davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20
With nnism in Struggle Aans Opporns Glass Collaboration


ing the crisis years, been driven down
to the position occupied by the mass
of the proletariat, both in respect to
employment Cor unemployment and
conditions Of labor. And this process
Of reducing the entire working class Of
the U. S. to the standards formerly
occupied by it's worst paid and most
exploited sections has received a VOW
swing with the introduction of the
New Deal and the N. r. A.
Social Base of Opportunism
AS a consequence, the social base
Of opportunism is becoming ever more
narrow and unstable, while the repre-
sentatives of opportunism degenerate
into a clique of bureaucrats which,
especially in the trade unions, must
resort ever more frequently to fas-
cist methods in order to maintain
themselves in the labor movement.
In the years of the world imperial
ist war Q914-18), the opportunists of
the Socialist Parties and Of the trade
unions carried the idea of class col
liberation to the point Of allying
themselves with the bourgeoisie to
drive the working class into the war,
to forestan proletarian revolutions for
which Lenin and the BolSheviks were
fighting, and to crush such reVolu-
tons wherever they break out despite
the opportunists. OF this the Ger
man Social-Democracy offers the
classic example. But the same was
the policy Of the entire Second IN
ternational.
The bureaucracy Of the American
Federation Of Labor and the leader
ship Of the Socialist Party had no &C.
casion to crush proletarian revolu-
ton in the U. S., but they did their
utmost to prevent such q revolution
and to dragon the masses into the
war. Opportunism during that period
inevitably led to social-chauvinism
and social-patriotism.
There were at the time also centrist
groups in the Second International,
groups like Kautsky in Germany,
Trotzky in Russia, Hillquit in the
o. s.. groups that claimed to be free
from the opportunism Of the open
social-chauvinists as well as more
practical" than Lenin and the Boil
sheviks. But what was the actual
role of these centrist groups? What
was their policy2 Their policy con-
sisted in putting on paint OF Left
phrases upon the opportunism of the
Rights and to subordinate the Let's
10 the Rights" (Stalin). That's why
Lenin and the Bolsheviks waged a
determined struggle against the CEN
trists, while organizing the break with
the Rights In the Second Interna-
tional and the formation Of the Com
munist International.
With the fascination Of the bour-
geoisie, opportunism is undergoing a
similar process of fascination. That Is
why we speak now of social democ-
racy and the opportunists in the
unions as Of oc;al.fasctsm and social.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20

fasciSm and letters the proletarian
class struggle so that it should not be
in position to offer effective resist
ance to fascism.
At its very inception in the early
nineties of the past century, Lenin
declared mortal war against class col
liberation. The Bclsheviks, first I'M
der Lenin and then under Stain, have
consistently waged this war against
the bearers of opportunisnn, regardless
Of their covering.
At the present moment in the
United States we are continuing this
struggle when we expose the role of
the A. F. of L. bureaucracy and of
the Socialist Party in putting across
The New Deal and the N. r. A.
Present Day U. S. opportunists
Green and Thomas are going Com
pers and Hillquit one better. The
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20

