davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12
Worker Tells Why He Resigned from
the Socialist Party
New York City, Nov. S,

New York City, Nov. S, 1882.
Dear Comrade Anter:
In compliance with your request,
/ am writing you these few lines
about myself and my reasons for
resigning from TIE Socialist Party
When l Joined the Socialist Par
ty three years ago, I thought that
1t was working in the best inter-
ests of the working class. have
learned during this time how wrong
I was. The actions Of the Social
list Party in this Presidential cam
paign have definitely shown the.
anti-working class character, and
the reformist tactics Of the S. P.
Norman Thomas endorsement of
the reactionary millionaire" Hill
quit and his suggestion OF forming
a fusion of the capitalist parties to
beat Tammany Hall shows the cal
tbre Of this great emancipation of
the working class"
The actions of Panken, Levy and
Waldman in the recent rent strikes
in the Bronx, the admission of
Levy that the article published in
the Daily Worker was true, the
admission being made in the judi
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12
Old Prophets In Neev
DecebtionS

livery day brings additions to the capitalist itany
that being chanted about the night depression pas
sing and the dawn of prosperity about to break We
asked to believe that already recovery has set in and that
the election of Roosevelt will assure the realization of new
of prosperity.
Leaders of the banking and industrial world daily
out interviews the capitalist prosperity
dspng crisis On Thursday Alexander 1egg chairman of
commenting election of Roosevelt
turning point agriculture
stimulated
times"
The that reported
cotton had fallen
century
the Lege who has been ndugng deceptive talk of
the Wall Street crash
scrapng employees
laying off anybody"
day Legge gave c. Trayor
OF the First National
the election genuine hepfness
the same ITaor who tried to conceal capitalist responsibility for the
by connecting fantastic
whispering banks
day ssson head of the Guaranty Trust
Joined the optimistic predictions
prophet September are
that will by
fall Two have
sterilization Of capitalism entering
the second round Of revolutions
THROUGHOUT tong masses are moving to decisive
class battles against capitalism
they peacefully submit to
another winter oil munger and starvation Capitalist strategy in
ing out its fierce drive against the
with the most cunning deception struggle
of the hunger
and No worker should be prophes
Tayor son other industry
than the prophee promises
inaccurate secuaions
Hoover and his cabinet from the beginning of this
TRUE to its role the third party capitalism Socialist Party
leadership will try to stem the rising working
fostering the illusion that something expected
if only peacefully without endure hunger
and the blasts wintery
prncped lying about crawling
democratic lynch the
World-Teegram with the following infamy
show the
promising remarks This column meaning
not downright anything like that
Roosevelt until around January 1885,
another have a of heart"
Here have the deceptive
set to Socialist Party music,
TEE Communist Party alone in the posecton during
the election campaign will with
job OF smashing capitalist illusions and rayng the
the capitalist terror big class
fights to resist the drive the government
naming months Of the
vels regime which will exactly the
In effect since the beginning Of this crisis.
AS the capitalist Communist PARTY
strives to lead the toing toward the revolutionary
ping the capitalist offensive against
capitalism.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12
Correction

A serious typographical error was
made in the article by James S.
Allen Socialist Party 'Theoreticians'
Justify Negro Slavery" which ap-
pesred in Fridays Daily Worker.
Dealing with the S. P. attack upon
self-determination for the Negroes.
the sentence appeared. enormously
as follows: "They cthe socialists,
base themselves On the statement by
Erowder that the Black Belt runs
through eleven southern states and
includes SO counties, etc." The
figure "39" is wrong; the correct
figure as given in the article is aas
counties
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12

clal convention of the Socialist
Party at the Rand School. also
helped me see the S. P. in its true
light. Levy and Waldman publicly
denounced each other at this con-
vention for the part each other
took in the strike at the verband
Apartments in the Bronx.
/ could go on and enumerate
many other reasons to show how
the S. P. has shamelessly deserted
the principles on which it was
founded, but space does net per-
init.
will close by saying that 1 have
just joined the International La
Dor Defense and the UNEMPLOYED
Council and call on all class con-
scious workers to back the Com
munist Party in carrying on the
fight after election day for Work.
ers Unemployment Insurance, Ade-
quate Relief Against Wage Cuts.
Against Race Discrimination. A.
gainst Police Terror.
You may publish this letter II
you wish.
Comradely yours,
(Signed WILLIAM LAME
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12
Our Martyrs OF the Haymarket

