Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1936-11-01
Picking Flaws in the
Campaign Strategy
BY OWEN L. SCOTT.

GOV. LduQOu anu FTeSlQenL ROOSEVELT.
They are finding plenty on which to
work even before the voting starts.
Each candidate faced the task of con-
vincing the voters that his rule during
the next four years would rebound most
definitely to their advantage The ques-
ton was how best to do that heavy SELL
ing job.
Gov. Landon could have stayed in
Topeka and talked to the people about
plans for discarding unavoidable parts
Of the New Deal, retaining the rest, and
for returning the Federal Government
more nearly to its former limited func-
tons so that subsidies might be con-
trolled and the national finances put in
order.
Mr.. Roosevelt could have taken the
people more fully into his confidence, ad-
hitting mistakes, taking credit for
achievements. outlining plans for the
future and discussing the fundamental
questions that grow from the constitu-
tional limitations on Federal power.
Yet neither chose the course that
seemed most appropriate.
n ~
There had been talk of a new cam
paign technique, and of modern methods
Of high powered advertising that would
be applied this year to change the tune
of politics. Actually, the campaign now
ended was fought along the long accepted
lines, with candidates using the tactics
that are as old as campaigning itself.
Bigger and better promises figure Jug
Cling for partisan effect, loud alarms
and plays to prejudice took their usual
part.
If Gov Landon finds on Tuesday that
he did not click with a majority Of the
electorate, he will have little difficulty
locating the source Of big part of the
trouble. Two important errors already
have been chalked up.
The first was contained in a statement,
made soon after his nomination, in
tended to give assurance to organized
labor. inadvertently, the Republican
candidate used words that had come to
serve as a red flag to labor leaders. In
spite Of later explanations, that break
served to solidify the ranks of these
leaders, who otherwise were subject to
division.
The second was even more trouble
some. This grew from an effort to out
promise the New Deal in seeking support
Of farmers.
=
When Mr.. Landon moved into the
Middle West for his speeches at Des
Moines and Minneapolis, Henry Wallace
and his A. A. A. aides remarked to
friends that the Kansas Governor was
IN an uncomfortable position that might
readily become the turning point of the
campaign. They knew what they feared
he would do and what they wanted him
6n
wanted.
The Democratic fear was that Gov.
Landon would accept the principle of
the existing farm program and devote
his farm belt attack to a sharp criticism
OF New Deal spending, which had be-
come potent factor in farm thinking.
The Democratic hope was that the Gov
ernor would attack the existing soil con-
servation program and seek to outprom-
Use the New Deal.
In following the latter course, Nomi-
nee Landon offered a tariff adjustment
subsidy that might readily cost taxpayers
$4,000, 100000 year, or even more After
that he went on to Minneapolis and at
tackled the reciprocal trade agreement
program. using figures that one group
OF his advisers insisted we're misleading.
As result, whenever the Republicans
attacked the President for extravagance,
Mr.. Roosevelt simply called attention to
the fact that Gov. Landon had promised
a farm subsidy that would far surpass
that offered by the New Deal. Then the
President accused his opponents of
promising balanced budget in the East
and a huge new farm subsidy in the
Middle West.
In this way, President Roosevelt was
able to parry blows aimed at his most
vulnerable spot. Gov. Landon, on the
other hand. found his attack hampered.
His criticism of reciprocal trade agree
ments had much the same effect. The
Governor scarcely had promised to
scuttle this program of downward tariff
| adjustment when France, England and
this country entered currency stabili-
cation agreement that held out the pros.
| pect Of a revived world trade Impor-
tant Eastern interests that had been
friendly to the Republican candidate
cooled perceptibly.
* ~
Post-mortems after next Tuesday may
| reveal-in the event of Republican failure
| to capture the presidency-that the
downfall was largely the result Of the
necessity of winning votes in both the
industrial East and the agricultural West.
On the other hand, if President Roose-
welt fails to click, his shortcomings may
| be traceable to other sources.
He could have made better impress
sion by taking the people into his con-
| fldence concerning his plans for the
future and his thoughts about some of
the experiments of the past.
| In effect, he has asked the voters to
give him blank check to be filled in
by him during the next four years.
Only highly confident candidate, one
| who might even be over-confident, would
leave unanswered the questions that
large groups in the population are asking.
They want to know his attitude toward
more concentrated Federal power,
toward q continued expansion in the
costs of the Federal Government, toward
w. P. A., toward N. r. A., toward the
existing plan for old-age insurance and
unemployment insurance. But Presi-
dent Roosevelt has chosen to ignore
questioning on those points that are of
great practical concern to large numbers
Of people.
Technically, this sort of campaign may
prove to have been effective, but it
leaves the way open for the sort of cam
paign of fear that has been used against
him and that might have been more
effective than actually it has turned out