davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17

The above letter of non Party
worker reveals a blk weakness in
the work of agitation of the Party
and at the same time shows that
trade union work, the building up
of the revolutionary unions which
is a key task of the Party, and the
building of opposition groups has
not been taken hold of by the Party
with the firfnness that the situation
demands The instances given show
also that our agitators are not suf-
ficiently prepared on how to treat
the problems OF. trade union work.
Very often our speakers do not
know how to properly connect up
political and economic questions
and therefore do not fully expose the
agitation Of the socialists that we
Communists are interested in the
day to day struggle but solely in the
revolution, whereas the Communist
Party is the only party that really
fights the day to day struggles and
defends the interests of the workers
against the attacks of the capitalists,
linking it up with the struggles for
the overthrow of capitalism by means
Of which exploitation and oppression
will finally be abolished.
The socialists and renegades of all
shades do not defend the day to day
interests Of the workers, but betray
them. They do this because they are
not working class, but anti-working
class bodies, because they are OPP
posed to revolution and serve the
capitalists who are straining every
nerve to restore their shattered sys-
tenn at the expense of the working
class.--Editor's Note.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
WAR AGAINST
INIPERIALIST WAR;

There were many such moments
at the World Congress Against
War, and if one were to express
the content of the Congress in
terms of mass enthusiasm, of mill
tant will, the result would be a
thousand-fold outcry in all the
languages of the world: 'Ts. 81
against imperialist war"
But in the face of the substantial
results of the Congress, it's spirit
and color are of secondary impor-
tance. One must, of course, turn to
the minutes of the Congress and
the texts of the leading speeches
for an adequate appraisal of its
meaning, but some of the high
lights may here be noted.
First of all, it was apparent that
the Congress embraced all ele-
ments of sincere and honest war
opponents the world over. 1t is an
irony, indeed, that the Soviet dele
cation was absent, but its absence
was more than conspicuous: the
delegates were in a state of high in
.dignation against the Dutch gov
eminent which had refused to al
low Gorky, Shvernik and the rest
of the Soviet delegation to enter
Holland. The impudent action of
the Dutch government came as
shock to the pacifists. 1t was a
vivid illustration of the imperialst
attitude to war and to the Soviet
Union. Whatever one may say of
the pacifists, there is a growing
conviction among them that the
Soviet Union is the only country
that conducts a sincere peace poll
cy and has offered sincere and
effective program of disarmament.
MUCH against their will the bour-
lH geois correspondents and the
skeptics among the bourgeois dele
gates were forced to admit that
the Congress was not "Commu-
mist affair" The ten. Trotskyites
were an exception, but Of them lat
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
Workers Majority Of
Delegates at the
Congress"

er. In the foreground of the Con-
gress were more intellectuals and
nom Communist big shots" than
Communists. In the presidium, in
the leading committees and in the
Congress as a whole the Commu-
nists constituted a minority of
about 80 per cent. Among the 3d.
600 organizations represented there
were hundreds of outspoken paci-
fist bodies and thousands of organ
izations that usually are outside the
sphere of influence of the Commu-
mist parties in their countries. Out
standing individuals from all parts
of the world have emphasized by
their participation in the campaign
for the Congress its international
and inter party character.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17

the speaker. "Why did the Com
munist Party a few years ago have
the policy to bore from within the
A. F. Of L. and to amalgamate all
craft unions and build industrial
unionsP Then in 1929 the same
Communist Party started to build
new unions, dividing the workers
organizations, and particularly the
unions?"
The speaker answered that he did
not know anything about the old
policy; but he knew that today the
only ones fighting for the working
class are the Communists. That's
all.
Suggests Articles
l suggest that the Daily Worker
start a series of articles, like the
Cork and the Red Singer articles,
on the History of the Trade Unions
and the role of the Communist
Party in different periods, coming
up to today, exposing concretely all
the takers in the unions, including
the Lovestoneitse and Trotskyites,
and also explain the United Front.
Conlradely,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
John GAVRO
A STORY OF MINERS LIVES AND STRUGGLES
SYNOPSIS
BY ENTRY BALINT.

