davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
Where the Mistake Lay

No. it was not the armed struggle of the Aus
TRAN working class that was a mistake; the mis-
take was that this struggle was not organized
and led in a revolutionary Boshevik way.
The fundamental weakness of the February
struggles of the Austrian workers who sue
cumbed to the pernicious influence of Social
Democracy, was that they failed to understand
that it was necessary not only to defend them
selves from the attack of fascism but also to
turn their armed resistance into struggle for
the overthrow Of the bourgeoisie and for the
seizure of power by the prolstariat. The armed
resistance of the Austrian proletarat to fas-
cism did not grow into a genuine armed insur-
rection This was the main mistake.
Reaction has triumphed in Austria. But this
victory is temporary; it is of such nature that
it even now contains elements of the future
defeat of the bourgeoisie. What is necessary at
present is that the Austrian workers should not
despair, should not lose confidence in the
strength of their class but, on the contrary,
should draw all the necessary political and Or
ganizational conclusions from the lessons of the
February battles, especially with regard to
Social Democracy.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
As a Soldier of the Revolution

Ones heart aches at the thought Of the suf-
ferings which the Austrian working class is now
enduring as retribution for the crimes of the
Social Democratic leadership
My consciousness, as that of a soldier of the
revolution, cannot reconcile itself to the fact
that the glorious fighters of the Karl Marx were
members of the same party as the members of
the Corinthisn and Vorarlberg organiza lions of
Social Democracy who deserted to the camp Of
the Hsnwehr at the first shot in Linz It is
hard to realize that the Social Democratic pro-
letarians who fought and died with so much
heroism, were for many years led by such mis-
cradle political philistines and towards as Otto
Bauer Friedrich Adler, Deutsch and saitz.
YOUR armed struggle was in fact struggle
for the re-establishnent of the constitution
which Dollfuss had violated, and it did not 90
beyond these limits, 1t did not turn into
struggle for power And yet in the epoch of
the general crisis of capitalism, when the bour-
geoisie is no longer able to govern by the meth
DDS of parliamentary democracy and enters
upon the road of fascism, the fundamental
question of the struggle Of the working class is
not the establishment Of bourgeoisie democ-
racy. which has outlived itself historically. but
the struggle for the overthrow of the bour-
geoisie. for the dictatorship of the proetariat.
Only the slogan of Soviet power brought to the
consciousness of the broad toiling masses could
have cemented the ranks of the fighters and
created an indissolube bond between the work
ers in action and the rest of the proletarans
and peasantry. Only if the Austrian workers
had set themselves the aim of fighting for
Soviet power could their armed action have
grown into q genuine armed uprising
Yes comrades unfortunately your armed
struggle was not struggle for power and thus
as Marx and Lenin have taught, it was not
genuine armed uprising The fact that your
armed struggle lacked this ainn-the seizure of
power-was the fundamental defect of your
heroic action,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02

the defensive, whereas offensive tactics on tbs
part Of the workers could have brought cone
fusion among the troops and drawn the wayer-
ing elements among them to the side Of the
proletarist.
The bourgeoisie did not stand on ceremony ia
requisitoning privstely-ovned means Of trans
port for the struggle against the workers, nor in
taking prisoners as hostages, whereas the figit-
ing workers, trained in the school Of Austrian
Social Democracy, starved-out would not vios
late private property by requisitoning provi~
sions. It did not occur to them that they must
also take hostages from the bolrgeoisie. And
now Otto Bauer and the leader of the Schultz
bund, julius Deutsch, are Haunting this pettys
bourgeois lack Of stamina as a model Of civic
virtue. II the Russian workers had in their
time adopted this sort Of tactics, they too,
wuId now have the Dollfusses and the Feys
riding on their backs.
What heroism, what self-sacrificing fortituds
on the part Of the workers, and what crinn-
insl waste Of workers blood on the part Of the
Social Democratic leaders,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
1t Was No Accident

