davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14

united Judgment. embodied in Roosevelts "nev
course On the one hand, the company union
advocates had been convinced of the couplete
docility and reliability for their purposes of
Green Lewis, and the whole official A. F. of I,
family; they have been converted to the view
Of johnson in this respect On the other hand
the proponents Of the A. F. OF L. have been con-
WINGED that in spite of Green & Co. is absolute
reliability in purpose their ability to control
their membership is growing less and less each
day. Already last fall Roosevelt had q sharp
intimation Of this, when John L. Lewis had TO
admit his failure to drive The strikers of the
captive mines back to work, and Roosevelt had
to do the Job personally Another major ex-
ample Of the same sort was the auto situation.
where the A. F. Of L. leaders frankly told the
President that they we're helpless to stop the
strike movement unless Roosevelt himself in
tervensd The whole strike wave rising against
the Csnute-like commandments Of Green b Co.
drove the lesson home. Conclusions Neither one
nor the other neither A. r of l.. nor com
pany union, alone, but both together. in con-
stantly closer association, and in preparation
for merging the two under Government aus
pices That is the essence of the new course "
Of course, differences continue-we must not
be confused by them
This new course" is now in process of being
incorporated into the Wagner Bill which in its
original form provided for a sort of Watson
Parker Law compulsory arbitration on the rail-
roads, for all industries The original purpose
to bind the unions with the strong chains of ar
bitration machinery, to choke down the strike
wave is now to be supplemented by guarantees
Of effectiveness through binding the trade
unions with the company unions
LsGuardia, in the midst Of Handling" the
taxi drivers strike in New York City, knew how
to take a hint" He promptly abandoned the
settlement which he had prepared. to which the
workers had agreed but which the companies
had rejected, and called representative Of the
A. F. of L. from Washington to negotiate the
Incorporation Of the taxi company union into
the A. F. Of L. He was correct in principle"
in this question but too hssty and crude in
action so the execution Of his proposal has been
postponed for more favorable stage setting.
An organic part of the whole new course"
toward labor is the sharp turn In the question
of unemployed relief Roosevelt has in his hands
unexpended billions, which he demanded from
Congress for relief purposes. But suddenly, so
suddenly as to shock host of loyal new deal
ers" and bring bitter protests from them dn-
GLIDING such close friend of Roosevelt as Gov
ernor Lehman of New York;, the G. w. A. is
closed down, and millions Of unemployed are
thrown back upon the bankrupt local govern
ments Why this new course" toward the url-
words published on the front page of the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14
Main aim of New Deal was to bridge most diff
cult situation for capitalists

J CLEVELAND PLAIN DEALER Sunday. April
1st)
Those not so pleased with the new relief
standards think the administration finding
perhaps that its grants of power to the labor
unions were greater than the administration
would now like to have them. may have
thought of an abrupt ending of G. W. A. and
a lowering of direct relief expenditures as an
effective way of Cutting the labor market and
taking some of the spirit out of the unions"
What are the main strategic tasks of the
Communist Party, that flow from this analysis
Of the situstion7
First, to help the masses of workers. who are
coming to realization that they must halt their
mutually destructive competition. must begin
to act unitedly against q hostile ruling system
to find the road to independent class organiza-
ton and class struggle in the fight for their
daily bread
Second, to organize every possible form of
resistance and ter-struggle against the at
tseks Of reaction, against every reduction of
living Standards for wage increases. for more,
relief for jobs for unemployment insurance
against cultural reaction, against Negro oppres-
sion, for civil rights, for the right to organize
and strike.
Third to find the broadest possible forms of
organization Of the struggle, to apply with Boil
shevist hexihility, the tactic Of the united front
from below.
Fourth, to expose the true role Of every hidden
agent Of capitalist reaction in the ranks of the
working clsss-the leaders Of the A. F. of L. of
the Socialist Party, the Music group, the re-
negades, by concrete analysts of their actions
and policies.
Fifth to raise the political consciousness of
the struggling workers, to bring to them an un-
derstsnding Of the class structure Of society,
Of the fact that two main classes are fighting
for control that Roosevelt leading the present
ruling class, finance capital stands for degrs-
dation hunger, misery oppression, fascsn, war
that only the working class exercising state
Power, can open up new era of peace prog
ress, and prosperity for the entire human race.
Sixth, to Undue the broadcast masses with the
fundamentals Of Marxism- Lennism, to arm
them with the lessons Of successful revolution
against the treacherous slogans and ideas Of
social~fascisrn.
Seventh, to create strongholds Of revolution
airy mass organizations in the most important
industries, localities, and factories.
Eighth. to consolidate to everything that is
most active intelligent, fearless and loyal in the
working class, into compact, r1onolithic lead
ership Of the mass struggle, into the Commit
mist Party, organieally united with the revolu-
tionary workers and oppressed peoples Of the
world in Our Communist international
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14
Concerate Our Forces Among the Workers the Basic Industries

