davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
La gaceta., 1932-02-20
SENIOR SUSCRIPTOR

LIE rogamos no pague a ninguno de los
repartidores de este ~peri0dico 81 no lie entire
ga un recibo.
Haganos este favor y al mismo tempo
eVitese molestias.
SIT iene alguna dificultad con su repair
tidor, 0 no lie llevan su peri0dico a tempo,
dediqre dos minutes a llamarnos por los te-
l6fonos 1882 y 1888 y lie atenderemos
sin p6rdida de tempo.
Lea La Gaceta y recommended a sus a.
migoS que la lean.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13

his department to terrorize militant workers by
strikebreaking and deportation, and demanded
that this policy cease and that Edith Berkman
be set free. Then she read her entire state
ment, prepared beforehand, giving history Of
the case and Of the part played in lit by Mr..
Doaks Department. of Labor
While Ann Brlak spoke, Mr.. Doak was OBJ
viously nervous and i'll at ease. He tried des-
perately to appear nonchalant, to put up
front before the reporters. He scratched his
left ear, stared at the electric light bulb over
his desk, fingered some papers before him,
scratched his other ear, lit cigaret with fingers
that trembled, tried to appear bored, nodded
with ponderous dignity when Ann read the part
Of the statement saying that Edith Berkman
was arrested on warrant from his department.
His stomach rose and fell with his hurried
breathing. He smiled at AIMS charge that
the Department of Labor was strikebreakng
agency, hoping, no doubt, that he appeared very
superior His Wife-a dowdy, Simpering soft
woman who sat down by him to keep up his
courage,--aIso smiled with what she obviously
thought was a very superior and cynical ex-
preston though held too long and self
consciously to be convincing.
Ann Bwlak's courage and generalship was
dominant throughout the interview. She did not
mince words. Denouncing him to his face with
eIoquence that rang, she left him no chance to
slip in his legalistic evasions.
Immediately after she spoke, Ann introduced
NTaude White, Negro delegate from the Trade
Union Unity Council OF New York, who showed
Mr.. Doak that Negro workers understood his
policy of dividing foreign from native born
workers, white from Negro, and that they were
aware of the activity of his department in de-
porting Negroes, too, from the country, and even
from the northern districts to the south. In
this jm-crow capital city, the appearance OF
NIaude White before a cabinet officer with
charges and demands was most effective.
Then, in turn, Ann Burlak introduced to Mr..
Doak the other seven speakers for the delegation
who, for an hour and an half, set forth to Mr..
Doak not only the completely of his department
in a crime against Edith Berkman and against
the working class, but also the fact that
THOUSANDS OF WORKERS ARE AWARE Of
his attitude toward them and are contemptuous
of him and determined to expose the treacherous
role he plays as labor" member OF the Hoover
cabinet The third speaker, Fred Martin Of
New York, representing the Workers Ex-Service-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13
By DOUGLAS MCDONALD