But it was by no means an accident that in
that struggle the Austrian workers did not go
beyond armed resistance. 1t followed from all
the political principles of the Austrian Social
Democracy. 1--WE do not intend to overthrow
either capitalism or the bourgeosien the poll
teal thesis of the Social Democratic leadership
declared In other words in that concrete sit
uation it meant: You the fighting workers
must not attack the enemy you must only de-
fend yourselves against him in your communal
houses" Guided by such principles the workers
let the initiative in this struggle slip GU. of their
hands-they surrendered it entirely to the
enemy
What was the fate that overlook the workers
who followed this principle of Social Demo-
cratic leadership? Locked in their houses,
isolated from each other they were held as if
in naouse-trap. They did no. secure posses
sion OF either the approaches to these houses or
the hills from which the enemys artillery could
with impunity lombard such positions of the
workers as the Karl Marx House By advising
the workers to stay at home and wait for the
outcome of the struggle of the Schutzbund. the
leaders Of Social Democracy cleared the streets
of the working class districts Of the city for the
government troops, which moved over them
completely unimpeded. The government troops
had the opportunity Of taking one sronghold
after another from the workers who were on
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
Our Class Ties

do not know how many of those who wrote
this letter are still alive. But now every Com
munist feels that in the struggle for the common
cause of the workers he is linked up by nds-
soluble bonds with the Austrian workers who
remained alive as we'll as with those who have
fallen in the battles.
We Communists feel drawn still closer to the
workers who have fought and are still fighting
now that Austrian reaction is celebrating its
sanguinary victory over the working class.
Thousands OF slain and wounded workers thou
sands of prisoners, terror raging throughout the
country regime of tyranny for the proletarst,
comparable only to the fascist regime in Ger
nany-this is the result Of the hangman's work
of the Dollfuss government.
The bourgeoisie is covering with glory the
Dolfusses and the Feys, who used howitzers to
shoot down the workers and their wives and
children. The Papal Nunco sends these hang
men his blessings. And at the same time the
cowardly leaders of Austrian Social Democracy
read the workers lesson, telling them that 1t
was not necessary to take to arms, that the
working class committed an error by answering
with an armed struggle the general offensive of
fascism which threatened to sweep away not
only all the economic and political gains of
practically half century of struggle of the Aus
trian working class, but even threatened its
bare existence
But would capitulaton without struggle have
saved the Austrian prole.ariat from reaction9
No, it would only have made the reactionary
forces more arrogant and more sure of their
strength.
The Austrian proletariat was right in its de-
termination not to betray its own class, in re-
fusing to submit without struggle, to a fate
resembling that of the working class of Germany
which was betrayed by German Social Denoc-
racy. The armed struggle of the Austrian pro-
letariat served as a clear warning, not only for
the Austrian bourgeoisie but also for the bour-
geoise of other countries. 1t showed that the
proletariat will not reconcile itself to the reign
of fascisr1.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
BY GEORGE DIMITROFF

] HAVE before me letter dated Dec
7, 1888, which I received in the Leip-
zig jail only on Jan. Is, 1884, from a
group of workers in the Karl Marx
House, which now, after the February
events in Austria, has become known
to the whole world
Here is the text of the letter:
Karl Marx House.
Vienna, Dec. I, 1888.
Dear Comrade Dinitroff:
On behalf of many we give you our warmest
greetings Millions are listening to your cour-
ageous words
You give new strength to millions Your
struggle shall not be in vain. It is also our
struggle.The great army of the cIass-conscious
proletariat stands behind you in serried ranks.
We ask you, COmrade Dimitroff, to send us
few lines in reply. With greetings for free
dom -.
"A number of signatures follow
On the very same day that I received this
letter tried to send the following short reply
through the strict police censorship:
To-day received your friendly letter of
December !, last year. and read it with great
joy and thanlfuness. As far as my conduct
AZ the trial is concerned, ] was only trying TO
fulfill my proetarian duty and to remain
faithful to my heroic class right to the very
end.
With militant fraternal greetings -
I do not know whether even this short reply
reached its destination.
read and re-read the letter from the Aus
trian workers many times while in the dungeons
of Goering's secret police in Berlin, when 1
learned from the German fascist press about the
heroic battles Of the Austrian workers With
throbbing heart followed the development Of
events and the outcome of the armed battles
between the Austrian proletariat and fascism,
feeling great Joy over the manifestations of pro-
letarian heroism and deep hatred for the treach-
erous policy Of the leadership of Social Democ-
raey.
After arriving in the U. S. S. r.. although I
was still i'll as consequence of the hardships of
imprisonment and the tension at the trial,
nevertheless, as soon as my health permitted,
l tried first of all to acquaint myself with the
Austrian events and the historical lessons which
followed from them not only for the workers
of Austria but also for the workers of all cap
italist countries.
would now like 10 share my impressions and
some of my thoughts about the Austrian events
with these comrades who wrote to me as well as
with all the Austrian fighters for the proletarian
cause.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
The Workers We're Right!