workers. The T. q. q. L. unions we're the
driving force In the leadership and develop
ment Of the strikes against all the strike
breakers. The independent unions represented
those masses breaking away from the A. F. of
L. leadership, but still carrying with them part
Of the old burden Of unclear and even openly
reformist leadership which continued trying to
carry through the A. F. Of L. policies within
the unions.
The growing importance Of the independent
and T. U. U. L. unions is emphasized by the
fact that they comprised fully ons-third of all
the increased trade union membership that re-
suited from the strike movement. and that
together they led As per cent Of the strikes,
an equal number with the A. F. Of L. In addi-
ton to this it is clear that the 100000 strikers
under A. F, Of L. leadership we're not led into
struggle by that leadership but in spite of and
against 1t. Our opposition work in the A. F.
OF l.. played in this significant part in some
industries. It would have been impossible for
q strike movement of such volume to rise from
the A. F. Of L. ranks without the influence Of
the strike movement of equal volume outside
the A. F. Of L, developed and led by the T. u
U. L. and independent unions
Our Draft Resolution places before the Con-
vention, as central point in our present trade
union strategy, the task of unify1ng the indie
pendent unions with the revolutionary unions
beginning separately in each industry and
upon the basis Of successful work there, moving
towards the consolidation Of all class trade
union forces into single Independent Fedora
ton of Labor.
We must avoid If possible, the capitalization
Of third trade union center, intermediate
between the A. F. Of L. and the T. U. U. L..
We must be prepared to go a long way to secure
organizational unity Of all genuine class trade
union forces. The possibility of success in this
direction is already indicated in the partially
successful merger of the T. U. q. l. and the
independent Shoe Workers Unions This
experience gives clear indication of our gen
eral line in practice.
Of great Importance 10 us in this period was
the rise of mass revolutionary unions on the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14

being played by the revolutionary forces than
in 1888 This also results in larger proportion
Of victorious strikes.
This new wave of struggles has already
brought the Roosevelt administration to new
stage in the development of its labor policy
This was announced BY Mr.. Roosevelt himself
when he declared that we have charted new
course in his announcement Of the settle
ment" in the automobile industry.
What Is this new course7"
The auto manufacturers themselves gave a
correct estimate of it, when they declared to
the correspondent of the N Y Herald Tribune
their delight" with the outcome "The manu-
facturers were particularly pleased that the
Qualification Of section ia seems TO upheld their
contention in behalf of the company union"
This new course like the previous, new
courses" is launched with the signature of
William Green and the of1cialdom of the A.
F. of L., with the blessings Of Norman Thomas
and the Socialist Party.
What is new in this course, is the public
adoption of the company union as an integral
part Of the corporate state scheme, where
previously, in the official plans, the A. F. of l..
had been granted ION paper monopoly. This
means more open coming forward of the gov
ernment to prevent or smash the strike move
ments. For months a debate ragged behind the
scenes among the capitalists on which horse
to place their money the A. F. OF L. or the
union. Two camps had existed which
sharply divided the highest councils. Upon the
oasis Of experience in the first strike wave and
he beginnings of the second, both camps had
modified their views and came together in one
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14
FOR WORKINGCLASS STATE
POWER

