Evening star., 1936-07-17
Economic Royalism and an
Organized Labor Hierarchy
To the Editor of The Star:

To the Editor Of The Star:
Your editorial of the 18th instant on
the organized labor situation was pert
and timely. without such obvious in
tent, 1t appeared to have answered "a
hours ahead the question posed in last
Sundays Star by your Mr.. owen L. Scott:
But what of the future of John L.
Lewis?" As far as he is concerned, the
answer palpably is chat Mr.. Lewis ex-
poets and intends to be supreme pontiff
of an organized labor hierarchy calculated
to "supersede economic royalism" (what-
ever that Isl as dictator" to the United
States. In which respect, however, he Is
not the first American labor leader.
From a few years before, until just
after the World War, the intellectual
leadership of the labor unions was wholly
within the realm of the intensely con-
servative railroad brotherhoods. Denied
the CLOSED shop" by the interstate COM
merce acts, their members steadily en-
ployed. the brotherhoods solidified their
ranks and developed leadership that
got and stuck close to the rail mana
gers. In 1916 the Adamson eight-hour-
day law was put through Congress, with
the assistance of the A. F.. OF LIS bulk,
which the carriers had to accept fol-
lowing a Supreme Court Sd decision
upholding the act-the public had the
bills to pay anyway. Then came the war
and Federal operation of the railroads,
with the brotherhood chiefs usually pre-
dominant in administrative key posts of
the Set-ups. The war over, the roads
back under private management, the
brotherhoodS had say in the writing
OF the labor section of the tranSpOrta-
ton act. 1920, but 1t didn't suit, so they
finally brought about supersession of
that law by the railway labor act of
1926 written by themselves, the rail
managers, and passed by the Sixty eighth
Congress almost on the dotted line
They had failed to rally to the assistance
OF the A. F. of L. ShopcraftS in the disas-
trous strike of 1922, however, and when
in 1928 President Hoover appointed Vice
Grand President Doak of the numeri-
cally biggest Brotherhood of Railroad
Trainmen Secretary of Labor. over the
bitter protests of the A. F. of L. chiefs,
the latter decided it was about time for
them to begin the "hoeing of their own
row. as factor in the Federal Govern
ment. The advent of the New Deal af-
forded them their opportunity.
Membership of the brotherhoods is
way under a million in the United States
and Canada. A. F. of L. has 5000, 900
members OF voting age in this country,
which accounts for the administration s
waning enthusiasm for the railroad pen
sion bills, in contrast to its manifest
enthuSiaSmS for Mr.. John L. Lewis
"Guffey coal acts" purporting to turn
over control of the coal-mining indus
try to an alliance Of mine owners and
mine workers. with the State as final
arbiter, and the State, of course, under
dominance of the "allies." The Secre-
tary-treaSurer of the mine workers
union is now lieutenant governor of the
Nations second State and, in the event
OF New Deal success next Fall, Mr. Lewis
either would succeed Miss Perkins as
Secretary OF Labor or name her sue
ceSSor. Because he cannot deliver, the
president of the A F. of L. has declined
to assure the President of the labor
vote" in the forthcoming election. Mr..
Lewis, without hesitation, assures" Mr..
Roosevelt that votes in the bag"
Answering Mr. Owen L. SCOTS ques-
tion: But what of the future of John
l.. Lewis?" What was the ultimate fu-
ture of Napoleon from the outset of his
spectacular career, and especially after
Moscow? RIENZI B. LEMUS,
President, Brotherhood Of Dining Car
Employees.