Evening star., 1937-12-29
er-Thoughts on Panay
Incident Admirably Handled, but Reveals u. S. Still
Lacks Definite Foreign Policy, Says Observer.

danger OF the Panay incident was that
1t involved what is called our ma
tional honor" detest the tnterpre-
tation usually put upon this word. It
implies that ones honor depends, not
on ones own behavior, but on the
treatment which one receives from
others. 1t Is an alluring and ambig-
uous phrase, used to whip up popula-
tions into the temper of violence and
revenge. 1t was effectively used in
1898 around the cry of Remember
the Maine!" to put this country into
war with Spain, when Spain had al
ready acceded to every demand made
upon 1t by the United States Gov-
ernment.
At the first Hague convention, over
generation ago, the phrase national
honor" was used to hamstring the
convention, the nations agreeing to
submit all questions to arbitration
except those involving national
honor'-which simply meant except
those that any nation might want
to use as pretext for going to war.
And it is exactly in that groove that
we now may find ourselves if we do
not watch our step, and If there is
a repetition Of such incidents as the
Panay affair.
Without Foreign Policy.
We still remain without a foreign
policy, because we remain without a
clear public opinion. Our interests,
material and cultural, are scattered
around q dangerous and disturbed
world, in which wars may conceiv-
ably occur anywhere and at any
time. What rights we will insist on
maintaining In such world are en-
tirely unclear. And this is the most
dangerous possible condition OF af-
fairs. For 1t encourages adventures
against us, in the expectation that
they will meet no opposition.
The division in public opinion here,
made 1t impossible for our representa-
tives to take as firm and clear a stand
as they might otherwise have taken in
Brussels, and the japanese were OPEN
ly aware Of 1t. The Panay incident
followed.
We would. and must regard any gen.
eral war as a calamity for us, whether
or not we are engaged in it. Yet.
though We hate wal, we have no posi-
tive program for peace. Nobody, not
even we ourselves, know what we stand
for, although there has been a great
propaganda in this country which
might easily lead other nations to be-
lieve that we will stand for ANYTHING
short OF actual invasion Of our shores.
II this assumption is not correct-and
the way We met the Panay incident
would seem to indicate that it is not
then We are contributing, as much as
any nation In the world today, to the
danger OF general conf1agration. For
no country contemplating war can
disregard the United States. the
mightiest single power in the world,
nor would disregard 1t, except under
an illusion about our public opinion.
which We ourselves may be helping to
foster.
Nations Continue to Arm.
The world situation is not improving.
Expenditures for ornaments continue
to mount. The British Army Is being
reorganized, and it Is believed that
Winston Churchill, who first aroused
Parliament to a recognition Of German
rearmament, Is to become air minister.
And the British Navy is creating three
great fleets. for the Mediterranean, the
North Atlantic and the Far East. Re-
lations between Britain and Italy con-
stantly grow worse. The world is now
mobilized for instant war-and every
nation in the world knows that that
war would bring 1t catastrophe, no
matter what the outcome.
In all probability 1888 will be year
of increasing tensions between the ma
tions. To live in this world without
any policy at all is the most dangerous
OF all possible attitudes. It is tragic
enough to 60 into war, whatever the
circumstances: it adds folly to tragedy
to drift into war through muddle.
We have actually. only one of two
choices for positive action: Either
whole-heartedly to adopt isolation, and
begin Immediately to reorganize the
social and economic life Of this coun-
try, in order to make An isolationism
which will function m ~ ttar ~,ho+