MR.. WILLIAM N. DOAK came from his inner
vi office through an adjoining chamber and
then to the outer waiting room OF Suite 702 III
the Department Of Labor building with a look
of worried and hypocritical politeness on his
face. He looked hastily around at the fifty
erinly calm workers in the Edith Berkman
Protest Delegation, then extended his hand in
oily cordiality to Ann Burlak, chairman OF the
group. Ann Burlak ignored his hand, and
announced the purpose Of the meeting to be
a demand for the release of Edith Berkman,
held seven months without ball IN Boston
prison hospital.
MI. Doaks pleasant expression faded. He must
have wondered why he couldn't have nice
labor fooling chat with these workers as he
was accustomed to have with such respectable
labor rllsleaders as William Green and Mat
thew Wolf He backed away a step, hesitantly.
Il lad a luncheon engagement at ten o'clock,
he said being very casual indeed, and just
got back" ct was then five minutes of three in
the afternoon,-a five-hour luncheon 'Er--
just wait a few minutes"
MI Doak Withdrew for his little hesitating
conference with his advisers. The delegates
waited, standing in line two by two smiling.
The little play had its amusing side. TO-. Some
subordinate inquired How many are there Of
your" Forty or fifty, he was told. In a few
moments the doors of the inner office were
opened and the delegates filed in, and standing
on the soft elegant rug that carpeted the office,
ranged themselves along one side OF the large
glass topped table at which Mr.. Doak, typical
be-soactacled business man. insolent but non
plussed, sat in desperate dignity. Across the
table were ranged the reporters Of capitalist
newspapers a few uniformed policemen, num-
bers of secret service men and plain clothes
detectives, and several of Mr.. Doak's legal and
personal advisers. Mr.. Doak leaned back and
turned toward the press photographers SO that
they could get nice picture Of himself as the
center of the scene.
Then Ann Burlak OF Providence, national
representative of the National Textile Workers
Union to which Edith Berknan belongs, and
chairman of the deputation of fifty worker del
egates who came there to demand that Doak
at once release Edith Berkman from the i'm
prisonment under which she has Illegally Ian
guished without bail for seven months took the
floor. She first told Mr. Doak briefly the pur-
pose of the visit, boldly charged him with using
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13
Before the Conventions OF Our Enemies
Shop Work in the Election Campaign

FUNDAMENTAL to the carrying out Of an cleo
ton campaign based on the struggle Of the
workers for their daily needs is that 1t be CEN
tered around the shops. In past election cam
paigns agitation and election work in gen
eral has been carried out on a broad territorial
plan, method inherited from the socialist party,
That is, We organized our mass meetings and
demonstrations pretty much on general city
wide or neighborhood basis. The shops we're left
practically out Of consideration. This vague
system was quite in line with our loose agitation
OF slogans and loose methods of work generally.
But in the present campaign we must break
abruptly with this incorrect approach. General
meetings we must continue to have-cty- wide,
neighborhood street-corner-they are very i'm
portant. But they cannot be the basis of our
work. This must be the shops We must take
our election campaign to the factories. We must
hold thousands of shop gate meetings and care
fully organized conferences Of workers of given
shops Our shop nuclei must be activized in this
sense. We must issue innumerable shop cleo
ton leaflets and bulletins. We must build up
Vote Communist" committees on a shop basis
BY the same token, we must also bring our
campaign directly TO the unemployed. Our speak
ers, national and local, must go directly to the
breadlnes Lighthouses, employment agencies re-
Lief stations unemployment demonstrations ETC.
Wherever the unemployed congregate or live
thsse the campaign Of the Communist Party IN
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13

the unity of employed and unemployed
This policy, which proceeds from Grass for
malism, would deprive the masses of unem-
ployed, who lack experience in organization and
struggle, Of the leadership of the most advanced
and experienced sections of the working class.
1t means to exempt the revolutionary workers
from participation in the united front.
This opportunist policy further supports itself
on the argument that "the union membership
is organized on the industrial basis whereas the
unemployment movement is primarily based on
the neighborhood organization" We are asked
to believe that the members of the revolutionary
unions and opposition groups are too backward
to be directed to participate in the building of
the unemployed movement"
1t is against such tendencies, concepts and
practices that the resolutions of the 18th Plenum
of our c. c. directs itself. Our Communist
Party, which has made some progress towards
mass work and struggle, will undoubtedly hasten
its progress and learn to advance more rapidly
as the leader of the American working class,
from the study and application of the decisions
of this important session Of our Central Com
mittee.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13
Suppressed y. S. Army News

