davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

IellSl anu SOCldl TGlOTUl NulSSu
as relief should be wiped out"
Certainly he didn't foul on
question No. 3, either. "Old-age
pensions should be joint Fed
eral-state responsibility on a
matching basis; and the Federal
contribution should increase be-
yond the present meager limit
just as rapidly as the public credit
will permit"
DUT read the questions hurled
- at the Senator from Michigan
yourself and see how you would
score him on balls, strikes and
hits.
Just as an example of his cour-
age it might be recalled that he
had the plain nerve to vote
against the cash payment of the
veterans bonus in the face of the
bitter threats of one of the most
powerful organized minority
groups in history.
Maybe it was because Senator
Vandenberg had been for a quar-
ter of a century real, dyed-in-
the-wool newspaper man that we
hit it off so we'll together. 1 had
feeling that even successful
politics could never mean half so
much to him as his old Grand
Rapids Herald had meant. And
that's saying a good deal because
he was brought up from childhood
to worship at the shrine of the
Republican Party.
He became an editor in 1906,
and until 1923 when he was ap-
pointed to serve out the term of
Senator woodbridge N. Ferris and
then duly elected to the Senate,
Arthur Vandenberg worked his IL
hours a day for the profit and
glory of the Grand Rapids Herald.
Everybody concerned, including
the editor, made a comfortable
fortune from its successful opera
ton. When he became Senator he
sold his interests and gave his full
time to his new job.
Il always say that I have no
hobby but work." the Senator eX-
planned to me, But I'll have to
amend that a little. I do like to
travel, I've made II trips to Eu-
rope. I suppose you'd pretty near
call that a hobby"
Today at So Senator Vanden-
berg is keen-eyed. sturdy, hard
working pubic servant who isn't
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

reflects back on the social position
of his wife and family. Any change
in either his wages or those of his
fellows alters the social standing all
around.
= BOTH. The college man sends
- his son because of his belief
that it benefited him and because of
his rich memories. The non-college
man, I think, sends his for three
reasons: First. because of his feel
ing of inferiority for not having a
college education himself-an in
feriority rarely justified; second. he
usua.iy-for the previous reason
exaggerates the social value of coll
lege; and third. he is impressed with
its economic value. Even when the
non college man SCOTS at college ne
is usually-at least in many cases /
know of personally-trying to COM
pensate for his feeling of inferiority
which usually he should not have.
Next-Which Have Better Mem.
ories-Men or Women?
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

the Sherman law and the Clayton
act, and the preservation by law,
so far as possible, of free COMPETE
ton and fair trade practices.
But I think voluntary trade as
sociationS should be permitted to
agree upon fair trade practices"
ESQ long as this does not include
price fixing at least to the extent
that approval of such agreements
by some government body like
the Federal Trade Commission)
establishes presumption that the
agreement is not illegal.
This is rather clumsily stated,
but I think you will see what I
am trying briefly to say.
Q What is your remedy for the
. farmer? Do you favor the
curtailment of production, indus
trial or agricultural?
The farmers primary need is to
have the complete possession of
his own domestic market. would
exclude all competitive agricul-
tural imports. I do not believe
in the philosophy of artificial
scarcity.
I think our problem is under
consumption rather than over
production. ! expect some day
that the basic principle of the
McNary Haugen equalization
fee" will effectually supply the
final necessity in restoring agri-
culture to parity.
I think the farmer is entitled to
his cost of production and a fair
profit.
a Are you in favor of the policy
y of making reciprocal trade
treaties to encourage foreign trade
or reduce tariff walls?
I do not favor the existing re-
ciprocal tariff treaty law. 1t is
palpably unconstitutional. 1t is
economically unsound. 1t is per-
sistently dangerous. I favor a
rigid application of the rule that
our tariffs shall equalize the cost
of production at home and abroad.
I favor a constant courageous
use of the Tariff Commission and
the elastic clause" to keep the
tariff at this legitimate point.
This will avoid the necessity for
congressional tariff revision. I
am a congenital tariff protection
list. I have already indicated that
SO far as agriculture is concerned
I would entirely exclude COMPETE
tive imports.
IN Do you favor a policy of
1O public power development;
the continuance of expansion of
iva, and control of utilities
through the utilities holding COM
pany act?
AS general proposition. I am
opposed to government ownership
and management of business in
any competitive field. This in
cludes power. But wherever power
is developed as a by-product to
some other primary Federal func-
ton (as for instance in the case
of flood control dams I favor
rigid public control of utilities.
Abstractly, dislike all holding
companies, but believe they are
necessary in some instances, and
I believe that if we were to eX-
tinguish them arbitrarily we could
easily do great damage to invest
ment values in the United States.
I should be perfectly willing, how
ever, to prohibit the expansion or
the increase of holding companies.
In the final analysis, I believe
that America must maintain de-
centralized community business
and decentralized community life.
Next-Senator william E. Borah.
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
Washington Merry-Go-Round
by DREW PEARSON AND
VXTAsHINGTON, May 25.-Ex-

