The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-03-06

capitalism. Inc STRUGGLES OF the
workers become more and more not
merely economic struggles against
individual corporations and bosses,
but by their nature become in direct
conflict with the state.
From economic struggles they be-
come political struggles directed
against capitalism and its more
openly brutal, oppressive state. Since
the whole economic improvement is
mainly based on artificial measures.
which do not solve but intensity the
basic contradictions, these struggles
Of the workers become more dan
gerous for American capitalism.
For that reason the Roosevelt
regime stops at no lengths to end
and smash them. This opens the
way for more and more direct fas-
cist measures. Proof can be seen
in Roosevelt's latest decree. Though
the Wagner Bill provided for the
most powerful government strike
breaking agency ever set up in the
United States, the very speed with
which the strikes are developing
made Roosevelt act before the bill
could go before his well-controlled
Congress. BY executive order" he
empowered the National Labor
Board to do all that the Wagner
Bill designed to accomplish.
DOOSEVELT'S leading spokesman
~ admit that his main object is
to save capitalism at all costs, if
necessary by the development of
fascism and the preparations for
war and the stimulation of war.
When Roosevelt came to power,
his actions were predicated on what
he thought was "the knowledge that
capitalism generally was collapsing.
The whole question of the personal
(private) ownership of property was
hanging in the balance" ("The
American Way" by Earle LOCKER
Promises Made To Be Broken
Promises to the masses mean
nothing to Roosevelt and can mean
nothing. They are made to suit
the needs of the immediate situa-
ton, but the relentless goal is the
preservation Of American capital
ism. The situation at the begin
ming of his administration" says
the same author, twas such, that,
despite the cOpybOOk ethics, Presi-
dent was demanded courageous C.)
enough to break promises, to reverse
commitments, to discard associates
when and if the broader policy
seemed to demand that of him."
All promises to the workers are
broken. Former associates are be-
ing discarded for those more closely
associated with the banks, who rep
resent the broader policy" of AM
erican Imperialism followed by the
Roosevelt government.
1t is no accident that in his
speech on March 4, 1884, the ami
versary Of his first year in power,
Rooseyelt's mind dwelt on war.
Any war would be agreeable to
the Roosevelt regime. A japanese
war against the Soviet Union or a
European war, both of which would
offer tremendous opportunities of
supplying war materials. At the
same time it would give the United
States the opportunity Of weaken
ing its rivals and entering the war,
as it did during the World War, at
the most favorable moment to gain
the biggest share of the booty.
Another of Roosevelts close sup
porters, and one of his confidential
biographers, Earnest K. Lindley, in
his book 1.-THE Roosevelt Revolu-
ton" partly admitted this. Discus
sing means of solving the crisis, Mr..
Lindley writes: "a goOd-sized Eu-
ropean war might be helpful. We
would probably find ourselves I'M