The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-02-22
10y A. z T. G315 $50 e
Lentn and the International
Trade Union Movement

other than through the trade unions,
through their inter-action with the
working class party"
The refusal of the "lefts" TO work
In the reactionary refornist unions in
the epoch OF the Proletarian Revolt
ton implied and implies the refusal
to fight to win the masses from the
influence of the social-fascists, the re-
pudiation Of the struggle for the unit
ed front from below. Not to work
inside the reactionary unions means
leaving the insufficiently developed
or backward working masses under
the influence of reactionary leaders
or workers turned bourgeois" GIN
fantile Disease") And this means
grist to the social-fasclst mill, to re-
tard the process Of the social-demo-
cratic and nonparty workers going
over to the red trade unions. All this
may result in weakening the forces
Of the revolutionary working class in
face Of the events looming ahead,
may make more difficult the revolu-
tionary way out of the crisis which
has stricken all capitalist countries,
may facilitate the capitalist way out
Of the crisis. Revolutions grow when
tens of millions of people come to the
conclusion that 1t is no longer pos
Sible to continue living thus" said
Lenin in 1918.
But in order that the revolution
triumph it is necessary to organize
these tens Of millions and prepare
them for the struggles. And for this
purpose they must be freed from the
influence Of the social-fascists, from
the influence of the reformist trade
union leaders. Lenin spoke about all
this hotly and convincingly in his
pamphlet, "The Infantile Disease OF
Leftism." Only by mastering the
feminist trade union theory, the Len
mist tactic in the economic struggle,
and his directions on work inside the
reactionary trade unions. his art in
drawing the nillion-strong masses
under the banners of Bolshevism,
only in this manner is it possible to
ensure the defeat Of social-fascism.
In order to win the working masses
more speedily from the social-fascist
influence we must go where the
working masses are to be found-into
the factories. We must set up our
organizations, our leaning points,
here, in the factories. We must here
organize the struggle for the day-to-
day needs of the workers, lead this
struggle. In this way it will be pos
sible to win authority among the
working masses and drive the social
fascists out of the leading positions
in the trade unions Unless work is
carried on In the factories, unless we
lead the struggle for the day-to-day
needs, for the 'petty" economic de-
mands Of the workers. the revolu-
tionaries will never win the conf
dence of those masses who still be-
lieve the refornlist trade union lead
ers. And without this confidence it
will be impossible to draw these
masses into the united front with
the revolutionary workers and to
draw them into the struggle for the
Proletarian Dictatorship, for the
abolition Of the system Of exploita-
ton. The struggle for the overthrow
of capitalist society by no means ex-
cludes, on the contrary, presupposes
the struggle for the day-to-day needs
of the workers. Only by not refusing
to organize this struggle, and to lead
it, is it possible to prepare the work
ers for the struggle for power, to lead
them to storm capitalism. And then,
"No force in the world can prevent
the downfall of capitalism and the
victory of the working class over the
bourgeoisie." Oenin, Greetings to
the International Congress of Labor
Unions" July, 1920.
In the light of Lenins teachings
on the trade unions the mistaken
ness, incorrectness of characterizing
the reformist unions as a school for
Communism" becomes clear. This
formula is nothing but an expression
Of right wing opportunism. The
adoption of such a formula would
imply the recognition of the reformist
unions as revolutionary organizations
Much, veg much, workers, has yet to
be done by the supporters Of the
RILU to drive the social-fascist lead
ership out of these unions and lead
the masses that are united in them.
A second incorrect formula whir' Y S
been expressed characterizes the re-
formist trade unions as a school for
capitalism" Actually, if this for
mula we're adopted. it could serve to
demobilize the supporters of the
RILU, to weaken their work to win
the masses organized in the trade
unions, would lead to a reputation
of the struggle for the united front
from below. While the formula "re-
fornlist unions are a school for Com
munism" plays into the hands of the
right wing .opportunists, who never
refused the united front with TIE re-
formist trade union leaders, and for
got about the united front from be-
low, the formula; "reformist trade
unions are a school for capitalism
plays into the hands of the "leftists"
who do not realize the need to fight
for the masses in the reformist unions