Evening star., 1937-07-11
Is Lewis Slipping In
Labor and Politics? ,
BY OWEN L. SCOTT.

self into position to face his own Water
loo? Or If not, what of his future and
that of his mushroom labor movement?
SWitt-moving events are testing the
Lewis leadership at vulnerable spots.
One week of developments, and few peo-
pie any longer talk of dictatorship for
the chief of the c. I. O. Whispers are
heard that his hold on the movement
that he initiated might even be slipping
Reasons for this rapid shift Of position
are not hard to find.
The C. I. o. had been stopped In Steel
as the first major setback after q series
OF sensational labor victories. Frances
Perkins and Daniel Roper, two members
of the cabinet who seldom speak with
out at least giving the White House
chance to say no" had criticized the
methods Of the Lewis unions. Mr. Roose-
velt himself had spoken bit disparag-
ingly Of those methods hinted COOL
ness between the President and the C.
I. o. leader received no more than per-
functory dodging when mentioned at
presidential press conference Other In
dustries had found an effective method
for dealing with Lewis in the technique
OF independent steel companies who en-
couraged "back-to-work" movements
And. lastly William Green and his A.
F. OF l.. showed some signs Of life.
~ X
A real scrap between the 56-year-old
American Federation of Labor and the
one-year-od Committee for Industrial
Organization could provide the Nation
with troubles that would make those OF
the present seem mild by comparison.
But with that scrap still in the max
ing and with the breaks going against
him, John Lewis let word trickle out OF
headquarters that the sympathies of Mr..
Roosevelt always were bit suspect and
that fair weather friends" would be re-
membered in days to come The fact
was that Mr.. Lewis had run into some
OF the same sort OF trouble that Mr..
Roosevelt has faced from time to time.
In each case, leftWingers were out of
control and causing trouble. The Pres
1dents technique at time like that Is
to swing sharply to the right. The c.
I. O. leaders technique so far Is to edge
farther to the left to keep contact with
his forces
1t is the very speed OF The Lewis drive
Tor labor organization that threatens It's
future
Within less than one year, the C. I.
O. has grown from a nucleaus of about
100000 miners and garment workers to
heterogeneous group of unions with q
membership of around 100000 The
American Federation of Labor has few,
II any, more members than that after all
OF Its years of effort
X ~
Only few short weeks have elapsed
since the c. I. o. decided to set up q
National Federation of Unions of it's own
in direct competition with the A. F. OF
l.. National dues are just beginning to
be assessed. Individual unions were sub
ject to no discipline from central or
ganization. The physical job of creating
the machinery of national organiza-
ton left no time for such things as writ
ing constitution and bylaws A build
ing in Washington. purchased by the
United Mine Workers was left to lie idle
because nobody had time to think about
planning alterations Lewis and his
aides were run ragged simply dealing
with emergency situations.
All this. and more. too, made it look
like labor leaders millennium.
President had been placed under po-
litical and financial obligation through
OASdIiNNu IdOOt IuSt venture lILO
tional politics on broad scale. There
was the prospect OF an annual income
Of about $4,000, 600 for the c. I. o. from
a membership recruited almost over
night. Local unions faced the prospect
OF an income of from five to ten times
as much on the basis of members al
chunks Of the A. F. of L. were break
inu off n hocnrno a Yol ,r,;f ho
union. Most of the automobile indus
try and big part of the steel industry
had signed contracts after long his
tory of refusal to deal with unions.
The outlook was so rosy-hued that
John Lewis decided that the new Wag-
ner labor relations act was largely super
f1uous. He was not bit excited when
the Supreme Court upheld that act, with
its rather sloW-moving machinery de-
signed to protect workers during their
period OF organization. Strikes or
threats of strikes seemed to get results
much more quickly If workers hesi-
tated to join up, call a strike and force
them into line.
Going was fine until Mr. Lewis and
his aide. Philip Murray, bumped against
Tom Girdler and the independent steel
companies.
The Nation has tired quickly OF result
ing violence and obviously has lost
patience with a leadership that insists
on using force when there is machinery
available for determining the issues at
stake by peaceful and lawful means un-
der protection of the Government Mid
die class opinion hardened against the
c. I. O., and with that hardening went
much of the momentum on which the
Lewis movement had been operating.
Just why workers should strike and riot
simply for the privilege of joining up
with a union that could attain its ends
by persuasion-if It's story was good
enough-couldnt be understood by the
masses Of the people.
X II
So now the question is: Will President
Roosevelt break openly with John Lewis?
Will the A. F. of L. come through to take
over the lead dropped by the c. I. O.?
And can industry now balk the trend
toward union organization?
So far as Mr.. Roosevelt Is concerned,
the hazards of definite break with Mr..
Lewis are regarded as too great to risk.
The c. I. o. is more than labor UNION.
It represents a political movement as
well. The President bases his hold on
power on combination OF labor and
farmer votes. A threat by Lewis to
break away and to organize labor
party under the leadership of Gov Phil
or Senator Bob La Toilette would be