Evening star., 1933-04-30
BY GASTON NERVAL.

0y uASxON CEhvAAA
TINE Monroe Doctrine Is no longer
q one-sided, exclusive policy Of
the United States. At least, the
i Government Of the United States
does no longer consider 1t So
Such, in q few words, Is the significance
of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's
new Interpretation Of the Monroe Doc
trine. Speaking, on Pan-American day,
before the diplomatic representatives Of
the 20 Latin American nations, he
called 1t "Pan-American Doctrine Of
continental self-defense."
Perhaps economic and financial prob
lens are 50 numerous and 50 vexed in
these days that editorial writer's lack
the time or the space to follow closely
the march Of events in international
politics. To be sure the front page
Of newspapers everywhere is almost
monopolized by financial, commercial,
banking and industrial questions of the
day.
Perhaps the same is true, also, of
public leaders and statesmen. They
are so busy wrestling with the economic
difficulties at home that they can only
pause to cast q glance at the interna-
tional horizon when an armed crisis
actually breaks In the Far East or
oOutn America.
Comment IL Slixht.
This may be the reason why such an
epoch-making announcement as that
contained in the Pan-American day
address Of President Roosevelt, in ref
erence to the Monroe Doctrine, re-
ceived SO little comment, If any at all,
In the editorial columns of the Ameri-
can press. Or In that of Latin Amer
lea.
Purposely, the writer has allowed two
weeks to go by, waiting for a formal
statement from some prominent public
man, some high Government ofiicial,
some international authority, particu-
larly from Latin America, stressing the
significance Of that announcement. But
such q statement has not come forth.
On the contrary. most Of the Latin
American diplomats who heard the ad-
dress were more impressed by the
promise of a readjustment of tariff
rates and some Of them opined that the
reference to the Monroe Doctrine was
only q diplomatic, amiable gesture
with no Interior political importance.
As for the newspaper reports of the
presidential address, they emphasized
only what was incidental In 1.-THE
urge for peace in South America, dis
turbed at present by two undeclared
wars-that IS. the part with news
value" and overlooked completely the
fundamental things-the principles re-
lated to. and the modified stand on,
the most famous Of all foreign policies
Of the United States.
Yet, the Interpretation Of the Mon
roe Doctrine given by President Roose-
welt on Pan-American day is the most
interesting one ever uttered by a Chief
Executive of the United States, since
James Monroe. It does not go back to
the original pronouncement of Monroe.
as some Southern Ambassador as
serted, seemingly pleased, the other
day. It goes much further than that.
It is not exaggerated enthusiasm or
optimism which makes me say SO. Let
me state, at once, two reasons why
I consider that Interpretation a mile
stone in Pan-American relations: First,
because it abandons the traditional,
until now unyielding position of the
United States in reference to the Mon
roe Doctrine; namely. that this is a
unilateral, nationalistic and exclusive
policy of this country. the interpreta-
ton and use Of which rest with the
United States, and with the United
States alone.
Accepts lQe4uSuC view.
Secondly, because 1t accepts the more
idealistic view of the early Latin Ameri-
can statesmen of the past century who,
since the proclamation of the doctrine
in 1923, attempted time and again, but
always unsuccessfully. to convert it into
a continental, obligatory pact Of COM
mon self defense.
It is an acknowledged fact that the
United States, from the very beginning.
has always considered the Monroe Doc
trine a one-sided, exclusive policy OF
this Nation. in the maintenance OF
which the other republics of the West
ern Hemisphere had no active part.
The declarations of United States
Presidents, Secretaries of State, con-
gressional leaders. political speakers and
writer's supporting that traditional view
are too well-known to be repeated here.
They could fill volumes.
To mention only the most recent ones,
see the State Departments formal re-
statement of the doctrine in the Clark
memorandum, Secretary Stimson's ut
terances when Mexico denounced the
doctrine in joining the League in 1881,
the Senate's reservation to the KEEL
logg pact, President Coolidge's declara-
tions at the Pan-American conference.
The Senate reservations when the
League covenant was being discussed,
and those appended to The Hague
treaties also speak for themselves.
To these. hundred other instances
could be added. Almost every important
public man in the United States has, at
one time or another in his career. re-
peated the same opinion: The Monroe
Doctrine is a national exclusive policy
of the United States. Saxon Americans
have consistently. and in spite of the
many transfigurations of the Monroe