The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1933-03-17
Karl Marx and Negro Liberation
eandAc %
Struggle

Gus conflict on the other side Of the
Atlantic. Everywhere they bore there
fore patiently the hardships imposed
upon them by the cotton crisis, op-
posed enthusiastically the pro-slavery
Observation-Disclosures Of their
betters and from most parts OF
Europe contributed their quota OF
blood to the good of the cause
ANALYZES ROLE OF THE
NORTHERN FARMERS
Shamelessly the "Crisis" tries to
slur Marx and Communism by refer
ence to so-called Communist friends
Of Marx of that time who they say
opposed abolition and were silent on
the question of slavery. But in
letter to Engels on July i, 1861, Marx.
in reference to Northwestern states
throwing ttaEc weight into the bal
ance, sets forth in brilliant style the
role of the northern farmers as fol-
lows:
This population richly mixed
with German and English elements
and mainly SELF-WORKING
FARMERS, was naturally as un-
willing TO be intimidated as the
gentlemen of Wall Street and the
| 0uakers of Boston E. And it was
this Northwestern popuistion which
in the Kansas affair GOT INTO
| SKIRNTISHES with the Border
Ruffians." my emphasiS-J,W.F.).
The formulation of the question by
/ the Crisis" on the Negro and the
| labor movement is done with an aim
to confuse the Negro masses. Marx
constantly made clear his position
that labor must take on this question.
7 The most classic of all his statements
was the following:
"In the United States of Am
erica, any sort of independent labor
movement was paralyzed so long as
| slavery disfigured part of the re-
public. LABOR WITH A WHITE
SKIN CANNOT EMANCIPATE IT
SELF WHERE LABOR WITH A
BLACK SKIN rs BRANDED. But
out of the death of slavery new
vigorous life sprang up, the first
fruit of the Civil War was an agita-
ton for the S-honr day--a move
ment which rang with express speed
from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
from New England to California"
! my mphasis-J.W.F.l.
FROM ONE SLAVERY
TO ANOTHER
The most advanced representatives
Of the American working class were
also clear on this point. Great credit
must be given to a white labor lead
er, Sylvio, for the following remark
in q speech delivered to @ meeting
of white workers at Smbllry, Pa, in
1858:
"N0 man in America rejOiced
more than at the downfall of
Negro slavery. But when the shack
les fell from the limbs of those four
| millions of blacks, il did not make
them FREE men; II simply trans
| ferred them from one condition OF
! slavery to another 1t placed them
| upon the platform of the white
working class, and made all slaves
| together"
| The Negro rnisleaders, on the other
hand, consistently advance opinions
about the inherent antagonisrrls be-
tween white and black workers.
It is no accident that the "Crisis"
tries to confuse the workers on revo-
lutionary traditions by Jumping Marx
together with Thaddeus Stevens and
Charles Sumner.
Naturally" says the Crisis,
''Marx stood with the aboiitionists'
democracy, led by Stevens and
| Sumner"
| Certainly Marx was against slavery
with all his power and prodded along
all forces that could aid this cause.
But it is nonsense and distortion to
imply that Marx stood with these
representatives of other class inter-
ests. Thaddeus Stevens was a repre-
sentative of the industrial bour-
geoisie and Charles Sumner was a
petty bourgeois reformist. Marx
knew that the industrial bourgeoisie,
although the driving force against
the Southern oligarchy, would betray
Negro freedom as they did during Re-
! construction. Marx and EngelS knew
the class forces that were the real
allies to Negro freedom.
Engels in a letter TO Marx in 1862,
sums up the position of the bour-
geois democracy in the following sem
! fence;
Con ths one hand IL is well that
4 the horr.sNols repuhllc has 30 they