The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-02-09

WarSlips and thousands OF war
planes passed the House of Repre-
sentstives with the support Of the
Farmer-LabOr representatives, and
without one word Of even pretended
opposition from Congressman Lun-
deem.
Thus at the same time that Lun-
deem demagogically pretends TO sup
port the Workers Unemployment IN
SuranCe Bill, the Roosevelt program
OF initiation, feVerish war prepara-
tons, rising prices and additional
wage-cuts, militaization Of youth
and miserable doles to the unem-
ployed instead Of unemployment in
surance, receives the full support Of
Luudeen and his colleagues in Con-
gresS.
Lundeen's War Record
The Farmer-Labor Party election
campaign committee in 1880, when
Lundeen was running for the Senate.
describes his war record as follows:
In the Spanish-American war;
served eleven years in the National
Guard; one Of team to win the ma
tional Championship for expert rifle
shooting. Voted in favor Of yo.un-
tiers and war preparations. Roose-
welt wrote to him: I do not cues
ton your loyalty" Theodore Rooss-
welt, not Franklin D.: no doubt F. D.
would endorse this, tow. s.
Under the pressure of the anti-war
sentiment Of the workers and farm
ers, Lundeen voted against the dec
laration Of war in 1917. However, he
is doing his best to live this down in
the interest of 100 per cent patriotism
In his 1880 election campaign, he
made speeches pointing out that once
war was declared he supported the
war. He is very much hurt that his
patriotism should be questioned, and
no doubt the American Legion has
forgiven him his repented sins, espe-
cially since he rallied so nobly to
the colors TO put through the naval
and war appropriations at the pres
ent session Of Congress. He can now
join Norman Thomas whose patriot
Ism is no longer questioned by their
capitalist masters.
Lundeen's Support of n. r. 4.
Lundeen and other Farmer-Labor
leaders in Minnesota had already
distinguished themselves in 1882 for
advocating many of the features in
corporated in the Roosevelt New
Deal, when they associated them
selves with scheme called the "Four
Million To Work Club" which ad-
vocate q form Of initiation to finance
'reforestation' camps, and other
such schsmes. With slight modi-
fications, this blossomed forth in the
form of the C.C.C. camps under
Roosevelt, q forced labor program Of
militarizlng the youth for war
The NR.A. and other features OF
the New Deal received the full sup
port Of the Farner-Laborites, who
hailed it enthusiastically as a step in
the direction Of new social order, "
and who became part Of the enforce
ment machinery on the N.R.A. boards
to break strikes, cut wages, and raise
prices in the interests Of the big cap
italist nonopolies.
When the resentment Of the masses
against the N.R.A. grew as a result of
the growing realization that it was an
attack against the workers living
standards, the Fa1ner-Laborites ini-
tated General Johnson's and Roose-
yelt's demagogy and blamed # all on
the "chiselers."
On the farmers problems, the
Farmer-Labor group in washington
supports the Roosevelt Wallace corn
hog destruction program, which ben
efits only the rich farmers, the pac'--
ing end milling interests, the mort
oage-holderS and sreculatcrs. They
also supported the Frazier pan fer
the retinarcirg Of mortgages and the
reduction Of the rate of interest,
which does ret solve the problems CT
the crushing debt burdens on the
impoverished farmers.
This is the struggle for "a new
social order" that the Farmer-Labor-
i.os have been conducting.
The third and concluding article
will deal with the Farmer-Labor
Party and the theory of the '1esser
eyirJ.