author revolutionary writer,
help striking He
strikers The miners crowd
round to describe
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17

above them all. He dominated the
Congress both by the magic of his
name, the magetism of his person.
atty and-aboye abby his sober,
earnest an drealistic approach to
the question of fighting war. He
was leading spirit of the Con-
gress. Tall, gaunt, stopped, with
sunken eyes and a deathly fatigue
on his olive face-he looked like
statue of sorrow as he stood on the
speakers podium or sat on the plat
form. He worked very hard both in
preparing the Congress ad in help
ing direct it. He spoke several
times: at press conference on the
eve of the opening, at the opening
of the Congress, at a mass-neetig
under the most inadequate acous-
tics, at the presentation of the
Manifesto and at the conclusion OF
the Congress. He is no orator and
his dolorous monotone is firing.
But there is something in Bar
BUSES voice that capivates you and
holds you tense.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17

damental difference between CAPT
talisnl and imperialism and a de-
NAL of the proposition that capt.
talism is the basic cause of war.
co 1t substitutes for the slogan of
defending the U.S.S.R. the slogan
of modifying the masses of the
world for the defense of India
against British imperialism. "Over-
throw the British rule in India and
the danger of war against the So
Wet Union as we'll as the war of
Japan against China will disap-
pear. The freedom of the colonial
masses the world over would fol-
low the downfall of British inpe-
rialisIn in India" This is what Pa
tel insisted upon. In private con-
versations he stated plainly that he
was no socialist or Communist and
that his main concern was-the ma
tional emancipation of India.
Within the framework Of a free
India he was for system modelled
along the lines of capitalist So
ciety.
AT the Congress Patel was a pic
n turesque figure. He was clad in
white with trousers fitting tightly
around his calves and wore white
skull-cap. His snow-white beard
lent an added shade of brown to
his earnest face. After a long de-
bate in the Resolutions Committee
Patel accepted the Manifesto and
at the concluding session of the
Congress made lengthy state
ment explaining his Endorsement of
the document.
Except Patel, no one had to Of
fer anything like a thesis that
would be in contradiction to the
manifesto. The Trotskyites were
the only "agin"-ers, but their oppo-
sition consisted of obstructionist
and disruptive tactics more than of
program. In the face of the i'm
pressive symptoms of a united front
from below, the Trotskyites kept
shouting about the necessity of
adopting united front tactics and
viciously minimized the results al
ready achieved.
THEIR UNITED FRONT"
The real meaning of their dem
agogic speech-making was yelled
call for united front with the
Second International rather than
with the masses of the social dem
ocratic workers. Their 10 votes
were the only ones cast against the
manifesto, and their 10 voices were
the only ones attempting to dis
rupt the Congress. They were given
every opportunity to state their
views, and this circumstance de-
prived them of the opportunity to
pose as martyrs. During the Sec
end session one of the Trotskyites
attempted to address the Congress
from the floor. The chairman re-
fused to recognize him and the
Trotskyites thought they had a
good chance to make a row. They
did make row shouting at the top
of their voices that opinion was be-
ing suppressed at the Congress, but
the chairman took the wind out of
their sails by stating that any dele
gate could get the floor if only he
notified the presidium in advance.
The Trotskyite soon after did
mount the platform to make a
speech but the mass of delegates
would not let him speak, and it
was only at the earnest insistence
of the chairman and others of the
presidium that the delegates let
the renegade have his say.
A similar episode occurred on
the next day when Molinier, a
French Trotskyite who said he rep
resented the Greek war veterans,
was given the floor. The delegates
booed him long and earnestly and
the chairman had hard time
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17

