The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1933-03-28


z Forced Labor in the United
States" by Walter Wilson. A COM
plete picture of the forced labor
system will be rotten from a read
Ing of the book of which the fol-
l0wing is an extract. Prepared un-
der direction of the Labor Research
Association. Introduction by Theo-
doTe Dresser. International Pub
fishers, Ss1 Fourth Ave, New York,
price 81.
ALTHOUGH much direct forced la
n Dor exists in the homeland Of
every capitalist country, it prevails
to a much greater extent in the COL
onieS. In nearly all colonial and
semi-colonial countries there are
laws, regulations and practices which
make it compulsory for the major
ity Of the native population TO work
for definite time, directly or in
directly, for foreign capitalists with
out pay or for only nominal wage.
1t has been revealed that about
one-fifth of the total imports into
the United States are products
which in whole or in part result
frcm one of the forms of direct
forced labor. These include rub
Der, coffee, sugar, cocoa, tea, to-
bacco, as well as fruits and nuts in
addition to certain oils, spices, min
erals and related products.
A list Of the most respectable"
citizens engaged in this exploita-
ton of colonial forced labor would
include some of the biggest CAPT
talists in the United States such
as Rockefeller, Guggenheim, Ford,
Mellon, Morgan and many others.
They super-exploit this labor in
much the same manner as did
Herbert Hoover, who was for many
years an executive in the Kaiping
mines in China.
IN CENTRAL AMERICA
In the independent" republics of
Central America, F., dominated by
American Imperialism, forced labor
is used in varying forms and under
various names. Peonage, however, is
the most typical form. Indeed, the
South and Central American coun-
tries are the traditional home of
peonage. American capitalists, who
own vast sugar, banana, and chicle
plantations in Central America, are
the foremost exploiters Of this type
Of forced labor. They also dominate
the public utilities, wharves, mines
and other industries of the region.
Conditions in Guatemala, where
about so million dollars Of United
States capital are invested, are typi-
cal of those found in almost every
Central American country. In Guate-
mala the system is quite open. Even
the 1882 World Almanac" admits
that many Of the Indians-who COM
prise about so per cent Of the .popu-
lation-are held under a system OF
peonage.
In Liberia, on the west coast OF
Africa, we find actual slavery-the
buying and selling Of human beings
as property. In return for a loan TO
the Liberian government, the Fire"
stone Rubber Co. secured a conces-
sion Of 10000 acres of rubber land
in 1925. This deal was pushed
through with the aid OF Herbert
Hoover, who was then engaged, as
U. S. Secretary OF Commerce, in
breaking the British rubber nonopo-
". The land given Firestone had for
merly been held by natives, but 1t
was taken from them without ask
ing their views in the matter.
IN carrying through it's large-scale
plantations project the Firestone
company has been confronted with
two major problems: % confiscation
of native lands, and 90 an adequate
supply of cheap labor. The Liberian
government, then headed by Presi-
dent King actively co-operated in
solving both. The land was expro-
priated and attempts of the natives
to escape labor on the plantations
were defeated by terroristic methods.
Not only did the government supply
Firestone with forced laborers, but 1t
supplied other imperialists operating
in other parts Of Africa with such
labor.
IN BLOODY CUBA
The writer Arnold Roller has cited
The cases Of such big American cor
Lorations as the United Fruit Co.,
which have made their own laws,
disregarding Cuban laws, and are
establishing a kind of industrial ex-
-territoriality." These companies
improved upon the ancient slave
trading methods, in importing Negro
. slaves from Jamaica into Cuba. The
General Sugar Co. stimulated the
trade by paying $25 for every Negro
delivered on its reservations, IN ad-
dition to a small bonus.
Once in Cuba the Negroes are kept
as virtual prisoners on the reserva-
tons until the crop is gathered. They
are imprisoned in large, wooden bar
racks surrounded by armed guards.
They cannot leave the cornpany'S
reservation during the entire time
of their contract. They must buy all
their provisions in company stores.
Usually at the end Of the crop they
are indebted to the contractor. Often,
after the season is over, the masters
"a'irw' them to remain in the bar
racks, without having to pay rent
where they are kindly protected" by
armed company guards who shoot
any one trying to escape. Thus the
company saves the additional ex-
pense of importing new workers for
the next seasons work.
Harvey O'Connor, Federated Press
c~-'--~o-dert wrote from Cuba
March 20, 1880: These companies
ir .ensifv the chronic unemployment
on the island by importing Negro la
borers-under slave terms from
Haiti and Santo Domingo. These are
kept in semi military compounds,