davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06

policies are taboo. On the contrary,
it is only on the basis of a class
program that the oppositions will
develop and live, but the Party car
ries on its work through its estab-
lished fractoisn. Then the fraction
must win the opposition and if pos
sible the local union, for the I'M
Outstanding, acceptance and par
ticipation in the mass struggles and
activities iitiated or participated in
by the Communist Party
4-In Cincinnati another ex-
ample comes to light. The agenda
for a proposed conference Of the
Steel and Metal Workers Indus
trial Union in that city had as a
point work inside the A. F. of L.
metal union-Building of Opposi-
ton Groups" This is obviously
not the direct concern of the
S. M. w. l. U. conference. 1t is
the concern of the Party fraction
inside the s. M w. /. u, as a
part of the entire Party. The
proper thing would have been to
consider at that conference the
problem Of developing united
front between the S. NJ. w. ]. u.
and the A. F. Of l.. unions in
metal in connection with develop
ing strike struggles.
5-Only couple of days before
the calling of the Fisher Body
strike, the comrades inside the
A. T. Of L. union wanted to print
and then actually printed leaflets
for the holding of mass meeting
in the name Of the Auto Workers
Union. These specific comrades
should have had as their main
concern the winning of influence
over the 4,500 workers in the A.
F. of L. union, who two days
later were to call such a tremen-
deus strike, with cur comrades at
that moment not sensitive to the
moods of the workers until the
strike actually was called.
AS rc-:.lt of our underestima-
ton of the Importance Of work in
sid A. r. of l.. as a necessary
organizational task alongside the
building Of the T. U. U. L. unions,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06

we see that in all these A. F. Of L.
led strikes, called by the rank and
file over the heads of the leaders,
we are not an active force. The
possibilities existed in each of them,
if we had worked in the factories
and inside the local unions and de-
veloped prestige through champion
ing the demands of the workers and
being active union members, and
above all had organized broad
rank and file opposition group, for
us to have actually been an active
force inside the strike and in some
cases in the leadership Of the strike.
With proper work during strike
we could have exposed successfully
and outmaneuvered the A. F. of l..
bureaucracy who in Fisher Body
and Cleveland Worsted Mills, broke
the strike, as was the consistent
policy from the beginning. Only at
the end of the strikes were small
opposition rank and file groups fin
ally organized, which are now grow
ing, despite a certain demoraliza-
ton which has set in among these
striking workers after the betrayal
Our absence from active partici-
patton in these A. F. Of l.. unions
makes it easier for the A. F. of l..
leaders to defeat the strikes and
carries temporary Generalization
and disgust among many workers
for all unions. The A. F. of L..
Bureaucracy successfully achieved
just what the trusts and government
wanted, even though in each strike
the method varied. 1t was also pos
sible for the Socialist Party mis-
leaders to come forward with cleft"
phrases. The A. F. of l.. Cleveland
leadership welcomed these gentry
with open arms. In fast the S. P.
leaders were placed in charge of the
Cleveland Worsted strike. Sidney
Yellen together with the chief be-
trayer McWinny visited the Chase
Brass Company and offered the
services of the A. F. of L. to break
the S. M w l. U.-led strike OF
Chase Brass workers. The Socialist
Party leader Clossins, who visited
Cleveland recently, put it very
bluntly;
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06
Music Group At First
Praised NRA; Now
Fight 1t
BY MARTIN YOUNG

