davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11
Fascists Raid Office
OfLondon DailyW orker

LONDON, Jan. l0.-Five fascist
thugs made raid recently on the
Daily Worker printers here late at
night, when almost all the staff had
gone home. The two workers found
there, one a cripple, were badly
beaten up and heavy fire extin-
guishers hurled at them, which the
magistrate admitted yesterday at
their trial might have killed them
if they had found their mark.
One was sentenced to two months.
one to one month and one to IA
days imprisonment. Another was
suspended, and the fifth was found
not guilty. Three of them admitted
membership of the British Union
of Fascists They stated in their
defense that they had been in
cenSed by the Daily Worker articles
on the royal wedding.
The magistrate, in passing SEN
tence, could not let the opportunity
pass of expressing his disapproba-
ton OF the Daily Worker. Holding
copy of the paper in his hand, he
referred to this wretched thing"
while the cartoon on the royal we'd
ding he described as "this gross,
this obscene libel" He concluded
by delivering the faScistS sermon
on the evil OF taking the law into
their own hands, however much
they disapproved, and rightly. of
the publication in question.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11

which has received such favorable
attention from the Presidents COM
mittee, completely fails to accord
this protection. So with the Wag-
ner-Lewis Bill of the past Congress,
the Ohio Plan and most of the
other proposals which have been
submitted in the past for scrutiny
of Congressional Committees. 1t is
difficult to understand the eco
nomic logic of plan which deems
unemployment insurance a vital
necessity for machinist who makes
fifty to sixty dollars a week while
working, but which makes no pro-
vision at all for the lsborer or
household drudge who makes no
more than sixty dollars in three
monthsl
Who needs employment insurance
more than black field hand on a
Southern farm who has no earthly
hope of doing anything else than
farm work if he should happen to
lose his job? Why dignity with the
name of Social Security" this
legislation which ignores completely
the hard working widowed mother
of five or six children, who tolls on
a kitchen floor for a miserable
eight or ten dollars a week, even in
prosperous times"2
From the Negro masses and from
all other marginal labor of America
there should come tremendous and
glamorous support for real unem-
ployment insurance to be provided
by the 74th Congress- bill that
will include all labor, industrial,
domestic and professional" Those
of us who have witnessed the gross
abuse of A. A. A. when 1t affects
the Negro farmer in the South know
well how unsatisfactory employer
management would be If 1t alone
administered unemployment insur-
ance. Many government check
for crop reduction intended for a
share-cropper has been deliberately
confiscated by the landlord. What
assurance have we that private
plans" for unemployment insurance
Or state-managed plans-will not
be abused in the same fashion to
provide merely another method of
robbing black and defenseless labor?
Washington's Discrimination
The Negro worker has had his
fill of administration of his
citizenship rights and privileges. In
one-fourth of the country today the
precious heritage of education is
withheld from black citizens by
state governments, with the Fed
eral government maintaining silent
acquiescence. If q state collects
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11

