Evening star., 1937-11-23
Forum
Continued from Page A-7)

It would force greater sharing of
work" and thus reduce unemploy-
ment. But the probabilities are that
1t would force greater confusion and
thus actually reduce the sum total of
employment available. On the other
hand, there lis no reason why we
should not make immediate progress
in these humane directions by taking
available steps which are free from
the larger hazard l refer to Federal
law to protect each State against
interstate commerce in commodities
created under working conditions less
advantageous than the State itself
prescribes. I refer to the Wheeler
johnson bill which would apply this
principle to child labor. l partic-
ularly refer to the new child labor
amendment to the Constitution, which
! have had the honor to prepare and
present. 1t is now on the Senate
calendar with a unanimous report
from the Judiciary Committee. 1t can
stop the commercial exploitation of
children IN industry without using
ambiguous language inviting a multi
tude of other implications: and it has
the promise of support from most of
those forces that have prevented the
ratification of the old child labor
amendment for the past l3 years.
Repeal Emergency Laws.
Seventh. There is another service
which this Congress could render if
1t wants private enterprise to accept
the assignment to save new emer-
gencv, If the old emergency is over
and it probably was six months age
Congress should repeal many of the
emergency powers that were granted
to the President in the name OF
emergency. Their retention is CAL
culated chiefly to create another
emergency, Why? Because private
enterprise cannot make essential long
range plans when, III respect to essen
tial factors, it is wholly at the mercy OF
transient political judgments.
The President has frankly stated
that he runs the country on a "a
hour basis, calling each new play-to
borrow his football analogy-to fit
whatever circumstances result from
the last play. Private enterprise can
not be so facle. 1t has to be con-
secutive in its plans. But how can
1t be anything but punch drunk and
hanging on the ropes, when it does
not know the value of the money in
which its commitments will come due
because the President can change
the value overnight; when it can make
no rational guess as to the price index
because the President can artificially
shift prices as he pleases with his
1nf1atlonary and def1ationary powers
when it cannot tell what moment its
Government will enter into fatal COM
petition with it-because the Presi-
dent can launch any kind of COL
lectlvlst scheme out of his blanket
authority over relief projects; when
If it depends upon protective tariffs,
1t cannot know what moment it will
lose its indispensable protection-be-
cause the President can manipulate
tariffs without regard to differences in
costs of production at home and
abroad.
1t is simply impossible to maintain
all these floating executive powers
and expect that private enterprise and
private initiative will forge ahead.
Business, however essential, is not en-
titled to rule the roost. Indeed, busi-
ness which builds itself into monopoly
must yield definitely to the public
interest in the maintenance of the
competitive system But legitimate
business must have its legitimate
chance to succeed. 1t must be freed
from executive despotism which is at
war with every tenet of the American
system. 1t must be emancipated from
the reckless interference of meddle-
some bureaucracy, 1t must be rescued
from the seas of uncertainty in which
1t fears to sink. Congress can reor-
ganize the Government in this di-
rection more helpfully than In any
other.
Eight. Congress can pass reas-
enable and practical farm relief bill,
without arbitrary. compulsory, bureau-
cratic controls which reduce every
American farmer to the status of a
reglmented peasant; and without a
renewed attempt to cheat the Con-