These workers were q thousand times right
Bauer himself now affirns that during the
February days the leadership Of the Social
Democratic Party was opposed to struggle but
could no longer hold back the spontaneous
movement of the workers Otto Bauer drags in
the crisis to justify the treachery of the Rail-
way Union bosses, who broke the strike on the
railways and thus allowed the government TO
bring in artillery from Burgenland while the
workers Of Floridsdorf were shedding their
blood. He tries to whiteWash the printers union
officials who, on February IS, on the second day
of the armed struggle, called on the printers
to end the strike and return to work
In his pamphlet, Otto Bauer relates that the
Social Democratic leaders allowed themselves to
be arrested so that they might not be obliged
to join the workers in the fight and precisely
those leaders were arrested who did not take
the least part in the struggle. and on Monday
as on other days, sat in their trade union Of
fees, in their Offices in the Vienna Rsthaus in
their regional district and municipal Offices,
CBauer' The Uprising of the Austrian Workers..
Yes, it was 50. That is how the traitors 10
the working class always act But is the sec
rotary Of the Second International. the leader Of
the Austrian Social Democracy, Fritz Adler, who
shamefully stole away from the struggle, and
who, at the time when the Austrian workers
we're fighting with arms publicly declared that
he could not take part in their struggle
because he was busy with current affairs"-is
he any better than these cowardly deserters
who call themselves leaders of the working
class?
Comrades, can we go into struggle with such
deserters in our ranks? These deserters are
people who before the battle already vail about
defeat, who attempt to bring panic into the ranks
Of the combatants at the first shot These
people do not want the victory of the working
class they are afraid of it. They only want to
scare the bourgeois a little to make it more
ready to come to terms with them. Thus. they
first hold the workers back, and then delib-
erately limit the scope of their action trying to
keep the broad masses out Of it. To the workers
who wanted TO support the Sehutzbund in its
struggle their reply was, 60 home and cook
your dinners while there is gas; armed struggle
is the business of the sehutzbund and doesn't
concern you" They refused to give arms to
workers who wanted to fight
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
Social Democratic Bankruptcy