incident but investigation followed to find out
the ringleaders OF the group who led the demand
for the release of the arrested soldiers. Word
was passed around to stick together and not
expose or give up the leaders. The situation
grew tense. Not only did the soldiers refuse to
give up their leaders of the revolt" but the
whole discipline of the camp was undermined
and serious trouble appeared unavoidable.
President Coolidge and General Pershing were
called. Both spoke personally to the soldiers.
They demanded that the soldiers obey their SUI
perior officers and give up the ringleaders of the
so-caIled revolt. Only the leaders would be
court-martialled said the officers. The President
and Pershing told them to respect the uniform
and the flag. But the soldiers stuck together
and WON OUT. They won over the President,
Pershing, and the whole crew of petty officers!
1t was great victory and the soldiers cele-
brated. Strict censorship was clamped over the
whole incident but it is known secret" among
the soldiers of the U. S. Army.
Bitter Feeling Towards Officers
When asked about the treatment Of soldiers
by the officers the ex-soldier told of several in
cidents showing bitter feeling between the Of
fcers and privates.
The above report is only part of the talk with
the ex-soldier. He has promised to write series
of articles in his own language for the workers
press exposing maltreatment of soldiers in
the U. S. Army After attending several study
circles" of the Young Communist League in
youngstown, Ohio, he now understands that the
uniformed workers in the army and those in
overalls are brothers-both should fight against
the oppression of the boss-class and their govern
ment Il
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13
BY H. BENJAMIN.

Unions.
The october resolution of the C. G. which so
thoroughly examined our unemployed work on the
basis of the Prague resolution, definitely estab-
lshed the role of the revolutionary unions as the
actual direct leaders of the unemployed move
ment. The writer shares responsibility for the
slowness with which steps were taken to put this
resolution into effect
But now. after the T.U.UL Board has finally
adopted plan for the application of the line
of this resolution, we still find leading comrades
who openly resist this line.
These comrades declare that any proposal to
build T. U. U. l.. fractions in the unemployed
movement is impractical. Our task" say these
comrades is to build unions. We will give fra
ternal support to the unemployed movement,
but are too busy with union work to take re-
sponsibiity for building the unemployed move
ment"
Here we have Journalism, which separates the
struggle of the employed and unemployed: which
does not see that no revolutionary worker can
abandon the unemployed that it is impossible
to speak of building revolutionary unions or
waging successful economic struggles without
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13
TO GET THOROUGH KNOWLEDGE
OF CONDITIONS IN A FACTORY

The main basis of the work and develop
ment of the lower Party organizations is the
work in the factory. Up till now the Party
has not found the fit methods for carrying
on this work. The content of this work is
not merely organi2ational detail routine, but
is the whole struggle against the capitalist
offensive and against the policy Of reformists.
The first essestial condition for successful
work in the factory is deily contact with the
mass of workers in it and through inowlcdoe
of the position of the workers in the factory
and of the concrete conditions for STRUGGLE.
The Communists must firmly grasp all the
countless conflicts of minor and major
character arising daily with the e0'plovers,
foremen and trade union burcorcr7ts, er,~s,
etc, such as disrute2 inc 3cIts, d. DIS ed
grievances Of The workers. including tie
women and youth, discrmtn y" ION a~o'~rt
Negroes and foreign born, with regard to
wages hours of work, working conditions ra-
tionazation measures, infringements of work
ers' rights, dismissals in case of arrests of
workers. etc. 1t is the task Of the Commu-
nists to investigate very carefully the causes
Of any failures in its efforts TO penetrate The
factories ard to ccutinre tsa wc.- Win
renewed energy CT t''c h.s's Of c,"er"'ly cen
sdercd measures y cggre5a-c t. y as.cus
comings.--From the 18th Flenu.n. Resolution
printed in full in April issue Communist,
and April 28th issue Daily Worker.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13
BY VIM. z. FOSTER.

