The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1934-09-08

leases from Newport, Rhode Island,
the most fashionable summer hab-
itat of American capitalism's rail-
road, marine, textile, steel, and
automobile barons and their finan-
cial and political associates.
Mr.. Hastings crowd is primarily
engaged in convincing a sufficient
number Of bankers, industrialistS
and big landlords that the Repub-
lican party, ennobled by the Hard
g-Daugherty oil graft, Coolidge's
position on the favorite customer
list of J. P. Morgan 81 Company,
and Hoover's and Melons gifts of
hundreds of millions to Charley
Dawes and his Chicago pals, is to
be preferred to the Democratic
Party of Wilson, Roosevelt, Walter
Teagle, Tammany Jim Farley and
Vincent Aston as the executive COM
mittee of the American ruling class.
Furthermore, Hastings and his
lcnies insist that the tear gas used
Under Hoover's policy of rugged
individualism" offers more to the
Shaving workers and small farmers
than the vomit gas Of Roosevelt'S
individual self-reliance.
Tweedldee Answers Tweedldum
Factually, a substantial part of
the truth is admitted by the Hon.
Bacon and by such an ornament
of the New Deal as the Hon. Donald
R. Richberg, general counsel of the
NR.A., Executive Director of the
National Emergency Council and
Executive Secretary of the Execu-
tive Council. 1t is campaign time.
And when Tweedldee castigates
Tweedldum we learn something
about both.
Bacon attacked "the surface
pleasantries of Mr.. Richberg's state
ment of employment conditions"
and the latter's arbitrary selection
Of March 1888 "as a basing point
in working out his statistics al
though that period represents ex-
traoroinary conditions brought
about by the banking panic and
the order closing practically every
banking and business establishment
in America" I'm fact" continues
Bacon. millions have been in need
of clothing bat they have destroyed
the basic materials and paid for
that destruction with public funds"
And so ON and 50 forth.
Now, Bacon and his crew, of
course, aren't concerned with the
near starvation condition Of hun
dreds of thousands of American
workers and farmers nor with the
Richberg admissions that the aver
age manufe cturing workers real
wage from June 1888 to June 1894
dropped IL per cent and that Feb
ruary 1885 will see 100000 families
on relief Bacon objects that Re
lief payments are now at the high
est level Of any period during the
depression" That is, he does not
think that the workers families
should have been granted the aver
age payment of $50 a month to
keep them alive-a prey to mall
nutrition.
Hastings. from his Newport re-
treat. sends word that The N.R.A.
might have been reasonably sue
cessful If it's activities had been
reasonably confined If we had con-
fined our efforts to encoura ginG
business and capital instead of
putting it in a government straight
Jacket (which Jacket" Melted the
corporaticns an increase of 600 per
cent profit in the years period
when the workers real wage
dropped IL per cents. W., we
would have done much more for
the unemployed than we have
done" But the nub of the Bacon
HASTINGS attacks is Hastings state
ment that: IF it be practicable by
legislativ enactment to more widely
spread the material benefits. the
time to put such a policy in force
is when the material benefits of the
nation are rxnninr high" What the
workers and small farmers should
eat during years of CAPITALIST crisis
Hastings neqlects to saw.
Richberg. the former Bull Mooser
who worked for Republican Teddy
Roosevelt of the Oyster Bay estate.