Evening star., 1936-07-16
THE POLITICAL
MILL
BY G. GOULD LINCOLN.

Partisan League. The officers of the
league at a press conference yesterday
admitted that this was their dream-at
least, the president, George L. Berry, said
as much. John L. Lewis chairman Of the
board, and Sidney Hillman, treasurer, sat
along side of Berry and did not make q
motion to deny the implication.
For 1896 the league is going down the
line for President Roosevelt and his New
Deal. It is intent upon re-electing the
President. BY 1910, however, the league
may have candidate of its own to offer
for President Although nothing of the
kind was said yesterday, 1t might be John
L. Lewis himself.
Berry said that the league had re-
ceived more than 100000 letters from
local labor leaders in all parts Of the
country. and that not more than per
cent Of these letters had been opposed to
the course adopted by the league-the
advocacy of President Roosevelts re-
election. I'VE owe these people some-
thing more than the reelection Of Presi-
dent Roosevelt in 1886" said Berry. I'VE
are thinking about tomorrow" Perhaps
he was realizing that it might not be
feasible to keep on re-electing Franklin
D. Roosevelt President every four years,
and therefore it was necessary to be pre-
pared with some one else who would fit in
as well with labor'S plans.
All three Of these labor leaders who
now are officers of the Non-Partisan
League supported Roosevelt in 1882, and
so did their followers They intend to
keep these followers in line this year for
Roosevelt. and perhaps to get them used
to delivering their vote as a whole for
candidates Endorsed by labor organiza-
tions. Delivering the labor vote has been
tough job in the past. In fact, it hasn't
been done. generally speaking, on a ma
tional scale. However, Lewis and Berry
insisted that organized labor had voted
together in a number of elections. They
cited the elections of La Guardia as
mayor of New York and of Frank
Murphy as mayor of Detroit, and the
recent defeat of Representative Huddle-
son Of Alabama as accomplishments of
the labor vote.
There are some of the labor leaders
who still say they are Republicans. Just
how Berry and Lewis and Hillman in
rank and file to Mr.. Roosevelt they did
not say. What they really expect is that
very few of the workers will be found in
the Republican ranks. Furthermore,
these labor leaders are bit leary about
speaking Of delivering" the labor vote.
1t smacks a bit of dictatorship. They
prefer to talk of persuading the men
where their interests lie
In one State. New York, the league is
prepared already to launch a new polit-
ical party. 1t plans to have Labors Nom
Partisan League file as political party,
and to name presidential electors who
will support Roosevelt. So far there is no
plan to follow this line in other States.
although the league may yet get around
to it. The leaders figure that by such
course in New York $4,000 to 100 900
votes may be garnered for Roosevelt
which otherwise would be given to
minority party candidates, perhaps the
Socialists and Farmer Labor parties, etc.
This political organization in New York
may become the nucleus of a national
organization. Indeed. it seems likely that
1t is being set up for just such purpose
Berry said that the main drive of the
league would be made IN five States
during this campaign-New York, Penn
sylvanla, Illinois, California and Mich
lgan. These are all five States of large
population, great industries and great
Importance in the presidential election.
Lewis was Of the opinion that Pennsyl-
vania would cast its electoral vote for
Roosevelt. 1t is there he is making a
drive m 0iZa fha ~,
industrial union. AS he looks at the
situation, if Senator Guffey and Gov.
Earle, both Democrats, could carry
Pennsylvania as they did in 1884. Roose-
welt can certainly carry the State this
year. For, in Lewis opinion, Roosevelt
is far stronger with the voters of Penn
sylvania than was either the Governor
or the Senator.
The dream of a labor political party
in this country is not new. 1t seems to
have. however, more impetus now than it
snag in the South, which clingS to its
Democracy for one sole reason-the
Negro question. Furthermore, a labor
party would have interests that were not
on all fourS with the farmers of the
country. Labor leaders, because of the
possible opposition which strictly labor
party might find in the agricultural Sec
tionS of the country-prefer to talk of
organizing Farmer-Labor party. That,
too, has been tried. There is such a
party today in Minnesota But its influ-
ence has been largely confined to that
State. Wisconsin has its Progressive
party. headed by the La Follettes, which
seeks to take in the farmers and the
industrial workers and does. When it
comes to linking up all industrial labor
with all the farmers in political group,
however, there may be trouble ahead.
The fundamental economic interest of
labor is to buy its food just as cheap as
it can. On the other hand, the interest
of agriculture is to buy its shoes and
clothes and other manufactured prod
ucts as cheaply as possible. The two do
not run along together. The farmer not
only wants to buy his clothes cheap but
he wants to sell his corn and hogs and
wheat high. The industrial workers
want high wages, which means higher
prices for industrial goods as a rule.
and at the same time wants to get his
food cheap.
Labor has been content in the past to
work within the political parties: to
advance the interests of labor by insist
ing upon the nomination of candidates
by the various parties who are friendly to
organized labor. The Republicans and
the Democrats have both paid attention