Evening star., 1933-02-26
Trials of Presidents-Elect


Cleveland and Wilson were political
novices. Theodore Roosevelt probably
could never have got into the Mansion
except, as Mr.. Dooley said, through
cimit'ry." The presidency developed
their leadership as it is hoped now that
it will discover a like gift in Franklin
Roosevelt, who is making his first ap-
pearance on the national stage in a
major part.
Not since 1861 has the country waited
with such anxious curiosity to feel
new hand on the reins. to sense the
f1rmness or looseneSs of its grasp. Pub
lie opinion always is in want of guild
ance from a glorified traffic cop, who
can break up the confused mass of
croSs-purposes and start it moving.
Today the people are bewildered by
the complex problems before them and
bedeviled by projudices and catch
words. They do not want to have
these intricate and entangled questions
of budgets and finance. of farm and
transportation economies, of business
credits, international debts and cur
rencies and foreign trade thrust upon
them. They know the necessary de-
cisions cannot be concerted on street
corners and they are eagerly watching
the President-elect as he approaches
the test of leadership.
Those anxious citizens who appealed
to the President-elect Immediately after
the November election to announce at
once his selections for Secretary of
State and Secretary of the Treasury
were suffering from persistent and
widespread misconception of Presi-
dents cabinet. They exaggerated its
significance and assumed if We could
know who would sit at each Of Mr.
Roosevelt's elbows we should be able to
foretell the character and policy Of the
next administration.
Harding Regime Disappointed.
1t seems as if every one should have
remembered our so recent and so un-
fortunate experience with the Harding
administration. 1t was expected to take
it's tone from the best minds" as eX-
emplified by Charles E. Hughes. Andrew
w. Mellon, John w. w. Weeks and Her
bert Hoover, with Calvin Coolidge for
their silent partner at the table. But
the influence of those able and distin-
guished members of the cabinet upon
their President remains imperceptible
to the historian.
Some of our weakest Presidents have
had strong cabinets. But even such
giants as Clay, Webster and Calhoun
could not impart their strength to the
Chiefs whom they served. Some of the
strongest Presidents. on the other hand.
have had cabinets that were, as whole,
rated weak. That was true of Jackson,
of Theodore Roosevelt and of Wilson.
Our cabinet is misnamed and right
there is where the misunderstanding
begins. We took the term from Eng
land and applied it to a thing funda-
mentally different from the English and
European institution after which Is is
called.
Members of a cabinet over there must
also be members of Parliament. in
which they continue to sit. At their
head is prime minister. which Is only
to say a first minister, and he Is in no
way comparable to our President. He
really neither hires nor fires the more
important men among his colleagues.
These leaders are not necessarily his
personally opposed to them and they
remain. in the final test. independent of
him. They have a following of their
own in Parliament and in the country,
and they owe their portfolios to their
own standing and strength, which the
premier needs for the support OF his
government.
For a present-day example. consider
Premier Ramsay Macdonald. who
could muster fewer votes on show
Gown in the Commons than several OF
his fellow ministers have behind them.
Coalition Impossible Here.
The so-called national ministry that
governs England today comprises mem
bers of all three parties, Conservative
Labor and Liberal. France always has
a coalition ministry. In almost every
serious emergency the same kind Of
government is proposed here, although
it is an utter impossibility in our
scheme.
For instance. President-elect Roose-
welt, as we have all heard, wishes to
include a Republican insurgent in his
cabinet. Such an appointment would
be made as compliment to that
group in our politics, but 1t would be
only complimentary. 1t would not
mean anything in the nature of a
coalition For the appointee would no
longer be either Republican or an
insurgent Inevitably he would be only
another member of Mr.. Roosevelt's ad
ministration.
Several of Mr. Roosevelt's predeces-
and Lincoln, also took in men of other
parties. But at once and inescapably
each of those outsiders ceased to be
representative of the party in opposi-
tion to the administration. They were
in duty bound to become partisans of
the President
A cabinet by some other name would
save us much confusion. What We
really have is an executive staff for the
President, and We cannot have any,
thing else under our existing pro-
cedure. 1t can have no political inde-
pendence of him. 1t is responsible only
to him, who alone is responsible for
every act of his cabinet officers
Neither the country nor his own con-
science will absolve him if he accepts
bad advice.
After ALL" said Lincoln, in con-
cluding a disagreement at his cabinet
table, ut is I who have to decide" In
a sentence, he told what a lonely one
man job the presidency is.
1t is significant that the desire to
hasten President-elect Roosevelt into
an announcement of his choices of
personnel for his administration died
away as he himself came more and
more under the observation of the eye
OF the Nation. We are none the less
anxious to know what kind of regime
Is in store for US. But now we are
watching him for the answer to the
riddle and take only a mild sporting
interest in the daily guess of the press
regarding the 10 persons who will oc-
cupy the other chairs at his council
table. Presidents make cabinets, but
no cabinet ever made a President
hy