton
FSh-that there Is no danger of a
major war in Europe or in Asia in the
course Of the next two years; conse-
quently, there could be no harm in
allowing the President to administer
the neutrality legislation After all,
1t was argued, the Congress is in
session for only a few months out of
each year and certain situations might
develop In the international field
during the recess when it would be
impossible for the Congress to meet
and consider them. Furthermore, it
was added as convincing argument
to give the President discretionary
powers. such latitude granted to the
Chief Executive would save the Con-
gressmen q good deal OF embarrass-
ment with their constituents. Manda-
tory laws would demand. 1t was said,
an enumeration Of articles which,
under certain circumstances, should
be enlarged. What would the cotton
grower, or the farmer, or the oil,
copper. tin or steel interests say to
their respective Congressman if they
voted in favor Of such a law?
These considerations prevailed in
both houses when the conference re-
port was adopted which gave the
President, If ne chose to fight once
more to save the world for democracy,
the right to do 50.
Section l of the bill deals with
IN embargo on arms and ammunition
which must be imposed on belligerents
as soon as the President has ascer-
tanned that state Of war exists be-
tween two or more countries and has
Issued . proclamation to that effect.
This section was already accepted in
1896. The legislation passed last
year covering the export Of implements
Of war to Spain also is incorporated
IN that section, and will apply to any
countries where there is civil war,
II the President believes that such
action Is necessary.
There is nothing in section which
might endanger our isolation in the
event Of another general conflagration,
or which cannot be described as
routine precautionary legislation.
Discretion in Section 2.
In section 2 Of the bill the Presi-
dent is granted discretionary powers
regarding the placing of restrictions
on the shipment of certain articles
or materials in addition to arms and
implements of war from the United
States to belligerent states" American
vessels will be prohibited from carry
ing such articles or materials to any
belligerent state. 1t will be necessary,
therefore, for the prospective foreign
purchasers of such materials to take
possession Of them before they leave
American territory. This is the we'll
known theory Of trading during the
war without any risk. Any foreign
Observation-Disclosures or not-is en-
titled to purchase her certain re
served" materials, provided it takes
title Of property before the merchan-
disc leaves the shores of the United
States, and provided 1t is carried in
foreign boats.
It Is for the President to decide
what kinds Of goods thus become
Restricted" Outside of ostrich feath-
ers, there Is not single item produced
in the world which does not become
war material In case OF war. The
President has the latitude of placing
oil, for instance, on the restricted list
and not cotton, although both are
equally necessary In the prosecution Of
Q war. A country like italy, for ex-
ample, possessing an insufficient fleet
of oil tankers, would be placed at a
distinct disadvantage. On the other
hand, II cotton were not placed on
the restricted list, ships flying the
American flag would be permitted to
transports that commodity across the
sea and enjoy the immunity Of Ameri-
cas- neutrality backed by the might
Of the United States Navy. OF course
these ships could not enter blockaded
area. But there might be repetition
OF the 1914-l917 situation II our
ships were to take cotton for France,
for instance, to a neutral port. Any
molestation on the part Of men-of-
war belonging to powers engaged in
q war against France naturally would
be q hostile act against the United
States.
Through such a situation there is
q serious possibility of being drawn
into 4 conflict, despite the avowed
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