The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1933-10-06
SECRETARY PERKINS FLAPS
WINGS OF N. R. A. YULTURE
CONTINUED FROM PAGE oNE)

and be glad of It, Nothing so crude
and narrowing as revolutionary work
ing class politics should be allowed
to disturb this Utopia OF monopoly
capital.
This is clear enough, but this Is
not all. lie remained for Miss Per-
kins to describe in unmistakable
terms the route the Roosevelt regime
with the aid of the A. F. Of l.. lead
ers and the canp-follower professors,
has mapped out for labor to travel:
J"The fifty-third annual convention
of your organization" said the
patroness of the American labor
movement, waving her lorgnette in
the best Boston Back Bay manner,
thanks to the vision and courage OF
CPresident Roosevelt in making pos
Y dble the National Recovery Act,
sees labor as an integral part OF the
modern state"
"The modern state" for Miss Per-
kins means, of course, the capitalist
imperialist state which the United
States is today. Not even the mar
dened reactionaries in the A. F. OF
l.. Executive Council have dared
openly to voice such a fascist con-
ception of the role of labor organlza-
tions under the N. r. A. POSSIBLY
their theoretical arsenals are not
equipped for such far-reaching forays
into the future.
Bulwarking her theory OF the
subordination of labor organizations
to the exigencies of capital and
government in national recovery,
the Secretary of Labor reiterated in
sharper form the conception of gov
eminent as an entity standing above
classes-the impartial arbiter OF class
conflicts. 1.-THE direction OF this ad-
ninistration will be in the joint in
terest of wage earners, industry and
the general public and not to favor
any one group or class at the expense
of another"
Since the economic conditions OF
workers can be improved only at the
expense of the capitalists, it becomes
still clearer what Miss Perkins, IN
her capacity of spokesman for the
Roosevelt administration, meant when
she said that wage earners are to
be permitted to make constructive
contributions to solving the economic
problems"
Miss Perkins cannot truthfully be
accused of inconsistency. The same
note-that of subordination of the
interests of labor to "the general
good" that is, to the present form
80 III, With tho norNito1iSt nlqSS
in the saddle, the middle class cling
ing to it's stirrupleather, running
S1ver labor and leaving it to gather
The dung scattered along the road
rs struck throughout her speech.
Speaking of her own department,
the Secretary said it was created
in the interest of the welfare OF all
the wage earners in the country,
whether organized or unorganized. .
Her definition of workers welfare"
was made clear in the next sentence !:
ct (the Department of Labor
must be administered in fairness be-
tween worker and employer, between
employer and employer, and between
each and the public as a whole If it
is to accomplish its set purpose"
The best comment on this state
ment was made at the convention
press table by correspondent of one
Of the big news services. He said:
The lady used the word worker
once and the word employer three
Zines in that short outline of the
boldly of the Labor Department"
1t is the inten5on Of this article
to shatter the fiction that Frances
Perkins has any conception Of the
role of the working class and its or
CARNATIONS that does not fit into the
N. R. A. program for their incorpora-
ton into the state machinery of i'm
perialism. 1t is necessary to do this
since she was appointed to give color
to the fiction that the Roosevelt adj
ministration is for labor"
Her convention speech brought her
out into the open-mainly because in
great waves of strikes in basic in
dustry huge sections of the American
working class are fighting for their
right to independent existence,
against the state-managed domina-
ton the Official leaders and the gov
eminent would force upon them.
just two more pieces of testimony
from the Perkins lips:
For the influence of the wage
workers of America for good goes
way beyond the ranks of the workers