the elections must be in evidence.
The heart Of this taking the campaign to the
shops and to the unemployed is that in each
instance our agitation deal with the specific
problems Of the workers involved. If a speaker
speaks at a shop gate his talk carefully pre-
pared, must deal with the conditions OF the
workers in that plant. More than that, he must
give very concrete plan of action. The same
principles hold true with the work among the
unemployed OF course, such linking of the
campaign directly to the workers in given shops
or breadlines does not mean that it has to
weaken in political content by dropping con-
sideration Of national political issues On the
contrary, the workers will the better under
stand these questions If they are hooked up with
their most immediate grievances
The Question Of Concentration
From the foregoing it Is already evident that
the principles Of concentration must be system
atically applied in the campaign. This is neces-
sary for the general purpose of concentration
in our work The more determInedly and def
initely we apply concentration the more we will
get away from the looSeness and generalization
which is such major factor in preventing our
securing real mass contacts. The great mass
election campaign must therefore have as one
Of its foundations thorogoing concentration.
This concentration must be based upon and ex-
tend the existing concentration work
1t will be seen from the published tour dates
OF the proposed national candidates that start
liz being made on concentration in tls flAcfins,E
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13
By FRANK ROGERS.

ONE would think from reading the accounts in
" the capitalist press and the street corner
propaganda on bill boards Of the U. S. Armed
Forces that alls well and the workers in the
army are perfectly satisfied. But is this so?
Here is bombshell of news, suppressed for
long time, about an event which was so serious
that both President Coolidge and General PERISH
ing went down on their knees before the angry
armed soldiers of the U. S. Army in 1924 at
Camp Riley Kansas This information was given
by an ex-sodier, today one of the starving I'M
employed, to a member Of the Young Commu-
mist League. The story follows:
1t was pay day-a day of leave from long hours
of hard work, drilling; and cusing from the
officers group Of soldiers from the camp went
to town for recreation; good meals, and few
drinks. They got into trouble with the town
sheriff Several were arrested and jailed. Other
soldiers protested against this treatment by the
sheriff and returned to the camp to report to
the others A little meeting was held and it
was decided to send a note to the sheriff de-
mending the immediate release of those arrested.
The sheriff ignored the demand
Another meeting was held and demand was
telephoned to the sheriff that if the soldiers
were not released within twenty-four minutes
they would blow up the whole town. Artillery
was set up on hill near the camp and aimed
at the town Jail. Officers we're running around
demanding that they submit to arrest: disarm,
and leave their post on the hill. However, the
soldiers refused to obey and sent a final notice
to the sheriff. They forced the release of the
arrested soldiers.
1t appeared that this would be the end Of the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13

While all the important industrial centers Of the
country are being covered by these two speak
ers, their main work is directed to our con-
centration industries and localities. Periods of
ten days or so are allotted for each in Chicago,
Cleveland, Detroit and Pittsburgh, besides which
long tours are arranged for tbs coal and steel
districts. These tours will, in turn be concen-
trated upon the most important industries and
sections Of industries in the places involved This
concentration Of the national speaking tours
must be made to result in veritable mass cam
paigns with special leaflets and definitely involv
ing the unions, Unemployed Councils, ETC., and
build around the immediate issues of the work.
ers involved. They must result not only in a.
large vote for the Party In these sections but
also big increase in its membership and
great strengthening Of the non-Party mass or
CARNATIONS and their struggles.
The same principles of concentration should
be applied in the individual localities The gen.
eral work Of agitation must, OF course, go ahead,
bust the main stress should be placed upon the
most important Industries and sections In
given city 1t Is not case Of simply picking out
one factory and concentrating upon that de-
veloping the specific demands and struggles ETC.,
at these points. Our forces are large enough
so that we can concentrate upon many places.
Our general work in the city, instead of being
weakened by such concentration will be strength
ened. Every city should have It's election con-
centralon program. fitting into and celebrating
nreEeut concentration uroararns.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13
The Revolutionary Trade Unions
and Unemployed Work

The 14th Plenum Resolution calls upon the
Party that "in the work among the unem-
pIoyed the Party must concretize its daily
The October resolution on unemployment,
which was not sufficiently popularized and
discussed in the Party, will be reprinted in
full in the pamphlet, which will contain AL
of the 14th Plenum Resolutions.
Below we are publishing section of the
resolution on the revolutionary trade unions
and unemployed work.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13

