The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1933-06-15

ninety days the Lippmann
President has pro-
Z posed and congress has accepted a
program which in its scope and the
rapidity of its enactment never has
been equaled in time of peace.
The achievement was made posi-
bic by universal recognition that
with the closing Of the banks, the
country has been brought to the
brink of an abyss. To the general
feeling that heroic remedies were
necessary the President was able to
respond with a series Of proposals
(which, in principle at least, had
been thought out in advance
With a great new majority in
congress, as yet unbroken by faction
and disappointment, with his per-
sOnal prestige as a new President
for the time being irresistible, with
the support of an overwhelming ma
tiOnal sentiment in favor of prompt
action, the program has been en-
acted into law.
IRON now on the President is in
Il new phase, and will work un-
der very different conditions His
task thus far has been to conceive
the general outlines of program.
now, his task is to administer that
program.
Thus far he has had to persuade
congress and enlist public sentiment.
Now he has to select executives and
control their decisions. Until this
time a favorable vote was victory.
Hereafter, the only victory will be a
favorable result.
The transition now has to be made
from promise to performance, from
legislative leadership to executive
action, from planning in principle
to administration into detail
1t is plain enough that the fate Of
the program and the fate of the adj
ministration will be bound up with
the quality of the men who actually
administer these new laws.
The President can not hope to adj
=. minister them personally, and as an
experienced man, he will, of course,
recognize that his task is to choose
men who are loyal and competent,
trusting them and reserving to him
self the great decisions as to per-
sonnet and as to policy
With such vast powers intrusted
to his lieutenants, there is alto
gether too much at stake to permit
him to rely upon ordinary partisan
ship in making his appointments.
Thus, for example, when one con-
2 Tders the momentous action that
has to be taken in dealing with
honey annd credit, it is distinctly
farming to find the President max
hg merely a political appointment
b the federal reserve board.
Not only is it necessary to rise
lbove partisanship in making ap-
lointments of men who must deter
nine questions of policy and prin-
iiple, but in the actual adminiStra-
Jon it is necessary to demand some
lhing more than routine political
TODD nature,
MOT only is it necessary to sur
. IN mount partisanship and to re-
sist the pulling and the pushing of
the old friends, the political bud
Giles, and the f1Xers who will be NOV
ing upon Washington, but it will be
necessary also to overcome old
tgrudges and personal spites.
1t might as well be said frankly
and in the open that close observers
at the capital are saying privately;
namely, that in choosing men the
test as to whether they supported
Mr. Roosevelt for the nomination
is being applied altogether too rig
jdly.
BY that test, many men whom the
administration very much needs will
be rejected. and then irritated. and
finally turned into an opposition.
But even if the administration
puts aside partisanship, factional-
ism, and personal revenge, even if it
is successful in selecting its adj
miniStrators and wise in its deci-
sions, it can not insure the sue
cess of this vast national program
The administration can lead. 1t
can guide. 1t can determine prin-
Ciples and settle disputes. The ac-
tual carrying out of such measures
as the farm and the industrial bills
will depend upon the organized
farmers, organized labor and the
organized manufacturers and mer-
chants.
These measures make possible the
largest experiment in economic self
government ever attempted in this
|. country. The successes and the
failures, for there will be both, will
be determined by this enlghten-
ment and the economic statesman
ship of farmers, labor leaders and
business men.