The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1934-09-12
Liberal Viewpoint
BY DIR. HARRY ELMER BARNES

X.
Ara time when the NRA is particularly I'M
IA der fire at the hands Of American busl-
ness and reactionary political leaders II Is graft
flying to read John T. Flynns article IN Harper
magazine on Whose Child Is the NRA?'
This one OF the most important and iuuml-
mating articles published in any magazine since
the Roosevelt administration came into once
Mr. Flynn admirably states the popular con-
ception OF the background and authorship OF
the NRA:
There is a notion that the NRA is the mon
ster child Of the Brain Trust. Whenever MA
bares its teeth and puts little tailor IN jail
for pressing pants at discount, the enemies OF
the administration point their fingers in scorn
and hatred at the flaming red rascal, Tugwel
who is supposed to have Sovietized the good old
U. S. A. through the NRA.
ogden Mills denounces the administration
for its un-American conspiracy to regiment
American business and life, and Mr.. Mark Sui
Ivan explains at least once week that this is
the prime objective of the Brain Trust, which
plots remorselessly for the classification Of the
land CT the free"
Mr.. Flynn amply and clearly demonstrates
that nothing could be further from the facts in
the case Aside from Section IA, the National
Industrial Recovery Act was almost exclusively
the product of the thinking, policies and pres
sure of American big business, particularly the
TOR more than seventy years a powerful ele-
Il ment among American business men have
sought to regiment American business under
their dominion. Up to 1888 the United States
government fought winning, if waning, fight
against this tendency.
Contrary to general conviction the MIRA did
not constitute victory of the government over
business men, but was a surrender to them CIV
ing up the fight of three score years and ten
against business control over American industry.
specific anticipation of the NRA appeared
in the trade practices codes worked out by the
trade relations committee of the United States
Chamber of Commerce following 1925 More
than forty such codes were adopted. Then in
October, 1881, the United States Chamber of
Commerce submitted a series of recommends
tons very similar in spirit to the MIRA. About
the same time a plan was set forth by Gerard
Swope which bore a marked resemblance to
both the Chamber proposals and the later NF1A.
Thus when Mr. Roosevelt came into office in
March, 1893:
The Chamber of Commerce and what is
called big business had program which included
Cd modification of the Sherman antitrust law
g self-rule by trade associations under codes of
practice to regulate production prices, and trade
practices; CD authority to shorten hours and
establish minimum wages; "a a long-term plan
for setting up unemployment, disability, and old
MIR. FLYNN gives clear historical analysis
1Vl of the actual genesis of the national indus
trial recovery act under the Roosevelt admins
tration. He shows that it was the product of
almost everybody except the real brain trust.
A conference called by Senator Wagner, sem
ator and congressman, some members of the de-
partments of agriculture and commerce, and
General Johnson, had leading part in the dis
cussions and foundations which led to the act.
Section IA was contributed by the depart
ment of labor and its most aggressive enemy
seems to have been no other than Donald Rich
berg.
Big business was not at all disappointed with
the contents of the NFA with the exception of
Section IA, which it has been able to all but
nullify during the last year Mr. Hartman de-
clared that 1T was a complete victory for the
chamber" Mr.. Flynn seems amply justified in
his conclusion:
In short, with the exception of the collec-
tive bargaining Professionalism as we have
seen was robbed subsequently of much of it's
original strength-the NRA plan represented al
most entirely the influence and ideal of big
business men. The share of the brain trust in
its paternity was microscopic; the. share of the
Chamber of Commerce and other business in
terests was predominant.
There is little in the present cutlery about
governments regulating industry The govern
ment merely has given up its long fight against
the attempt of industry to regulate itself"