other day. have three kids at
home, and here this one hangs on
to me. This big brazil" and she
shook the thin arm of the pale
child, Look here, on my head. Do
you see that lump? It's from the
blackjack! My husband is home.
He was hit by a stone, and my
kids want to eat too. If you can't
give us any relief, then let's not
say another word about the strike;
I myself will chase my husband
down into the mine, lame leg and
all. And then don't anybody call
me a strike breaker, or I'll smack
him down."
THE people were hungry, ragged
and depressed.
One of them said that the old
arrangement of groups of ten un-
der the leadership Of a captain was
no good any more, because many
of them were arrested, and many
others went back to the mine. An
other said that as many as three
men had told him that afternoon
that they were surely going back
to work in the morning, they had
already spoken to the foreman. Be-
cause even if they worked twelve
hours and earned only dry bread, it
was better than collapsing from
hunger with the family 4. -. !. That's
what they said.
I did not wait for five o'clock,
. the time for which had originally
called the meeting, because I did
not think it advisable to let all
these men and women grieve and
complain for another hour. They
depressed each other more and
more, SO it was hardly four o'clock
when I opened the meeting.
AS a result of the three-quarter OF
n an hour meeting, six groups
eight or ten women, children, ane
men in each, started Immediately
southwark towards the nearby
farms. They had combed all the
other places during the preceding
weeks.
Gavro and five others undertook
to visit the A. & P. and the other
stores in town.
eff they don't give nicely, They'll
give the other way" Gavro sWore.
CTo Be Continued
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
THE VIEW POINTS
EXPRESSED

But more important and convic-
ing than all this was the fact that
over four hundred social democratic
delegates were elected to the Con-
gress over the heads of the leaders
of the Second International and
the Amsterdam (Yellow) Interna-
tional. The united front of the
working class from below has found
a substantial expression at the
Congress. In France, in Germany
and in other countries some of the
strongest socialist and reformist
sections elected delegates, and the
comrades of those countries tell me
that the social-fascist leaders are in
state of panic because of this
mass "disobedience."
In the welter of theological cur
rents that have found expression
at the Congress one can see num-
Der of common points of contact.
All of the delegates are at one in
their conviction that the danger of
a new world war is real and near;
all are united in their opposition
to war and all of them have come
to the Congress with the realiza-
ton that the League Of Nations
with its disarmament" conferences
will not prevent new world war
Practically all of the delegates will
agree that it is the capitalist sys-
tenn that breeds wars, though here
an important exception must be
noted. Valabhay Patel, former pres
ident of the All-India National
Congress, had his own thesis to
offer on the cause of war. At the
Amsterdam Congress Patel played a
prominent if not leading role. His
position of leadership in The ma
tional emancipation movement of
India naturally won for him a
prominent place at the Congress,
both at the open sessions and in
the Resolutions Committee.
Patels thesis may pe summed up
about as follows: The main cause
of war is imperialism and the defi-
milton Of imperialism is domina-
ton of one nation by another, The
focus of world-imperialism is India.
The overthrow of the British rule
in India would of itself lead to the
liberation of all colonial peoples
and would even do away with the
danger of an imperialist attack
upon the Soviet Union. Patels en-
ergetic language, his flaming con-
domination of war, his sharp de-
nunciation of the League of Ma
tons and its hypocritical "peace"
moneuvers sounded strong and
revolutionary" and made pro-
found impression on the delegates.
But Patels thesis limps on both
legs with respect to two basic
points. ~ His thesis implies fun
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
(InstaIIment III

(InstaIlment III
Another tried to defend the strike
breakers, and he made detected
gesture because there was no re-
lief.
They We'd with one another in
recounting their troubles.
There was no leadership! They
did not understand why. they did
not picket their own mine every
morning instead of number ten, six
miles away. I tried to explain to
them that for the present all the
forces must be concentrated there
because that was the company'S
most important mine, and if we
succeeded in bringing that mine
down, this one would come down by
itself. Everybody know this, but
those who were inclined to be strike
breakers looked for excuses. This
inclination must be driven out OF
them, if not by persuasion, then by
clubs and stones, I said.
THEY still complained.
Three days ago the strike
leaders and the whole relief COM
mittee were arrested; all the worth
while men were among thin, and
since then, everything had been
topsy-turvy. The strike could not
get on their feet again. Nobody
had faith in the new relief commit
tee. They were helpless. And this
manifested itself in the picket lines
too. Yesterday there we're fewer on
the line, and today out of the Gus
tomary two hundred there weren't
even forty.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
THE INTELLECTUALs-
BARBUSSE.