as one Of the participating organ
rs ions, with the full rights to put
-o"w2rd its proposals. on every issue
and with all the participating or
carnations and their membership
finally deciding democratically on
all questions. But whether the
Communist proposals are accepted
or rejected the Communist Party
will of course always bring forward
its full revolutionary program before
the masses not only within the La
Dor Party, but among the masses
generally. Because as we have al
ready said the Labor Party can
never be a substitute for the Com
munist Party. While the Labor
Party has a program of immediate
demands that are in the interests
of the workers, while it serves UNI
der present conditions in the U.S.A.
to accelerate the breaking away of
the masses from the capitalist par
ties and to unite them for indie
pendent political class action, the
Communist Party does not stop
here, but tries to educate and or
ganize the masses not only how best
to fight for the immediate demands,
but also for the abolition of CAPT.
talism, which is possible only on the
basis of the revolutionary program
of the Communist Party. The fact
that the Communist Party has such
a program and at the same time en-
ergetically participates in the work
of the Labor Party, which Is not a
revolutionary party as is the Com
munist Party, also emphasizes first
that the Communists at all times
are concerned with the fight for
the immediate interests of the
workers and secondly that the Com
munists know that only by gaining
the support of the majority of the
workers for the Communist program
can this program be realized.
The Communist Party, for exam
pie in Paterson, and this holds
good everywhere. would at the same
time, while promoting the fight for
the Labor Party at the same time
take all measures to strengthen it
self, to gain the influence among
the masses, to recruit to the Party,
to convince the workers of the cor
rectness of the Party principles and
tactics.
What we have said above estab-
fishes the general approach that is
needed now with regard to the local
Labor Parties and the National La
Dor Party. This does not, however,
answer all the questions that will
inevitably arise in the situation
since we are not working with
ideal" conditions and since We are
not working in vacuum, but rather
are surrounding with open and con-
cealed enemies of the workers.
For Genuine Workers Leadership
In the first place such questions
will arise as for example the bring
ing forward of resolutions for the
building of a Labor Party at the
A. F. of L. convention, at the con-
ventions of the various information
al unions and other organizations.
AS we have seen in the past, such
proposals will also come from those
elements who are trying to organ
ize either a popular" or progress
sive' party under the label of ia
Dor" party, or a Labor" Party of
the type we spoke about above
namely, one dominated by the re-
dictionary A. F. of l.. bureaucracy
and assisted by the Socialist Party
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11
Trial subscriptions
Are Offered Readers
in Daily Campaign

Two special trial subscription
offers are being made by the
Daily Worker, as part of the
three-month campaign to gain
10000 new daily subscriptions
and 5000 new Saturday sub
scriptions.
The first offer is a two-month
subscription Including the Sat-
urday edition. for only 81.
The second is a four-month
subscription to the Saturday ed
ition alone for so cents.
Both offers are good only I'M
til May /.
Daily Worker sellers and other
friends of the paper who are
seeking new readers should make
the most use of these offers.
Thousands of workers will be
eager to take advantage of the
special subscriptions, If the mat
ter is properly placed before
them.
(These offers do not apply to
Manhattan and the Bronx in
New York;.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11

out the splitting tactics of reaction
airy union officials and that it is
necessary to develop united front
of the membership.
Ignores Real Issues
The statement, which was re-
printed in the paper of the Love
stone group, does not contain a
word of criticism against the Cor
man betrayal in the general textile
strike, but promises a policy Of ex-
pulsion of former members of the
National Textile Workers Union, In
line with william Green's letter.
Representatives of the rank and
file group in the union declared
that the workers should especially
notice that the leaflet carefully
ignores the issues which have
aroused the membership of the
union recently, and particularly the
recent agreement Keller negotiated
which was rejected by the workers.
Keller and his group would not dare
to conduct their campaign on the
basis of such issues, and therefore
drag in as much confusion as pos
sible out of which they hope to be
able to retain their jobs.
The following is the rank and file
slate!
Louis Valgo; Edward So
chan; 5-Millie Delveccio; 6-Aiec
Phillian; 7-Sarkes Phillian; O.
Joseph Brooks; 10-Sarah Berlin
sky; 11-Sam Sober; 13-Bob APPEL !;
15-Joseph Sozanie;; 22-Sam Do
nayan; 26-Carlo De Nicola; 30
Henry Stutz; 30-Al Van Vlanderen;
S9-Elias Hajjar.
Voting will be at Union Hall II
Washington ST., and will continue
from 9 am. to pm.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11