NTASHINGTON, May 25.-Ex-
W actly what took place in the
Supreme Court during the SO days
of secret elaboration on the
Guffey coal case, of course no one
but the nine justices knows.
But attorneys who followed this
and other New Deal cases closely
say there is considerable external
evidence of what happened behind
the scenes before the three
opinions in the Guffey case saw
the light of day. This is what they
think it was:
At the start the court appar-
emily split 1873. That is, three
justices wanted to hold the law
valid, three to rule it out entirely,
and three to invalidate the labor
sections, but approve the price
control provisions. The last was
the position taken by Chief JUS
tice Hughes in his individual
opinion.
But 1873 division would have
stalemated the case and allowed
the divergent lower court decisions
to remain in force. 1t would have
created widespread confusion and
chaos. In Kentucky, for example,
a Federal Court upheld the entire
act. But in the District of CO.
lumbia only the price-fixing pro-
visions were ruled valid.
Perhaps even more important,
the prestige of the court was at
stake. A deadlock would have
played directly into the hands of
its critics, who claim that the
justices economic and political
views, not law, determine their
rulings.
So, according to the analyzers,
there ensued some horse trading
among the six justices who ia
vored some kind of decree against
the act.
The three justices who wanted
to toss out the entire law proposed
tenpering their stand, to the ex-
tent of not rendering final judg-
ment on the price-fixing sections,
but merely holding them illegal in
this specific instance because they
were wrapped up with the uncon-
Stitutional labor provisions.
% n -
DY this concession, two of the
- three justices who favored
the price fixing features presum-
ably were induced to go along with
the three die-hards.
In confirmation Of this theory
the legalists cite three points:
First: Justice Sutherland's ma
jority opinion shows signs of be-
ing a patchwork" decision; that
is, more than one pen had hand
In writing it.
Second: Sutherland, In one por-
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
Ignoring the States

I N the case of a demoralized industry which tho
Guffey Act was expected to cure, the court op-
posed its dictum to 80 per cent of the industry al
the mners-and inferentially the rest of organized
labor, both houses of Congress- the President and
Perhaps most significantly, the seven states which
filed briefs in support OF the coal sterilization act
with the assertion that they themselves could not
zeal EFFECTIVELY with the problems of the bituminous
coal industry.
The states were Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Pennsyl-
wanna, New Mexico, Washington and Kentucky
They denied the contention of plaintiffs that their
constitutional rights would be invaded by the act
and asserted that Federal regulations essential
Inc courts decision leaves the Federal govern
ment poWerless to remedy situation which tbs
states chiefly involved have said they themselves
were powerless to meet.
Copyright. 1886. by NEA Service Incl
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

state where it can be policed by
neighborhood opinion.
= How should the problem of
- permanent unemployment and
care of the aged and unemployed
be handled?
To whatever extent there is per-
manent unemployment, it will
have to be met in the same fash
ion as indicated in my answer to
the second question.
Old-age pensions should be a
joint Federal-state responsibility
on matching basis; and the fed
eral contribution should increase
beyond the present meager limit
just as rapidly as the public credit
will permit.
n Do you favor further devalua-
ton of the dollar or stabili-
zation at present gold content? Do
you believe in any form of cur
rency change, currency imitation
or credit imitation, return to the
gold standard, the reconciliation
of silver or managed currency?
I most emphatically do not be-
lieve in currency imitation or
credit imitation, or in the remone-
tization of silver or in a managed
currency. I do not favor the fur
ther devaluation of the dollar. I
do favor stablization at the ear
Hest possible moment.
I should say that the stabiliza-
ton necessarily must be tied to
gold in some practical fashion.
The silver question is primarily
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

Frank Knox IN his newspaper Office IN
Chicago; Senators Vandenberg and Borah,
Keynoter Steiwer, and Dark Horse Wads-
worth, though hard pressed by legislative
duties of Congress in session during torrd cleo
ton year, received me, graciously enough, in the
nations capital.
Senator Vandenberg was the first man to come
up to bat. To me the whole thing was something
like ball game. I had ten pitches to throw at
him. He could strike out, bunt, foul, let it go by
or get hit.
will have to admit that some of these ten
questions broke mean. There were all sorts OF
curves and spit balls and in-shoots and fast ones
in the bunch But Senator Vandenberg didn't miss
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
Coal Industry Sick,
Needs Special Care
BY RAYMOND CLAPPER