During the first day the intellec-
tuals were in the foreground. Bar
busse made long speech, the read
ing of Re and's speech Che could
not attend because of illness) took
UP much time and the greetings by
other. writers and intellectuals,
coupled with Patels long address,
tended to create the impression
among some of the delegates that
the Congress was being monopo-
lized by the intellectuals and tho
"big shots. The Trotskyites tried
to use this circumstance as an OPP
portunity to incite the delegates to
protests against the exclusion of
workers, but with no success. The
next day was given over almost en-
tirely to speeches by representatives
of workers and other mass organ
izations.
THE report of the Credentials
Committee subsequently proved
the falsity of the assertion by Gym
les and skeptics that it was Con-
gress of intellectuals and not OF
workers. Of the 1900 delegates only
249 were intellectuals; 1855 were
workers and u farmers.
Among the 1900 delegates were
about 800 members of Communist
parties, and the Communists were
the only ones who came to the
Congress with realistic conception
of the task of fighting war and
with q clear program. The position
of the Communists at the Congress
will be considered in the next and
concluding article.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
Petty Graft,
M Fish.
Wall St. Rule.
WASHINGTON SWINDLE SHEET,
by William P. Helm. A. g. C.
Boni, publishers.
RavSevCed nv VERN SMITH

by William P. Helm. A. g. C.
BOni, publishers.
Reviewed by VERN SMITH
yUHEN the Fish Committee start
w ed out to ''hunt the Reds,
drive Amtorg from the country, lay
the basis for the Dies Bill and a
war on the Soviet Union, they got
S25,O00 from Congress and the free
use Of all federal spies, secret SER
vice agents, etc
They spent some Of the money
for revolvers and cartridges; some
body was sitting there armed to the
teeth while Olgin was teStifying
for the Communist Party in New
York. While Cannes, acting editor
of the Daily Worker, was proving
to the committee that the workers
support this paper, some congress-
man squirting at him had his hand
on the butt of a Smith & Wesson
or a Colt.
CORN FLAKES W i
ARE EXPENSIVE!
The rest of the money went
largely for hotel bills. Fish was de-
Tending religion, and presumably
he had read that part of the bible
which says: Thou shalt not muzzle
the ass which treadeth out the
corn" Well, there was no muzzle
on red-hunting congressman
when he Tapped up his corn flakes
in the Hotel Commodore, New
York, at the rate of $988.94 for q
few days stay for the five. Three
of the congressman took a little
trip from New York to probe Camp
Nitgedaiget, for three hours. There
is no record they bought anything
there, but their official expense &C
count shows it cost them $14480
for the trip. A worker can make it
by bus for So, round trip, and any,
way, the two state troopers they
had along probably carried the
congressman in their car, free.
At the olympic Hotel, the best in
Seattle, the corn flakes cost $101.4
At the Hotel st. Francis, the most
stately in San Francisco, they cost
$242.67. At the swanky Hotel Alex
andria in Los Angeles, they splurg-
ed $195.80. Then the congressman
came back to New York and spent
$215.09 more at the Commodore.
No, the red hunters were not
muzzled.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
FROM SWORN
EXPENSE ACCOUNT.

Helm is concerned with quoting
from official expense accounts
what, in view Of Teapot Dome and
the 100000 bride to Fall, must be
considered the chicken feed" of
graft. 1t is all about how Senator
Sheppard Of Texas loots the trea-
sury of $36684, and Senator Hiram
johnson Of California knicks it for
S1,01804, charges for mileage"
over and above what the railroad
fare really amounts to.
1t is full of roaringly funny tales
of how Senators Walcott of Con-
necticut, Halves of Missouri, Pitt
man Of Nevada, Norbeck of South
Dakota, and McNary of Oregon
blew in $4,000 on a little picnic
trip to investigate wild animal
life" in the late summer of 1880.
At the Royal York Hotel in To-
ronto it cost $265.57 for two days
hunting wild animal life. Walcott,
Pittman, Halves and a special in
vestigator, Shoemaker, spent 5000
a day for a fishing trip on Crane
Lake.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
What Happened at the World
Anti>War Meet in Amsterdam
BY NATHANIEL BUCHwALD

