Evening star., 1934-04-29
labor and able to obtain special terms
because they were Q minority.

The American Federation Of Labor
Is founded on the Independent nation
al craft union basis. It has never in
its history represented more than q
minority Of American workers. It
reached q maximum membership In
1919 of something over 1000 900, and
this total steadily declined to some
2,500,000 last year. There are many
reasons for this decline, but at bot
tom they can be reduced to the eco
nomic forces governing the operation
of single-craft unions, already dis
cussed in the preceding paragraphs.
Whether 1t was so intended or not,
the famous Section Ia Of the N. l. r.
| A. gave the federation a lever with
which to force an entry into the fields
of labor absolutely barred to it pre-
viously. Already its membership Is
back to the 1919 level. The Wagner
bill now before Congress is drawn In
terms that give promise of the exten-
sion of the federation's control to all
the important branches of American
labor.
II this extension of unionism Is
actually accomplished, some very
grave social problems will appear. The
craft type Of union Is especially ILL
adapted to the modern type Of large
scale production in giant plants. A
great number of separate unions, each
controlling a group of workers in one
plant, makes at best clumsy and inefn-
cient set-up in industry. Five differ
ent quitting times In one plant Is not
good business for worker or employer.
Society for years has tolerated in
! relatively small industries strife and
disturbance over the overlapping jur-
| isdiction Of competing organizations.
1t cannot tolerate Nationwide strife
| Of this kind.
| The Problem of Policy.
Another problem is that Of mill
tant policy. When organized labor is
a fragment Of the total 1t may de-
mand and receive wage and hour
terms that are out of line with terms
for other workers. 1t may refuse
reduction of wages in depression. It
may even force six-hour day for all
! railway workers. But If all workers
are unionized the terms Of production
cannot be left to the knock-down-
| and-drag-out decisions Of embattled
labor and capital, no matter which
side is right.
And this brings us to third prob
leri. Our American people have toll
Grated long and tragic and costly war
fare in certain fields of labor. They
have peen sympathetic with whatever
side they thought had the just cause.
They have accepted the costs because
these were relatively small. But 1t
cannot tolerate a general paralysis OF
the whole social order through ex-
ended labor warfare. In this connec-
ton the experiences Of Italian labor
under Mussolini and English labor
under Macdonald can be studied with
profit.
All these problems resolve them
selves into one question. The present
administration has violently altered
existing relationships between labor
and capital, setting in motion forces
that promise to establish an entirely
new economic alignment. The ques-
ton is: Will these new relationships
create industrial disturbance and So
cial loss? If so. the government re-
sponsible for creating them must be
responsible for preventing this social
strife. It will have to preserve indus
trial peace and settle industrial dis
putes It will have to force both
parties to abandon policies OF eco
nomic aggression and adopt policies
of social cooperation.
Forbearance Needed.
Unless both sides show a forbear-
ance. a liberation, a flexibility and
knowledge of economics conspicuous
" lacking in much Of our Industrial
mast. another question will have to be
answered, and that is: Can our gov
ernment manage to control these
powerful social forces without civil
war?
Collective bargaining, In the 1udg-
ment of labor students, is an In
evitable accompaniment Of our indus
trial system. A high wage level Tor
all. a richer opportunity for the aver
! age man is the hope Of every fair
minded person. 1t will come in time,
with the adjustment of population to
the increasing productivity of capital.
But the best of experts disagree as
to the most socially desirable form OF
organization for collective bargaining,
and all authorities realize that indus
trial strife, or the threat Of it, can
not change the economic productive
ity of a people A government that
by legislation embarks on program
| of interference with existing rela-
tions In production should be very
sure of its philosophy and very Ger
tain of its power to cope with the
! consequences of its policies. The Blue
| Eagle of N. r. A. is very funny sort
Of bird.