The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1933-04-21

/ clearly a program which has in mind
the quickest p0sSibiS mobilization
for war. The intended powers to the
President under this measure and
the powers already given to the
President establishes dictatorial
power for the rapid carrying through
OF the wishes of finance capital. But
we shall here limit ourselves to the
consideration of these measures only
with regard to the internal effects.
The Plan for Controlling Production.
First as to control Of production
and planning. This has been spoken
| about and tried in other capitalist
countries. It is an attempt to utilize
the advantages of planning in the
Soviet Union under capitalism. 1t
also aims to create illusions that the
capitalists here will be able to solve
the problems of unemployment as
they have been solved in the Soviet
Union. But this will be impossible
in the U. S., as it has proved i'm
possible in other capitalist countries.
The capitalist system is based upon
anarchy in production. 1t is produc-
ton for profit 1t is the quest for
profits which is the driving force
and not service to the masses which
is the underlying principle in the
Soviet Union. The growth Of mon
opolies under capitalism and the
driving out Of the small capitalists
does not do away with competition
with anarchy in production. On the
contrary it introduces it in new and
sharper forms. The big capitalists
being more powerful, carry on this
competition with more deadly eff
fectS. And internationally this cul-
inmates in imperialist wars. What
will result from all this will be state
subsidies to the big capitalists, who
will be able to compete with the
smaller capitalists, and who will also
attempt to sell their products in
markets now occupied by their COM
petitors in other imperialist coun-
tries. This will not solve the prob
lens OF capitalism. 1t will only mean
greater profits to the big capitalists
to be paid for by the masses, and
an accentuation of the danger OF a
new world inperialist war.
The S0-Hour Week and the
Minimum Wage.
As to the 30-hour week and mini
mum wage proposal. The 30-hour
week without any wage compensation
for the hours lost is is the old Hoover
stagger plan. The Black Bill does
not carry any wage compensation
with it. The proposal of the T. U.
U. L., which made this amendment
to the Black Bill through its repre-
sentative appearing before the Sen
ate Judiciary Committee which held
hearings on this bill, was rejected.
The T. U. U. L. in its amendment
also proposed a minimum wage pro-
posal. But the minimum wage pro-
posal OF Roosevelt, without guaran-
teeing that there will be no wage
reductions side by side with the re-
duction Of hours, means that the
minimum wage will become the maxi
mum wage. 1t will result in whole
sale Wage-cuts for the greatest por-
ton of the workers. The Roosevelt
Perkins stand on the railroad wage
dispute shows this already quite
clearly. Furthermore, the heavy in
tlat1on which accompanies this bill
Will mean in practice that while the
minimum wage will remain fixed in
dollars, the actual standard of living
will continually decrease as prices
rise.
Now, as to the Roosevelt Public
Works Program. Thus far this pro-
gram has resulted in the stopping of
federal construction. Roosevelt has
already indicated that he would as
sign to the public works the build
ing of more warships, and other war
machinery. Thus, while the govern
ment is trying to present good front
at the coming conferences by cutting
the war budget, they would in
reality greatly increase the war bud
get by carrying out this work under
the guise of big public works pro-
gram. Furthermore, this work-build-
ing battleshipS-as we'll as other
construction now carried on through