latter entered the late world imperial
ist war on the side Of the American
bourgeoisie upon the outbreak Of the
war, but the former are already work.
ing hand in glove with the capitalists
through the N. r. A. and otherwise
in preparation for the coming war
Gompers and Hillquit in the period
prior to the war Of 1914-I9I3, and be-
fore the opening Of the present epoch
Of world revolution, were more or less
consistently adhering TO bourgeois
democracy. But the same Hillquit az
ter the war, and now Thomas and
Green are more or less consistently
adhering to the lesser evil," which is
fascism, rather than the dictatorship
Of the proletariat.
Music g. Company wish to be re-
garded as something very different
from Green and Thomas. But the
Communist Party has warned the
working class followers Of this move
ment that it can be nothing else but
Left" cover for Green and Thomas.
And SO it is. On the trade unoin field,
whether in the A. F. L. or outside OF
1t, Mysticism is leading everywhere to
strengthening Of the Green bureau
cracy or elements similar to 1t.
Theoretically, Mysticism claims to
be building up on the trade union
field something that would be free of
the Green opportunism and mot so
red" as the T. q. U. L. In practice,
Mysticism helps to demoralize and
weaken the proletarian nilitants that
fall under its influence, stopping their
struggle against Green halfway and
thus working directly for Green and
such like.
On the question of working class
political party, Mysticism claims to be
working for party that would be free
from the opportunism OF the Social
ist Party and mot so red" as the
Communist Party. For this purpose.
Music and one of the sleekest OPP
portunists in the labor movement,
Salutzky- Hardman, have formed the
American Workers Party In prac-
tice-if not effectively combatted by
the Communist%this can wsrk out
only in one way: to strengthen the
capitalist tactics of red scare" to
help the bourgeoisie drive a wedge
between the native and foreign born
workers, to weaken the movement Of
the radicalized workers toward Com
munism, and to reestablish the OPP
portunist influence among them under
the cover Of Left" phrases.
1t Is either Communism or oppor-
tunism. Anything that claims to be
standing in between. like the Music
Salutzky American Party" is oppor-
tunism dressed in Left" phrases. And
this is the most dangerous form of
opportunism because it is most deceit
full for the insuficiently trained radi-
Called worker. For this reason the
exposure Of Mysticism as Left" social
fascism is of the greatest Importance
for the development of the class
struggle IN tho United States
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20

fascists. The idea Of class collabora-
tion-the essence of opportunisn-
has reached here new depth of
5reachery to the working class.
Opportunism in the Present Period
In the present epoch, which con-
fronts the working class with one al
tentative, either the dictatorship of
the bourgeoisie or the dictatorship Of
the proletariat, opportunism sees its
main task in f~hting for the main
tenance Of the dictatorship of the
hourgeoisie.
World social-democracy, which in
the U. S. is represented chiefly by
the A. F. of L. bureaucracy and the
Socialist Party, would prefer to main
tain the dictatorship of the bour-
geoisie by democratic" means, that is,
in a form covered by bourgeois dem
ocracy. These democratic preferences
OF social-democracy arise primarily
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20

who know the history Of nations, who
have studied the history Of revolu-
tions from beginning TO end, are some
times afflicted with an unpleasant dis
ease. This disease is know as fear
Of the masses, lack Of confidence in
the creative ability Of the masses.
Sometimes on this ground a certain
aristocratic pose is displayed by lead
ers towards the masses who, although
not versed in the history Of revolu-
tons, are destined to break up the old
and build the new. The fear that the
elements may break forth, that the
masses may "break up too much" the
desire to play the role Of nurses who
try to teach the masses from books
but who refuse to learn from the
masses-such is the basis Of this sort
of aritocratic attitude.
Lenin represented the very opposite
Of such leaders. do not know another
revolutionary who had such profound
confidence in the creative strength
Of the proletariat and in the revolu-
tionary expediency OF It's class in
stincts as Lenin did. 7 do not know
| another revolutionary who was so able
to ruthlessly scourge the SNUG critics
Of the chaos of revolution" and the
"bacchanalis of irresponsible actions
Of the masses" as Lenin was. I re-
member during a conversation, in re-
ply to a remark made by a comrade
that latter revolution normal order
must be established" Lenin sarcastic
ally remarked: at is a pity that
people who want to be revolutionaries
forget that the most normal kind Of
order in history is revolutionary
order"
Hence Lenin's contempt for all those
who tried superciliously' to look down
| upon the masses and to teach them
from books. Hence Lenin's constant
urging that we must learn from the
masses, try to understand their &C
tons and carefully study the practical
experience OF the struggle of the
masses.
Confidence in the creative power Of
the masses-tllis is the peculiar fea-
ture in the activities Of Lenin which
enabled him to understand the
spontaneous movement ani direct it
into the channels of the proietarian
revolution.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20
By ALEX BITTELMAN

