Evening star., 1933-08-27
BY WILLIAM r. CASTLE, Jr.,
Former Undersecretary Of State OF the
United States.

United States.
~ NE of the most important dicta
ever advanced by the American
Government was the Monroe
~ Doctrine. Like most pro-
nouncementS regarding foreign
relations, it was a compound OF SELF
interest and sentiment. We had mall
gurated in the Western Hemisphere
great experiment in democratic govern
ment and were determined that this
experiment should have every chance OF
success. During the turbulent first hall
century of our national existence we
had seen European quarreis transferred
to our own frontiers. and sometimes
across them. We looked on strife as
the natural condition of Europe, but
proposed to isolate 1t, to prevent 1t once
and for all from interfering again with
our own development. Furthermore, IN
our enthusiasm for democracy we were
thrilled with the determination OF our
Latin n-American neighbors to free them
selves from the tyranny OF Spain,
tyranny far more CALLING than any for
mer attempt of England to impose its
will upon the recalcitrant colonies.
It was for these reasons that President
Monroe with rare courage answered the
threat of the Holy Alliance to restore
the revolving colonies to Spain. He
recognized the newly formed govern
ments of South America and Informed
the world that the United States would
tolerate no European interference on
the American continents. Already the
young nation had grown so suthclentiy
in respect of the Old Word Inat TINS
pronouncement gave pause to the plans
of the monarchs Of Europe. When Great
Britain accepted it as sound doctrine,
danger of European aggression was no
longer imminent; the new states OF
Latin America were given their own
opportunity for development and the
United States breathed more freely.
It was inevitable, however, as the
decades passed and the nations OF
South America and later those OF the
Caribbean region began to feel theT
separate Individuality that they snouIo
begin to look on the Monroe Doctrine
as something which subtly inhibited
their complete freedom of action. 1t
was inevitable, also, that the people OF
the United States, somewhat 1ntox1cated
bv the tremendous forward strides OF
their own nation, should come to con-
stder themselves not only the guardians
of these nations as against Europe, but,
to some extent, as their tutor.
Stand Not Imperialistic.
Tnere was no lmpcTlalASI III IiAiS, Al
the sense that the United States wanted
political sovereignty; but it nevertheless
was considered in this light by the
Latin n-American states, especially since
all actions taken by the United States
were ignorantly or maIciously described
by the press as justified by the Monroe
Doctrine This was nonsense, since that
doctrine gave the United States no right
to interfere in the internal affairs OF
Latin America, but merely imposed the
duty of preventing foreign interference
in their affairs. particularly military
interference.
This duty has been performed several
times, notably by President Cleveland,
when there was threat of military
Intervention by Great Britain in the
boundary dispute with British Guiana,
and again by President Theodore
Roosevelt when there was again a
threat of military measures by France
to force payment Of the foreign bonds
of the Republic of Haiti. The latter
case differed from the first in that 1t
entailed American occupation, granted
by treaty, to put the Haitian people in
a position where they might manage
| their own affairs.
This occupation of Haiti, along with
the various instances Of the use OF
Marines to restore and maintain order
in the various Central American repub-
Ices, created strong animosity through
| out Latin America There was, first,
the curse of race and the pride that
goes along with It. There was the feel
ing that the United States was over
! bearing, that, because Of its power. It