WASHINGTON, May 25.-Speaking at Los An
geles Alfred p Sloan. president of General Motors
says that industries which have followed the prac-
tice of lowering the cost of goods and services are
the ones which show the smallest amount of I'M
employment and have therefore made the most
progress toward recovery" The reverse he says
also is true, that industries which have held up
prices are still the most depressed.
Figures assembled by DR.. Leon Henderson in the
NRA division of Research and Planning support
Sloan's analysis:
Q929-1933)
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
GashM1won
BY
BUTCHER
tWestbrook Pegler's Column Will Be Resumed To-
morrow

WASHINGTON, May 25.-The conserv-
alive United States Supreme Court
majority has burned its bridges and as
sured bitter-end struggle to curb the
powers which it has assumed over congress
sional legislation.
If Roosevelt is reelected his battle with the six
justices who have shown themselves grimy opposed
to the New Deal is likely to be the most spectacular
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

4CdVUIC U MS StCUIIU UHIII.
That at least is the opinion of
his most influential advisers fol-
lowing the decision against the
Guffey Coal Control Act, with its
obvious inference that the Wag-
ner Labor Relations Act is as good
as dead and the social security
and other legislation in grave
peril.
The New Dealers still are hope
full that voluntary retirements or
other causes will enable Roosevelt
to fill vacancies in manner which
would change the courts COM
plexion.
That cnlInled with q fnar of
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

seems to me that we are already
living under a form of Fascism.
The picture is far from complete,
but the drift is definite.
I quite agree with the New
York Daily News in its editorial
comment: Said Mr.. Justice Suth-
erland delivering the Supreme
Courts opinion outlawing the
Guffey Coal Act, The Constitu-
ton itself is in every real sense a
law To which we would add.
The Supreme Court is in every
real sense a lawmaker. In fact,
THE laWmaker'."
Congress has passed a consid-
s.... LIZ. a...LS.asaA &c laczlcls. Aix...
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

4 IAGREE in the main with this
l. statement attributed to Alfred
Adler, Viennese psychologist. al
though I hardly believe the learned
doctor means they always go head
over heels at sight as they do in the
movies, where between five seconds
and five minutes completes the cir
cuit-from which they often get a
short circuit and blow q fuse later
on-but people are attracted or re-
PEELED by each other well-nigh in
stants neously. First impressions go
deep and are hard to eradicate.
- IN stimulating discussion of
[ Leadership to Insure Collab-
grafton" in business, E. j. Roethlis-
berger of the Harvard School of
Business, suggests that a man is in
terested in comparing his wages
with those of his fellow workers not
because Of his interest in his fell
lows, but because it shows where he
stands with the company both in an
economic and social way and itseven
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

which, whether adequate not, aimed to protect
the right of collective bargaining and thus indirectly
stimulate the growth of the trade-union movement
The court has indicated that it will invalidate prac-
tically all such legislation. You may say that Inns
is not by conscious design but the fact remains that
the labor movement has been vitality hurt and that
the necessary first step in the establishment of
FaSciSm is the destruction of labor organization.
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
BY FRAZIER HUNT


Copyright 1885,
HOW do the various Republican candidates really feel
about the vital issues that face America?
set out to find the answer From Washington D. c.,
to Topeka, Kas, trailed the ouand-out candidates
well the who being seriously mentioned for the
Republican nomination.
To each handed list of the ten most important and
far-reaching questions of the day.
Gov. Landon found in the Kansas State Capitol; Col.
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
Drop in
Man Hours
Drop in

These figures strengthen the Brookings thesis
that recovery and prosperity will be fostered by
hammerng down prices to real competitive levels
and breaking up monopolistic rigidites.
But from this some argue that price stabilize
ton" sought under the Guffey Act for the blum
nous industry is undesirable.
The difference is that coal is one of the sick
industries. 1t must be treated entirely diff
ferent basis from vigorous, healthy one like the
automobile industry. Automobiles can take care of
the fact that Justice Sutherland says coal mining is
local affair and none of the Federal governments
business, it has been the governments business
for years.
IT is sick industry. and the industrial contagion
l. which has afflicted it doesn't politely stop when
1t comes to a state line. Would anybody seriously
expect the Federal government to sit down on its
hand If bubonic plague started sweeping the co,ln-
tryP Why should it be compelled to fold it's hands
In face OF industrial malady?
The situation has come to the point where the
important question now isn't whether the Guffey bill
is the perfect solution The issue is whether the
courts will permit any solution at all to be at
tempted.
And tucked away in the vnuminous opinion of
Justice Sutherland something that escaped the
attention of almost every one except Arthur Krock
OF the New York Tfmes-a bold step further in the
seizure of power by the Supreme Court.
Justice Sutherland did not stop with saving what
he thought the writers of the Constitution might have
said about the Guffey Act. He also undertook to
state that Congress didn't what it said when
1t separated the price-fxing from Ihe labor pro-
visions OF the act No question of tonsttutionality
was involved here. Merely a question of whether
Congress meant to say what it did.
More than once in the Guffey Act Congress
said that If either the labor or the price-fxing
provisions alone were thrown out the other part
should stand.
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
II Seems hM
BY
HEYNO0 d

