The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1932-09-14

K
Syndicate. Edmund SHINES, the
Munich Haniel, and to the banking
world with the names of Herbert
Guttnlann, Stauss, Kehl, and
Solmssen."
The "Gentlemen's Club" thus
ridicule d is the most ele-
CANT club in the Friedrich Ebert
Street in Berlin (history makes no
iokesD, a club uniting the heads of
Germany's landowning class, Ger
many's bureaucracy, and Germany's.
trust bOurgeOisie. And this is pre-
cisely the source Of the power of
the Gentlemen's Club, which has
its local groups in every province,
and seeks to unite the upper strata
Of Germany's ruling class-and not
merely for the sake of supper. The
composition of this club throws a
vivid light on the Presidial Gov
eminent of Won Papen.
The "PresidiaI Government"
backed up by the physical force
of the Reichswehr, is hence a
government of the leading circles
of Germany's bourgeoisie, those
circles which finance the National
Socialist Party, but are not will
ing to give it the whole Of the
power, preferring to employ it in
the future as in the past merely
as their tool.
THRUST BURDENS
ON WORKERS
In this present period of monop-
olist capitalism, shaken to its foun-
dations by the war, the social con-
tent of the politics of the ruling
classes is of very definite charac-
ter. The trust bourgeoisie is en-
deavoring to thrust the whole of
the burdens onto the shoulders of
the workers and peasants, and of
the petty bourgeoisie of the towns.
Everywhere it is striving to cancel
social reforms, and everywhere it
calls upon the state to cease paying
tips to the labor aristocracy, and
rather give the money to the banks
and trusts on the verge of bank
ruptcy.
According to the strength of the
working class in each case, monop-
alist capital is carrying out this
policy abruptly and rapidly, or step
by step-this is the difference be-
tween the policy of the ruling class
in France and italy, in Great Brit
ain and Germany. Where the
geoisie is weak, where the ground
under its feet is uncertain, it
, strides forward through a series of
stages to open fascist policy. This
was the case in Italy, in Poland,
and in the Balkans. In Great
Britain, however, it can still pursue
it's policy without formally vio-
lating the rights of parliament, for
here it is still successful in retain
ing an influence over the masses
of the people. We see the same in
France.
IN GERMANY there is a combina-
ton of the profound capitalist
crisis, urging the capitalists to
fascist policy, with the fact that
both the working class and the
trust bourgeoisie have mighty pow
ers at their disposal. The trust
bourgeoisie has lost it's immediate
influence over the masses of the
people. The National Socialists,
who have grown into the largest
political party in Germany, now
present their bill. They are will
ing to carry on the policy of trust
capital But mighty Ger1nany's
bourgeoisie is not yet willing to re-
linquish the immediate leadership
of the state to tool which it man
ufactured for itself. Not only is it
afraid of the petty bourgeois COM
position of the National Socialist
Party, and not only has it no faith
in the business abilities of the Nazi
leaders, but it doubts whether the
forces of the National Socialists
will suffice to save capitalism from
the storm of the working class
when the crisis becomes acuter.
The far-seeing elements of Ger
man fascism-ideologic we must
certainly count the "Tat" group to
these cit may be observed that the
Kolnische Volkszeitung asserts that
this group is in contact with Cen
eral Won Schleicher)- already see a
situation coming to pass in which
it will be necessary to draw over
Social Democracy to them for the
purpose of breaking up the united
front being formed under the lead
ership of the c. P. G.
This is the decisive reason why
the reactionary circles of the Gen
tlemen's Club" and of the Reichs-
wehr are afraid to let the ship of
the National Socialists sail out to
the open sea: this is the reason why
they are afraid to put all state
power into the hands of the Ma
tional Socialists. And the final
cause is the existence of the great
mass revolutionary trend in the
form of the Communist Party.
WHAT WILL
NAILS DO?
The struggle for the formation
of the new government is proving
lengthy one. The National So
cialists demanded the post of the
Reich Chancellor The Reich Pres
ident refused. 1t is doubtful
whether the Nazis relinquished the
struggle for the commanding posi-
tons in Germany's government on
Hindenburg's first command. They
are acting not only under the pres
sure of the petty-bourgeois masses,
for whom they must draw pictures
of a real change in Germany, but
at the same time under the pressure
of that intellectual wing of their
party which thirsts for posts and
Offices.