The Waterbury Democrat., 1932-06-14

exact method of submitting 1t to the people remained to be decided in final exchanges to-day.
 The principle of "resubmIssion', had been fixed by party leaders as q cardinal point in their 1882 cam paign. It marked the most liberal republican attitude on the subject since passage of the 18th amend ment. The compromise was reached only after nightly conferences among convention leaders, frequent telephone calls to the White House. bitter opposition by the ultra-d -drys and equally vehement opposition by the extreme vets who had demand ed an unqualified expression for re- peal.
 While the preponderant opinion of party leaders was for "re-sub- mission" they differed as to how this should be accomplished. There are three procedures:
 ]. Congress might pass new amendment to change or repeal the 18th amendment. This would re- quire two-thirds vote in congress and ratification by three-fourths of the state legislatures.
 2. Congress could initiate g movement for approval or repeal in state conventions which would name delegates to q national con stitutional convention.
 3. A referendum might be call cd. but this action, simply giving the electorate m opportunity to vote "yes' or mo" on prohibition, would have no legal statues. It would amount to nothing more than poll of public opinion. Decision to moderate the prev iously unrelcnting flaw enforce ment' attitude followed action of numerous state delegations In de- claring for e-submIssion.
 New York had cast its entire vote recommending the 18th amend ment be re-submittcd, upon the in- itiative of repeal vote in con- gress, to state conventions. Indiana had passed a resolution calling for re-submission.
 Walter Edge, ambassador to Par is, had spoken for the New Jersey delegation 10 urge repeating the 18th amendment and substituting a plan whereby each state could de- eide its own policy with reference to the liquor traffic.
 Pennsylvania had trouble deter mining it's degree of wetness. Other states had declared for rc-submls- sion. Still others, while not express ing themselves officially. had indi- cnted they would vote for it.
 Nicholas Murray Butler, in his speech nt the Coliseum mass meet ing pleaded for frankness in deal ing with the issue.
 He asked that n definite repeal amendment be submitted and act ed upon by the people. He pleaded that we do not do anything 10 cloak 1t (repeaD under some false name and surround 1t with condi- tons. Ifs and ands."
 Intelligent voters by the mill lions" he gaid. demand courage and performance"
 Meantime. over in a loop hotel, there were huddied in room re- personalities of thirty dry" or sanizations, men and women from temperance and church institutions who had labored for their llfe- times to promote the prohibition which was now endangered by un- dermining of the enemies. For hours they debated some form of offensive finally, the national prOhi- bition board of strategy, as 1t called itself. announced 1t was "unani- nous in its opposition to any de- ciaration by the republican nation- al convention which attempts in any way to influence congress again 10 propose action on tho prohlbi- ton question in any form" Ray mond Robins. old Bull Mooser. was chosen to present their argument before the platform committee.
 In another quarter. the extreme vets declared the "straddling" re- presented by the re-submission plank was "indefensible" that only outright repeal would satisfy the public conscience and that If such repeal were not advocated they would carry the fight 10 the con- vention floor. Senator Bingham of Connecticut was chosen to lead the battle.
 Neither of the extremist views was expected to prevail over the mic die -of -the-road, policy which the wheel horses of the convention had decided upon and which their leader in the White House had ap- proved.
 4 huge ship canal across north-