STAMFORD, Conn.,, May 25.-We are
asked to rejoice because our written
Constitution is extremely difficult to
amend and because it is being most rigidly
construed by the present majority of the
Supreme Court. Many have said that these factors
constitute chief defense against Fascism in
America I hold precisely the opposite opinion. 1t
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
A Larger Court

VOU can mark it down a strong possibility
l. that some time within the next year there will
be more than nine justices. By simple act of
Congress the President would be enabled to appoint
three or four additional members of the court and
to choose men who would be more likely to line
up with Justices Stone Brandeis and Cardozo than
with Hughes, Roberts, McReynolds, Sutherland, Van
Devanter and Butler.
Chief Justice Hughes in the opinion of many
lawyers of varying political beliefs specifically chal-
lenged the Administration to make Constitutional
amendment a campaign issue when he pointed out
that the people had the power to amend the Const-
tuition If they wanted to give Congress the power to
regulate Industries and the relations of employers
and employees
Leaving aside political aspects it can be seen
readily that the court majority has imperiled its
position by declaring industrial production to be q
local matter with which the Federal government can
not interfere because regulation is a prerogative of
the states.
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

dragging the constitutional issue into the political
campaign, is why the real battle between the New
Deal and the court is likely before cleo
ton
Some of RooSevelts friends would like him 10 take
courageous stand and boldly attack the court dur
ing the campaign But the inside betting is on the
probability that he will be more cautious.
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25

He stepped right into each and hard When
him the tough No relief he connected fast Federal
funds Should be aocated the states and then each
state should be left to decide for itself what kind of relief it wants
connection
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1936-05-25
SMOKING OUT THE CANDIDATES


of articles Smoking Out the Candi
indianapolis which the
Republican presidential possibilities to the ten
tions the vital issues of the day.
Evening star., 1936-07-09
Italy Bans Sandwich"

You cannot ask for a sandwich
in Italy any more. It has been an
nounced in Rome that the word has
been banished from the italian langu-
age because 1t owes its origin to q
famous earl in a "sanctionist" coun-
try. Now 1t will be known as pam
pteniJ. which means Alled heead
Evening star., 1936-07-09

Across.
!. Outbuilding
5. A point of duration.
9. Spokes of steering wheel.
IA. A weight of India.
is. Object of passionate devotion.
16. Love intensely.
II. Avouch.
IS. Impart.
19. Increasing strength.
20. Pertaining to quill feathers Of
birds wing.
%. Bewail
%. A measure of Bulgaria.
"a. Small f1eck in surface of sun.
26. Piece of metal to afford a bearing
surface.
90. Sink in the middle.
20. Flaps.
80. To bleat.
80. Corners.
80. Pertaining to wax.
80. Ring g-shaped.
Il. Mundane.
<3. Obdurate.
a. Swimming bird.
46. Sum up.
~. A strong taste.
48. The tsetse fly.
49. Club
81. Celestial.
81. Weeds.
So. Wan.
81. Used in counting.
50. An assumed name.
81. Deep mud.
IS. Situation.
66. QuickneSs.
Evening star., 1936-07-09

81. Certain persons not specified.
68. Enjoyment Of property: law.
SO. Garden plant.
70. Ancient Mogul capital.
II. Dry.
1. Rigid.
2. Hang about.
3. Oleoresin used In ointment.
4. Venturesome.
S. A monkey.
6. Utopian.
Z. Shellfish.
8. Wing of house.
8. Amount at which person is valued
for assessment.
10. A rain gauge.
IL. Not any.
IL. A broad smile.
13. Faction.
81. Graceful.
%. That which projects like an ear.
25. Division Of society.
81. A large snake.
80. A region.
81. A company.
80. Sliding contact Of underground
trolley.
SO. Fiber used in rope.
"a. A tapir of Brazil.
IS. Soon.
81. A wind instrument.
38. Cause to exist.
40. Furnished with hoofs.
AZ. Wane.
As. Bringing to destruction.
48. Rashly foolish.
so. The ankle.
81. Upright piece Of q step.
SO. Healer.
SIS. Bring to vertical position.
56. To join.
81. One kiloliter.
So. Ridge Of glacial origin in Iowa.
So. Exclamation of pity.
go. Careen.
81. A high terrace.
g. Extinct bird.