Evening star., 1935-05-23
BY GEORGE E. sOKOLSKY.

BY GEORGE E. SOKOLSKY.
The strike in Toledo was not aimed
at General Motors. 1t has been
strike against the Automobile Labor
Board 1t is the first line attack OF
the American Federation Of Labor
against a democratic method Of select
ing labor's representatives for collec-
tive bargaining. AS matter OF fact,
very few men have been involved in
the factory in Toledo. but the impli-
cations are Nationwide and involve
all industrial labor in the country.
On my recent seven months tour
of the country I found that labor d.
vides itself into two definite camps.
with, of course, overlappings-namely,
the employed and the unemployed
workers There are no statistics of un-
employment in the United States
which even approximate accuracy. But
it is safe to say that at no time dur
ing the last "a months were fewer
than % O00, 900 men employed In in
dustry. In most discussions OF the Ia
Dor problem such emphasis is placed
upon unemployment that the black
ness of the picture smudges out the
important fact that there Is no con-
elusive evidence that much less than
three -fourths of the industrialized Ia
Dor. as of 1929, was at work during
any period Of the depression.
Lumps Two Groups Together.
In a word, the problems Of labor
take on this characteristic, namely,
the attitude of the approximately
three-quarters at work and the att
tude of the one-quarter who are out
of work because of the depression.
For political purposes the American
Federation of Labor Jumps the two
groups together and speaks of them as
labor. For purposes Of forwarding the
Wagner bill the claims Of the uncm-
ployed workers are emphasized,
whereas the attitude of the employed
workers is either ignored or is de-
scribed as a resultant Of employer CO.
ercion.
I have studied the attitude Of Ia
Dor in many parts OF the country,
in every automobile city, in San Fran
cisco, in Akron. where the rubber
industry flourishes; in Sheboygan. Of
which Kohler Village is a suburb.
Everywhere I found the same cleav-
age between employed and unem-
ployed workers, with this exception
that some workers are confirmed A.
F. Of L. adherents just as some work.
ers are confirmed Communists or
confirmed individualists
In the automobile industry the Ia
Dor situation Is particularly important
because this industry has recovered
and is operating under normal con-
ditions. Not faced any longer by a
resistant market, the industry S con-
tinue6 recovery is only imperiled by
the possibility of political strikes cur
failing output. The Toledo strike is
an example of political strike and
it will for long time serve as a
reminder of the unfortunate mpedi-
mentS to the normaliZation of indus
trial production as long as the A. F.
of l.. has prospects of political recog-
milton by act Of Congress.
Repudiate A. F. Of L.
In the automobile industry, by q
democratic vote of the total employed
workers in the industry, the workers
repudiated the A. F. or L. Under
the terms of the Presidents settlement
in the industry the workers could
have accepted the A. F. of l.. as theil
representative for collective bargain
ing or they could have selected q
Communist or an individualist group
No restrictions were placed upor
them.
Out Of 19l ,6l8 voters eligible II
vote in this election up to April 19
IS per cent voted, thus definitely fix.
! ing this method as satisfactory to the
workers. OF this number s.6 per cent
/ elected the A. F. of L. representa-.
/ tives: 819 per cent voted either fol
no aff1liation or for company unions
In the Toledo General Motors fac.
tory the A. F. Of L. carried every elec-
ton district in the primary election
Hitherto the A. F. of L. opposed the
election and indicated that its mer
would not serve if chosen. In Toledo
the local A. F. of l.. representative
not only ran, but he was elected
The Presidents settlement of March
25, 1884, was accepted by the manufac-
turers and by labor. An Automobile
Labor Board was appointed by the
President, consisting of DR.. Leo VOL
man, for years economist of the Anal
gamated Clothing Workers; Nicholas
Kelley, lawyer for Chrysler and son OF
Florence Kelley, the feminist labor
leader Of another generation, and
Richard L. Byrd, representing the
workers and chosen by their repre-
sentatives.
Sailing Has Been Rough.
The boards principal task Is To
supervise the selection of labor's rep
resentatives for collective bargaining
and to prevent discrimination and CO.
ercion by capital. The manufacturers
most of the workers and most impair
tial observers adjudge that the board
has been handling a complicated situ-
alton with fairness and ability. OF
course, there have been criticisms, but
with so many agencies, the Depart
ment Of Labor, the N. r. A., the N. l.
r. A. and even the President himself
taking an active hand in labor prob
lens, there has never been smooth
sailing.
The American Federation of Labor
has at no time been sympathetic. And
| quite naturally so, because if the
workers select their own represent
atives annually there is no particular
necessity for the A. F. of L. Further
more, any democratic method in labor
leaves the labor organizer controlled
from any central agency in Washing
ton or New York or elsewhere out of
the picture. 1t has been the A. F. of
LIS public policy to wreck the Auto
mobile Labor Board and the Presi-
dents settlement and to install in
their stead the Wagner bill. which
gives all power to the A. F. Of L.
This is not the first instance Of re-
sistance by organized labor to peace
full settlement either by the President
or a Government agency like the N.
r. A. Take, for instance, the Kohler