Evening star., 1935-12-01

seem to be exactly what the situation
needed. The crux of the matter must
lie in the Interpretation placed upon
the word "statesmanlike"
DR.. Stresemann's comment on a
situation which is of particular interest
today may well be quoted. 1t is taken
from an article written for zeit on
the subject of the Munich trial Of
Ludendorff, Hitler and their associates.
It follows:
"The men who stand there ar
raigned certainly believe that what
they aimed at was in the best inter-
ests of the people and the country
at large. But as great as their pa
triotism-as they conceive it's their
want of responsibility. They have a
/ vague idea that certain phenomena
of the present time are to be COM
batted. Ludendorff sees the enemy
more especially in Ultramontanism.
The object of Hitler's attack is
Marxism, and both combine to make
war on Judaism. -.
1T is notable that these efforts are
directed against ideas, and that these
gentlemen do not take the trouble to
consider the working out of these
ideas in the life of the people ..
Perhaps they contemplate a domina-
ton in Germany, supported by their
irregular levies and by force.
characteristic of all their schemes
was the march on Berlin. In this, at
least, they were agreed that the 'un-
national government must be over
thrown. Supposing these gentle
mems plan had succeeded, what would
they have had to put in place of this
(Stresemann's) policy? We will carry
the black and white and red across
the Rhine How wonderful that
sounds, and how little there is behind
it! Gen. Ludendorff should surely
know that it is impossible to carry
the flag across the Rhine when the
army that follows the flag Is unarmed.
:. But if we cannot fight, we must
come to an agreement. One can
understand man of Hitler's sort be-
ing caught by such ideas, but that a
man like Ludendorf should place
himself at the head of such an enter
prise is most disquieting and regret
table"
A lack Of vision evident in the last
sentence would seem to explain much
in Germany today. There, clearly, one
sees the estimate in which respon-
sible politicians held Hitler, and also
their unjustified faith in the REM
nants of the old regime. Had these
politicians been more free to deal con-
structively with the situation at home,
affairs in Germany might have taken
different course. For nowhere in
this book is there evidence that any
one considered Hitler as more than
an upstart Of the moment.
The mind goes back from this point
inescapably to the Versailles Treaty,
that treaty which forced disorganized
Germany to deal with her neighbors
on such unequal terms. And, one Is
obliged to admit, one becomes the
least bit amused at the course of
history. For If, as we all agree to-
day, that treaty was iniquitous, there
are still two questions that may be
Justly asked concerning it. Was any
other treaty possible in the state of
human emotions at the time? And
did not all the world agree that the
severity of its terms was righteous?
GERMANY TODAY AND ToMoR-
ROW. BY Henry Albert Phillips.
New York: Dodd, Mead g. Co.
THIS book about Nazism must i'm
press its reader with two things.
The f1rst-and it is rated first be-
cause it becomes evident no later
than on the second page Of the fore
words its appalling grammar. 1t
is enough to make one long to shoot
the writer on sight. The second Is
its prevailing mood Of enthusiasm for
Der Fuhrer and all his works, an