the name of Jay Gould. Some one
in the audience proposed the hang
ing of the railway mganate. Par
sons said, mo, this is not con
flict between individuals, but for a
change of system and socialism
aims TO remove the causes which
produce the pauper and the mill
lionaire. Kill Jay Gould and like
jackin- the-b another or
hundred others like him will come
in his place under existing social
conditions"
TO THE CAUSE
Each of the defendants spoke.
Notable were the speeches of Par
sons, Spies, Fischer and SchWab.
They spoke as conscious revolution
lists who asked for no mercy and
used to courtroom as tribune
from which to attack capitalism.
For eight hours, Parsons arraigned
capitalism before the judgment of
the oppressed, calling for revolu-
tionary struggle by the workers to
overthrow the profit system.
Because the anarchist and syn
dtcalist movements especially in
Latin America and Southern Eu-
rope, have arrogated to themselves
the tradition of the Haymarket
martyrs, their is a disposition in
the working class movement gener-
ally to assume that these leaders
of '86 were anarchists of the Sec
tartan type we know today. This is
not SO.
1t is true they were not Marx
lists. 1t is true that to some ex-
tent th3y were under the theoretical
influe(ce of such continental an
archists as Johann Most. Their
idea of what form of society would
be set up in the place of capital
ism was unclear. But they were
experienced working-cla fighters
who engaged actively in the daily
struggles of the workers. Most i'm
portant, they were of one mind on.
and solidly committed to a united
and revolutionary struggle of the
working class to overthrow capt.
alism. They were in the thick of
every contemporary major fight of
the workers and asserted their re-
volutionary leadership.
If these men we're alive today
they would be in only one move
ment, the Communist movement.
flghting for the 7-hour day, Unem-
ployment Insurance and the gen.
eral struggle against capitalism.
They would not sit on the side
lines and sneer at the "futility" of
revolutionary workers movements
lighting against a capitalism come
OF age. Not for these mighty re-
bells to sink to the petit-bourgeois
levels of degeneracy that charac-
terize the sorry remnants of the
anarchist movement we still have
with us. They would be on the
battle line. They would assume
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12

charges. I don't want to stan in
nobody's way if they want to do
you good turn
II wasn't near de place." the
Clayton Negro repeated.
That's TO the cot to decide"
Nichols frowned. "You don't have
to plead guilty if you don't want
to. Some niggers never appreciate
a favor.''
CIT would be shame to send
j these boys to the chain gang"
Deering said quietly, especially
now that the Prison Commission
viii restore the leather again"
David had heard old conyicts tell
of the leather strap whipped across
naked buttocks. Its use had been
forbidden by law after Mortified
citizens awoke to its barbaric
cruelty. Now it was to be re-
stored. Deering was in a position
to know for he was county COM
missioner.
The planter glanced at a neat
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12

honored places in the revolutionary
movement of the international
proletariat. The tradition of the
Haymarket belongs to the Com
munists. It belongs to the move
ment that will finish the Job they
so nobly began.
THRoTTLED VOICES
Death sentences were imposed on
all the defendants save Oscar
Neebe, who received fifteen years.
In the Fall of 1887 the Illinois
Supreme Court affirmed the YER
dict. Fielden's and SchWab's SEN
fences were committed to life I'M
prisonment. On November 10 Louis
Lining took his own life in the Cook
County jail. The next day Par
sons, Spies, Engel and Fischer were
hanged in that grim bastille. In
1893 Governor John P. Altgeld par
doned Fielder, Neebe and Schwab
in scathing denmciation of pres
iding Judge Gary, the prosecution
and the ruling class of Chicago.
A vast multitude assembled at
the grave Of the martyrs. The
whole working class was deeply
stirred. The masters had succeeded
In crippling the eight-hour strug-
gle by frame-up. assassination and
terror; but the intrepid fighters of
Chicago who willingly gave their
lives for the cause left behind them
tradition of proletarian bravery
and steadfastness to principle that
has heartened new generations to
resoluteness and solidarity in the
struggle.
The bold leaders of Chicago
fought against capitalism when it
was suffering in crisis. These crises
have continued to assail it with
growing intensity. The seyerest
crisis of all is now at the throat
of the system. The Communist
movement, which has inherited the
traditions of the Haymarket, con-
t1nues to rain hammer blows on
the weakened body of capitalism
blows made more powerful by
their descent from the strong arms
OF Parsons and his comrades.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12

