The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-06-11
Continued from Page y

Continued from Page y
to the press. Then, prestol he
agreed with Mcmahon and German
to have the whole matter arbi-
trated. They would turn it over to
the Impartial" scientists of the
Research and Planning division of
the N. R. A.
1t just happens, however, that
johnson already had the answers.
For whom do you suppose Johnson
put in charge Of the Investigations
Why, Victor Won Szeliski, who al
ready had made a confidential
study of the question and had
gotten virtually all the answers
johnson and the textile owners
want This confidential study Won
Szelisd made in connection with a
proposal to place in the cotton tex
tile code a provision to exempt
mills from production limitations if
they raised hourly pay SO and one
third per cent. The confidential
report, which have seen, makes it
perfectly obvious that Won Szeliski
this time will recommend Just as
much Of a wage increase as he
thinks will be necessary to avoid
what his report calls being "em-
ba1Tassed by labor troubles" In
other Words-no strike against the
Mcmahon sell-out, no wage in
creaSeS.
A Division of Labor
johnson co-ordlnateS his efforts
with those of Secretary of Labor
Perkins and her scores of seasoned
strike-breakers, and Chairman
Wsg Of the National Labor Board
and his dozens of strike breakers.
They have worked out real
division of labor: johnson handles
all the bulldozing, with his heavy
voice and drillmaster manner:
smooth Wagner cajoles, plying la
Dor representatives with promises
IN "Im-for-the- under dog
one-mySelf-once" phrases, emitting
all reference to his current wealth
and Tammany connection; Social
Worker Perkins does the Scientific
approach" act, sweetly urging
spokesman for hundreds of locked
out men to Give us something
specific" by way of complaints.
In addition, the Roosevelt gov
eminent holds others in readiness.
The Rev. Francis j. Haas of the
Labor Board pursues workers down
the corridors, to add the religious
note.
All these and more had a hand
in the steel negotiations. And most
OF the A. A. representatives pre-
tended not to notice.
From the moment that the A. A.
Rank and File" Committee arrived,
the governments task was to stall
them along, keep them cooling their
heels in Washington, while Tighe
and johnson agreed separately
upon anti-strike strategy and the
mills were filled with more arma-
ments. During the first week,
Tighe didn't even take the Com
mittee members along-but they re-
peatedly went to him and told him
their plans. :.
Apparently Tighe reported that
the A. A. district leaders also were
stalling-that they were not actu-
ally preparing for a strike, that
they actually had never held a
meeting Of the entire Committee of
Ten elected by the convention, that
they he'd retreated before Tighe
when he challenged their authority
to act beyond the convention. For
johnson, who is nothing if not
fortnight, held one long confer
ence with Tighe, then blandly told
the press that no groundwork" for
a strike on the basis of the N. I. R.
A. had been laid, and that he had
mo plans"
For days the negotiators daWdled.
Tight thought the revised steel code
might promise something. 1t Of
fered nothing. The committee
fumed in bombastic statements to
the press-but still conjectured pri-
vately about its own ability to lead
a successful strike and crawled pub
licly before Tighe, insisting I'VE are
backing him 100 per cent and he is
backing us"
It was only after the arrival of
the Steel and Metal Workers IN
dustrial Union delegates, 10 clean
cut, calm-spoken but determined
young leaders, headed by James
Eagan and Pat Cush, veteran of sc
years in the rolling mills and OF
every strike since Homestead. that
the government became active in
negotiating toward a settlement
of the strike threat with the A. A