ton of the United States consti-
tutes our most handicapped group
that portion of our working masses
with least job security and most in
need of unemployment insurance.
If there is anyone present to whom
this news has not yet penetrated,
should be glad to supply him with
adequate proof of my assertion.
Even when he leaves out entirely
the question of racial identity, the
mere fact that Negroes are COM
posed almost entirely of unskilled
or semi-skilled workers is enough to
impress us with the desperate ma
ture of their economic plight. When
we realize, moreover, that over so
per cent of all Negro workers are
engaged in farm labor or domestic
work, and that these are the ma
tons lowest paid occupations, then
we realize the starvation level to
which black workers are confined
because of the jobs which they
hold.
All this is impressive enough, but
add to it the handicap of bitter and
relentless race prejudice aimed at
the Negro worker from the time
that he dons overalls as a gangling
youth until he drops the shovel or
hammer from his hands as tired
old man. 1t is not merely the stupid
and petty form of prejudice which
expresses itself in the form of an
insult and minor discrimination. 1t
is a carefully planned program on
the part of employers to use black
workers as pawn with which to
defeat Labor's unity so that bosses
may bargain more successfully with
both white and black workers.
On the other hand, the majority
of labor unions in the country have
been equally ruthless in their atti-
tude toward Negro workers, shut
ting them out from certain occupa-
tons entirely and exploiting them
in others. The result has been that
the Negro found the hands of both
EN- ployers and fellow workers
turned against him. He has been
forced out on the borderline of
economic existence. He is more
than the marginal worker; he is the
marginal Of the marginal work.
ers." 1 repeat, no program of legis-
lation which pretends to offer eco
nomic security can be termed any
thing other than rank hypocrisy
which does not make some pro-
vision to protect the least secure.
Negroes Should Support H.R. 1927
From the standpoint of the farm
laborer and the domestic worker,
the so-called Wisconsin Law"
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11
END

educational funds from the United
States government, and then cheats
its Negro children of rs per cent
of their share, does this not prove
what it would do with funds re-
ceived from that same government
as unemployment insurance,
If Washington has sat inactive
while racial determinations are
practiced in the school system
throughout the land, on the relief
lists, both North and South, and at
the polls in many states, is there
any reason to suppose that Wash
ington will champion the cause of
the unemployed black worker when
it comes to administering insurance
to him? Such a superstition is
optimism entirely unsupported by
past precedent.
This Is not merely the Negro
workers affair, even considering the
racial angle. Enlightened leader
ship in organized labor has long
since realized that differential in
wages based on race is fatal blow
at the interests of all labor. The
color line in industry furnishes en-
ployers with the first starting wedge
to split labor solidarity. The same
thing is true of unemployment
benefits. If organized labor is to
have in the future what it recog-
nizes as essential today-the whole
hearted support of black workers
then the risks of unemployment for
Negroes must be no greater than
those for whites. Compensation
for the black jobless must be equal
to compensation for whites; chances
of Unemployment must be likewise
equal,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11


involved in the crime.
Reilly drew from Condor the ad-
mission, for example, that "the only
reason" he had inserted an ad-
vertisement to the kidnaper, in the
Bronx Home News, instead of in
the Associated or United Press, was
that he had wanted to come to the
defense of Red" johnson, who
worked on a yacht in nearby Long
Island Sound, and vino, he said,
he had never seen in his life. Con-
don also admitted that he had
known on the night Of the kidnap-
ing that Red johnson telephoned
Betty Cow, thus contradicting his
previous statement that he had
never heard of johnson until after
the kidnapping. johnson is now in
Norway. Coincident with Johnson's
sailing for England, Violet Sharpe,
a maid in the home of Lindbergh's
father-in-law, Dwight Morrow, COM
mitted suicide as she was about to
be questioned by police second
time, after they found she had con-
tradicted herself as to her where
abouts on the night of the kidnap-
ing when the police first questioned
her. Ollie Whateley, Lindberghs
butler, died of blood poisoning, his
body never being given an autopsy;
Mrs. Whateley. his widow, went to
England, and Betty Cow, the Lind
bergh nursemaid, went to Scotland.
Called DOC"
DR.. Condor also admitted that he
is Familiarity called DOC" by his
intimate friends. 1t had previously
been established that Hauptmann
had cried Hey Doc when he tried
to attract Condon's attention at the
gates of the Bronx cemetery, where
the $4,000 ransom money changed
hands. This admission had followed
a previous one in which Condor
had stated that when he telephoned
Lindbergh at Hopewell to tell him
that he had contacted the kid
napers, he didn't use the telephone
in his own home but had used an
outside telephone so that his family
would not be disturbed"
Condor further testified that
when he first contacted Hauptmann
at the cemetery the defendant had
run away from him in fear of
policeman whom he saw coming up,
and that he (CondonO, for all his
IA years and his decrepit form, had
chased Hauptmann, who was I'M
usually athletic and in his thirties,
until he got him" and held on to
him.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11
Unity Steps
Taken to Aid
Detroit Baker
Inter Party Conference
To Map Defense in
Murder Frame-Up