wrist watch.
What say boys2" Nichols
asked.
q reckon I'll sign" one said
slowly.
1t was obvious to them that the
alternative to the chain gang was
signing, and one by one they
agreed.
There was no difficulty with the
justice Of the peace. He heard
their pleas and imposed fines of
$25 and costs on each.
When they got into the planters
car his coat Tapped back. They
saw the shine of smooth worn,
brown holster.
AS far as the eye could see the
n Deering acres were white with
cotton. But no cabin dotted the
fields, no bent back picked the
whiteness from the crisp bolls.
The rich land was deserted but
for slim figure on horseback in
the distance, a white man, lean
and why. A black felt hat shaded
his dark face and rifle rested
across the ponmel of his saddle.
Deering slowed down and called:
Hello, SAM
Howdy, Mr.. Deerin," the man
returned.
1t was high noon when the car
turned into narrow side road
Deep in the fields was a cluster Of
buildings in wire enclosure, two
large, rambling ones like barrack
and mess halls and three shacks,
two near the gate entrance and
the third beside gravel road lead
ing to a white mansion rising out
of a green sea of lawn thousand
feet away. Beyond the wire fence
were barns and shelters and flat
pen filled with fertilizer, A quar-
ter of mile east other cabins
baked i'll the sum- hon1ely places
with spots of green about them
and wash hanging on lines stretched
between trees.
THE STOCKADE
Two Ford trucks we're inside the
gate An odor of manure hung
over the stockade.
A gigantic Negro stood with
arms akimbo in the doorway of a
shack surveying them.
"Charlie!" Deering called to him.
"These niggers will work here"
To the boys in the car he said
crisply:
Hop out. Charlie will show
you about"
Three horses we're hitched UNI
der clunp of live oaks in a
corner of the stockade. Three Ne
groes with shotguns in their laps
lolled lazily on the grass.
"Bettah git'n de mess hall fo'
yo' dinnah' Charlie suggested
mildly to the newcomers.
Continued Tomorrow
WHY THE ARMED GUARDS
WHAT is HAPPENING ON THE
PLANTATION OF THIS POWER
Full WHITE PLANTER THAT
CAUSES TALES To BE WHIS-
PERED WHICH BLACK MEN
DO NOT REPEAT TOO OFTEN,
EVEN AMONG THEMSELVES"
DON'T MISS MONDAYS IN.
STALLMENT.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12
Communists Party
Inh or of Their
Militant Tradition
BY H. D. WENDELL

NOVEMBER ii, 1887, has more
" than commemoratory signifc-
ance for the working class Of the
United States in 1882. The events
which led to the hanging of the
Haynarket martyrs forty-five years
ago bear striking resemblance to
the present economic and political
scene. But the crisis then was one
Of birth; the crisis now is one of
death. A glutted labor market,
wage cuts and general distress
then as noW-made the struggle Of
the workers a fight for bread which
far-sighted leaders, then as now,
sought to turn into a general strug-
gle for the overthrow of the sys-
tenn.
THE FIRST REBELLION
The eight-hour movement of 1885
grew out of the first great national
struggle Of the proletariat against
industrial capitalism - the railway
strike Of 1877, which began on the
Baltimore and Ohio road in Mar
tinSburg, w. Va, in reply to a ten
per cent wage reduction. The local
militia was called out but refused
to respond to orders. The strikers
took possession of the yards and
held them for two days until the
arrival Of FEDERAL troops sent by
President Hayes. The strike spread
to other sections of the road. The
governor of Maryland ordered the
Fifth and Sixth regiments to en-
train at Baltimore for Cumberland
where the strikers were in full
charge. The workers of Baltimore
surrounded the ar1nory to prevent
their departure. A pitched battle
occurred when the soldiers sailed
out and marched to the depot. This
In turn was surrounded and set on
fire during the night. The arrival
Of federal troops saved the militia
from determination.
A few days later the railway
II workers of Pittsburgh walked
out against the Pennsylvania road.
The Pittsburgh militia was called
up and Immediately fraternized
with the strikers. Fearing this. the
Governor had summoned six hun
dred militiamen from Philadelphia.
They fired on large assembly Of
pickets, killing twenty-six. Worker
re-inforcements arrived and the
militia took refuge in the round
house. The battle proceeded all
night until at seven in the morn
ing the militia began a retreat sub
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12

