The Kennewick courier-reporter. [volume] (Kennewick, Wash.) 1914-1938, 1933-11-30

is not a shadow of doubt about
this.
The House is not so important
as the Senate can sit tight and
force the lower body to play ball
or get nothing.
From the Eastside comes re-
ports that Representative Robert
F. Waldron wants to be speaker
at the special session, and Austin
wants to be floor leader. and there
is a possibility that some sort of
an arrangement will be worked
out to bring this about.
Incidentally this will mean a
reorganization of the House, and
will not be in the interests of a
short session.
No one doubts but that John C.
Stevenson, King County commits
sioner, will exert a rather great
influence at the special session. He
will be here to carry out the
wishes and desires of Governor
Martin. Everyone feels that the
anti-Martin elements intend to
make trouble and plenty of it.
In some respects the Governor
will give to these political enemies
their ammunition. He intends to
start the ball rolling by permit
ting Judge w. M. Pemberton, who
by the way is going to be candi-
date for mayor of Seattle next
Spring, to start war in the legisla-
ture over the retail price of gaso-
line. <s=s= r.-- -...s,.-
This is just what the enemies
Of the governor desire. They want
something started in the price
line in order to drag into the pic
ture the price of bread; the price
of flour and the price of wheat
and coincidental thereto to inquire
into state flour purchases.
Members of the Senate and
the conservative members Of the
House who have some heart for
the taxpayers are urging a short
session, and suggesting that the
original appropriation be set at
$50,OOO, so that when this sum is
exhausted no more can be had.
The governor has the power of
veto, and with more than one-third
state senator's willing to sustain
such a veto, can cut off wages.
Called for the specific purpose
of handling liquor control legis-
lation the way is left wide open
for the legislature to go where it
pleases.
The veto messages of the gov
ernor are on tap the first thing
Efforts to take them up and enact
over the veto are promised. The
chain store bill, the mortgage NOR
iatorium, optional insurance and
the mining blue sky law, will be on
tap.
The fact that if anyone of these
controversial bills is taken up and
the bitterness which will follow
may cost the taxpayers of the
state many tens Of thousands of
dollars, will be lost sight of. Incl
dentally the fact that the national
Industrial Recovery Act and the
fair competition codes has vir-
tually wiped off the chain store
edges will be forgotten.
What can be accomplished by
liquor control is problimatical. Des-
pite legal advises from interested
attorneys, there is grave doubt
whether or not the legislature can
adopt legislation which will be
construed as amendatory of the
wet initiative. Many attorneys, not
vitality interested on either side,
question the right of the legisla-
ture to act. If it has no right,
then the costly special session will
have been merely an idle costly
gesture.
Thrusting aside all of the bally-
hooing as to the crying need for
a special session on the liquor
question, and fitting the lid, the
real reason is to be found. 1t is
simply this:
The 1888 session reduced appro-
priations of all state departments
and institutions to such an extent
that the newly elected and newly
appointed administrative officers
have failed to make both ends
meet, with the results that all are
already rapidly facing the end of
their biennium operating funds. A
special session was found to be
imperative to save the ship Of
state, the state institutions, and
the state business.
There are too many grudges to
be played out; too many peeves to
be aired; too many disgruntled of
flee seekers to salve; too many
would-be-candidates for the Demo-
cratic or Progressive party nomi-
nation for governor sitting in the
picture to make it a healthy ses-