The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-12-06
~.
BY BILL DUNE

in CONSIDERING the problems
Of the struggle against the new
ambitious efforts being made by
the Socialist Party and the bureau
crazy of the American Federation
Of Labor to miSlead the working
class on the issues of compulsory
unemployment insurance and the
shorter work day and week, it is
indispensable that the general con-
illusions reached by the Twelfth
Plenum Of the Execuptive Com
mittee of the Communist Interna-
tional on the question of fascism
and social fascism to be applied in
practice in America in the detailed
questions arising as result OF
these maneuYers:
SO. Both fascism and social IA
scism social democracy stand
for the maintenance and strength
eniHg of capitalism and bourgeois
dictatorship, but from this posi-
ton they adopt different tactical
views. In view of the fact that
the position OF the ruling bour-
geoiSie of every country is one of
inherent contradictions at the
present time, which compels them
now and again to maneuver be-
tween a course for determined
struggle against their enemies at
home and abroad, and the more
prudent course, this inherent
contradiction in the position of
the bOurgeOiSie is also reflected
in the position taken up by
fascism and social fascism. The
social faSciSts prefer moderate
and lawful application of bour-
geoiS class coercion, because they
do not want to contract the basis
of the bourgeois dictatorship;
they guard its democratic" drap-
ingS and strive chiefly to preserve
its parliamentary forms. for with
out these, the social fascists would
be hampered in carrying out
their special function of deceiv-
ing the working masses. At the
same time, the social fascists re-
strain the workers from revOIu-
tiOnary action against the CAPT
talist offensive and growing ia
Scism, playing the part of a
screen behind which the fascists
are able to organize their forces,
and build the road for the fascist
dictatorship" (My emphasis)
q. To the extent that the eco
nomic policy Of monopolist cap
ital is adapted to the special con-
ditions and difficulties of the eco
nonlic crisis, social democracy
adapts Ms theology to the require
ments OF the crisis policy of the
financial oligarchy. The social
democratic leaders are again I'M
earthing their threadbare slogan
Of naturalization of certain
branches of industry" (The $50
cia1 ownership - naturalization
under capitalism - plank i'll the
S. P. election platform for basic
industry and banking, the A. F.
of l.. adoption of the Davis-Kelly
bill for federal control of coal
mines, Thomas concern over the
grave danger" 10 American dem
ocracy, the constitutional amend
ment proposals of the S. p,
Thomas irlsistence on the posi-
bility of Socialism in a genera
.tion," by peaceful processes"
etc, the continual denunciation
of mass actions organized and led
by Communists by the S. P, A. F.
of l.. press, their joint attempt to
confine the struggle for unem-
pl0yment insurance to voting and
lobbying-all show the correct
ness of the E. C. G. L. analysis as
applied to American conditions.)
A WEAKNESS
OF DEMAGOGY
The dema9ogy of the A. F. OF L.
bureaucracy and the S. P. leaders
on the issue of compulsory unern-
ployment insurance land still more
recently on the shorter work day
and work week., carries with it a
certain danger for the capitalist
class and system they are trying to
fortify against the inroads made
by the crisis, the increasing con-
seriousness and militancy Of great
sections of the working class, and
the agitation, propaganda, organi-
1stion work and mass struggles led
by the Communist Party and revo-
lutionary mass organizations.
THE PRESENT
1t Is because the working class
" responding with a sure reyolu-