The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1935-07-06

III BOOKS by the
| ~ New Deal Ad-
| ~ minist ii o n,
Lewis Haney both of which
are not only economically unde-
sirable, but are clearly unconStl'
tutional.
TWO points are involved. One
is the power shown by the A. F.
of l.. The other is the power of
the Federal Government under
the Constitution.
Evidently the A. F. Of L. lead
ers are Gin" again. The NRA
debacle, and the growing dissat-
isfaction of the more cOnserva-
tive elements in the Democratic
party have driven the President
to seek the votes of organized
labor.
Furthermore, this organized
minority has already shown great
political power over Congress.
Not long ago we witnessed the sad
spectacle of Representative Con-
merry announcing on the floor OF
the House that he had just re-
ceived word from the A. F. OF L.
that "the members were to use
their own judgment" in voting on
a bill! This set the House all
aflutter.
Under these circumstances Ga
bor' seems likely to get it's Wag'
ner and Guffey bills. It has been
reported, too, that the A. F. of L.
has been working on a bill to re-
ouire a 3O-hour week and a "falr
wage" under a system of Federal
licensing.
I am a strong believer in labor
unions and in collective bargain
ing. 7 fear, however, that our
labor leaders are going too far,
and are working into a position
where militant "organized labor
will exercise a political control
which is not in the best interest
of the nation.
The politics and the economic
life of the country are badly de-
moralized, and selfish minorities
are now in a position to force
class legislation. When Mr.. Green
threatens to use the economic
strength" of labor, he means to
"use" the Government.
I believe that with power
there should always go a pro-
portionate responsibility. I be-
lieve that labor has, or should
have, a joint responsibility for
the general economic wellbeing.
But the political game being
played by the A. F. Of L. pre-
vents this. BY lobbying and by
threats of strikes, they are put
ting through laws which con-
firm powers without responsible
ity. They threaten business
recovery.
Incidentally, it may we'll be
doubted that the hume rous
strikes now going on or threat
ened are a mere growing pain
of business recovery. Wages. on
the whole, are relatively high.
and most of the strikes are to
force recognition of unions. They
are based on the idea of causing
trouble to the public, and thus
bring pressure on Washington
and on employers.
This is not a wholesome synp-
tom. There is too much politics
in it. There is too much Of the
atmosphere of the general
strike"
The fright to strike" should be
unquestionable. But we have not,
in this country, solved the prob
lem of making labor organiza'
tions responsible and subject to
law, while preserving that right.
AS to the Constitution, it is
reasonably certain that the Wag-
r-Connery bill will eventually
be declared unconstitutional. 1t
is absolutely certain that the
+! Guffey bill, if passed, will be.
They delegate legislative powers,
and unduly extend the interstate
commerce clause.
The Guffey bill shows the re-
cent tendency to resort to taxa
ton to accomplish an undue ex
tension of Federal control. 1t
provides a Federal coal commits
sion to fix prices, wages and
labor relations. Coal producers
are "taxed" Is per cent, but if
they accept the "code" the tax
is virtually remitted-otherwiSe
not.
The object of the threatened
coal strike is to put this measure
across. Congressman think of the
votes back home. They want to
make a labor record" and are
willing to pass the buck to the
Supreme Court.
This may be human, but 1t IS
disgraceful. IF they can stand
up to Mr.. Roosevelt, why can't
they to Mr.. Green?)
Again, we may thank God for
the Supreme Court!
MAUI V~Av~~ AxYrnA ~Ec