Evening star., 1936-09-10
BY BRENT DOW ALLINSON.

BY BRENT DOW ALLlNSON.
"The Monroe Doctrine" a famous
European historian has said, "is some
thing that North Americans would die
for: but they do not understand it"
Clearly, it is a doctrine basic to
American foreign policy, which Con-
gress has reaffirmed in the Neutrality
Act Of 1886 by exempting Latin Ameri-
can nations from the operation OF our
neutral embargoes on loans and war
supplies when those nations are en-
gagged in warfare against non
American nation. This exemption Is
withdrawn, however, If the American
nation should cooperate with nom
American state or states in a war in
which the United States is neutral.
The Monroe Doctrine is also clearly
an example-not infrequent in history
of an idealistic utterance sometimes
perverted to selfish purposes alien tc
its originators.
Jeffers0n's Position.
When Thomas Jefferson counselled
with President Monroe concerning the
bold policy about to be announced
by the latter with the collaboration OF
John Quincy Adams, his Secretary OF
State, after the successful revolutions
of the South American colonies OF
Spain, he declared in letter TO
Monroe 1929:
ct could honestly join in the dec
laration proposed-that We aim not
at the acquisition of any OF those
(formerly Spanish) possessions, that
we will not stand in the way OF any
amicable arrangement between them
and the mother country; but that we
will oppose with all our means the
forcible interpoSition of any other
Government, under any form or
pretext, and most especially their
transfer to any power by conquest,
cession or acquisition in any other
way"
Jefferson advised Monroe to lay the
matter before Congress Immediately
since his proclamation might lead to
war with some European power. OF
powers, "the declaration of which re-
quires an act of Congress" An enemy
of war and of all injustice, he was
moved to approve the Monroe Doctrine
from many considerations, and even
his European friends, ardent cham
pions of liberty, indorsed the action
Lafayette's attitude.
The Marquis de Lafayette, in par
ticular, had written to him, in 1917:
II would not be sorry to see the
American Government invested by the
follies of Spain with the opportunity
to take the lead in the affairs Of hel
independent colonies. Unless that Is
the case, or great changes happen
in the European policies, the miseries
Of those fine countries will be long
protracted. Could you establish there
q representative system, a free trade
and a free press, how many channels
OF information and improvement
should be open at once!"
Jefferson's able historian, Prof
Chinard, has stated that the doctrine
was not considered as an instrument
Of Imperialism by its formulators
'It was primarily" he says, "the
extension of the doctrine of self-pro-
lection already advanced by John
Adams in ITS, and since then main-
tanned by Washington and Jefferson
himself. 1t was also a corollary of
the theory of the balance of power
which Jefferson always kept in mind ~
(That is to say, the balance Of America
against Europe)
It was always associated in the minds
Of Jefferson and Henry Clay with the
eventual possibility of continental
responsibility for continued security
and orderly process Of government. to
be mutually shared with the other
independent American republics when
they should grow of age and develop
into stable and self-governing ma
tions, functioning under free and en-
ightened republican constitutions.
Cuba Urged Southern Limit.
In other words, jefferson, Monroe
and Adams conceived of the Mon
roe Doctrine" as brave but pro-
visional assumption of political re-
sponsibility by the United States for
the republican safety of the Western
Hemisphere, until such time as a gen.