The truth will further compel you TO admit
that Austrian Social-Denocracy is now polite
cally bankrupt The Party to which so much
was given and which lost and ruined everv-
thing has no more right to exist. Such party
only deserves the hatred of the working class.
Only after overcoming the political and organ
Rational influence of Social Democracy will the
Austrian proetariat get on new road which
will lead 1t to victory over the DolfuSses and
Feys, over the Heimwehr and over fascism
You must break with the Social-Democratic
organization, and together with the Commu-
mist workers establish a genuine fighting unity
OF the working class of Austria This fighting
unity is possible only on the basis of revou-
tonary struggle. This unity will increase tens
fold the strength Of the working class, will maks
many times weaker the offensive of fascisn,.
will increase the revolutionary influence of the
proletariat on the peasantry and create the
conditions for the victorious struggle against the
bourgeoisie and capitalism, for the struggle for
Soviet power.
At the present time the greatest danger Tor
the revolutionary unity of the working class OF
Austria would be to attempt to resuscitate and
save Austrian Democracy. even on a basis
of new Left" program. Such attempts would
bring nothing but the disruption of the work.
ing class movement of Austria For are there
not among you people who in the course Of
these Is years did nothing but "straighten" the
policy of Soeial-Democracy in "Leftward" d.
rection? You see the results.
For the workers who are disappointed in So
ctal-Democracy it would be an equally fatal
oelusion, If in the struggle against Dolfuss fas-
olsm they we're to think Of seeking support in
Hitler fascisn Remember that ths Austrian
National-Socialists were on the side of the
slaughterers of the workers during the armed
struggle of the Austrian proletariat. Now like
brown" ravens they flock to the field of battle
ana, using the sacrifices and sufferings endured
by the prelecariat for their demagogic ends
attempt to draw the Austrian workers. who are
disappointed in Social-Democracy and are AZ
the parting of the ways. to the side of Hitler
fascism
We, Communists look with the greatest con-
fldence to the future of the Austrian WORKING
class We are firmly convinced of the final VIC
tory Of the proletariat throughout the world.
This firm conviction gave me the strength dur
ing the Leipzig trial to look the ferocious enemv
straight in the face Just as the glorious fighters
OF the Karl Marx House looked in the face Of
death. Beyond the incendiary fires and ruin
beyond the slavery and misery. which fsseisru
Continued on Page 81
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
Y,

WHAT is to be done now, comrades3 The hrst
" thing to do is to snalyze seriously the exc
periences Of the period beginning with 1918 and
ending with the armed struggle Of February
1884. to use the lessons Of this struggle which,
like mirror, fully reflects the bankruptcy Of
the Social Democratic policy, and the sooner
this is done the better It will be for YOU and for
the whole Of the Austrian working class; the
nearer it will bring this working class TO de-
cisive victory.
AS against Bsuers criticism" in which he
CLOSES over his own crimes and those of the
whole social-Democrauc leadership, you must
in my opinion subject 10 the severest and most
ruthless criticism the system Of views with
which Social-Democratic leadership poisoned
the workers. You must cast glance back on
the road which you traversed under the leader
ship of Democracy and ponder over it;
you must remember what the Social-Demo-
cratic press wrote, what the Social-D Democratic
leaders said in defending the choice Of this
road, and compare these with the memorable
facts. You must critically think over the
pamphlet Of Otto Bauer, which is in fact an
indictment against the author himself and
against the whole Social Democratic policy You
must recall what the Communist International
said to you during these Is years. And you
must tell your class the whole truth however
bitter it may be.
And this truth will bring you to the conclu~
sion that the Communists have proved right
and not the Social-Democrats; the Comintern
and not the Second International The COM
munists we're right when they said that Aus-
TRAN cial-Democracy was leading to the de-
feat of the revolution of 1918. They were right
when they warned you that the policy Of Social
Democracy was leading to the strengthening of
the bourgeois dictatorship. The Communists
were right when they said that Social-Democ-
racy was safeguarding the rule of capitalism
instead of leading the workers to socialism.
They we're right when they said that unless the
bourgeosie was deprived Of its power all the eco
nomic, political and social concessions which
the working class wrested from the bourgeosie.
all its communal houses and so on, were in
constant danger Of being taken away again
The Communists were right when they said
that the interests of the proletsriat would be
safeguarded not by compromising with the
bourgeoisie but by an irreooncilable class strug-
gle against it.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02

voices Of those who were impatient for fight
who wanted to hasten matters and repeatedly
declared: Don't let Us wait any longer! When
one of these four conditions is carried into
effect, we shall find that We are not At for
struggle. Let us strike now while We are still
Al for it. Otherwise We shall meet with the
same fate as that which overlook our com
rades in Germany'."-Otto Bauer. The Upris-
ing of the Austrian Workers, p. Il.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02