DETROIT, Jan. TO- The first
steps in the formation of a united
front of the Jewish Branch of ttsS
Socialist Party and the Jewish Bu-
reau of the Communist Party to
defeat the murder frame-up against
Morris Weiner. member of the
Jewish Bakers Union. Local 10, and
the attempts Of the bosses to smash
the union, were taken at confer
ence last Thursday night at the
headquarters of the Jewish Work.
mems Circle.
About 35 were present at the con-
ference, representing the Jewish
Branch of the S. P, the Jewish Bu-
resu of the c. P. and all the
branches of the Workmen's Circle
and the International Workers
Order. After considerable discus
sion, the conference elected a COM
mittee of seven. which will meet to-
night in the same place to adopt
concrete proposals for rsllying the
support of the entire labor move
ment in defense of Weiner and the
union.
Weiner has been framed up on
a charge of having killed on Dec. IL
Harry Haftka. son of Joseph Haftka,
owner of a bakery at which the
union has been conducting a strike.
Thirty-one other union local lead
ers and members were arrested on
charges of conspiracy to obstruct
operation of a business and conspir-
acy to extort Samuel B. Keene is
attorney for the union.
All indications are that the kill
ing was engineered by rival bakery
owners. who on previous occasion
planted a bomb in his place. Haft-
ka had been engaged in price
war with his competitors and had
been thrown out of the Master
Bakers Association. The bosses
association, which fought Haftka all
along, is, however, now using the
occasion of the Staying to whip up
public sentiment in an effort to
frame an innocent worker and to
destroy the union.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11
Pittsburgh Report Incorrect

PITTSBURGH, Pa, Jan. 10.-Due
to an erroneous report brought to
the Daily Worker, it was announced
in the Dec. II issue of the Daily
that the Socialist Party branch New
Kensington had elected two dele
gates to the Unemployment Insur-
ance Congress in Washington, and
that the action reported Showed
the steady progress of the united
front in the Pittsburgh"
This item was incorrect. The So
cialist Party of New Kensington did
not elect delegates to the Wash
ington rally. There has been some
progress towards the united front
in Pittsburgh district, but this is
entirely unofficial, and confined to
below, the Socialist Party leaders
having refused to enter into con-
versations with the Communist
Party on united front questions.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11
Show Charges
Against Leader
Are Untenable
Trial Jan. IA Based on
Acts of Hungarian
Soviet Regime

PARIS. Jan. 10. - The fact that
the trial of Matthias Rakosi, Hun
garian anti-fascist leader. is fixed
for Jan. IA, and that the charges
are based on paragraphs of the
penal law involving the death SEN
tence, were stressed in an appeal
issued by the World Committee
Against War and Fascism and other
international organizations. En-
phasizing once more the utter I'M
tenability of the indictment, the ap-
peal states:
~ When RakoSi was tried nine
years ago for illegal revolutionary
activities, the Hungarian juridicial
authorities made no mention what
ever of the monstrous charges now
brought o. Now, after nine years
of silence, and after Rakosi has
served his frightful sentence. he is
accused as former Peoples Commits
-sar for Social Production Successor
to the Office of Minister of Trade)
of twenty-seven murders, of high
treason and counterfeiting money.
Since it is impossible to construct
even the shadow of a charge against
'Rakosi personally, he is being made
responsible for everything which the
l.. oounter-revolution of the large
2 landowners and the millionaires
brings against the Soviet power OF
the workers: their legitimate self
. defense in the open struggle against
the counter-revolution. the changes
carried out on the bourgeois land
owners constitution, and the issue
of banknotes by the Hungarian So
Wet government"
The appeal exposes the motives of
the Gomboes government in seek
ing to find fresh food for its fascist
agitation, and to intimidate the
masses of the disconnected and re-
belious population. by making a
victim of Rakosi. 1t closes by call
ing on the international working
class to save Rakosi by organizing
a united and irresistible storm of
protest.
The appeal is signed by the World
Committee against War and Fas-
cism, the World Youth Committee.
the Worlds Student Committee, the
Workers international Relief, the
League against Imperialism and
War, the International of Educa-
tional Workers, revolutionary writ
ers and artists, the International
Release Committee for Thaelmann,
Torgler, and all anti-fascist prison
ers, as well as by many other or
CARNATIONS.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11

