, 1935-08-29
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4lLdD INltullJ dohbl htEDCLb q
whether he aspired TO the republic
can presidential nomination the
COPS titular leader was taken
somewhat aback and gazed down
at his vest buttons Characters
tic reaction when he Is embarrassed.
Then he gave the lowdown on his
strategy.
Nobody wants me-" he replied
rather sadly. But 1 believe I have
enough influence to prevent ths
radicals from stealing the party.
/ would like TO e Charley McNary
~ Oregon lead the race, but ne
seems out OF IL. I don't like Dick
inson, but Frank Knox appears "
be all right"
The eastern politicians will find
their worst fears confirmed in Mr..
Hoover's confidential outline OF his
1895 plans. While he bitterly opposes
tine New Deal, the former president
thinks that the COP must follow
q mildly liberal course. His favorite
candidate and former classmate az
Stanford, Senator McNary, has
voted for Numerous administration
measures. That's why the Old
Guard has turned thumbs down on
him.
Spit? - Mr.. Hoover's attitude
veriiIeS inside reports that the Old
Guard and the Young Guard are
heading for a clash at the Repub-
liCan National Convention.
The younger element suspects
that the elder statements dark horse
Is Senator Lester j. Dickinson OF
Iowa. He Is primarily a republican
who has never flirted with the New
Deal. Chieftains like HilleS of New
York and R0raback OF Connecticut
ale behind him. They prompted his
recent appearance on the stump
with the suggestion that he under
take a preliminary tryout.
The Young Guard Is rallying
a-rund Frank Knox OF Chicago.
Trey consider him liberal enough
he was an original Bull Mocser-ro
capture needed western states. but
ret too radical TO lose the apparent
ly anti-ROosevelt East. Privately the
youngsters don't welcome Mr.. Hoo
ver'S endorsement OF the Chicagoan.
They fear that II may weaken him
with many groups. But they will
accept any covert reinforcements
from the ex-president against the
New York crowd. And OF course
Hoover and Hilles are poles apart.
Foresight-The New Dealers Off
Hgain : on : again campaign for a
broad constitutional amendment
puzzles casual observers. They can't
determine whether the president
means To 20 through with IL. Bun
keen observers have discovered n
definite and shrewd policy behind
recent maneuvers.
They begin with the recollection
that Mr.. Roosevelt has not demand
e. an amendment in plain terms,
although he limited at It. His request
fer new NRA legiSlatt-a suggests
that he may have abandoned the
.dea because Of the adverse reaction.
Yet he pointed toward such a re-
form in his address to the Young
Democrats if you read between the
lines.
, Meantime his confIdants-Tugwel
Tckes and Hopkins-uphold his de-
mand every chance they get. Other
spokeSmen-MajOrity Lead
e. Robinson. National Chairman
Farley, PubliciSt MichelSon-jeer al
who berate Mr.. Roosevelt
tor sponsoring the Guffey bill in
the face of constitutional doubt
They spread the news that Hard
ing was stepped on by the court
seven times, Coolidge seven times
and Hoover three times. So the In
side plan appears to be to drop tine
amendment drive officially. but 10
prepare the public mind for its re-
ntwal II future court rulings make
it the only way out Of the dilemma
Speculati0n-There was q gen.
elally overlooked factor In the
excitement over the cotton loan
which AAA-erS didn't miss. They
have tucked 1t away In their hidden
files for use one OF these days.
According I'd this view. cotton
senator's weren't thinking only of
the farmers when they rebelled
against the Q cent loan in favor Of
the old figure Of II cents. For weeks
the legislators had been advertising
that the higher rate would prevail.
although they apparently misunder-
stood the RooSevelt-Wallace prom
Use. White HouSerS explain that the
president meant the farmer would
get approximately ~ cents from the
combined loan and subsidy. The
senators departed In the belief that
the loan itself would be twelve
cents
During this period many textilers
phoned their senators for inside
information. and they were assured
that the higher figure would pre-