Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1935-10-12
u. S. UNITY URGED
ONNEUTRALPOL|CY
Roosevelt Proclamation Is
in Line With Hoover.
Wilson IdeaIism.
BY DAVID LAWRENCE.

is every reason for a united support,
irrespective of politics, of the basic
principles proclaimed by President
Roosevelt in reference to the Italian
Ethiopian War.
For Congress. by the terms Of the
neutrality resolution adopted in the
closing days of the session, placed
President Roosevelt in the position
of concurring not only with the prin-
ciples advocated by President Hoover
but those enunciated by President
Wilson.
To understand American policy to-
day it Is necessary to recall one of
Mr.. Wilson'S famous IA points:
Absolute freedom of navigation
upon the high seas, outside territorial
waters, alike in peace and in war,
except as the seas may be closed in
whole or IN part by international
action for the enforcement of in
| ternational covenants"
Sanctions Are Substitutes.
Mr.. Wilson did not succeed in get
ting this clause adopted by the peace
conference, for the British objected
and preferred to have the League of
Nations develop the point through
economic sanctions as against an ag-
gressor nation. Today, by the action
of more than so nations, embargoes
on arms are to be imposed against
the aggreSsor nation, and thus. in
effect, the seas are to be closed in
part for the enforcement of inter-
national covenants" such as the KEEL
logg- BRAND treaty and the League
Covenant itself.
President Hoover, on January 10,
1888, in message to Congress, asked
| that he be given the power to forbid
the export of arms and munitions to
/ any country where conditions exist
in which the shipment of arms would
promote the use of force or conflict
between nations, but the embargo was
to be imposed after securing the CO.
operation of such countries as the
President deemed necessary. But this
resolution failed to pass.
The next step was a statement on
behalf Of President Roosevelt made
| by Ambassador -at-Large Norman H.
Davis at Geneva, on May %. 1888. He
said:
In the event that a decision is
taken by conference of the powers
in consultation in determining the
aggreSSor with which. on the Jasis
of its independent judgment. the Gov
eminent Of the United States agreed,
the Government Of the United States
will undertake to refrain from any
action and to withhold protection
from its citizens If engaged in activi-
ties which would tend to defeat the
collective effort which the states in
consultation might have decided upon
against the aggressor."
Policy Now In Force.
The foregoing policy is now being
applied through the Presidents
proclamations and orders. America
is not in any way going to insist on
exporting arms to the belligerents in
defiance of League action.
1t so happens, of course, that the
League members have voted to per-
NIT exports of arms to Ethiopia but
not to Italy. Americas unwillingness
to export arms to Ethiopia is a mega
tive act and will, as practical mat
ter be hardly likely to defeat the
collective effort" which the states in
consultation have decided upon
against the aggressor. So long as
America does not insist on her tradi-
tional right to ship to all beligerents.
there can be no criticism visited upon
her by the League, and today Amer
lean policy is in absolute conformity
with the League ON that point.
| But the difficulty arises when the
League members begin to enlarge the
list of implements of war" and add
raw materials. Then will the United
States accept the Leagues list? Thus
far, matters have been so arranged
between Geneva and Washington that
President Roosevelt's list of "imple-
ments of war" has been accepted as
official by the League itself. But eco
nomlc sanctions mean more than
mere prohibition of arms and ammu-
milton. They must mean raw mate
rails, too. Henry L. Stimson, who was
Secretary of State under President
Hoover, is already out with a state
ment urging that Mr.. RooSevelts
power to broaden the list be enlarged
and that public opinion should urge
such broadening.
Power Already Conferred.
Mr.. Roosevelt probably has the
power already because Congress did
not define implements of war" and
certainly raw materials used in max
ing explosives can be defined as i'm
| plements of war without much injury
to the official imagination. This will
produce resentment among exporters,
| no doubt, but this is one of the con-
sequences of the policy, whether it
had been assumed by Mr.. Wilson or
Mr.. Hoover.
There may be complications II the
European powers embargo certain sup
plies to Italy and America does not
concur. This is considered, for the
moment, not to be an eventuality, for,
unless the United States and the
principal powers did come to an
agreement on the enlargement of the
| tabooed list Of articles, there would
probably be no such list proclaimed
by the European governments either.
They would see the futility of pro-
claiming an embargo which America
was free to violate.
The American policy of concerted
embargoes is not relished by naval
circles here and by some students of
foreign policy who believe that the
precedent created Is ikly to rise to
plague the United States in the flu
ture, and that surrender of the right
to ship goods during a war merely
| means support for the naval power
which II strongest and an injury to
the nation which has the lesser sup
ply Of arms and ammunition, both in
raw materials and arms-making fac
tories. But the disposition of Con-
gress in the last session in reference
to a policy of virtual intercourse
1 ,alv~ ~s,,.~