The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-09-19
The Most Burning Question -
Unity Of Action
b. Bwrek
Bella KUN--
Member Of the Preaum Of the Communist MternatonaI

tried to cover the costs of the viennese municipal
policy, did not touch one hair on the head of the
Rothschds whereas the banking house of Roths-
child, with the aid of Social-Democracy, was sub
sidized at the expense of the small taxpayer. This
was also the reason why the small mantle inn
keeper, the small shopkeeper, the small tradesman,
the small pension holder, the small and middle
peasant-Went over into the camp of the National
Socialists, or into that of the Heimwehr of the
Patriotic Front" The Austrian Socal-DemocratS
also prone to regard the municipal enterprises
of Vienna as "a piece of Socialism" But the great
municipal enterprise did not compete with the
great capitalists; the latter have even pocketed
fair portion of the profits of these concerns
through their banks and through their business
connections with the Arbeiterbank. Democratic
Socialism" unable and unwilling to touch
capitalist private property and this pettybourgeos
policy incapable of winning over the petty
bourgeoisie to the side of the working class
AGRARIAN POLICY PETTY BOURGEOIS
The agrarian policy of Austrian Social Democ-
racy likewise petty-bourgeois policy since 1t
protected the interests of the rich peaants who
formed community of interests with the big land
owners which was bound in practice to work out
against the agricultural laborers the poor and
middle peasants. In order mot to repel" the rich
peasants Cthe village bourgeoisie) the Austrian
Social-Democrats when they were in power did
not appropriate the big landowners for the benefit
of the poor and middle peasants They pursued
taxation and credit policy in the countryside which
likewise spared the rich peasants and big land
owners.
This petty-bourgeois policy, which left big cap
ital and big landoWnership untouched, did not give
the urban and rural middle classes what both
wanted to attain. 1t could not give it, for this
could only be at the expense of big capital, of
the big landlords, of the urban and rural bour-
geoisie This policy has driven large sections of
the middle classes in Austria into the camp of
cism.
CLASS COLLABORATION WITH ENEMIES
On top of all this in both countries came the
splitting of the working class in consequence of
the class collaboration of Social Democracy with the
enemies not only of the proetariat but also of the
middle classes. A split working class could not
summon sufficient strength to make it clear to the
middle classes that the latter, in alliance with the
working class, could assert their interests against
big capital against the big agrarians. This the
main why it possible for the big capital
lists and big agrarians through the fascist parties
to make use of the anti-capitalist sentiments of
the small tradesmen, small shopkeepers small pen
stockholders poor and middle peasants, office en-
ployees etc, in the interests of capitalist private
property and of the bourgeois state.
The example of the joint demonstrations of
Social-Democratic and Communist workers since
February 6, 1884 in France shows that it is not
the fascist organizations but precisely the working
class which gains influence among the middle
classes as a result of united action by the two
parties.
The proletarian revolutionary policy. resolute
revolutionary action against capital by means of a
firm united front of the working class paralyzes
the vacllations of the middle strata and wins
sections of them for the struggle. The petty
bourgeois policy on the other hand, the policy of
reconciliation with capital drives the middle strata
into the camp of fascsm.
Every Social-Democratic worker or functionary
can decide whether the unity of action of the
Social-Democratic Parties with the Communist
Parties against big capital against the big agrarans
repels the petty-bourgeois strata draws them
into the struggle.
Ito Be Continued