THE revolutionary trade unions and leagues
should be encouraged and stimulated to take
up more geographically the work among the I'M
employed. In addition to the general political
and organizational guidance given by the Trade
Union Unity League, the individual unions must
actively participate in the building of the I'M
employed branches and councils particularly
concentrating on the workers in their industries,
at the factories, among the part-time workers,
ETC.. and endeavoring to utilize the unemployed
and part-time workers to strengthen the present
extremely weak work at the factories, the build
ing Of the revolutionary unions the preparations
of strike struggles against wage cuts, and the
broadening and strengthening of the mass dem
onstrations of the unemployed workers by draw
ing in the workers from the factories and trade
unions.
The unemployed demands, together with the
exposure of the trade union bureaucrats on their
sabotage of the struggle against wage cuts must
be made the basis for a very great strengthening
of the work in A. F. of L. unions In all
unemployed activities and action, special consid-
Grafton must be given to drawing the rank and
file members of the A. F. of L. and through them
developing the oppositonal struggles against the
A. F. Of L. leaders
The organization work Of the Party and the
revolutionary unions, particularly among the
unemployed remains impermissibly weak. This
must be decisvely overcome by utilizing such
broad mass organizational forms as will conform
TO the need for mass movement embracing
millions of workers, who are ready TO struggle
for unemployment insurance and imIned ate
relief The decisions of the r. 1. l.. U. and Of
the Prague Conference on the question of I'M
employment clearly set forth the basic forms
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-05-13

and methods to be applied
In all places where the unemployed come
together groups of unemployed members Of the
trade unions land Party members, living near
bread lines, employment offices, flop houses, etc,
should be formed, and under the leadership Of
the nuclei Party committees and trade union
organs which should together constitute one
fraction for this, and they should call meetings
of unemployed workers, regardless of their polit-
ical and trade union affiiation at the given
employment agency, soup kitchens, etc. AT these
meetings the initiative groups should formulate
the demands of the unemployed workers and
prepare that committees be elected to organize
and lead the struggle of the unemployed
The Washington times., 1932-02-27
OF LOVE
Drama Of a Girls Undyins
Love and Devotion

only hope that Kentfield Is all
you think he is. You deserve a
real man, Lily Lou, and / only
hope he turns out to be one!"
Lii. Lou WINGED at that. She
couldn't just make some polite
answer. BeSs would think she
was changed already
So she wrote, with something
like candor: "Yes, Ken's fam
lily was angry enough. Not very
complimentary to me. But Ken
broke with them when they
tried to separate us :"
Don't Worry
Tried to annul our mar
riage" was what she ought to
write, but she couldn't quite do
that. Instead, she added an
other paragraph;
You don't have to worry
about me. 1t is true that Ken
lost his job with his father,
but the very day he left his
fathers office he had a job,
and a better one, at another
place"
Putting that into writing
made her feel safer, somehow.
She astened out to mail it.
That would show BeSS the sort
of husband she had.
"He really is old for his age"
she thought, determinedly, list
ening to his accounts of the Of
flee. at night. He really did
seem interested and enthusias-
tic. She was foolish to worry
that it wouldn't last -.
They had been in the apart
ment about a week when Ken
came home a little late one eve
ming.
Dad came in to see me-" he
said guardedly.
Lily Lou pretended to hustle
about the tiny kitchen. She
stirred up the mashed potatoes,
fused with the biscuits she had
heating in the oven. What did
he We to say?" she asked,
when Ken just leaned against
the kitchen door, watching.
Ken yawned. Want me to
do anything, Lily Lou? Oh, he
didn't have much to say. He's
trying to talk me out of it, Of
course"
The dish with the mashed
potatoes leaped in her hands.
Trying to talk you out OF
what?"
"Oh, out of marriage, I
guess" He laughed nervously.
Lily Lou was silent.
He ReaSsureS Her
A little pulse over her eye be-
gan to throb. She put her
, hand over it. Tried to go on
eating.
Then Ken came over to her,
put his arms around her, loved
CONTINUED on End Comic Pase)