Evening star., 1936-08-13

alignment. however, should be obvi.
Gus to any one who has studied con.
temporary experience in other coun.
tries. That weakness has been most
clearly elucidated not by the Repub-
icans but by Norman Thomas, who
is perhaps the most precise theorist
and one of the most morally unassail-
able figures in American politics
today. But Thomas is not q strate-
gist Politics is a struggle for power,
and in that struggle Thomas is handi-
capped by his intellectual honesty.
The Popular Front strategy is to
seize the opportunity, get the power.
and decide afterward exactly what to
do with it. Afterward it usually de-
velops that a dozen different groups
have two dozen very different ideas as
to how the power should be used.
Labor's Non-Partisan League will
support the Democratic party in 1885
in the hope that between 1886 and
1910 it can be turned into a labor
party. That plan was stated clearly
enough at the meeting on Monday,
but it is not at all clear what the
philosophy of such q labor party
would be. One group in the league
are Socialists, who have broken with
Thomas on the question of strategy.
They think the quickest way to social.
ism is via President Roosevelt, al
though they know perfectly well that
the President is not a Socialist.
Two Possible Paths.
The president of the Non-Partisan
League, Maj. Berry, and John L.
Lewis Of the Committee on Industrial
Organization are not Socialists. On
the economic side theirs is program
of vertical trade-union organization,
the erection of 'monolithic unions
to deal with monolithic industry"
and on the legislative side, their plans
are expressed in N. r. A. That COM
bination might open the way for So
cialization, or it might open the way
for an American version of what Is
called in Italy the Corporate State.
The personality of John L. Lewis is
one of the most fascinating and de-
bated in public life today. The very
people who are now associated with
him are the men who, within remem-
berable time, were denouncing him as
a "misleader of labor" as a tyrant
and dictator, as "the super boss" and
describing him as the most danger
Gus character in the whole labor
movement.
The role of the Communists in the
coming election Is also very interest
ing. They have put up Earl Browder
as their candidate, but most of them
will vote for Roosevelt. The Com
munists all over the world are step
ping softly. Their cause is now the
cause Of democracy" Here they
have lately discovered that their an
cestors all came over in the May
flower, and their credo is expressed
not in the Communist manifesto. but
in a new Interpretation of the Declar-
alton Of Independence.
In Spain today the Communists are
being denounced as soft liberals" by
the anarchistic Syndicalists of Bar
celona. On the radio Earl Browder
is about as inflammatory as David
Lloyd George.
Strange Following.
A combination of loyal party Demo-
Gratis with conservative economic
views, a huge Tammany jobocracy, a
left-wing trade-union movement Of
unclear political tendencies alibi Com
munists and Socialists whose adhesion
is tactical, certainly represents a ten
dency. but it hardly represents
movement, and it certainly does not
represent a program.
Nor is it an enviable support for
the President should he be reelected.
+ For among his left-wing followers are
some who have been his most pene-
trating and even most contemptuous
critics. They are men who do not
want to follow him. They want to
use him.
! If he is reelected his dilemma will