Raise the political consciousness
of the struggling workers. to bring
them to an understanding of the
class structure of society, of the fact
that the tUo main classes are fight
ing for control. that Roosevelt, lead
ing the present ruling class, finance
capital, stands for degradation,
hunger, misery, oppression, fascisn,
War - that only the working class,
exercising state poUer. can open
neW era of peace, progress, and
prosperity"
"Consolidate everything that is
most Gctiue, intelligent, fearless and
loyal in the rUorkirg class, into q
compact, monoHthic leadership of
mass struggle. into the Communist
Party, orgdnicdiiy united Uith the
revolutionary porkers and oppressed
peoples of the norld In our Com
n,urist International"
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14
THE NEW DEAL TO DATE

''Whut has happened NTH the
'New Deal? Has it failed Many
workers, in the first stages of disij-
LuSionment, come TO that conclusion.
They are dtssiLJusjoned Nth the re-
suit, but still believe in the irten-
ton. The s. p. and A. f. of L. lead
ers try to keep then, in this stage.
But this conclusion is entirely too
simple. The 'NeU DEAF has not i'm
proved conditions for the workers
and exploited masses. But that was
neUer its real aim; that Loas one bdIIy-
hoo; that Uds only bait Uith which
to catch suckers. In its first and
chief aim, the 'New Deaf succeeded;
that aim UGs. to bridge OUer the
most difficult situation for the cap
ttGiists, and to launch q reL1 dttGck
upon the workers With the help of
their leaders, to keep the workerS
from general resistance. to begin to
restore the profits Of finance cap
ital.s
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14

general revolutionary movement Especially the
students movement has made a valuable con-
tribution in extending the organized mass
movement against war and fascism among the
masses Of youth. The student movement in
fact, is a pioneer in the development of the
general anti-war movement through its Stu
dents AntiWar Congress in Chicago in De-
cember, 1882, which first united, ON a national
scale anti-war forces Of various political and
class origins. It's participation in the youth
section of the American League Against War
and FaseiSn has constituted one of the most
active and valuable phases of that organiza-
TONS work. BY organized participation in
helping strike actions defense movements the
Scottsboro case etc. the students have been
brought close to and participation in the gen.
eral class struggles and taught them the prac-
tical meaning Of working class leadership. The
weakness of this movement still remains that
its leading cadres are still largely drawn from
the middle class elements of the colleges and
universities that it does not yet sufficiently
base itself upon the larger bodies Of proletaran
students in the secondary schools. nor suffi-
GENTLY draw them into active leadership Of
the movement.
The broadest movement Of mxed-class com
position has been the American League Against
War and Fascsm formed at the great u S.
Congress Against War, held in New York last
October The Congress itself, while FREEDOM
inantly working class in composition, embraced
the widest variety of organizations that have
ever been united upon a single platform in
this country. 1t gathered the most significant
strata of the intellectuals. The breadth of the
movement was not secured by sacrificing clarity
of program. On the contrary, while its pro-
gram is distinctly not that of the Communist
Party, it is so clear and definite in facing the
basic issues, that to carry it out in practice
entails clearly revolutionary consequences. It is
real united front program Of immediate
struggle against war and fascsm. That is the
reason for the frantic efforts to break up and
scatter the American League Against War and
Fascism that have been and are being made by
the Socialist Party leaders, MuSteites and the
renegades from Communism The unbridled
ferocity Of the attacks made against the League
by these elements, and by their comrades-in-
arms of the National Civic Federation, Ralph
EaSley, Matthew VOL & Co., should be an IN
dication to us of the revolutionary value of
this broad united front organization In
serious self-criticism, we must say that although
our movement responded excellently Gin most
places to the call to the National Congress, 1t
did not follow up this congress everywhere with
serious local organi2ational work to consolidate
the potential movement that had been brought
together, Only in a few places has this work
been seriously begun. In every locality the
non-Party and mixed-class character of tbs
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14