seMORNING, Sheriff, " he said care
HAlessly. Sorry l broke in while
you were tending TO some bust
ness"
Nichols waved a pudgy hand
Perfectly all right, Mr.. Deerin'.
I'll be through in a minute. Jes
talkin' to this bunch we picked up
Sat'dee ev'nin'."
The planter nodded and Strolled
to a window overlooking the lawn.
"That's about all, boys" the
sheriff concluded. "In have to hoP
you till cot sets. Now, while yo're
in Jail want you to behave. Clean
yo' cells ev'ry mawnin -"
Plan to keep them here till
court meets?" Deering asked.
That's a pretty bad break for
them, isn't it?"
"Caint hep it, Mr.. Deerin'.
Charges against 'em O. gamblin',
fightin' an resistin' the law. Giddy
niggers, I reck'n, but I got to hor
'em."
Nonsense. There's a fight in
Live Oak almost every day and
crap shooting every night. AS for
resisting the law I imagine all they
did was to try to run away-which
is exactly what you or 1 would have
done"
THE prisoners stared at him Sis
L piciously.
Maybe so. Maybe so. They may
even git Off"
ST think it's bad business to feed
them for months, bad for the coun-
ty and bad for them. If they are
acquitted it will have cost the
county money and if they're found
guilty, they'll have to work the
roads longer to meet the costs that
piled up"
But there's nothin' I kin do
about it, Mr. Deerin'," the sheriff
said alphabetically.
TRICKERY
'Of course there is. If you make
the charge disturbing the peace,
they could plead guilty and you
would have to bring them before
a justice of the peace immedi-
ately. He'll probably fine them
twenty-five dollars and costs and
you'll have it over with"
1--WE ain got no money TO-
fine" a prisoner said hesitantly.
That's so, too"
THE prisoners glanced at one an
other with understanding, wor-
ried looks.
'II need help in my fields and
I'll pay your fines as advances
against your wages" the planter
smiled. I'll help you out of this
mess if you'll help me. Thirty
dollars month. In five or six
weeks you will have worked off
the fine and be free instead of
still being in Jail waiting for
trial"
THE SHERIFF
THE GAME
'Feedin' 'em all these months
would be an expense" the sheriff
said thoughtfully. He turned to
the prisoners. "I don't figger y'alrs
such a bad lot as I tor you an I'm
willin' to hep you an the county.
If you want to accept Mr.. Deer
ms offer, why I'll change the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12
NEGRO SLAVERY To-Day
John L. SbiDak's Stirring NoUeI
GEORGIA Niger"


"gger eontepro9s
bat In
to considered
,terms Of tor e
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12


jected to gun-f1re until they left
the city limits.
The strike spread to Toledo,
Louisville, San Francisco, st. Louis
and Chicago. In the latter city.
Albert Parsons addressed a mass
meeting of 10000. The militia was
called in and state of terror fol-
lowed during which a number of
workers were killed. In st. Louis
a sort Of soviet, organized by the
workers, ran the city for more than
a week.
These events had been preceded
IN 1872 by general eight-hour
movement in New York City which
was the largest strike I'D to that
time. The five years eliminating
IN what bourgeois historians call
the Pittsburgh Riots" were the
American workers first lessons in
class struggle and solidarity. If vo,r
Will note the dates on the corner
stones of the little fortresses called
armor1eS in most of the big cities
OF the country you will see thew
were built shortly after this time.
The whole system of legislation and
jurisprudence was sharply affected
by these happenings. State legis-
Iatures passed their conspiracy laws
one after another and judges pre-
sented 1njunctions to petitioning
bosses with largess.
THE EIGHT-HOUR STRIKE
OF 1886
The first general eight-hour
strike was called by the American
Federation of Labor for May 1. 1886.
The strike was nationwide and
had the support of the rank and
file workers both in the A. F. of
L. and the Knights of Labor. The
leadership of the Knights under
Terence v. Powderly sabotaged the
movement by circulating q, secret
order against participation. But
the membership, wherever the strike
assumed mass aspect, Joined in,
The strike was most successful
IN Chicago where Albert Parsons.
August Spies and other members of
the International Workingmen,s
association had assumed leadership
OF the greater part of the labor
movement. These men were intel
llgent revolutionists. Two years be-
lore they had organized a seces-
SION movement from the reaction
airy Amalgamated Trades and La
DOT Assembly and set up the Cen
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12

