The Waterbury Democrat. [volume] (Waterbury, Conn.) 1917-1946, 1934-04-06
FRIDAY, APRIE 6, 1884
The Seriousness Is Apparent

. When close to 200 industrialists of
: Connecticut descend on Washington to
: demand of our national legislators that
; they take a definite stand on certain
! measures now pending before Congress,
! it is clear to us that the seriousness OF the
present situation is not exaggerated. rms
!. week in Waterbury we were edited by
!. the sight of our major industries raising
!. the wages of employees without any too
!. definite assurance that such an action
. would be justified by increased orders.
!: All of us must realize that in Connecti-
I. cut we cannot take to the soil for our sub
!. sistence should our mills fail us. We can
! not all engage in the business OF selling
! merchandise if we have no customers "
{. keep our stocks moving. In short Con-
!. necticut is an industrial area; she prob
ably will remain one SO long as the laws
!. of the nation do not bankrupt her. All
/. of us must remain aware of this fact. 1t
must temper principles. We do not urge,
though, that we sacrifice everything for
a merely material existence.
To this gathering in Washington were
summoned the members of the Connecti-
cut congressional delegation. All re-
sponded and expressed a willingness to
protect Connecticut industry. However,
we must note that there was not the
hearty condemnation of the New Deal, as
expressed by Senator Frederic G. Walcott,
republican, in the words of either Senator
Augustine Lonergan or Representative
Francis T. Maloney, democrats. And we
were glad to see that. For while we may
express criticism of various points of the
New Deal program itself, we do not
think as a whole it deserves outright
condemnation.
For example Senator Walcott said the
stock exchange bill was 80 rotten it has
to be killed in some manner" There are
faults with it, that's almost generally
admitted. It can never pass in its present
form. But that does not mean that stock
exchange control isn't needed. 1t is to-
day, just as much as it was twenty years
ago when proposed and rejected. we
don't propose that every security market
in the nation be closed up by such re-
strictive act as might be suggested for
legislation, but we do demand regulation
of stricter type than we now enjoy.
Other measures hit by our Industrial
lists were the 30-hour week, the Wagner
labor board measure, the unemployment
insurance bill, and the reciprocal tariff.
To discuss them as they should be would
require time and space. 1t is enough to
say that all have both their good and bad
points. With regard to the reciprocal tar
iff it could ruin Connecticut industry as
e. Kent Hubbard said to our national
legislators But who of us believes that
President Roosevelt; upon whom would
rest the working of the reciprocal tariff,
would permit this nation to be flooded
with cheap goods with which our own
manufacturers could not possibly compete.
We must remain familiar with the var
ious ramifications of the New Deal. It's
intended to benefit not one state like
Connecticut, but the forty-eight states. 1t
may impose temporary hardships, but in
the end general peace and prosperity is
planned. If such plans are built on shift
ing sands it is going to be speedily appar-
emit. It is hard to say right now whether
the planned economy of President Roose-
welt is going to ruin New England's in
dustrial standing. If so, we can only
oppose But like Representative Maloney,
we don't think that such sweeping oppo-
sition as our industrialists demand on a
series of important pieces of legislation
can be taken until all have been thoroughly
discussed, disected, and amended.