Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1932-01-18

! political pressure.
In view of the manner in which
in which the press has handled this
affair, and because of untrue assertions
made, there is no way left me but to
inform the public of the reasons which
have determined my attitude.
Il am not in position 10 accept
your proposition, Mr. Chancellor, either
| from constitutional or political view
point. My doubts about your project
| / have already submitted in separate
| letter to President Won Hindenburg.
THE Weimer constitution Is the
| legal basis of the German Republic.
Article / states that Germany is he
public deriving all power from the peo-
pie. Article Al states that the Presi-
! dent shall be chosen by the entire cleo
| torate.
ITO substitute the Reichstag's verdict
| for the peoples voice would be mani
| fest contradiction Of the constitution
1t must also be remembered that not
the Reichstag, but only the people, can
depoSe a President.
Contrary to Constitution.
"If the trainers of the constitution
"
| longation in Office of the President by
| the Reichstag certainly would have been
SO provided in the constitution.
1 But the Weimer constitution doesn t
! at all provide for this. 1t says ex-
| plicity that the President shall be
elected by and deposed by the people:
ITO disregard the constitution would
mean submitting the presidential cleo
ton to the uncomfortable hazard OF
parliamentary majorities
1T was an absolute error on your
part, Mr. Chancellor, to compare your
plan for the prolongation OF President
Won Hindenburgs term with the pro
| longation Of Friedrich EbertS term.
Ebert was elected not by the people, but
| by the National Assembly as provisional
| President. The National Socialist party
never yet has given its assent to this
procedure, and 1t is entirely uncon-
stitutional. Won Hindenburg was the
first Reich President properly elected.
Il do not know Of any cases, except
perhaps in Central and South Ameri-
can republicS-Which I do not consider
proper examples for Germany-where
| the constitutional provisions have been
dIsregarded In a presidential election.
| cat this point in his letter, Hitler re-
futed DR.. Bruening's contention of an
analogy In the prolongation OF the term
| of Adolphe Theirs as president OF the
| third French Republic, because the
French President was not properly
elected)
STIMULATES Election In 1882.
'If the German constitution means
ANYTHING. it Is impossible to carry out
| the procedure you advocate. Democ-
racy holds the principle that all execu-
tive power emanates from the people,
and that executives are merely Spokes-
men OF the popular will. Therefore
executives must submit periodically to
| the corrective of the popular vote, thus
| rejecting fluctuations in the popular
! sentiment, which fluctuations are
caused by the popularity or unpopu-
| larity of the government.
The Weimar constitution expressly
stipulates a presidential election In
1882. 1t is irrelevant what the political
! spirit Of the nation was September 4,
| 1880, when the president Of the Reich
stag was elected. What the political
temper of the German people may be
in March 1882, is vital, however.
President Won Hindenburg's prestige
and dignity require that the present
hopelesSly superannuated Reichstag,
which might prolong his office, itself be
the first to be reelected. This would
mean that the balloting you are trying
to avoid would occur.
Political exigency to avoid an I'M
welcome election is no justification for
the violation OF political liberties.
You believe, Mr.. Chancellor, that
an election would be harmful to Ger
many's foreign policy. do not agree.
On the contrary, I believe that respect
for Germanys foreign policy impera-
lively demands new election.
Blame Put on Parties.
The disintegration Of the once Sc
| powerful German Empire came less
from foreign reasons than from domes-
tic reasons, and the internal collapse
was due to parties now in power here
Necessity for political success abroad
consists clearly in overpoWering de-
structiVe internal processes, which be-
came apparent in November, 1918, and
resulted in the present lamentable con-
dition Of Germany.
1T Is true that there are now some
politicians who regard Germanys in
solvency in the light of an eminent sue
cess. In business, such an attitude
would create shaking of heads In my
humble opinion, it is easier to pronounce
a firms insolvency than its solvency. .
The politicians, however, who be-
lieVe that stating GermanyS total eco
nomic collapse constitutes politlCa
| master stroke should be reminded thai
it took the present government IL years
| TO demonstrate what cleverer statesmen
could have demonstrated in 3 years. Il
it is necessary to prove the worth of 9
government by running the country that
is governed, then common decency
should at least accelerate such deStruc-
ton. A doctors worth is proved By
cures and not by the funerals of hi
patients.
IF declaration of bankruptcy /,
) considered essential for an economic
rehabilitation, then cannot understand
Z why elections are harmful. You, reich.
, skanZler, seem afraid that your politica
: successors would be more incompetent
than yourself, which again would meal
they would hasten the practical demon.
stration Of Germany's economic collapse
This. however, should be quite desirable
according to the present German po
litical doctrines Or Is 1t possible tina
it is feared in certain quarters that
National Socialist victory at the poll
would bring leaders TO the helm OF tn,
ship of state who would prove them
selves able to find way out of Ger
many's calamity?
Two Traditions in Germany.
IT do not doubt for a moment tina
political tribute can be evaded success
fully by a mere denial of ability TO pay
: | It is unbelievable, however, that that il
, itself constitutes, without reservations
Z an entirely valid and legal basis, unles
/ the creditors, In some manner. nnd
: in their political interest TO consent +
i such an alteration.
THAT Germany cannot today pey
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