The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-03-24
~ EARL BRewBER

Another chapter in the history Of
the struggle for united front
ssai5ast war and fascism has now
hean finished. from which definite
conclusions can be established re-
usrdfng the role of the Socialist
party leaders on the basis Of our
concrete experiences in the United
States.
The incident which marks the end
of this chapter is the withdrawal
from the National Committee OF the
American League Against War and
Fascism of the last Of those ma
tional figures Of the Socialist Party
who had been formally on record
for the united front and who had
become known as left" representa-
tives through their activities in the
American League. The history OF
the experiences since the united
front manifesto of last spring, Is
sued by the Communist Party, con-
stit,tes a most serious political les
son for the American working class.
It is necessary, therefore, to review
Systematically the whole chain OF
events Of this period.
The United Front Manifesto OF
the Communist Party created ire
mendous interest and support
among the working class members
of the Socialist Party. This began
to crystallize itself around the Pro-
visional Committee which had been
established TO organize general
United states Congress Against War
ia which were invited al working
class and anti-war organizations.
This committee from the beginning
was Internationally supported by
the Communist Party and at all
times represented in It's compost
ton majority Of non-Communist
elements. It was the broadest
united front that has been devel-
oped in the United States in the
postwar period. Its appeal became
so great that finally the Socialist
Party National Committee consid-
cred it necessary to take stand
and conduct maneuvers designed to
break up this united front.
Socialist Party Maneuver
This maneuver was carried out in
the following way: The Socialist
Party National Committee decided
to adhere to the United States Con-
gress Against War provided salts
factory conditions could be worked
out between its representatives and
the Arrangements Committee. A
conference was held in which the
Socialist Party representatives pro-
posed the addition OF eleven Social
list leaders to the Arrangements
Committee and at the same time
raised the question of stopping all
criticism Of one organization by an
other as condition for the united
front. The Arrangements Commit
tee. on motion of the representa-
tive of the Communist Party, ac-
cepted the nominations to the COM
mittee and declared that the ques-
ton Of criticism would be dealt with
by the Arrangements Committee
only in relation to the preparations
for the Congress, that all ques-
tions regarding such preparations
should be thrashed out in the Ar
rangements Committee before pub
lie criticisms were made. On its
part the Communist Party imme-
diately published statement of
policy, making clear it's attitude on
these questions to everyone. This
statement published in the Daily
Worker Of July II, declared:
ut was the representative Of
the Communist Party, Comrade
Robert Minor, who made the mo-
ton which was adopted to accept
the eleven nominations of the So
cialist Party. Comrade Minor
correctly declared that the Com
munists have no interest in limit
ing the Congress or its prepare
tory committees and no desire to
establish any organizationaI con-
troll. In the Arrangements Com
mittee neither can there be any
question raised which predeter-
mines the decisions of the pro-
jected Congress. The calling of
the Congress is not yet the estab-
lishment Of a united front. 1t is
only one step in that direction.
The Congress itself, by the pro-
gram which 1t will adopt, must
furnish the real foundation of the
united front in the struggle
against war.
"The Organizing Committee for
the Ana-War Congress very wise
y adopted, from the beginning,