the workers arsenal in 1927, II concluded the
Huettenberg Pact in 1928 opening the doors of
the factories to the fascists; it introduced the
law of julius Deutsch on discipline in the army
which permitted the government to clear the
army of proletarian elements; it commenced to
reform the constitution of December g. 1929. in
accordance with the demands of the Hemwehr
Since 1880 through the agency of Seitz, it per-
mitted fascist demonstrations and banned Com
munist demonstrations.
Social Democracy had its military organiza-
ton the Schutzbund), stores of arms two-thirds
of the entire population of Vienna behind it. and
held almost undivided sway over the working
class of the whole country And yet the fas-
cists killed one worker after another with i'm
punity. and every time Social Democracy re-
treated, it threatened that at the next murder
it would compel the bourgeoisie to put a stop to
the terror by the force of the organized work.
ing class" The Dofusses, the Feys and the
Heimwehr went on with their work. knowing the
worth of such statements BY endless retreat
you do not demonstrate the strength Of the
organized working class.
ND yet the Austrian proletariat could have
"a won in February, 1884 too Sif you. Social
Democratic workers, had refused to follow the
Social Democratic leaders who from the very
beginning demoralized your struggle by their
policy of eapitulation and defeatism, if YOU to-
gether with the Communists, had taken the
organization and the leadership of the struggle
into your own hands at the proper time.
An armed struggle is not an act which is sep
arate from the general policy of a party A
party which is constantly retreating, which in
the course of fifteen years calls on the workers
to eyade the struggle, cannot in the course of
twenty-four hours politically and organization
ally adopt the line of armed struggle
Otto Bauer in his pamphlet, "The Uprising of
the Austrian Workers" is now complaining that
the general strike was not successful But had
Social Democracy taken pains to prepare itP
No, on the contrary, the Social Democratic lead
ersh1p tried beforehand to clear itself in the
eyes Of the bourgeoise from all responsibility
for the strike declaring that under the four con-
ditions (violation of the constitution suppress
sion of the Social Democratic Party, suppress
sion of the trade unions, appointment of COM
missar of Vienna) the workers would them
selves take the initiative of declaring such a
strike
I'm the mills and factories and in the party
organizations ever more numerous became the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
The Historical Test

The events in Austria and Germany and the
victorious construction of socialism in the U. S.
S. R. constitute the greatest historical test,
based on the experience of millions of people, of
the two policies the policy of the Party of Lenin
and Stain, the policy of the Comintern on the
one hand, and the policy of Austrian and Ger
man Social Democracy, the policy of the Second
International, on the other. The first policy the
policy of the proletarian revolution, has already
brought the working class in the U. S. S. r., as
well as the basic masses of the peasantry which
are under its influence, to socialism. The sec
end policy the policy of Cancellation with the
bourgeoisie, as has been strikingly shown by the
events in Italy, Germany and Austria, has led to
the victory of the counter-revolution, to the
triumph of fascism,
The U. S, S, r., the great alton of the Boil
sheviks stands firm like rock-the bourgeoisie
and the landowners have been crushed, the
power of the working class has been established
a strong proletarian state has been set up
powerful workers and peasants Red Army has
been formed, new socialist economic system
has been built up, unemployment and pauperiza-
ton in the villages and have been abolished
and there is steady rise in the material and
cultural level of the toiling masses in town and
country But in Austria and in Germany there
is not trace of democratic socialism" left
There, Dollfuss and Fey, Hitler and Goering
hold absolute sway, The working class have
had all rights taken from them, arms are in
the hands of the bourgeoisie, the Vienna Com
mune" (Gemeinde) is occupied by the Helm
wehr, and the communal workers houses which
Social Democracy held UP as q symbol of the
peaceful growing into socialism" have been
partly destroyed by artillery fire and are being
taken away from the Austrian preletariat.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-02
A Pre-Requisite for Victory

Remember 1905 in Russia, comrades. At that
time Czarism quelled the heroic uprising of the
GUSTAV workers. But who, however, does not
know that it was just this uprising that was the