Evening star., 1933-08-11
Revolution or Intervention :?

Lie ptSl tIldI Gall Uc Sdlu dUout tAiC
Cuban crisis is that hope, however
slender. still fingers that good sense
will yet prevail at Havana to the end
that crisis may not drift into catas-
trophe.
The good sense will have to be exer-
cised by President Machado if disaster
is to be averted. From the United
States standpoint armed Intervention
would SAVIOR of the disastrous. Not
that this country fears that such in
tervention could not be successfully
carried out-that is unthinkable-but
to be compelled to resort to such a
solution would from every standpoint
be the quintessence of undesirability.
Undoubtedly Gen. Machado is exploit
Ing to his own advantage our undis-
guised reluctance to have recourse to
the ultimate. He has summoned the
Cuban Ambassador at Washington to
q conference in Havana today.
Fresh from personal interviews with
President Roosevelt and the State De-
partment, Senor de Cintas is in posi-
ton to reflect accurately to President
Machado the attitude of the United
States Government. There is no secret
as to what that attitude is. Americas
good Offices have been offered through
Ambassador Welles, in cordial co-opera-
ton with all Cuban political elements,
including President Machado's own
supporters, for the purpose of inducing
the Cubans to compose their own diff
ferences. A formula designed to bring
about a settlement has been submitted
to President Machado. 1t calls for
patriotic" sacrifice on his part-for
nothing less than his retirement from
the scene obviously condemned to re-
main controversial and critical as long
as he dominates it.
Late advices indicate that. backed
by his Liberal party leaders, Gen.
Machado is determined to hold on.
The Welles mediation formula is re-
jected on the ground that acceptance
would imperil the independence and
sovereignty Of the republic.
If that is Machado's last word revo-
luton or Intervention plainly becomes
the sole alternative The United States,
in the event of revolution, would be
face to face with the responsibilities
it shouldered under the Platt amend
ment. We are pledged to 60 into
Cuba for the preservation of life, prop
erty and individual liberty there when
ever these are threatened. Revolution
would automatically threaten them.
And Americas duty in the premises
would as automatically arise.
Machado, his Liberal politicians, Sec
retary of State Ferrara, Ambassador de
Cintas and all the rest with whom the
Cuban President may now be taking
counsel must know that American in
tervention, once undertaken, would be
pursued, whatever the cost, till its end
was accomplished. All Americans
would deplore its necessity. It would
inevitably mean sacrifice of blood and
treasure, and diversion Of our national
energies from the urgent domestic
tasks now claiming the Nations un-
divided attention. It would revive,
however unjustifiably, the theory Of
North American imperialism" in Latin
America. 1t would to that extent psy-
chologically compromise the good
neighbor" policy toward the other
Americas to which the Roosevelt ad-
ministration is so sincerely committed.
These are considerations that cause
this country to ponder deeply before
making the fateful decision to dispatch
an Intervention expedition to Cuba.
But the Machadoistas mistake the
temper of the United States and its
Government if they delude themselves
into the conviction that even such in
hibitions, formidable as they are, would
eternally deter the American people
from doing their unacceptable duty in
Cuba. Already foreign powers, whose
national interests in the island are i'm
periled by the chronic unrest prevalent
there, are asking the United States
what it proposes to do about abolish
ing this situation. That is not the
least of the reasons which require the
washington Government to face events
in Cuba with realism, resolution and
promptness.
One phase of Machado's official policy
Is perfectly clear. He Is unalterably