IN THE heroic strike of the Elec-
l trio Auto-Lite workers in Toledo.
Ohio, that won the admiration
and support of the workers of the
entire country, the American
Workers Party "A. W. p appeared
as revolutionary" party, pre-
tending to oppose" the N. r. A.
and the bloody strike breaking Of
the government and their national
guards, In an editorial of its Off
cial paper, Labor Action of
June 1, the A. w. P. says that in
Toledo and in other cities the
strikes are against the n. r. A. and
the government boards" This is
undoubtedly correct. But what has
the A. W. P. to do with this, when
actually it has always supported
the N. r. A. and the policies of
the Roosevelt administration against
which the workers are now fight
ing? Does the A. w. P. believe
that by such tricks it can fool
the workers and hide its support
Of the N. r. A? Only on March,
1894, when it already became clear
to ever larger numbers Of workers
and farmers that the N. r. A. is
not changing capitalism, that it is
only strengthening the iron fist of
monopolies and trusts. the A. w, P
stated in an editorial of Labor
Action the following:
Roosevelt has sounded the
death-knell Of OLD COMPETI-
TIVE lsissez-fsire capitalism. He
has made it clear that we live
in an era Of COLLECTIVISM.
He has EXPLODED the ideas of
'old-fsshoned democracy He has
encouraged psychology Of ex-
Fermentation and activism, the
idea that something has got to
be done about it,"
While in Toledo, Minneapolis,
New Orleans, Alabama and all over
the country American capitalism
is numbering in cold blood workers
striking for the right to organize,
the A. w. P. is telling the workers
that the "old competitive capital
ism" is dead.
The A. w. P does not stop at
that 1t wants the workers to be-
lieve that not only can capitalism
be organized in America, but so
can capitalism be organized all
over the capitalist word and even
do away with capitalist rivalries
and wars. For example, the fore
runner of the A. w. P, the Con-
ference for Progressive Labor Ac-
ton, wrote in it's official organ,
Labor Age, Of August. 1881. as
follows,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06

policy and working to win influence
and leadership of these workers and
of the local union. Rank and file
opposition work on a class program
is an integral part of our Party's
trade union policy.
The resistance and confusion on
the question of work inside the A.
r. Of L., and the necessity of con-
Meeting this UP closely with our
factory work in these shops where
the A. F. Of l.. has influence, has
been seen in a hundred ways, when
the District Committee began ener-
getically to develop this work, after
the removal of Comrade lack for
his wrong line and opposition to an
energetic policy of broad rank and
file opposition movements within
the A. F. of L., alongside the main
line of building the Revolutionary
Unions among the unorganized
The following are just a few ex-
amples:
lin Cleveland while there are
Party members in at least 20 A.
F. of l.. locals. there was not
single functioning fraction or real
opposition group functioning.
FIN some locals individual
Communists had influence, but no
broad opposition groups were or
ganized, because it was argued
that this would orientats the
members to staying within the
A. F. of l.. and "Gur objective
must be to take them out as
quickly as possible
3-Experiences in the methods
of organizing A. F. of L. opposi-
ton groups brought out sharply
the confusion. In Akron where
we had heard much about oppose
ton work, an examination brought
out that "the opposition" was a
mere handful of workers close to
the Party who were brought to
the Party headquarters or Cnem-
ployed Council headquarters for a
meeting. The person who was the
Sn-appointed spokesman WAS the
Party Section Organizer. not
Rubber worker or union mem
Der. The leaflets issued BY tine
opposition" were written by the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06