bY MA w ALI
Especial Correspondent of the Daily
Worker at the World Congress
Against War held at Amster-
dam on August 27-29, 1882
"yUHY, this is not congress, it's
Wa mass meeting!" exclaimed a
correspondent of a liberal journal
at our press table.
The exclamation came IN the
midst of an ovation which the 1900
delegates gave the Japanese vet
eran of the revolutionary labor
movement, Comrade Sen Kataya-
ma. 1t was one of the most NOV
ing moments of this dramatic, pas
sionate worldwide mass meet-
ing". The delegates burst forth with
the International, the German
delegation (75O strong) Numbered
out the ''Rote Front" salute and the
rest of the delegates joined in. Kat
ayama made an attempt to speak,
but the delegates kept up the ova-
ton and again sang the "Interna-
tlonale" with much terVor. Tom
Mann presided and made a speech
of tribute to the veteran revolu-
ZIONIST.
Throwing parliamentary pro-
ceedure" to the dogs, Will Muen-
zenberg (prominent German Com
munist, head of the Workers In
ternational Relief jumped to the
mike" and galvanized the audi
ence with his glowing praise of the
old Japanese labor leader. Valiant
Couturier, French proletarian writ
err and one of the editors of L'Hu-
mantle, French Communist daily,
did likewise. And when Katayama
finally spoke, the delegates sat
spellbound despite the fact that the
Japanese revolutionist spoke in the
language of the minority, English.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-17
WHILE MILLIONS
GO HUNGRY.

They stocked up heavily on what
their expense account solemnly as
SureS you was mineral waters,
and after the first day out, the
mineral waters so much got the
best of them that they had to
sleep it off for nearly two days.
But they recovered in time to buy
more mineral waters.
This took place, as Helm him
self points out, "at time of ma
tional distress and privation, a
time when ragged and hungry
millions vainly sought nourish-
ment, when women and children,
ill nOurished and worse clad,
cried for food and shelter; when
there was at least one bread line
in every city of the land and
when those who begged food in
the winding lines were numbered
by the hundreds of thousands"
ONLY THE
PETTY THIEVERY.
Apparently, at least Helm gives
incident after similar incident,
most of the senators and congress-
men get in on these fishing trips"
about ever so often. But all of
them, SIPS a session for station
cry" and take it, though the COM
mittees they belong to really give
them their stationery. But you can
buy desks and beds and engraved
Christmas cards on the $125, and
what you don't spend you get in
cash.
Hoover gets an allowance for
running the White House, in ad-
dition to his $4,000 a year salary.
He raised the expenses for the
White House by just about one
third in his first year in office,
SO that 1t stands now at $445, 693
a year. Other presidents got along
with one private secretary at $10,-
900; Hoover must have three at
total of $4,000 a year. And this
in a period of unemployment when
economy" is the watch word OF
MIR. Hoover--that is, economy
wage cuts Of federal workers, for
everybody but Hoover. And not a
can't for the jobless.
TYPICAL OF
CAPITALIST RULE.
Helms book of 249 pages is full
OF that, all taken from official ex-
pense accounts. It's interesting and
it shows a certain atmosphere. This
stealing of five and ten thousand
dollars at time, strictly legal
stealing, for the government makes
the laws, is trivial compared with
what must go on in the dark, lille
gally. But it gees some part of the
way to prove the character of the
highest officials in the United
States government. 1t bears about
the same relation to real impor-
tant graft that stealing pennies
does to horse stealing. But if any,
one will steal the pennies off
dead mans eyes, you can't trust
him with anything.
The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1932-04-16
ORIENT CRISIS
UP At Geneva
New Disarmament Scheme
Proposed by StimSon.

By United Press
GENEVA, April 16.-Distinguished
statesmen from every part of the
world gathered in Geneva again to-
day OF undertake decisive action on
two vital international issues-dis-
armament and the far eastern con-
f1ict.
Outstanding was the first United
States secretary of state to visit the
League of Nations home-Henry L.
Stimson. His cordial conference in
Paris Friday with Premier Andre
Tardieu and other French govern
ment leaders was considered a great
encouragement toward closer cola
boration.
Stimson will not supercede Hugh
S. Gibson as head of the American
delegation. The United States has
no direct part in the league commit
tee of nineteen which was sum-
moned to meet again this afternoon
to consider the ChineSe-Japanese
controversy. But the American sec
rotary, nevertheless, was the center
of greatest speculation.
1t was understood that Stimson
proposed a new disarmament
scheme to Tardieu at Paris, provid-
ing for application of different plans
for arms reduction in different
zones of the world. This scheme
known as hemisphere disarmament
was a compromise between the OPP
posing French and American theses