It Is well known that LeniniSn be-
came the only guide Of the world rev.
dictionary movement through con-
slant and merciless struggle against
opportunism in all It's manifestations.
And it is also well known that the
struggle against opportunism is a
struggle on two fronts: against open
Right opportunism, the chief danger
in the present period; and against
opportunism covered with Left"
phrases. Since Lenin's death, this
struggle has been successfully carried
on under the leadership Of comrade
Stain, the recognized teacher and
leader Of the world struggle for the
dictatorship Of the proletariat and for
socialism
But what is opportunisrn? '"r h e
main thing in opportunism," said
Lenin. lis the idea Of class collabora-
on" This IS true for oopo-tunisrn
throughout the world, but especially
SO for the United States. Class coll
liberation was the banner Of Com
pers and Hillquit: it is now the ban
ner Of Green and Thomas. And the
Left" opportunists Of the Music
Hardnan (Salutzky) variety are
merely covering up the rotten carcass
Of class collaboration with Left"
phrases in the hope Of thereby catch
ing more easily the radicalized work.
ers that are moving towards Com
munisrn.
Class Collaboration
Glass collaboration. naturally. takes
on different forms depending upon
the state of the class struggle. But
no matter what its concrete and prac-
tical manifestations, class collabora-
ton Is always a policy of sacrificing
the basic interests Of the mass Of the
proletariat to the temporary interests
Of negligible minority of workers" |;
it Is a policy Of "a union of part Of
the workers with the bourgeoisie
against the mass of the proletariat"
Oenin). This Is precisely the policy
OF the bureaucracy Of the American
Federation Of Labor and of the So
cialist Party. Furthermore, this meg
ligible minority of workers" for whose
temporary and transient interests the
opportunists in the labor movement
are sacrificing the basic interests OF
the mass Of the proletariat'' this
minority Is itself becoming ever
smaller In number.
The old aristocracy and bureau
cracy OF labor, built up and debauched
by imperialist bribery and corruption
and allied to the bourgeoisie against
the proletariat. has undergone con-
siderable changes In the period Of the
general crisis Of capitalism and espe-
cially In the years Of the economic
crisis. The bourgeoisie of the United
States is no longer able to bride and
corrupt the privileged minority Of
workers as 1t did In the past.
On the contrary, large numbers OF
the old labor aristocracy hasA dun
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20
Strength of Logic

The two speeches that Lenin de-
nvered at this conference on the
political situation and on the agrarian
question were most remarkable. I'm
fortunately, the reports Of them have
not been preserved. These were in
spired speeches, which reused the
whole conference TO an outburst of
enthusiasm. Extraordinary power Of
conviction. simplicity and clarity in
augmentation. short sentences in
telligible to all, the absence of posing,
the absence Of violent gesticulations
and Understanding phrases playing
for effect-all this favorably distin-
guished Lenin's speeches from the
speeches of ordinary, parliamentary"
orators
But 1t was not this aspect of Lenins
speeches that captivated me at the
time. I was captivated by the in
vincible power of logic in Lenin's
speeches which, though somewhat dry,
nevertheless completely overcomes the
audience, gradually electrifies it, and
then holds the whole audience cap-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20
The Genius of
Revolution

Lenin was born for revolution. He
was, in truth, the genius of revolu-
tionary outbreaks and a great master
master in the art Of revolutionary
leadership. Never did he feel so free
and happy as in the epoch Of revolu-
tionary shocks. By that do not want
to say that Lenin equally approved of
all revolutionary shocks, or that he
advocated revolutionary outbreaks at
all times and under all conditions.
Not in the least. I want merely to
say that never was the profound fore
sight Of Lenin revealed SO fully and
distinctly as during revolutionary out
breaks. In the days of revolutionary
uprisings he blossomed out, as it were,
became prophet, foresaw the move
ment of classes and the probable zig
gags of the revolution, saw them like
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20
By JOSEPH STAIN