zone outstanding achievement
is the excellent contacts estab-
lished within the trade unions.
Recognizing the talent of the So
cialists, it is quite natural that
the enlightened leadership of
these unions "A. F. Of III. W.
should welcome our assistance"
Even when certain leaders of
local strikes are not conscious mis-
leaders, not to speak of being part
Of the bureaucracy, our absence of
policy and organization among the
masses allows such honest workers
in local leadership of A. F. Of L.
unions and strikes to founder
around because they have no clear
class policy or experience. They are
subject to all the pressure of en-
ployer, city A. F. of L. of1cialdom
and government N. R. A. Boards.
This has been seen by us In the
case of some leaders of the Gas
Station Operators Union, Vice
President of the Fisher Body local
and leader of the Barberton
strike. Failing to organize rank
and file opposition groups which
would even include such honest but
for the moment confused and hest
tating elements, and substitution of
talks with these individuals without
an organization of the rank and file
cannot lead to victory. These in
dividuals become problems. one
moment under the influence of "our
talks" and the next moment under
the pressure of the government. en-
ployer and A. F, OF L, top leaders.
Positive Role of Opposition Groups
In this connection we have also
seen the tendency to think the rank
and file opposition is only to take a
negative position on everything in
stead of developing a positive pro-
gram on the basis of shop and in
dustry onditions of the workers and
conditions within the specific A. F.
Of L. union, which will rally the
rank and file. Another mistaken
notion is the one that the rank and
file group shall not take local union
officials into its ranks. This is
wrong. In many of these locals it
is shop workers who have been
elected to the executive. We must
win as many as possible
Dozens of other examples of the
result of this disastrous policy of
neglecting to work among the A. F.
of L. workers could be cited, such
as the organize. ION of an Unenn-
ployment Insurance Committee by
the Cleveland Federation of Labor,
within which there was vote of
IA to 6 for the Workers Unemploy-
ment Insurance Bill. H. r. 1898. al
though there was not a single Com
n1unist there. also the fact that the
A. F. of L. got its mass support for
the Wagner Bill and only recently
A. F. of L. locals are now beginning
to discuss the Workers Bill, and in
some cases adopting it; or the fact
that militant workers were defeated
as delegates to the I. L. G. w. U.
National convention by 10 and Is
votes respectively although a third
militant worker was elected, and all
this without any organized work
by the opposition. This shows the
possibilities with good organiza-
tionsl work We must further
stress thet in the many Federal
unions, organized on a shop basis
ana made up Of workers belonging
to the A. F. of L. with belief that
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06
Strike Wave Shows Workers Determined Resist Boss Offensive


the union is an instrument of
struggle, there is every opportunity
TO develop real mass work and win
not only influence but leadership
over such masses As yet there
is no real rooted bureaucracy there,
although we must see the conscious
policy Of Green 81 Company to de-
velop new crust of the bursauc-
racy, if We do not act quickly.
Because Of continued betrayals Of
many strike struggles by the A. F.
of l.. some workers begin to quas-
ton whether strikes can be won.
We must answer definitely that
strikes can be won. We must popu-
lari2e the strike policy Of the T. U.
U. L. unions and show concrete ex-
amples of winning strikes and how
to conduct strikes. In such cases
as Chase Brass, where because of
a series Of events including extreme
government terror, injunctions and
the role of the A. F. of L. and S. P,
including some shortcomings of the
Party and T. U. U. L. leadership
(Which requires separate article)
We were not able to win the strike,
we must show the policy pursued
in the interests of the strikers. In
A. F. Of L.-led strikes we must
popularize the need of rank and
file strike committees. mass pickett
ing, daily meetings of strikers, the
need Of spreading strikes, no ar
bitration, and refusal to 90 back to
work until demands are granted,
and no acceptance Of N. r. A.
Board interference. No splitting of
the ranks of the strikers by sending
back one group while others remain
out on strike, or the raising Of the
cry Of Reds" against the Commu-
nists who are the best fighters in
the interests of the workers.
During this past period the Party
has reacted to the strike struggles
better than previously. Some small
steps towards mass work within the
A. F. of l.. are being started. As
yet the reaction has been too much
from the leading committees alone,
without the entire Party being &C
lively involved and conscious of
this work. Our revolutionary army
is still too much separated from
the masses Of factory workers-still
too sectarian.
The District Convention resolu-
ton and Control Tasks stated
sharply the problem before the
Party as follows
"The central task of the entire
Party-with particular emphasis
on initiative by the units and Sec
tions and drastic change in the
orientation of the language bu-
reaus--is to speedily adjust itself
TO leading these workers in these
developing struggles, particularly
strike struggles. The key task is
with the Communists in the fac
tories and A. F. of L. unions +. +.
In carrying through the central
task Of leading the strike strug-
giles in the shops, we must be ag-
gressive in organizing the t. U.
U. L. unions, but wherever the
A. F. of L. or independent unions
have foothold, the revolutionary
duty of each Communist is to join
such locals and become leader
on the basis cf chsmpicnirg the
interests of the workers.
This is the central task that w
must be determined to carry
through. q
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06
The ':An'ericon Workers Party"---Backers
Of the Ne1U Deal in LabOr'S Ranks

