Evening star., 1932-06-05


own responsibility in strengthening the
alternatives for war. then the tribunal
of history will decide this case for
Japan.
Must Harmonic Pacts.
This means, in plain English, that we
must harmonize the pact of Paris with
the covenant of the League of Nations
harmonic them so that the United
States may work freely under one or
the other, for both would then be parts
Of common program. They are the
two documents which the world has
accepted as the basis of the new order
of things. The pact states the general
principles, but does not apply them; the
covenant furnishes program for ap-
plying them. but in way which Is not
acceptable to all the world.
The pressing need for this harmoniza-
ton was shown in the awkward situa-
tions which arose last November, when
the United States and the League tried
to work together, the one under the
pact and the other under the cove
nant-a procedure against which Japan
very properly protested. 1t was a pro-
cedure which stultified the League and
lessened the credit of the pact It is
going much too far to say that the
League failed in its dealings with Japan
and China; but 1t did not apply the
expected remedy; it did not by an act
of power irfterpose with either economic
or military sanctions to stop the con-
fiict
There has been and probably always
Will be a division of opinion as to
whether peace can be enforced The
European continental nations general
ly, and France in particular, call for
police force strong enough to pre-
serve the peace against any willful
violator. But the security which this
might conceivably bring them brings
insecurity to nations that might other
wise escape by reason of their distance
from the scene of disturbance Canada
is not willing to send its boys abroad
to fight in Balkan wars, and even
England would be doubly reluctant to
enter another continental war. The
Scandinavian countries, on the out
skirts of Europe, share the same feel
ing. For these reasons there have
been two parties In the League itself,
one for strong enforcement and the
other for lessening the obligation to
join the international posse.
Must Be Strengthened.
Japanese incident was that France
was no more willing to join in an in
ternational police force in Manchuria
than the British doninions would be
willing to take part in the quarrels of
Eastern Europe. Therefore, it would
seem as though the time had come
when the League should be ready to
reconsider the program of peace en-
forcenent in Article XVI. For. how
ever strong the obligation may read in
the present document, unless it can be
relied upon in time of crisis it is in
herently weak.
A study of Article XVI shows that
it needs revision in any case. Fortu-
nately, no revision is needed of the
military sanctions, for all that the
Council of the League can do is to
advise the member states of the need
and suggest that they take action.
But the economic sanction is en-
tirely different It is obligatory. auto
matte, immediate and universal At
least that is the way the text Of the
opening paragraph runs:
Should any member of the League
resort to war in disregard of its COW
enants under Articles XII, XIII or XIV,
it shall ipso facto be deemed to have
committed an act of war against all
other members of the League, which
hereby undertake Immediately to sub
iect it to the severance Of all trade or
financial relations, the prohibition of all
intercourse between their nationals and
the nationals of the covenant breaking
state, and the prevention of all flnan-
cial commercial or personal inter-
course between the nationals Of the
covena Mt breaking state and the ma
tionals of any other state, whether a
member of the League or not"
Further Sanctions Needed.
It is true that in the history Of the
League this has been interpreted as
program to be applied according to the
circumstances. but this agreement Of
the Assembly has not been incorporated
in the covenant itself. Now, this open
ing paragraph might very well be di-
vided into a number Of successive steps,
limiting the automatic obligation to the
shipment of arms and supplies of war
and the granting of money loans, and
leaving all other economic measures for
conference at the time Of the crisis,
or at least putting them on the same
level as the military sanctions, which
they somewhat resemble.
The League has already been busy at
this revision of the covenant to har-
monize 1t with the pact of Paris. The
work is practically done, except for
Article XVI. and, as We have just seen,
there are no inherent difficulties in re-
vising it.
But while the technical difficulties are
not unsurmountable, there are practical
obstacles for which the United States
is chiefly to blame After the way we
have sought and gained special terms
for our adherence to the World Court
and then have held back from men,
bership there is little patience left for
any plan which depends for its success
upon American cooperation. What,
therefore, can we do to help solve this
problem?
The statement Of our minimum pro-
gram is to be found in the resolution
which Senator Capper introduced into
the Senate on April g. 1892, five years
after NJ Brands offer and Is years
after our entry into the World War In
this resolution, Congress is called upon
to declare it to be the general policy Of
the United States to refuse recognition
to any settlement made by force of
arms IN violation of the Kellogg pact, If
that settlement is of kind that would
impair the obligations of that pact"
Urges Embargo on Arms.
But this recognition of the "Stim-
son doctrine" is not enough. The Pres
ident should be empowered to put an
embargo on the shipment Of arms and
supplies of war and money to any vio-
lator OF the pact, having due regard to
similar action "by other nations =
in open conference"
This last phrase means, of course, the
League OF Nations, for that Is where the
conference must be held. If we take
similar action Of this kind, whether by
ourselves or in consultation with the
League. then we have adjusted our
selves to the proposed revised text of
Article XVI.
The Capper resolution, therefore,
offers the United States a program by
which 1t may adjust itself to meet the
responsibility which it has assumed in
denying to Japan the right to continue
the age-long way of asserting a nations