The following speech was de-
livered by COmrads Stain at a
memorial evening Of KremIin Mill
tary students, Jan. 28, 1924, seven
days after Lenin's death.
Comrades, I was told that you here
have arranged an evening Of re-
niniscences Of Lenin, and that I have
been invited as one Of the speakers.
1 assume that there is no need to de-
liver a set speech on Lenin's activities.
I think it would be better for me to
confine myself to communicating
few facts which indicate certain of
Lenins peculiarities as man and
public worker. Perhaps these facts
will not be interconnected, but this
will not interfere seriously with pre-
senting a general picture Of Lenin.
At all events, am unable at present
to do more than what I have
promised.
first made the acquaintance of
Lenin in 1903. 1t is true that this
was not a personal acquaintance, it
was an acquaintance established by
correspondence. But this made an
ineradicable impression upon me
which has never left me all the time
I have been working for the Party.
At that time I YVES in exile in Siberia.
My introduction to the revolutionary
activity Of Lenin at the end of the
'nineties, and especially after 1901,
after the publication of IsIlra, con-
Vinced me that Lenin was a man
out Of the ordinary. At that time
did not regard him merely as the
leader of the Party, but as, practice ~,
its creator, because he alone under
stood the internal substance and the
urgent needs of the Party.
Whenever I compared him with the
other leaders of our Party it always
seemed to me that Lenin's comrades
in-arms-Plekhanov, Martov, Axelrod
and others-were head shorter than
Lenin, that compared with them
Lsnin was not merely one of the
leaders, but a leader of superior
type, q mountain eagle, who knew no
fear in the struggle, and who boldly
led the Party forward along the I'M
explored paths of the Russian revolu-
tionary movement. This impression
was SO deeply ingrained in my mind
that I felt that must write about
him to one of my intimate friends
who was then in exile abroad, and
to ask him to give me his opinion
Of Lerin.
After a short time, when l was al
ready in exile in Siberia, this was
at Ehe end of 1903, I received an en-
thusiastic letter from my friend and
simple, but very profund letter from
Lenin, to whom it appears, my friend
had communicated my letter. Lenin's
fearless criticism Of the practical
work of our Party, and a remarkably
clear and concise outline Of a whole
plan of work Of the Party for the
immediate period. Lenin alone was
able to write about the most COM
plicated things SO simply and clearly,
so concisely and boldly-so that every
sentence seems, not to speak, but to
ring out like shot. This simple and
bold letter still more strengthened me
in my opinion that in Lenin we had
the mountain eagle of our Party.
cannot forgive myself for having
burnt Lenin's letter as I did many
others, as is the habit of an old I'M
derground worker.
From that time my acquaintance
W - ! began.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20
MOdesty

ynin for the first time in
December, 1905, at a conference of
Bolsheviks in Tammerfors (Finland).
]. was looking forward to seeing the
mountain eagle Of our Party, the
great man, great, not only politically,
but, if you will, physically, because in
my imagination I pictured Lenin as
giant, well built and imposing.
Imagine my disappointment when
saw an ordinary man, below average
height, in no way, literally in no way,
to De distinguished from ordinary
mor5als
1t is the accepted thing for great
man to come late to meetings SO that
tbs other people gathered at the
meeting should wait on the tenter-
hooks of expectation for his appear
ance; and just before the appearance
of the great man, the people at the
meeting say, Ssh Silence He
Is coming" This rite seemed to me
necessary because it makes an i'm
preston, it imbues one with respect.
Imagine my disappointment when 1
learned that Lenin had arrived at the
meeting before the delegates, and
having ensconced himself in corner
was conversing, holding an ordinary
conversation, with the ordinary dele
gates to the conference. I will not
conceal from you that then this
seemed to me somewhat of a viola
ton of certain necessary rules.
Only later did realize that this
SIMPLIFY and modesty of Lenin, this
striving to remain unobserved, or at
all events, not to make himself prom
inent, not to emphasize his high
position this feature was one of
Lenin's strongest sides as new leader
of new masses. of simple and or
binary masses. of the very rank and
file" Of humanity,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20
LENIN, THE "NlOUNTAIN EAGLE GENIUS OF REVOLUTION
ped kand

