The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1934-03-06

for some more perfume. Both peo-
profitable trade because they have
used their capital and labor more
efficiently.
Now it is true, and there is no
use denying it, that the American
perfumer and the French automo-
bile producer suffer by this exchange.
For that reason it is necessary to
move cautiously and perhaps even
to make special provisions for those
industries which would lose by tariff
reductions. But the general advan-
tage would be so great thaG there
would be profit available to make
provision.
So much for the principle on
which the policy is based. The
question then is whether it is wise
for congress to give the President
power to carry out the policy. The
choice is clear. It is absolutely i'm
possible for congress to carry out
the policy. To revise the tariff
scientif1cally-that is, with a view
to balancing imports and exports
changes in rates should De made in
the light of a ger eral plan, but
very slowly, after detailed exami-
nation and in accordance with the
opening up of the possibility of
agreements with foreign nations.
How can congress do this? 1t
can not have general plan be-
cause tariffs, as every one knows,
are for congressman a elocal issue
All American tariffs are log
rolled, and log-rolled tariff has
no plan, and can not have a plan.
How can congress revise the tariff
cautiously, step by step in agree
ment with other nations? 1t
would have to be in continual SEES
sion. 1t could never adjourn. 1t
would have to debate the tariff
every week for the next three
years. There is, the 'efore, no other
way to have a rational tariff
policy at the present time except by
giving authority to the President.
1t is, believe, impossible to deny
this successfully.
Il n
ITO the Democrats the Presidents
l. policy presents the question of
party discipline To the Republicans
it presents a most interesting dilem-
ma. If they attack it on the ground
that the tariff should not be modi-
fled by the President, they run head
on into President Hoover's one and
only excuse for approving the Haw-
ley-Smoot abomination.
That was, it will be recalled, that
he would by executive act through
the flexible tariff provisions undo
the mischief of that tariff. He did
not undo them, partly because he |
did not have enough power, partly |
because he had no tariff policy, had |
no convictions and no principles that |
he believed in sufficiently to make
him stand up to the Republican
tariff lobbyists.
Nevertheless, as a matter of fun
damental political principle, Mr.
Hoover saw and said again and |
again that the only way to get a
sound revision of the tariff was by
executive act. SO the Republicans |
had better be wary of assuming too
quickly that Mr.. Roosevelt is over
turning the constitution. AS a mat
ter Of principle. his precedent was
furnished by Mr. Hoover.
But that is not the only dilemma
which the Republicans have to face. |
They are saying that they deplore
and fear the tendency of the new
deal to set up a regimented econ
omy. Here is their chance to prove
that they mean what they say, and |
know what it is all about.
For none of their leaders will |
deny that unless exports are revived |
the tendency to RECOMMENDATION will |
become stronger Any Republican |
then, who opposes tariff
reduction should be stood up and !
made to explain what he proposes |
to do with the farm surplus, and |
the plant surplus which can not |
now be used for exports.
A sincere and intelligent opponent !
Of RECOMMENDATION of government |
control, of bureaucracy, of paying /
men not to produce, of spending |
great sums for relief and recon-
struction should support this tariff |
policy with enthusiasm. It is the |
only real alternative to the difficult
ties and dangers which he breads.