The Waterbury Democrat., 1935-08-24

Weak Leaders
 Among New Dealers there is much private resentment against Speaker Joe Byrns, Chairman John O'Connor of the rules com mittee, democratic whip Pat Roland, and other house leaders who repeatedly sabotaged ad- ministration measures.
 Yet this could have been Q different stofy-if the presi. dent had asserted his author ity last December.
 The scramble for the leader ship posts was a wide open fight, and Roosevelt was strong- ly urged by some of his advisers to throw his weight behind men who believed in him and would fight to the last inch. But he did not do sp. e
 The result was that the weak, reactlonary, black skipping Joe Byrns grabbed off the honors-- and the president paid for 1t ev- cry day of the session. Instead of Q loyal, aggressive leadership supporting him in the house, Roosevelt was undermined by the very men upon whom he had to depend.
 Lack of Plans
 The presidents failure to for- nulate speeifir1 programs and measures is9 graphically illus trated by then tax and central bank bills. ,a qQ5
 Early. last December, trea. ury advisers urged him to in. cludc . tax plan in his legisia- tive progFafh. They submitted . cofMprchenslve and detailed list of desirable enactments. Roosevelt was sympathetic to the objcctives, but did nothing about them.
 Then in May, when talk of adjournment was on everybody's lips, he suddenly sprang a tax message on congress.
 It was a stirring declaration, but that was all there was to 1t. Behind the bold words there was no substance. It was follow ed by no bill, no schedule of rates, not even Q demand for immediate action.
 It was three days later, after senate liberals had announced there would be no adjournment without a tax bill, that the pres ident added his voice to the de- mand.
 In-the weeks of tax hearings that Followed, the White House refused every request from floor leaders for an indication of Its desires. Secretary Morgenthau. closest cabinet officer to the president. was summoned before the house ways and means and senate finance committees. He expounded at length on general ities. But about rates and sched- ules he would not say Q word.
 The result is | Dill that is neither reform nor . rev- enue producer.
 Central Bank Bill
 The history of the central bank measure closely parallels this record.
 As drafted by Mariner S. Ecclcs, young, able governor of the federal reserve board, the president permitted 1t to Do sent to congress. But that was as far as he went. For months he refused to have 1t branded as an administration liicasure--even though it was one of the most vital and far- reaching reforms of his re-
 As a result Senator Glass and other old guard monetary spokesmen were able to rifle the bill of part of its potency. As enacted, it Is still an advance over the existing privately controlled credit. system, but falls short of what 1t might have been, had the president supported the form proposed by Eoeies Gnd put through the house by Representative Henry Steasali, chairman of its bank ing committee.
 Poor, General
 A close friend of the president recently described him as a Happy Warrior but a poor gen. erai.. There is much truth in. that phrase.
 Few presidents have stood uIundee the terrific ordeal of that gruelling oificc with as niach good huni0r, high spir. It's ss and excellent health as Mir. Roosevelt. His personal ciaarnl still works its iilagiO.
 Hut the politicos, canny judges of linen, discovered the weak point sin his armor.
 Ifathey yelled loud enough, if they raised enough fuss and furoFs if they sabotaged an iria- portAnt administration bill in committee, they knew they could wiring c colkeesslon on something else fFoisA the White House.
 Thus ssas waked one Of che most intense, and eoe1ntinles