Evening star., 1936-02-14

Borah-Knox primary contests in IL
linois, Ohio and elsewhere will not only
determine the relative strength of those
rival Republican presidential candidates
but may also indicate whether progress
Sive or conservative tendencies pre-
dominate among G. o. P. voters. Be-
cause of his bitter hostility to the old
guard, Borah rates popularity as the No.
/ progressive in the field. Yet it is
now being recalled that at the time
of the Bull Moose schism in 1912 it was
Borah who remained regular and re-
fused to take a walk with T. R., while
Knox identified himself with the pro-
gressive revolt. Much will be heard OF
this in primary campaigns where the
Idahoan and the Chicago publisher are
pitted against each other, with Knox
capitalizing his political background in
rebuttal of any suspicion that he is a
hard-shelled conservative battling against
a Simon-pure progressive. The Illinois
primary is contest between a native
son and favorite son. Senator Borah
was born in the lower end of the State
and was graduated from Southern H.
linois Academy before migrating to
Kansas and setting up law practice
there. He has been resident of Idaho
for As years Col. Knox, who, by the
way. uses Franklin as his official
Christian name, is a native of Massa-
chusetts. spent his early life in Mich
igan and became a New Hampshire
newspaper publisher during the Bull
Moose movement.
- n
Although Senator Vandenberg reso-
lutely maintains the role of shrinking
violet as far as formal admission Of
presidential aspirations is concerned, his
two-fisted Lincoln day speech had all
the earmarks of bid for consideration.
Nothing was more significant than his
proposal of "Jeffersonian CO o-operation, not
only in the battle line, but subsequently
in the council chamber after next No.
vembers victory is won" That sounds
as if anti-New Deal Democrats would
be welcome in Vandenberg cabinet.
The Senator's radio style (all-important
campaign asset in these days. is vivid
and vigorous. A Chautauqua veteran,
he's about as seasoned spellbinder as
there is in present-day politics. VAN
denberg's dark horse position is strongly
fortified by his ability as a campaigner.
His friends are confident he will con-
tinue to abstain from any drive for
delegates, pinning his hopes on a dead
locked convention after Borah, Landon
and Knox, or possibly Hoover, Dickin-
son and others, fail to make the grade,
requiring choice of compromise
nominee. That would be a case of
Harding at Chicago in 1920 all over
again. More and more observers are
coming to believe history will repeat
itself in Cleveland.
Herbert Hoover, too, is adamant In
refusal to reveal what his attitude might
be in certain contingencies four months
hence. Until the former President
brings himself to speak in Calvin
Coolidge's "I do not choose to run" Ian
guage, belief will persist that the Cali
fornian, If sufficiently urged, would
eagerly accept denomination. Mr..
Hoover's speeches reveal that he is
keeping militantly- abreast Of develop
ments in the guise' of an irrepressible
New Deal critic. It is becoming common,
after these periodical Hoover fulmina-
tions, to hear people say that no one
in the field more effectually typifles the
opposition to Rooseveltism. But no Re-
publican leader is ready to concede that
Hoover can possibly be nominated. The
deadliest argument advanced against
his availability is that he is the Demo-
Gratis favorite 1886 son.