The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-02-02
By BILL DUNE
Part Ill

farb Ii
THE question of Communism versus socialism
the social faScism Of the socialist party-is
not an. abstract one. It was therefore necessary
In debate with a representative of the socialist
party in America, one Of its Congressional can
didateS, and one who has as a forum for airing
his anti working-cl and pacifist views the
columns Of the World-Telegram in New York
City and its connections throughout the United
States who takes its syndicated service not only
10 expose him as an opponent Of the future
proletarian revolution, but as an enemy of the
American working class in its daily struggles
This Is not difficult task Comrade Gold is
capable Of doing it, The fact that he did not
do so shows that he separated the question of
loyalty to the working class in its EVERYDAY
struggles, here and now in the United States
when the working class faces the fiercest often
s1ve by the capitalists and their government in
all Its history from the question of the social
revolution, and the program and tactics of the
proletar1an struggle for power.
Such an approach and such an estimate of
the question only plays into the hands of the
class enemies of the workers and their Party
Broun, in the course of the debate, showed
that he understood and agreed with the tactical
line Of the Second International and social fas-
cists the world over by bringing forward the old
SANDER, originated, we believe, by Kautsky in
connection with the proletarian revolution in
Russia, that the Communist program and tao
tics are responsible for the rise of fascism.
According to this thesis fascist dictatorships
arise only because of the provocation by the
Communists, which force the bourgeoisie and It's
allies, even reluctant pacifists like Broun to
take up arms and defend themselves against
"the threat to civilization"
But Broun has forgotten" as Ienin said
Kautsky had, and apparently Comrade Gold
also forgot, in the debate with Broun zone
little thing" Said Lenin: THE protection of the
minorities is extended by the ruling party in a
bourgeois democracy only to the other bourgeois
parties, while on the serious fundamental issues
the working class gets, instead of the protection
or the minorities' martial law and pogroms
The more developed democracy Is, the nelrer at
hand is the danger of pOgrom or civil war in
connection with any profound divergence which
threatens the existence Of the bourgeoise This
law of bourgeois democracy the learned Mr.
Kautsky could have studied in connection with
the Dreyfuss affair in the Republic of France,
with the lynching of Negroes and International
lists In the democratic republic of America with
the conflicts between ireland and Ulster in DEM
ocratic England, with the hunting down of the
Bolsheviks and the organization of pogroms
against them in July, 1917, in the democratic
republic of Russia. have purposely chosen
these examples from among the incidents not
only Of war but also of pre-war times"
To this we may add the present wave of lynch
masses in the United States, the shooting. gas
sing clubbing and falling of strikers and unem-
ployed demonstrators, the armed terror against