The Waterbury Democrat., 1936-06-25

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 It happened while the senate was racing toward the windup. Seated in the gallery were John l.. Lewis, powerful Roosevelt chief of the United Mine Work CTS, and William Green, quavering head of the American Federation of Labor, who bitterly oppose each other in the conflict between craft and industrial unionization.
 Both were sponsoring bills vital to their interests. Green was backing the Walsh-Healey bill applying NRA code standards to government contracts. Lewis was backing the new Guffey Coal Bill permitting price-fixlng and there- by union wages in the coal in- dustry.
 Suddenly, with no warning, Senator Plttman, president pro tenn, called up the Walsh HeaIey bill, and without half the senate knowing what he was doing, yelled: "Wlthout objection the blIl is passed. The eyes have it." Senator Hale, Maine republican, called for the "ayes and nays" but Plttman overruled him.
 Thus Bill Greens bill was made law. Simultaneously, Bill Hush- ing, chief lobbyist of the A. F. of L., was busy lobbying against John Lewis bill.
 NEW DEAL POLITTCOS, WHO KNEW WHAT THE GUFFEY BILL MEANT TO THE COAL MINER VOTE, THREW DUCK FITS.
 White House Appeal
 John L. Lewis is the staunch- est labor supporter Roosevelt has. Not only did he buy $5,000 worth of advertising in the Convention Book, but he also bought $1,250 worth of books, and paid q GOO for Q ringSide box at the convention. His 600,000 mine workers are count- ed upon by Jim Farley to swing Pennsylvania, Ohio and West Vir- ginia.
 So, during the closing hours of congress, Jim Farley called the White House from Philadelphia, told Presidential Secretary Mar win Mcintyre that the Guffey bill must be passed.
 "If necessary, hold congress in recess until the Convention is over," Jim urged. "Otherwise we lose the State of Pennsyl- vanla."
 Other master minds in Phila- delphia also called the White House, emphasized how serious would be the miners. political re- action.
 Cat and Dog Fight
 What the White House did Is not known. Mcintyre spent part of Saturday afternoon iil the cocktail lounge of the Mayflower. Twice, however, he called John l.. Lewis, urged him-of all peo- ple--to do something about Sen- ator Hastings, republican opposi- tionist to the bill. (LEWIS AND HASTINGS GET ALONG LIKE TWO WILDCATS).
 Tn the end, Senator Joe Rob- iiason, the man whom Roosevelt went oil the way to Arkansas to bless, got the floor at ten inin- utes of midnight and moved the concurrent resolution adjourning the senate.
 The Guffey bill did not pass. To force its passage the admin istratlon could have begun real work on 1t @ week before, or 'con- gress could have been held over. Zip Service"
 Instead, Q spokesman for Roose- welt telephoned Lewis to say that the democratic platform would include plank favoring the Cuff fey bill.
 "Thats mere lip service" Lewis replied. "It will take eight months or . year to pass new bill, and during all that time what becomes of my men?"
 A few minutes later, another phone call from Philadelphia. One of Farley's assistants in- formed Lewis that Norman Thom- as and Gardner Jackson were planning to picket the conven- ton with striking .share-croppers from Arkansas. He wanted Lewis, who had given encouragement to the .ehare-croppers' strike, to call off the picketing.
 "Why in hell should pull your chcstnuts out of the flrc?" Lewis growled in reply. "What have you fellows done for me?"
 "Wcll, 1t isn't going to help you and 1t will only hurt us," Farley's man replied. He also promised that Jackson and Thomas could have . conference with Joe Robinson, "czar of Are kansas" in Philadelphia In or. der to adjust the share-cropper dispute.
 Free For All
 This message, when relayed to Norman Thomas by long distance telephone, received this response:
 Well, that may be very nice for the democrats; but I'm rum 10 uaAuaa. Aas VamA~al~..k 70 AR.a YYu.aaaa