The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-09-19

last year and a half.
In the first mass strike of the
coal miners in the steel company
mines of Western Pennsylvania last
August, did not John L. Lewis, Vice
President Phil Murray of the United
Mine Workers, and other such lead
erS urge the miners not to strike
against the starvation conditions in
the mines but to wait for the coal
code-Which, when formulated and
signed, by outlawing strikes and
penalizing strikers, gave the COM
panies more domination over the
lives of the miners than they had
ever dared hope to have.
Was it not Ed McGrady-an A.
F. Of L. organizer made assistant
secretary of labor to strengthen the
organic connection of the A. F. of
l.. hierarchy with the government
who got the miners to return to
work by pledging the honor" of
President Roosevelt that their griev-
ances would be adjusted?
1t is a matter of labor history
that the miners returned to work
that their conditions became worse
than before; that within a month
or two they had to strike again,
this time with their ranks increased
from 35, 900 to $1,000. 1t is a mat
ter of record that they were gassed
and dubbed and some shot and
killed.
1t is also a matter of record that
they were on strike in October when
the 53rd Annual Convention of the
A. F. of L. met in Washington, D.
c., and that neither by word or
deed did the official caste in that
convention take cognizance of their
brave struggle.
Fought the Auto Workers
1t is matter of record that Pres
ident Green and William Collins,
organizer working under his in
structionS in the Detroit area, con-
ntved and conSpired to confuse, di-
vide and prevent the mass organ
Rational an d strike movement
among the auto workers in Detroit
and other auto plant centers. 1t is
matter of record that President
Green endorsed and praised the
auto code with its infamous COM
pany union merit clause"-the code
signed by Roosevelt in the face of
wide protest from workers of all
shades of political opinion and of
various unions.
1t is matter of record that Pres
ident Green, Sidney Hillman of the
Amalgamated Clothing Workers and
Mcmahon Of the U. T. W., agreed
to the starvation textile code with
no provisions against the stretch
out-against the vulnerable evil of
inhuman labor conditions and hun
ger wages against which almost a
half million textile workers are now
on strike.
1t is matter of cold and ire
futable fact that President William
Green, with the doddering reaction
airy Mike Tighe in tow, as the per-
sonal representative of President
Roosevelt, went to Pittsburgh and
cajoled and bludgeoned the special
convention of the Amalgamated AS
ISOLATION of Iron, Steel and Tin
Workers to forego the strike for
which the date had been set. It
is a matter of record that this on
slaught discouraged and to some
extent demoralized them in prog
ress. This was the intention Of this
joint maneuver of President Roose-
welt and President Green.
This is not the time to strike"
Green told the steel workers. Yet
the industry was in the midst of
squirt in production. Two months
later production dropped to IS per
cent of capacity, then to 80, then
to Is, then to 10 and then to Is per
cent of capacity. Tens of thou
sands of, steel workers who were
employed at the time of the con-
vention were once more thrown out
on the streets to beg, steal or slowly
starve on the hunger relief rations
in the steel towns.
Communists Told Truth
Additional thousands of workers
know today who was honest and
who was right. They know that it
was President Green, the $4,000
per year labor leader who lied to
them and betrayed them, who took
from them the best opportunity
they had for years to organize and
make some advances, who preached
surrender when the moment called
for militant struggle. They know
that the Communists told them the
truth and that their program was
the correct one for the steel work
ers and the workers in the allied
industries.