Pacific Coast area, among agricultural and
cannery workers. fishermen and lumber Uorl,
ers. These organizations and the bis+ori,
struggles conducted by them have definitslr,
established the fact that our movement bs.
fully taken over and absorbed the specifics1l,,
American revolutionary traditions and forces il,
that territory which before the rise of tbo
Communist Party was organized in and aros,nd
the L w. W.
The rise Of the revolutionary Agricultll,-I
Workers Unions. especially in the Californi.
area, has further special significance for mir
Party. This is the first beginning of MAJ
organization among category of workers
which, in spite Of the scattered and decer-
tralized character of its labor in more areas
constitutes numerically the largest single cate
CORY Of the working class. Agricultural worker.
in the United States comprise two and a half
to three million workers. Large numbers of
them are favorably situated for organization,
especially in the sections of the industry mr.
ganized on the lines for mass production for
the city markets, fruit, vegetable and dsir,,
farming Large numbers Of these workers are
msssed around the industrial centers. in the
East and Middle West also, within easy reach of
the organized labor movement in the cities
Serious trade union organization Of these work
ers' provides most important extension of
the working class base Of the REVOLUTIONARY
movement. At the same time, they furnish ths
necessary class base for revolutionary organi-
cation among the poor and middle farmers
who are more and more revolving against tha
capitalist attacks 1t is the organized agricul-
tural workers which in the first place will pro
vide firm basis for working class hegemony
in the alliance between the working class as A
whole with the movement Of the revolving
farmers, The necessity of the general leader
ship Of the working class over the movements of
all other sections of the exploited population if
all of their forces are to be unified for the
common struggle against capitalism, should
make it clear to every district of the Party that
their work in reaching and organizing the
agricultural workers acquires an extraordinary
importance at the present time.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14

general leading committees for work IN the A,
F. Of l.. The revolutionary elements, directly
under our guidance, are established leaders OF
around $50 local unions with $4,000 to 10000
members. Minority opposition groups function
in about 500 more local unions. This con-
siderable beginning is Of significance because
it emphasizes the enormous possibilities that
exist when we get full mobilization OF all
available forces in this field. These results,
which change the course Of development for
hundreds of thousands more, come from only
the first steps with very fra nentsry mobl
cation, and In the face Of still existing under
estimation Of and even opposition against sys-
tematic development of this work,
The independent unions have emerged as
major factor In more than a few light in
dustries only during the past year. In the
main, they are the result Of the mass revolt
against the A. F. Of L. betrayals which could
not yet be brought into the revolutionary
unions for various reasons chief among them
being the weaknesses in the work Of the T. U.
U. L. Systematic building of revolutionary
groups inside them, with careful formulation of
policies and leadership Of their struggles, is an
essential feature of our trade union strategy. In
the independent unions we must have the most
careful distinction between the honest but con-
fused leadership which has been thrown UP
from the rank and file, on the one hand; and
the conscious opportunist, reformist, social
fascist elements in the leadership on the other
hand, who head the independent movements
only in order to bring them back under the
domination Of the A. F. of L. leadership. In
this latter group, an important role is played by
the Musteites, Lovestonites, and Trotskyites
The sharpest political struggle must be made
against the left reformists and the renegades
while every effort must be made to win over to
our class struggle policies the honest elements
in the independent trade union leadership.
Growing Role of Revolutionary Forces in
Strike Struggles
The revolutionary unions of the T. U. U. L.
with their $4,000 members, while numerically
smallest of these main groups of the trade
union movement, are by no means least i'm
portant. The T. U. U. L. unions in developing
the whole mass movement of resistance to the
N. R. A. and the whole capitalist offensive, in
the development of the strike movements, have
played a decisive role. This is brought out by
an examination of the statistics of the strike
movement in 1888, as shown in the following
table:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14
2,s75,oOo 100000 100000

