Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1935-09-22

and they refused to give Italy even a
bone. Already, too, they had them
selves accumulated great colonial en-
pires, the British a quarter of the
surface of the globe, the French half
of Africa and tidy bit of Asia.
Having helped the British and the
French to defeat the Germans and,
through the medium of Woodrow Will
son, to arrange the distribution of the
territorial spoils of victory so that
practically everything fell to them
selves under the polite fiction of man
dates, the American people now find
themselves invited to aid the British
and French in keeping their booty.
But as long as the French and British
decline to restore the German colonies
and recognize the justice of Italian
claims, it is plain that all their pro-
feSsed concern for world peace is I'M
accompanied by the smallest readiness
to make any sacrifice for it them
selves. The proposal to allow Ethiopia
an outlet to the sea through their own
African possessions was gesture made
under the direst compulsion and, if
accepted, one that would cost Ethiopia
the greatest price.
If, at the close of the war, Ger
many had been left her colonies and
Italy had been allowed the mandates
carved out of Turkish territory which
France and Britain took, the present
problems would not have arisen. You
may abhor the domestic methods of
National Socialist Germany, you may
condemn the illiberal practices OF
Fascist Italy, but no fair-minded
American can fail to recognize the
justice of both the German and 1tal-
ian claims against England and
France. And if these countries are
resolved not to restore German colo
MES or satisfy Italian needs, then
they will be responsible for the wars
which will inevitably result from Ger
man and Italian determination to OBJ
tain not merely a new deal but also
a square deal in the land and re-
sources of the globe.
There is not the smallest difference
between the Italian performance in
Ethiopia and the British in South
Africa or the French in Morocco, ex-
cept that Italy and Germany were
persuaded to sign pledges not to imi-
tate the imperialiStic operations of
England and France. When, more
over, they saw how one-sided these
contracts were, they renowned them
and thus provided the latter countries
with a legal and moral ground for
protest. But only a congenitally
stupid person could ever have believed
that two great countries would let
themselves be hornSwoggled into such
a bargain and then stick to it. And,
of course, the same holds good for
Japan, who signed and repudiated in
similar fashion.
Divided Between Selves.
If, instead of trying to get the
American people to enlist in a new
war to maintain the status quo estab-
lished after the last, which is in
defensible in terms of right or reason,
tht British and French statesmen
would make restitution to Germany
and do justice to Italy, they might
have some basis of appeal for Amer
lean assistance. But they won't do
either. Nor can they agree with each
other.
On the contrary, the French were
ready to see justice done to Italy at
the expense of British security, as
their performance in the Ethiopian
affair has demonstrated, had not their
own security been involved England
is just as willing to see Germany
placated at French cost, as her private
treaty with Germany in naval matters
proved. And neither country cares
one brass farthing for the cause of
world peace, when its own interests
are not at stake, as the conduct of
both in the Manchurian episode dem
onStrated. But whenever British i'm
perial interests or French national Sc
curity are threatened then the cause
of world peace becomes Immediately
involved and the duty of the United
States is brought to American atten-
ton by every resource of propaganda
available to London or Paris.
The present Italian war in Africa,
the future German war in Europe,
both had their origins primarily in
t'e colonial details of the Paris Settle
ment for which Lloyd George and
Clemenceau were responsible. Today
it is customary in England and France
to say that it was the American
desertion of the League which COM
promised the cause of world peace.
In reality, however, what the Amer
lean refusal to go to Geneva did was
to deprive these unfair terms of the
backing of American blood and treas
ure and thus to encourage the Italians
and the Germans to challenge them
more promptly than they might other
wise have done.
I don't think any one has less
sympathy with militaristic or i'm
perialistic policies or performances
than have I. War and all of its con-
comitants are abhorrent to me, be-
cause I have seen my share of both.
But I confess that it is hardly less
intolerable to see selfish but stated i'm
perialism hypocritically hiding behind
world desire for peace and exploiting
it to protect the profits of past con-
quests from future challenge When,
moreover, European statesmen and
pressmen clamor for America to do
its duty in the cause of world peace,
it behooves the people of the United
States to consider whether it is &C
tually peace or only dear old status
quo which is in danger. And beyond
that, it should inquire whether status
quo itself deserves to be defended.
Copyright, 1880
Australia IN Extend