Evening star., 1937-03-19

DuI eXtenQm9 MS
power over a national horizon.
From some points of view and to
all intentS and purposes, using again
the American concept of political
boss, we today have a dictator in
America. John L. Lewis has risen
to the strength of a dictator almost
as suddenly as some of the foreign
dictators have acquired power abroad.
Lewis dictates now to the Governor
of Michigan, who has been hesitating
to antagonize the Lewis forces by
employing the militia to back up the
courts.
Lewis dictates to the Department OF
Labor, where Secretary Perkins does
about as Lewis wishes, even to the
point of condoning "sit-doWn" strikes.
Dictates" to Board.
Lewis dictates to the National Labor
Relations Board, which interjects its
orders or refrains from issuing them
according as the pressure from the
Lewis forces gives them their cue.
Lewis dictates to the White House.
Having contributed through his unions
somewhere between $50O000 and
100000, the eminent labor leader
no longer relies on public reminders
10 cause the administration to inter-
pose its influence in his behalf, but,
behind the scenes, he accomplsheS
the same purpose. Lewis and the
President are in frequent consultation,
but what Lewis says is usually done.
1t is hard for many Americans to
think that anybody outside the White
House can dictate to President OF
the United States, but, ever since the
"sit down" strike issue has come up,
nobody in the administration, from
the President down, has ventured Off
cially to say a word publicly against
the "sit-doWn" strikes for fear OF
hurting Lewis feelings and stirring
up his antagonism. Secretary Roper
raised his voice in feeble protest, but
he was careful to point out that he
spoke his personal views and that he
was not expressing the administra-
tons views.
Extends Power to Business.
Lewis not only dictates to the Gov
ernment at Washington, but he is
beginning to exercise a similar influ-
e-;e on certain business men. Some
of them are ready to follow him
blindly. They say frankly that he
is a dependable person, and one in
dustrialist said the other day to other
business men that he would rather
follow Lewis than Mr. Roosevelt be-
no 1ot, sc For
definite and seems to have a clearer
idea of where he is going.
AS a matter of fact, Lewis is just
as adroit and ShreWd as Mr.. Roose-
welt from a political viewpoint, and
he is far better informed on the
practical problems of modern indus
try than is Mr.. Roosevelt.
But whatever may be the relative
merits of the two personalities, it
would be a mistake to assume that
Lewis believes in a dictatorship any
more than does Mr.. Roosevelt. Both
believe, however, in centralized con-
troll. 1t is a foregone conclusion also
that, if Lewis isn't himself the can
didate Of labor party next time,
he will dictate the choice of a preSi-
dental nominee on the New Deal
ticket in 1910. He is clearly the po-
Gtical dictator of the hour.
Many writer's have assumed that,
when America finally adjusted her.
self to the new economic and social
circumstances of the day, the Ameri-
can solution would be a form of
fascism. The word "fascism" usually
connotes in the average persons mind
the kind Of government now imposed
on the people of Italy or Germany.
But American fascism may not be &C
companled by some of the eXcesses
abroad, and it does not necessarily
follow that ficism which permits
religious freedom is, therefore, not
dangerous.
Means State Control
FasclSm in its simplest form means
State control of labor as well as capi-
tai, price control and control of every
form of production and distribution
in what might be called controlled
economy. 1t implies one-man govern
ment with the legislative and judi
cial branches of the government sub
servient to the one-nan executive
Observers who knew Germany
through its transition period say that
Chancellor Bruening, who was mild
hammered man and liberal, brought
about a centralized government for
a benevolent purpose and inadver-
tently paved the way for the ascen-
dency of Adolf Hitler, who was there
fore able to give the appearance of
amenity to constitutional forms when
he issued his first DEGREES.
Lewis has persuaded President
Roosevelt to brush aside traditional
constitutional barriers and support
the Guffey coal bill, which is really
form of fascism. 1t involves a joint
operation of the coal industry by
operators and miners unions, with
the Government sitting in to sanction
the virtual monopoly granted to exist
ing operators of mines. The prices
would be controlled by the operators
and miners together and the public
would be expected to pay the bill
Then comes the rub. For, as coal
prices go higher, the public will turn
to oil and cheaper fuels as sub
stitute. This will lead to a demand
that all natural resource industries
be put under the same regulation as
the coal industry. Then the cycle of
Fascist control over basic industries
would be started in earnest.
Some of the executives of coal COM
panies speak highly of John Lewis
as good business man and one who
understands the viewpoint of business
even as he tries to get for labor a
better share in the gross income.
Both in Germany and Italy it was
hicr hlaci,,acc 1trl,i nl, O tho