The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1934-05-08

Fred Van Mugs has passed
through both stages. He paved
a few times at the traces, but
kept in the furrow. Gradually,
he came into his stride, and mis-
givingS as to his own capabilities
have been disappearing as he
has come to know more and
more of the defects of other SEN
ators who at first looked like such
fine specimens.
He is learning that he is just
as good as the next senator. And
this knowledge is increasing his
confidence, his effectiveness and
his enjoyment of senatorial work.
MIR. VAN NUYS entered the
1V1 senate fifteen months ago
with the political scalp of the pop
ular Republican senate leader,
James E. Watson, dangling from
his belt. Behind him were an
unprecedented majority and a
campaign in which he had been a
little reckless with his promises.
He had campaigned as a minority
candidate, and, as such, criticised
what had gone before. But he
tered the senate a member OF the
majority, forced to share in the
responsibility of what was to come
after.
Fred Van Nuys told the voters,
for example, that he would vote
for the $4,000, OO0, 900 war veterans
bonus. Twice he has kept that
promise, voting for the bonus
against the wishes of his party
leader in the White House on
each of the two occasions it has
come before the senate. The bonus
question will come before the SEN
ate time and time again before
his term ends. Before he hears
the last of it, Mr.. Van Mugs may
be asking himself how many times
a fellow has to keep one campaign
promise.
In the summer of 1882, when
MI. Van Mugs promised to vote
for the bonus, conditions were
quite different from what they
are now. At that time, the bonus
was the principal prospective We
hicle for imitation. Van Mugs ia
vored controlled imitation. Now,
we have already had that infa-
ton, through President ROose-
velt's devaluation of the gold con-
mt of the dollar.
In the summer of 1892, the
bonus was regarded as a good
scheme to distribute cash into
every nook and corner of the
country. Now, that distribution,
in an even larger amount, has al
ready been accomplished, through
the CWA, CCC, AAA acreage re-
duction checks to farmers, PWA
pay rolls and relief doles.
In 1882, the federal govern
ment's debt was only about twen-
ty-four billion dollars. Today it
is nearly thirty billion dollars.
Thus the entire picture has
changed. A vote for the bonus
now would not mean the same
thing that it would have meant
in 1882. And the time may come
when Fred Van Nuys either will
have to violate the strict letter of
his campaign pledge or vote con-
trary to his own convictions as to
what is best for the country.
THE bonus and the municipal
Il bankruptcy bill are the only
measures on which Van Mugs has
strayed from Roosevelt leadership.
It was on the bankruptcy bill
that he made his maiden speech"
in the senate. For that speech,
he had a background Of almost a
years work. He served as chair
man of the subcommittee of the
judiciary committee which con-
Quoted hearings on the bill. Under
Mr.. Van Nuys' leadership, the
subcommittee m m e d e d
against passage of the bill. And
when the judiciary committee as
a whole overruled the subcommit-
tee, Senator Van Nuys prepared
the minority report.
The bill, Mr.. Van Mugs held,
was an invitation to municipali-
ties and political subdivisions to
default on their debt. He made a
good speech, by far the best
speech that was made against the
bill. When he concluded, he was
congratulated by Senators Nor
ris, Borah. Glass and Clark, all
able speakers.
1t is a key to Senator Van
Mugs character that he sat 81
lent in the senate for more than
a year, and did not raise his voice
until the opportunity came on a
subject on which he was thor
oughly prepared. All of the big
regulations of the senate have
been builded upon such conserva-
tive foundations. Senators who
seize every pretext to run off at
the mouth. like Arthur Robinson