Evening star., 1934-05-20

ing policy in world markets and then,
by infinite delays and procrastlna-
tions, as the Manchester Guardian
says, wrecked those negotiations.
Now the government, urged on by the
Lancashire manufacturers, has de-
cided to regulate the imports of for
eign textiles into the British Colonial
Empire This is not a discrimina-
ton against Japan in terms, but, in
effect, it is so, since Japan is the only
competitor that counts. 1t is calcu-
lated that the embargo means a loss
of 100,000,000 yards of cloth to the
export trade of Japan, some of which
will go to increase Lancashire's out
put. But it is recognized that it is
not a very crippling blow to Japan,
and criticisms are leveled against it,
even in the Guardian. which is the
Journalistic voice of the cotton trade,
on the ground that it is the first Of
fensive in a trade war of incalculable
consequences, a subordination OF the
interests of colonial populations to
those of the home producers and a
grave departure in the economic re-
lations between Britain and the non
self governing parts of the British
commonwealth.
Mr.. Runcinan, in announcing the
departure to Parliament, made it
clear that the government had been
driven most unwillingly to take the
step, and that it was still anxious to
reach an understanding with Japan.
But 1t is the subject of comment In
many quarters that the action OF the
Board of Trade is in sharp contrast
with the attitude of the foreign office
on Japans tentative Monroe Doc
trine" declaration in regard to Asia.
Sir John Simons mild acceptance OF
the Toxic reply on the latter subject
is compared with the uncompromising
terms of Mr.. Cordell Hull's reply, and
the conclusion is reached that the
Toxic statesmen are congratulating
themselves once more that their bluff
has succeeded and that Britain and
the United States are as far as ever
from acting in unison on the over
shadowing issue of the Far East.
**
Time and Tide, in an analysis OF
the British and American position,
says:
While the Americans refuse to aid
Britain by recognizing the menace to
world peace of the state of affairs
in Europe and making the sacrifice
of joining with Britain in practical
guarantees for keeping the European
peace. they will not get the canny
bargaining British to embroil them
selves with the japanese over a mat
ter which, the British statesmen pri-
vately calculate, conserveS America
far more than it does Britain Amer
ica wanting the run of Asiatic mar
kets without taking risks or mourning
military expenditure, while Britain.
to hold her state in Asia, has to take
enormous risks and pay through the
nose. The japanese see that, when
it is a question of Europe. the British
spokesmen and press say America
and Britain ought to act together in
this world matter and the Americans
retort oh. yeah?' while, when 1t is
a question of japanese imperialism
in Asia, great American market. the
American spokesmen and newspapers
at cnce cry Britain and America
should get together and stop the
Japanese in their tracks: and this
time it Is the British who say Oh,
yeah?' in their own peculiar way
The conclusion Is reached that, so
long as Washington will not join
Britain in a collective guaranty sys-
tenn which includes Europe, as well
as Asia, the realistic Japanese war
party strategistS will not worry. That
party is infiamed with dreams Of an
Asiatic hegemony facilitated by the
divisions, decline and decay, the
clashing interests and self1shness OF
the West.
The moral Of the lesson which the
world failed to learn in 1931-32 is
being admirably, if expensively, illus
trated. Now, as then, because the
common danger is not immediate, the
powers continue to consider only their
private ends. When the danger Is
immediate, it will pretty certainly be
too late to act, whereas, If they acted
now, they could change the whole
situation.
What effect the repercussions of
the, new economic rupture between
Britain and Japan will have on the
general political situation remains to
be seen. ..7I
(CopyriRht lQ34l