The Ely miner. [volume] (Ely, Minn.) 1895-1986, 1937-08-19

any middle of the road policies. The
labor relations board has become a
fostering sore on private initiative.
Business interests everywhere,
while being pounded on the back
by the administration to employ
more workers, are kept in a con-
slant state of confusion by the bias of
the board. This is the board which
was designed by Senator Wagner, of
New York, to maintain peace be-
tween labor and employers. If the
labor standards board can use dis
cretionary powers accorded it and
can proceed in correcting abuses of
labor as rapidly as is economically
feasible" it may be able to develop
better conditions in industry. But
such language as the words "eco-
nomically feasible" are subject to
all kinds of Interpretation and if the
membership of the labor standards
board happens to include some rad
ical labor leader, most anything will
be economically feasible.
1t is from such quirks of law that
bureaucrats expand their powers.
But there is yet another phase of
this policy that demands consider
alton. While the
Another United States is
Phase one unit under the
' federal govern
ment, it is made up of number of
sectional units and each sectional
unit comprises a number of states
and even each state in some cases
embraces subdivisions where prac-
tees in business and living traditions
are as different as day and night. A
regulation as to the fairness of hours
or wages in New England may be,
and probably would be, wholly map
plicable in Alabama or Georgia. A
regulation that would operate sat-
isfactorily in Pennsylvania may be,
and probably would be, completely
sour in the Pacific coast states.
Yet this board cannot administer it's
regulations on a piece-meal basis;
they must apply to the whole coun-
try and it is only fair to assume
from the existing facts that where
as rulings may be advantageous to
some sections of labor, they might
completely destroy other sections of
labor. The same results can be ex-
pected from the effects of these rul-
ings on the employers, except that
where the effect is adverse on en-
ployers businesses can be driven
into bankruptcy-and the jobs they
provided disappear.
I think there can be no denying
that no law will be successful unless
it has the cooperation, the active
support, of very large majority of
the people. If proof be needed, it is
only necessary to recall how the
prohibition laws were not enforced
in those areas where public SYM
pathy with them was lacking. It
does not require very much time to
determine whether a law is popu-
lar. During the life of the MIRA,
those who opposed such impossible
regulations as General Hugh John
son dictated were branded by Presi-
dent Roosevelt at first as "chisel-
ers." 1t was a biting criticism.
Yet, within few months there were
more chiselers than there were
those who believed that the law
could possibly be made to work.
The initial operations of the board
and the law probably will not create
:, 49,, great deal of
6ofh Sides dissension. But
Will Buck there will be dis
gruntled groups of
workers and there will be dissatis-
fed employers who will seek ex-
emption or changes or special con-
sideration by regulation. In some
cases, obviously, the board will is
sue new rules. AS likely as not
those new rules will upset some 9TH
er group or region or section and
they will demand consideration.
Just here, it might be recalled
how under the AAA crop control
law, wheat, cotton and corn were
originally considered but tobacco
had to have protection and rice
and potatoes and peanuts, and every
other farm product had it's cham
pions battling for consideration be-
fore the Supreme court held that
the law with its processing taxes
was an invalid delegation of power
by congress. Therefore, while may
be "seeing things" concerning
the labor standards board and the
new proposal for crop control, the
records surely support my state
ment that anytime the federal gov
eminent starts new policy it be-
gins at the same time to enable ex-
pansion of federal power far beyond
the original concept of program.
I have heard considerable
amount of discussion lately that in
dicates growing belief among
many sound thinkers in opposition
to federal regulation of hours and
wages. There are many students,
experts, authorities, who entertain
a conviction that wages and hours
ought to be matters for regulation
by states because of the diversified
practices in nation as large as
ours. This school of thought main
tains that the purposes of any plan
to improve working conditions can
best be carried out within state
lines.
1t can be said in favor of that plan
that the great industrial sections
likely would have laws safely ap-
plicable to their local conditions.
1t can be said likewise, however,
that there is an extreme probable
ity of wide difference between sets