The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1933-05-25

however, it has
been recognized that, in dealing
with great powers, there was no
certainty whatever that there would
be any collective effort
Article XVI, which provides for
the blockade, lever has been 1e-
pealed, but when it was put to che
test last winter by Japan 1t was
not enforced. The theory has been
held that Article XVI could not be
enforced if the United States in
sisted on it's neutral rights.
But there are good reasons for
thinking that, even with this i'm
pediment removed, neither the peo-
pie of the United Kingdom nor the
people Of the British Dominions
have any great liking for the task
of policing the world.
WHETHER they have or not IS
w bound to be disclosed if the
Davis proposal is examined serious
ly in practical negotiations. The
American proposal in effect amounts
to saying that under certain con-
ditions the United States will not
interfere with the league.
This sharpens the issue, which
hitherto has been rather success
fully avoided, as to how far the
members of the league really mean
to go in applying the covenant.
The real effect, 1 should suppose,
of this American action would be to
cause France to turn to Britain and
to ask Mr.. Macdonald how far he
is able and willing to go in pledging
the British navy to preserve the eX-
iSting treaties.
Whatever the diplomatic formulate
employed in the public debates, the
reality of the matter is almost GER
tainly bound to be just that.
The French and their allies are
asked to surrender predominant
military power on the continent.
This power, in their eyes, is the
g|uarantor of the treaties; whoever
asks them to give up this power
must supply the equivalent. Only
Britain can do that.
But before the British make such
commitments, they are very likely
to ask us some extremely searching
questions: Has the President under
the American constitutional Sys-
tenn the authority to make the
offer described by Mr.. Davis? Will
congress ratify a treaty to that
effect?
Who in the American system of
government would have authority to
say that I'VE concur in the judg-
ment rendered as to the responsible
and guilty party? Questions like
these are unacceptable, for as mat
tiers stand today the problem of
French disarmament is the prob
lem Of British and American sup
port of the existing treaties.
THE fundamental difficulty of the
Il whole problem arises from the
fact that the peace of Europe is not
based upon consent, but has to be
guaranteed. This is the tragic heri-
tage of the war.
The nature of the problem can
be understood by comparing the
peace that prevails OF the frontiers
of Central Europe, with the peace
that prevails along the Canadian
border.
Our peace with Canada is a true
peace. based on consent.
Neither government is interested
in the others ornaments, its tanks,
heavy guns. aircraft or poison gas.
We do not have to sign paCtS of
nonaggreSSion.
We are so genuinely at peace that
we do not have to talk about peace.
But on certain of the new from
tiers of Europe there is no such
peace. What peace there is is guar
anteed by the ramies and by the in
direct force which is contained in
the diplomatic alignment, the vari-
Gus pactS and the machinery of Or
ganized action against war.
In so far as there is no peace
by consent in Europe. the problem
of peace is not really a question
of reducing ornaments, but Of dis
tributing them somewhat differently
It is a naive illusion to suppose
that the slightest progress has been
made or is being made toward re-
ducing by agreement that prepond-
reance of force which guarantees
the treaties.
The question is, and has been
for nearly fifteen years, whether
this preponderant force would be
the large armies of France and her
allies. or those same armies re-
duced. but Immediately reinforced
by the British navy.
My own skepticiSm as to how
1Vl much real progress toward dis
armament can now be made arises
from a conviction that little can be
done by manipulating weapons un-
til the underlying political situation
is altered.
Now, a political settlement is not
likely to be reached in the present
condition of Europe. All the ma
lions, including Germany to a high
degree, are afflicted with the mis-
cries of the world depression, an6
the awful anxieties which it pro-
duces. 1t is idle to suppose that the
deepest political differences in the
western world car be reconclled in
this atmosphere.
1t is a mistake, therefore, to argue
that decisive steps toward diSarma-
ment are essential TO economic re-
covery. 1t Is much nearer the truth
to say that economic recovery is
essential to peace and disarmament
for the only conceivable circum-
stances under which men would
have enough good will to keep the
peace would be when they are again
at work and have some hope for the
future.
fConvrfoht IQ2al