The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1933-02-03

taneously. 1t must be led along
this road. The task to lead them
along this road is the task of the
Communist Party. Revolutionary
leadership does not begin at the
end of this road, exercised only
over the revolutionary workers, IL
begins at the start Of this road
exercised upon the broadeSt pos
sible working masses, irrespective
of their degree of revolutionary
development. The strength Of this
revolutionary movement, therefore,
depends on the success the Cen1e
munists have in organizing and
leading mass struggles of ire work.
ers for concrete immediate issues
and on the ability Of the Conn
munists to transform the expert
ences of these struggles into greater
class consciousness Of the workers.
1t is clear from this that this
question Is not at all who prefers
revolution to immediate achieve
ments of the workers. The Com
munists, rather, develop and lead
struggles for immediate achieve
ments because they are concerned
with creating revolution. The
Socialists, on the other hand want
to save capitalism from a proleta-
rian revolution and therefore try
with all their might to prevent
workers struggles for immediate
improvements.
Communist theory and practice
are workers struggles; Socialist
theory and practice are workers
paralysis. The Communists Stimu-
late the action of the masses; the
Socialists prevent where they can
or paralyze where they cannot
prevent, the action OF the masses.
The Communists start from the
premise that the emancipation Of
the working class can only be
achieved by the struggles of the
workers themselves, the socialists,
on the other hand, teach that the
emancipation of the workers will
be achieved by parliamentary repre-.
sentatives. The Communists or
ganize mass economic strikes by
the workers themselves, mass pick
citing by the workers themselves,
mass demonstrations by the work
ers themselves, mass defense by
litical strikes by the workers them.
the workers themselves, mass po-
selves, mass political action by the
workers themselves; the Socialists
preach action of the parliamenta-
rians in the name of the workers
and condemn workers mass ac-
ton as interfering with the plans
of the parliamentarians; they
preach negotiations with bosses by
bureaucrats and condemn workers
mass action as interfering with the
skillful manoeuvers Of the bureau-
Gratis; they appeal to capitalist
courts for "just" action toward
workers prosecuted by capitalist
justice and condemn workers mass
action on behalf of their perse-
cuted class brothers. The Com
munists at all times call for work
ers' action against the capitalists
to counterfeit and defeat the con-
tinuous action of the capitalists
against the workers; the Socialists
call for inaction of the workers
against the capitalists, to secure
the victory of the continuous &C
lions of the capitalists against the
workers.
From this we can conclude, that
the more serious the Communists
take the immediate struggles OF the
workers, the more successful will
be their revolutionary leadership,
the more effective will be the Com
munist challenge Of the influence
of social democracy over the work
ers.
THE immediate issue on which the
i TWO, is being built is the eco
nonlic insecurity OF the workers.
To meet this issue the Two. Or
ganizes mutual insurance and
fights for social insurance. In the
course of struggle for social irsur-
ance to replace the, at best in
adequate, mutual insurance, effec-
tive revolutionary leadership can
teach the members of the Inter
national Workers Order the poll
teal character of their problems
1t can teach them the need Of
political struggle. 1t can show
them the need and the meaning
and the functions of a revolution
airy party as the organizer and
leader of the masses in their po-
litical struggle for emancipation.
Within these boundary lines, the
International Workers Order, al
though really only a mutual benefit
society, can develop tremendous
class struggle activities with a re-
volutionizing effect on it's member
ship. There is practically no limit
to the degree Of class conscious
ness which the Two. can develop
among its membership without,
even for a moment, abandoning
the premise that its members join
ed only for the purpose Of securing
aid in case of sickness, disability
or death, and the premise that the
membership can be activized only
around this purpose.
Such activities will not estrange
the backward workers from the
Order. On the contrary, they learn
to understand that the individual
problem of help in case of need,
the individual problem that made
them join the Order to secure be-
neflts, is really a class problem and
requires political action for final
solution. They become class con.
scious. The backward workers de-
velop into advanced workers.
The International Workers or.
der is most important link In the