And this A. ". P. wants the work
ers to believe that it is going to
fight" American capitalism and
for socialism
Really, the enthusiasm Of the A.
w. P. for Roosevelt and the New
DEAL has no bounds. In its pro-
gram the A. w. P. states: "The
N. r. A.. together with the rest
Of the New Deal has unques-
tionably brought certain temporary
benefits to certain sections Of the
population"
What sections Of the population
does the A. ". P. mean? The
workers, the farmers. the poor
shsre-croppers. the small produc-
ers? In face of the immense
strike breaking, falling, clubbing
and shooting Of workers, boosting
of company unions, militarization,
rising cost of living and declining
buying power of the masses, in
creased taxation, physical destruc-
ton Of products and values, driving
Of hundreds Of thousands Of share
troopers and small farmers off
their land-under such conditions,
only a Roosevelt agent can speak
of benefits under the New Deal"
OF course, there is a section of the
population that did benefit under
the New Deal These are the
big trusts and monopolies. But
why should the A. w. P, which
even calls itself a revolutionary"
party, rejoice over it and present
it to the masses as an achieve
ment, when it is only making the
big capitalists richer and the
workers and farmers poorer?
In summing up the results of
Roosevelt's first year for the work
ers, the aforementioned James
Burnham writes, on MAY Day,
From the point of view Of the
working class, Roosevelts first year
can be looked on as a great ex-
pertinent
A. J. Music, in speaking Of the
great blessings bestowed by the
Roosevelt administration upon the
workers, said in an article in the
Modern Monthly of January, 1884.
Workers have been encouraged
to organize, though in less meas
ure, are doing so. The government
is concerning itself with employer
employe relationships. 1t is en-
gagged in carrying out a great
federal public works program. 1t
is giving direct relief to the I'M
employed"
True enough, for the last year
hundreds of thousands Of workers
have joined trade unions and over
a million workers were on strike.
But this is surely not because of
Roosevelt's encouragement" and
not because the N. r. A. gave"
the workers "a chance to organize
and fight" as the A. W. P, says
It is precisely because the workers
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06

THE Plan of American Eco
nomic Life must fit into a plan
for world economy, which shall
put an end to the rivalries of
natiOnalities, militarists and i'm
perialists. Thus, and only thus,
may war be abolished and the
workers of all the earth achieve
a sane and peaceful existence.
THE plan must be made and
put to work soon"
It is a matter of record That
long before the brain trust" came
into existence, long before the
Roosevelt planning, A. J. Music,
the present leader of the A. W. P.
advocated social planning" and
controlled economy" in capitalist
America. Yet under the Hoover
regime Music wrote, Indeed, some
of the leading forces Of business
and some of the best brains of
the economists have already begun
the endeavor to learn how to build
a controlled economy. Labor should
not lag in this effort" And this
party calls itself revolutionary"
party, and at times even parades
as communist!
Now as to the more practical
policies of Roosevelt and his adj
ministration. The A. w. P. pre-
sented Roosevelt as a great lib
eral," as an "idealist,7 as a presi-
dent whose heart pains" for the
forgotten man, but whose good"
work is being Sabotsged by the
greedy capitalists. just listen
to this:
Roosevelt went into office with
sincerely liberal and idealistic
beliefs. There is no reason
tn doubt that he honestly wanted
tn help the forgotten man, the
unemployed and destitute, that
he was indignant Of the crimes
of bankers and industrialists and
corrupt politicians"
Thus writes James Burnham, a
shining light of the A. W. P, in
the special May First edition of
Labor Action. Could a hundred
brain trusters" give more praise
to Roosevelt? So, gentlemen of
the A. w. P, Roosevelt the wage
cutter, the strike breaker, the big
navy man, the promoter and up
holder of American imperialism, is
not so bad" The trouble is with
"the crimes of bankers and indus
trialists and corrupt politicians"
Roosevelt himself has no relation
ship to and is not an integral part
of all "the crimes of bankers and
industrialists and corrupt politi-
cians"2 Roosevelt does not con-
done the strike breaking, and the
shooting of workers in Minnesp-
oils. Toledo, New Orleans, Ala
bama, etc. -. 1t wasn't Roose-
welt who legalized the company
unions and virtually prohibited the
automobile workers from striking?
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06