was cast upon man named
Schnaubelt who was connected with
the Anarchist movement in Chicago
and disappeared after the tragedy.
Since there was absolutely no
evidence to show that those in
dicted were responsible and a very
great deal in support of the fact
that they were NOT, it was as
sumed by the workers and many
friends of the movement that the
dynamite was hurled by a provo
cateur.
August Spies, Michael Schwab.
George Engel, Adolph Fischer. Louis
Ling, Oscar Neebe and Samuel
Fielden we're arrested Immediately
and held for the murder of a pa
trolman, began. Parsons left the
city reluctantly at the persuasion
of comrades. He went to Wau-
keSha, Wisconsin, where he stayed
with friends while a nation wide
search was made for him. Shortly
after the trial opened he went to
Chicago and walked into the court
room to share the fate of his COM
rades.
THE TRIAL
The trial began on the 2lst of
June. Public opinion had been
whipped to a frenzy against the
defendants. TN the opinion of
many thoughtful men, the labor
question has reached a point where
blOOd-letting has become neces-
,sary," said the Chicago Iron Mon
ger" the organ of the iron masters.
"The execution of the death penalty
upon the socialist maIefactors of
Chicago will be in its effect the
death penalty upon socialistic pro-
paganda in this country
The jury was hand-picked. The
bailiff went out and selected a
venire of his own choosing. He
counted shrewdly upon the ex-
haustion of defense challenges.
Parsons told the court, 1.-THE Jury
was a packed one, the jury was
composed of men who arrogate to
themselves the right to dictate to
and rob the wage workers whom
they regard as hired men"
40 attempt was made by the pro-
~ secution to adduce evidence
showing any connection between
the defendants and the actual
throwing of the bomb. The in
dictment admitted that the crime
was committed by "a person or
persons unknown" The states at
torney told the jury that the de-
PENDANTS should be hanged because
they were anarchists and he said
they were on trial for treason.
Anarchy Is on trial. Hang these
eight men and save our institu-
lions" shouted prosecutor Grinell.
That Parsons and his comrades
were not disposed to the easy be-
lief that unorganized preparation
of acts of violence could help the
revolutionary movement was indi-
Gated in his speech at the Hay
market meeting. Parsons mentioned
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12

"Feedin' 'em all these months
would be an expense" the sheriff
said thoughtfully. He turned to
the prisoners. II don't figger y'alps
such bad lot as I top you an I'm
willin' to hep you an the county.
If you want to accept Mr.. Deer
ms offer. why I'll change the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12

trail Labor Union to which most
of the stronger unions of the city
adhered in 1886. The Sunday pre-
ceding the First of May they or
ganized a demonstration attended
by $4,000.
More than 10000 workers prompt
ly laid down their tools on May
Day and within two days the num-
Der of strikers doubled. Picket
lines were formed and meetings
held before factory gates. On the
third of May, August Spies adj
dressed strikers before the Nc
Cormick repair works. The police
attacked the gathering, killing four
workers mad wounding many with
gun fire. A protest meeting was
called for Haymarket Square the
next day.
THE HAYMARKET
FRAME-U
Between three and four thousand
turned out. Spies spoke first. Par
sons then addressed the gathering
for three-quarters of an hour on
the eight-hour movement. While
Samuel Fielden was speaking, rain
threatened and the greater part of
the assembly went away. Less than
a thousand workers remained and
there was discussion in the COM
mittee about adjourning to near
by hall. Mayor Carter Harrison,
who came to watch, drove off. Par
sons went TO a restaurant few
doors away, accompanied by his
wife.
Then 100 policemen, in military
formation, swept out of the Des-
PLANES Street Station half block
off and advanced on the crowd.
They were led by Captain Bonfleld
who had made a reputation for
himself as terrorist and agent Of
the board of trade. He turned to
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-11-12
INsTALMENT II

THE STORY FAR David Jackson, Of
while visiting
Live together
nothing
tuay kidnapping with Sheriff Dan Nichols his deputies
the of the powerful white planter
who needs Negroes work his plantation Omnou tales tod
this plantation which following
wait opens Deng
tinue the story.