From these figures we see that the T. U. u. L.,
although not quite S per cent of the total trade
union membership, directly led 20 per cent of
all strikes and gained 20 per cent of all new
members The independent unions, little
under 10 per cent of the total membership led
Is per cent of the strikes. The A. F. of L.
unions, comprising over IS per cent of the
membership led As per cent Of the strikes This
illustrates the role Of the leadership Of these
three groups in relation to the strike move
ment The A. F. of L. leadership is the center
Of resistance to strikes, and center Of strike
breaking activities within the ranks of the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14

Our Central Committee at the moment of the
ebb of the 1888 strike wave tour 18th Plenum,
was able already to foresee the rise of q new
strike wave in the early Spring Of 1884 II is
nov being realized all around US on large
scale. In this movement an even larger role is
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-04-14

Continued on Page Severn
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1934-10-18

the rain water that may have
gathered in puddles. So when
the master comes rolling out, fol-
lowed a-foot by one of his Hin
dus, the paths are neat and clean
again.
Prize sheep and pigs are the
special delight of Sir Basil Zaha-
rolf. He has imported herds of
sheep from England; and so great
is his Solicitude for these pets
that he knows Immediately if one
of them is limping.
He dimes at night with his
adopted daughter, Nine. Bourbon.
who will inherit much of the Ia
haroff millions. He already is
buying great stretches of proper
ty direct in her name, to avoid in
herltance difficulties.
Life at the chateau is not gay,
to believe the villagers. No par
ties. I'm the days of Leopold it
certainly was different" they say.
1T was feteS, dances, laughter, all
the time at Balincourt. Nowadays
it isn't the same. Mr.. Zaharoff
doesn't like parties. He says it's
money waSted!"
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1934-10-18

At the age of 80, the require
ments of this armament king-the
French call him the richest man
in the world-are growing simpler
and more complicated at the same
time. The simplicity appears in
the life he leads. The complica-
tons appear in the precautions
he takes to guard that life.
THERE is not a single point
l. on the highroad, or the side
roads leading around the domain
of Balincourt, where the chateau
of Sir Basil Zaharoff can be seen.
A high wall shields everything.
And behind the high wall, a
virtual forest rises to obstruct the
view. The gates of the chateau
are high and strong, and a group
of surly dependents guard them
day and night.
Six Hindus form Sir Basil'S per-
sonal bodyguard, according to the
information Of nearby villagers.
The six Hindus are devoted to
him to the DEATH" villagers say.
They are armed night and day
and mount a perpetual guard.
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1934-10-18

built car with its specially built
seat starts out from the chateau.
Sir Basil keeps a firm hand on
his affairs, and a local bank in
the village Of Meru has become
his headquarters.
Having learned by cable just
exactly what the situation re-
garding ornaments in the world
is that morning, Zaharof some
times doesn't even bother to get
out of the car. Mackenzie trans
acts most routine business for
him.
THE rest of the day is play for
Sir Basil. An affliction of the
legs prevents him from walking
much or far. Hence, he possesses
an electric-drive invalid's chair
which he designed himself. All
the grades in the garden of his
big estate are easy, and he nav
igates them in high.
If a storm blows up over night,
several score villagers are swiftly
recruited at dawn to clean the
paths, brush off leaves and twigs
that may have fallen, sweep aside
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1934-10-18

They won't admit in the village
that they speak a word of French.
When they come to the bistro for
a drink they point to the bottle"
Beside the Hindus, Zaharof has
his faithful retainer and major
domo, Captain Mackenzie, whose
French was learned, somewhere
north of the Clyde. He is the
principal buffer between the arms
magnate and the world.
BESIDE Mackenzie there are
~ numerous other strong-arm
men, one of whom always rides
beside the chauffeur on Zaharof's
drives. There is a brace of hard
boiled watchdogs, and a group of
ready-fisted retainerS about the
property.
Zaharof's daily routine is SIM
pie in the extreme. He gets up at
7 a.. m. and eats a very frugal
breakfast. One or two doctors
are always in attendance, for the
high-explosive salesman de luxe
watches his own health like a
hawk.
Every morning, the specially