The Kennewick courier-reporter. [volume] (Kennewick, Wash.) 1914-1938, 1934-07-05

anywhere to take away any of the
credit. The politicians on the Presi-
dents side dare not seek any of the
credit, for their records show them
to have been wholly subservant to his
will. Anti-administration politicians
are continuing to p lay dead, for their
strategy is apparently one Of allow
ing the calf all of the rope. If fail
ure attends any units of the program,
they will make great capital of it. If
success is complete, they can do moth
ing about it anyway, thus they are in
a blind alley for the time being.
This position, 1 am told, does not
mean that the Republicans and other
anti-administration groups will not
fight back. / have explained in ear
lies letters that they are going to TO-
ment trouble by attacks on various Of
the policies to show vulnerable points.
Just Loan of Power
As I said at the outset, the story
of the Seventy Third congress is the
story of the broadest loan Of power
ever given. It must be described as a
loan of power because congress can
take it back at any time by mastering
sufficient votes for repeal of the laws
it enacted. But it must be remember
ed that, under the so-called Norris
amendment to the federal Constitu-
ton, the recently adjournment session
of congress was the last session. In
other words, when the adjournment
was voted, it was an adjournment
sine die. It was finished. It cannot be
reconvened without call by the Pres
ident and that, as I reported above,
is hardly within the realm of possibil-
tiles. All Of which is by way of say
ing that Mr.. Roosevelt will have the
use Of these loaned powers completely
and unequiyocally certain until next
January.
It might be added that he will
have most of them for much long
er because, although congress can ex-
ercise it's right to take them back, re-
covery of the grants of power is not
as easy as it may seem. For example,
normally, repeal of law is accom-
plished by majority vote in con-
gress But one must stop to consider
here that Mr.. Roosevelt may not want
to give up authority vested in him.
He has the authority to veto an act of
congress. Then, to get those powers
back congress must override the veto.
To override veto it is necessary UNI
der the terms of the Constitution that
two-thirds of each house shall have
voted in the affirmative.
am making no assertion that any
such attitude will be taken by the
President. None can make it for none
knows what the Presidents attitude
will be when the time comes for de-
cision on the point. Ut is worthy Of
thought in my opinion, however, that
here is a condition whede the system
Of checks and balances between the
legislative, judicial and executive
branches Of the government have
placed powerful whip in. the hands
Of the executive. Students OF the Con-
stitution tell me that it is very UNI
usual condition.
Legality Questioned
When Mr.. Roosevelt came into Of
flee March 4, 1888, the congress, ac-
cording to the Constitution, held the
power to levy and collect taxes, to
borrow money, to regulate foreign
and domestic commerce, to coin money
anad regulate its value and to govern
its relation to foreign coin, to COM
bat counterfeiting, to set up inferior
courts, to declare war and grant let
tiers of marque and reprisal, raise
and support the army and the navy
and control calls for the militia, to
define and punish piracy, guard the
copyright Of creative work, and to
make all necessary laws for carrying
out these various powers.
What has congress retained of these
vast powers, given it by the Consti-
tuition because it represents the peo-
pie? There is divergence Of opinion.
Surely, however, there has been dele
gated to the President some Of the
most important Of those powers, and
some authorities like Senator Borah
Of Idaho, and some Of the Democratic
conservatives claimed the delegation
= ~ = - - =