The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1933-03-10

representative of the fascist Schiei-
cher government defended the pro-
posal of an international shortening
of the working week, OF course with
corresponding reductions Of wages.
The representative Of the German
trade unions adopted the same at
tttude. In spite of the endeavours
of the reformists, the Geneva Con-
ference remained without result. The
arguments OF the Tefermists failed
to convince the representatives of
finance capital who were present.
In order to save the face of the
Conference, resolution, which does
not pledge anybody to anything, was
adopted, stating that the reduction
of the working week is one of the
means OF combating unemployment
and recommending that this ques-
ton should be studied in detail.
What is the real meaning of the
reform" which the social fascists
and their trade unions thus de-
fend? .. -;
The shortening of the working
week, (of course with corresponding
wage reductions) which is recon-
mended by the reformists and by
a number of bourgeois economists
as a remedy against the, crisis, does
not represent anything new in prin-
ciple. 1t Is a means of converting
the workers in employment into
short-timc workers, = means of re-
ducing the standard Of living Of
the workers and of attacking the
working class.
The present crisis, which, has
already lasted 3la years, is, with its
enormous unemployment, charac-
terized by the fact that the con-
version of workers into short-time
workers is assuming enormous di-
mansions. The workers in the fec
tories are compelled to remain idle
three or four days a week.
AS a result, even according TO the
figures of the International Labor
Office, the working week In the
whole industry of the United States
amounted to on an average in Sep
TENDER 1882 to 34.8 hours. 81 per
cent of the workers in the U. S. A.
are on short time. In Germany, in
September 1882, 40.3 per cent OF
the workers still employed were on
short time. This fact has played
not unimportant role in the disaS-
trous drop in the average wages OF
the the workers in the capitalist
countries.
The circumstance that the CAPT.
talists are opposed to legal reduc-
ton of the working week on an in
ternational scale is to be explained
as solely due to the fact that they
prefer to shorten the working week,
with simultaneous reduction of
wages, according to their own re-
quirements, each in his factory or
works.
NO WAY OUT OF CRISIS
For the bourgeoisie the shortened
working week is the most suitable
means of increasing exploitation and
reducing the wages bill. 1t is perfectly
clear that even If all the workers
in the capitalist countries who are
still employed were placed on short
time, it would not offer way out
of the crisis. The inevitable further
deepening of the crisis will mean
a further increase Of the already
huge army of unemployed and short
time workers, a further attack of
the capitalists on the working class
a further sharpening of the class
struggle.
70 In advocating the 40-hour working
week, international social fascism
helps the employers to lower the
standard Of living Of the industrial
workers to the starvation existence
Of the colonial slaves Of imperialism
and to the level Of the day laborers
in agriculture.
The reformists of all countries
hypocritiSally declare that they are
for the reduction of the working
hours without any reduction in
wages. This is said only in order to
deceive the workers. Everywhere the
refornists help the capitalists to re-
accordance with the reduction of
the working hours, and even beyond
this.
The Communist Parties, the Red
Trade Unions and the revolutionary
trade union organizations explain to
the working masses the meaning of
this treacherouS maneuver of the
reformists. They organize the real
and not the sham fight for the re-
duction OF the working day and for
the simultaneous increases in wages.
They show by means of the facts of
everyday life that the way out OF
misery, pauperism and unemploy-
xnent In r,osSilale ot,lu thro,Iuk tho