tive. I remember many OF the dele
gates saying: THE logic In Lenins
speeches can be compared to all
powerful tentacles which seize one in
their grip on all sides and from the
embrace Of which 1t Is impossible to
release oneself: either surrender or
make up your mind to be utterly
crushed"
I think that this peculiar feature
Of Lenin's speeches represents the
strongest side Of this oratorical art.
No SniUeIIing
I met Lenin the second time in
1905, at the Stockholm Congress Of
our Party. 1t is well known that at
this Congress the Bolsheviks were in
the minority, they were defeated. This
was the first time I saw Lenin in
the role Of the vanquished. He did
nc5 in the least look like those lead
ers who SWIVEL and become respondent
after defeat. On the contrary, defeat
transformed Lenin into a congelation
of energy, who inspired his adherents
with courage for fresh battles and, for
future victory. said that Lenin was
defeated. But what sort Of a defeat
was it? You should have seen LeninS
opponents, the YictorS of Stockholm
-Plekhanov, Axelrod, Martov and the
others; they did not in the least look
like real victors, because, in his ruth
less criticism of Menshevism, Lenin,
so to speak, did not leave a sound
place on their bodies.
1 remember the Bolsheyik delegates
gathering together in a small crowd
gazing at Lenin and asking him for
advice. In the conversation OF some
Of the delegates one detected a note
Of WEAKNESS and depression. re-
member Lenin, in reply to such talk,
sharply saying through his clenched
teeth: mo Srivelling, Comrades, we
shall certainly win, because we are
right" Hatred for snivelling intel
lectuals, confidence in ones own
strength, confidence in victory - that
is what Lenin talked to us about at
that time. One felt that the defeat
OF the Bolsheviks was q temporary
one, that the BolshevikS must be vic
torious in the near future.
mo snivelling in the event of de-
feat" This is the peculiar feature
in the activities of Lenin that helped
him to rally around himself an army
that was faithful to the last and had
confidence in its strength.
No Roasting
At the next Congress, in 1907, in
London, the Bolsheviks were the VIC
tors. I then saw Lenin for the first
time in the role Of victor. Usually,
victory turns ordinary leaders heads,
makes them proud and boastful. Most
frequently, in such cases, they begin
to celebrate their victory and rest on
their laurels. But Lenin was not in
the least like such leaders. On the
contrary, it is precisely after victory
that he became particularly vigilant,
on the alert.
I remember Lenin at that time
earnestly impreSSing upon the dele
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-01-20

gates: "The first thing is, not to be
carried away with victory and not
to boast; the second thing is, con-
solidate the victory; the third thing
is, crush the opponent, because he is
only defeated, but not get crushed by
long way" He poured whitening
ridicule on those delegates who frivol-
ously declared that from now on the
Mensheviks are finished" 1t was not
difficult for him to prove that the
Mensheviks still had roots in the labor
movement. that they had to be fought
skillfully, and that ver-estimation Of
ones own strength, and particularly
under estimation Of the strength Of
the enemy, was to be avoided.
mot boasting Of vlctory"-thiS Is
the peculiar feature in Lenin's char
acter that helped him soberly to
weigh the forces of the enemy and
to ensure the Party against possible
surprises.
Principle
Party leaders cannot but prize the
opinion Of the majority Of their party.
The majority is a power, which q
leader cannot but take into account.
Lenin understood this not less than
any other Party leader. But Lenin
never allowed himself to become the
captive Of the majority, especially
when that majority did not have
basis Of principle. There have been
moments in the history Of our Party
when the opinion of the majority, or
the transient interests of the Party,
came into conflict with the funda-
mental interests of the proletariat.
In such cases Lenin without hesita-
ton took deterninedly his stand in
the side of principle against the ma
jority Of the Party. Moreover, in
such cases, he did not fear to come
out literally alone against all, cal
culating, as he often said, that "a
policy based on principle is the only
correct policy"
The two following facts are par
ticularly characteristic in this respect.
First Fact. The period of 1909-11,
when the Party, defeated by the
counter-revolution, was undergoing
complete disintergration. This was
the period of complete lack of faith
in the Party. the period of the whole
sale desertion of the Party, not only
by the intellectuals, but partly also
by the workers, the period when I'M
derground work was repudiated, the
period of liquidationism and collapse.
Not only Mensheviks, but also Boil
sheviks at that time represented
number of factions and trends, for
the most part divorced from the labor
movement. 1t is well known that it
was precisely at this time that the
idea arose Of completely nquidating
the underground organization ard Of
organizing the workers in a legal,
liberal, Stolypin parties that would
be permitted by Stolypin, the reac-
tionary Prime Minister of Russia in
1906-11-Ed).
At that time Lenin was the only
one who did not give way to the gen
eral mood and who held aloft the
Party banner, rallied the scattered
and defeated forces OF the Party with