The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-03-14


working class. 1t is a do
cument of historic impor-
lance. It reveals the his
toric treachery of the Aus
trian S ocia | Democratic
leaders. We give it in full.
All emphasis in Bauer's
article is ours.
Editor.
1t is still too early to analyze the
bloody events that occurred in Aus
tria. But we can already say a few
earnest words as to the circum-
stances which led to the revolution
arv outbreak.
Since March 7, 1888, when the
Dolfuss Fey government carried
through the counter revolution, the
Austrian Social Democratic Party
strained itself to the very utmost
to bring the political crisis to a
peaceful constitutional solution.
For eleven months Social Democ-
racy used the greatest self-control
1t did not reply with violent resist
ance to the closing of Parliament
and to the Inauguration of the die
tatorship selbst-herrschen) of the
Dcllfuss regime.
1t tolerated the dissolution of
the Republican (Schutzbund) De-
Tense Corps and a series of other
repressions aimed at the constitu-
ton, which robbed the workers of
free speech, free press, and OF nu-
merous other liberties they had
won in Austria.
Neither did Social Democracy
oppose the government when it
robbed the Vienna Social Demo-
cratic municipality of its income,
thereby driving it to severe bank
ruptcy. Social Democracy bit its
lips and was silent when the work
ers were deprived of a whole Sc
ries Of other hard-won sOciaI-po-
litical rights.
On the contrary, it always, until
the very last moment, did all it
could to negotiate with the DolfuSs
government and with the non-fas-
cist wing of the Christian Socialist
Party, and with all its efforts sought
to reach a peaceful understanding
with them in order to form a united
front against the National Social
lists (Nazis).
pUT these peaceful and patient pol
~ icies of the Social Democratic
Party had the opposite effect on the
Dolfuss-Fey regime. The Dolfuss-
Fey regime undertook with greater
boldnesS new and hostile steps
against the working class. and
against the Social Democratic Party.
All attempts to reach an under
standing with the government were
rejected arrogantly by Dolfuss to the
last day
On the other hand bitterness
grew among the workers at the
way DOlfuss lOrded it over Aus
tria. This bitterness grew still
stronger when Minister Schmitz
announced his dictatorial decree
against the unemployed.
This decree prohibited all orga-
nized workers who belonged to the
free tSocial Democratic) unions
from working on government build
ings as well as in private industries
which had the slightest connection
with the government.
This decree said plainly that all
these projects could EMPLOY only
workers coming from the labor bu-
reau Of the Christian Socialist I'M
ions and from the Heimwehr (fas-
cist-Police organization).
The workers correctly considered
this decree as an attack on the I'M
employed and as terroristic means
for dragging them into the Chris
tian-Socialist unions which until
then controlled only a very small
portion Of the organized Austrian
workers; or for driving them into
the Heimwehr organizations.
THE BITTERNESS OF THE
WORKERS GREW CONSTANTLY
STRONGER AGAINST THE TOO
PATIENT POLICY OF THE LEAD
ERS OF THE SOCIAL DEMO-
CRATIC PARTY. LARGE SEC
TIONS OF THE PARTY MEMBER
SHIP DEMANDED WITH IN
CREASING FURY THAT THE So
CIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY
SHOULD BEGIN THE STRUGGLE.
Despite this, the party leadership
came forward in autumn at the
Party Congress with statement
that the party must maintain the
previously accepted tactics, and
these tactics meant that the party
may give the call for a general
strike under extraordinary circum-
stance.
1t can give this call only Cd when
the government had put through
fascist constitution; 90 when it
would overthrow the constitutional
province goVernments; 80 when it
would overthrow the municipal gov
eminent in Vienna, and "a when it |
would dissolve the Socialist Party
and destroy the free trade unions.