where Are Rats?''
ExterminatOr A $ ks
Scab Ledger Editor

NEWARK, N. J., Jan. 10. -
Charles Marshall, scab city editor
Of the Newark Ledger. where ed
itorial employees have been on
strike for eight weeks, has had
embarrassing moments aplenty
as a result of the militant picket
lines of the Newspaper Guild
which take their stand before
the plant nightly.
There are even more unpleas-
ant names for strikebreakerS
than the word "scab." Imagine
Mr.. Marshall's embarrassment.
therefore. when a man presented
himself in the city room of the
Ledger recently prepared for
work in the presence of other
scab employees and said to Mr..
Marshall
Somebody telephoned me to
come here. I'm from the exter-
minator company. Where are
the rats?"
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1935-01-11
THE PROBLEM OF A LABOR PARTY
| | /.

Ill.
IN THE first two articles we dealt
1 with the questions of why we
raise the Labor Party in positive
manner at this time, and the char
acter of such Labor Party if it
! is to serve the interests of the work
ers. In this article we will deal
with the practical immediate steps
that we should take in the work for
the building of a Labor Party.
Looking over the situation at this
time it seems clear that nothing
could be gained if we should, for
example, call for the immediate
formation of Labor Party on a
national scale This does not
mean that Labor Party on a
national scale can not become a
practical step before the next Pres
idential election. But if it does,
it will be only as a result of the
developments Of local Labor Parties
in the meantime. What could a
Labor Party on national scale, if
organized at this moment, be? 1t
would be either Labor Party or
ganized from the top by the labor
bureaucrsts which would, of course,
be no real step forward or it would
be too narrow to really represent
the wide masses that can with seri-
GUS work finally be rallied toward
a Labor Party on q national scale.
The starting point for our work
must therefore be along two lines.
First, general agitation and enlight-
eminent as to the purpose and role
of a Labor Party both locally and
nationally, and secondly, to under
take the organization of local labor
parties in those localities where the
situation has become ripe for the
building of local Labor Party with
a program, leadership and mass
following that would represent a
real step forward in the separation
of the masses from the old parties
and into a Labor Party that is
pledged to and capable of fighting
for the immediate interests of the
masses.
The Local Problem
But even locally the approach will
not always be just the immediate
formation of a local Labor Party
Very often the first step will take
the natural form which was already
expressed in many local elections in
the past year, namely a United
Worker or Labor ticket This is
especially true for the smaller in
dustrial cities and towns, but may
also be the case even in larger cities.
We have had numerous examples
of the development of the United
Workers Ticket, as for example, in
Dearborn, Mich, in many towns in
Southern Illinois, in Minnesota, etc.
In these local united fronts in
the elections the local organizations
of the workers, the trade unions,
unemployed organizations, the Com
munist Part, in some cases the
locals of the Socialist Party joined
together on program which ex-
pressed the immediate issues on
which these organizations had al
ready established a united front.
The issues were of varied char
acter such as the fight for unem-
ployed relief and unemployment in
surance, workers rights, the struggle
against war and fascism, against the
criminal syndicalist laws, for the
freedom of Tom Mooney and the
Scottsboro boys and, of course, is
sues connected with the strike
struggles, such as the right to strike.
against injunctions, solidarity for