Party Section Organizer were
mimeographed by him and in the
Party office. This was true not
only of the efforts TO develop OPP
position work in the Rubber
Workers Union but whatever e.
forts were made in this same city
among the machinists, diamond
workers. match workers, etc.. were
of the same character. In Toledo
similar thing was seen. The
automotive workers on strike were
gradually eating disguised with
their betraying leadership. The
Party set out to organize rank
and file opposition grcurs. Again
they called The worSers to the
Party headouai tiers for this pur-
pose. AT that some 81 workers
came. The Party section organ
izer not an auto worker, a
striker, or member Of the A. F. of
L.-came and lectured to them.
But why blame only the comrades
in the sections, when only two
months ago the then T. u. u. J..
secretary in Cleveland rented a
headquarters for the T. Z. L. l..
and BEGAN labelling ono room rs
the official neadouart FRS OF the
Rank and Fit Opposition Center
in the A, F. of L.?
All of these examples show the
sectarian basis on which the
comrades try to conduct rank and
file opposition work. BY their ac-
tons they narrow it down only TO
the most revolutionary workers,
trying to fit it into such forms. The
comrades actually visualized rank
and file opposition groups as made
UP only of revolutionary minded
workers. They did not develop self
initiative and leadership of the
workers whose activity must lead
them to win influence and strive
for leadership of the local unions.
All this was stified. BY uniting
openly the rank and file opposition
work and the Communist Party in
su1h forms, it was preventing the
development of this work on a mass
basis.
This. of course, does not mean
that the Communist Party or It's
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-06
Correct Methods Gave
Gains in Shop
Work
BY I. WoFsEY

THE Connecticut District is
! one of the smallest dis
tricts in size in our Party. 1t
received very little attention
from the Party up to recent
months. However, now with
fthe danger of war becoming
more and more imminent. its i'm
pof.ance is being realized to some
extent.
Connecticut is the center of the
munitions industry, and produces
more munitions and war materials
than any other state in the Union.
In Bridgeport we have the Reming-
ton Arms Co.; in New Haven, Win
chester Repeating Arms Co.; in
Hartford, Colts Firearms and the
Pratt and Whitney Co., manufac-
tuners of bombing planes; in New
London, the Electric Boat Co., now
building two submarines for the u.
S. Navy. Aside from this every im-
portant brass plant in Waterbury,
as well as elsewhere in this district,
Is producing war materials.
While unemployment RACES in
this state, the war plants are busy.
In these plants employment is on
the increase. They are hiring help
and are working two or three shifts.
A good example is the Electric
Boat Co. in New London, where
they now employ close to 1000
workers, whereas last year only
four to five hundred worked.
At numerous district conventions
and conferences the Importance of
work in the war industries was
stressed, but was always postponed
for lack of time, due to the fact
that all activity was carried on in
a general manner everywhere, but
not in the shops.
Examination of Our Work
The open letter to our Party,
adopted at the extraordinary con-
ference, stressing shop and trade
union work as the most important
mass activity for the building of a
mass Communist Party, stimulated
the district to critically examine
our work with view to bringing
about a definite change. Especially
did we realize that the section Of
the Open Letter which says; Talk
about the defense of the Soviet
Union and struggle against i'm
perialist war is nothing but empty
phrases unless systematic work is
carried out in the war industry
plants and in the ports" applied
particularly to our district.
We decided, therefore, to concen-