The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1933-04-28
A Chapter in the History OF the
Early Fight for Tom Mooney

Of the working class III every country,
except the Soviet Union and caused
their defeat, necessitating the organ
izing of the Communist international
around which the unity Of the work
ers of the world Is now being de-
veloped.
All this has developed since the ar
rest Of Tom Mooney. The prison
doors closed on Mooney at. time
when capitalism was In q relatively
strong position. It now finds itself
in rapid process of decay facing on
the one hand, a similar situation as
it did in 1914 with war as the only
solution for the growing imperialist
antagonisms; with war for the redis-
tribution Of the world already started
with Japan in the lead, and on the
other, rapid upsurge of mass strikes,
revolutionary struggles Of the work.
ers in all countries.
Today, the social base for the sup
port of capitalism Is narrowing. This
change in the relationship of forces
and conditions of struggles affects
the Mooney case, as 1t affects every
problem before the working class.
FORCED TO SHOW CoLoRs.
We cannot weep over those who
place their own personal interest
above that Of their class, as Fitz-
patrick and NockelS have done. They
have gone back to their spew. Their
progressive cloak was never more
than cover for their own advance
ment. AS "progressives" they had a
tact II not d written agreement not
| to interfere internally with the pow
erful unions headed by racketeers in
the organizations Of the street car
men, building trades, printing trades
teamsters, ETC., in Chicago. As long
as they were able to do this, they
could be progressive in words and
play with the left wing in the Fed
Grafton to their hearts content. The
left wing, however, became stronger
penetrating the most reactionary OF
these unions with amalganlation
labor party, strikes, Sacco-Vanzetti.
Tom Mooney, etc. Glass collabora-
ton Of struggle; the middle road was
impossible. 1t became more difficult
to straddle 1t was either to the
left or to the right
They knew where their bread was
buttered and they craWled back tt
the camp Of the enemy, camp that
they had never really left. THEY
WENT BACK HOME.
They now have called upon tht
locals unions affiliated to the Fed.
Grafton not to support the Fret
Mooney Congress. This is the fina
and open admission that they prefer
Mooney in prison than Mooney out
1t Is more than this, they now I'M
derstand more clearly what the figh
to free Mooney Is all about.
1t means fight against wage cuts
labor, against imperialist wars, TO
unemployed insurance, for the free
dom Of the Scottsboro boys, agains
fsscisrn, against police terror. The!
did not know in the beginning tina
this 10 what the struggle for tn
freedom OF Mooney meant, They ar
afraid OF the struggle. They si1rinl
!; before the aroused masses.
SERVE POLITICAL REACTION.
; They could not kill the fightin
, spirit OF Mooney or break his clas
, loyalty. Fitzpatrick and Nockels de
, ve1oped With the political reaction
and they use the waning prestig
} that their short adventure into pro
} gressive" politics gave them +
: strengthen political reaction. 1t ono
I served their purpose to try and &c
Tom Mooney out, 1t now serves thei
, purpose to keep Tom Mooney in.
The John B. Frys, Fitzpatricks an
: Nockels can look down all the crooke
. political paths that they have ira
/ yelled since Tom Mooney was al
, rested into each others eyes and un
J derstand each other perfectly. The
: interest is not with Mooney or whs
5 Mooney symbolizes; their interest lie
: with the Fickerts, the Swansons, tn
, Bradys and the corporate Interest
that tried to murder Mooney and al
still determined to keep him in prisol