The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1933-04-03
By NATHANIEL BUCHWALD
european Correspondent of the
Daily Worker

Daily Worker
THE man who sat before us explain
J. ing the workings Of proletarian
democracy in the city of Moscow was
himself a typical representative Of
that democracy. Conrade KhVeSin,
Vice President of the Moscow Soviet
the government Of the greatest
Soviet tropolis-looked not quite
forty, but he had back Of him
quarter of a century of revolution
airy activity,
Starting his career in life as q
stoker on a Volga steamer, he had
changed his profession several years
later and become barber. In 1911
he joined the Bolsheviks and soon
after was sentenced to prison as a,
political Criminal The war was
in full fury when his term of i'm
prisonment expired. Instead Of be-
ing exiled to Siberia, he was sent
to the army--a surer way of getting
rid of buntovshtshik (rebel, revolu-
tionist). He survived the war.
The October Revolution of 1917
found him at Saratov where he was
one of the leaders of the local revolt.
Combining his revolutionary and
military experience, he became Red
commander during the civil war that
followed the October upheaval. BY
the vicissitudes of the Revolution the
Red Commander later became a Red
Trader. His merits as an expert on
foreign trade gained for him a place
on the Presidium of the All-Union
State Planning Commission Cos
plan). Now he is acting President
of the Moscow Soviet.
TYPICAL BOLSHEYIK
Comrade Khvesin is a typical Boil
shevik, member Of the party that
guides the proletarian democracy.
the rule of the workers which is
termed dictatorship Of the pr0letariat,
The Moscow Soviet is composed of
1900 deputies, representatives of the
workers Of Moscow. In addition,
there are 5000 deputies of the rayOn
(borough) Soviets. Sixty-five per
cent of these deputies are workers
from the bench. The deputies are
all elected by the workers in the fac
tories as we'll as by employees of the
numerous public institutions. All
adult workers have a right to vote,
and most of them exercise their
right. But there is no electioneering
humbug about the workers elections
in Moscow. The procedure is simple
and direct.
The workers Of a given factory
gather on a certain evening and elect
their own representatives, the men
and women they know and trust. 8
list Of candidates is offered by the
Party Committee of the factory. The
Party Committee also consists Of
workers, the best, most advanced,
most self-sacrificing element Of the
factory force. The Party Committee
has the fullest confidence of the mass
of the workers. confidence born Of
daily experience, of daily close con-
tact between the party and non-party
workers.
The Party Committee suggests a
list of candidates who are most cap
able and who enjoy the fullest con-
fidence and respect Of the workers.
If the workers have any objection
to this or that candidate, they can
speak out in open meeting. In some
instances they do speak out, but it
seldom happens that the Party Com
nlittee Of a factory will nominate
man who is not popular with the
workers. The list of candidates Is
approved by a show of hands and
the elections are over. But this does
not end the participation of the fac
tory workers in the affairs of the city
It is only the beginning,
NO HOT-AIR
PLATFORMS
There are no contesting parties in
the municipal elections of Moscow.
The working class has only one party
the party of the working class, the
Communist Party. Nor are there
any conflicting issues" The cleo
ton program is devoid of the "hot
air. Of election platforms in the
United States. The platform" con-
sists Of q practical program Of NUM-
cipal improvement and development
The Moscow Party organization Of
fers this program for the approval
Of the workers and calls for addt-
tional suggestions. Every item Of
the program is designed to promote
the welfare Of the toiling population
TIE GsslEng n he Igcgraln is