The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1931-03-28
By D. R. D.

T,,tiorarv mood of the masses, their growing po-
l;tical ex,erience makes it impossible for British
imperialism (noW even with the help OF the IN
dian bourgeoisie) to solve the burning problems
of the country at their expense. The masses
are unwilling to continue living in the old ways
the ruling classes are unable to continue runng
with old methods" Consequently, the reYoiu-
+ionarv struggle which is going on is bound to
continue. Such, in short, is the feminist ap-
praissl Of the present situation in India
The renegades have their own philosophy
of the Indian revolution. The helpless mutter-
inc Of the Militant" is too inarticulate to make
anything out of it. You cannot possibly argue
with a parrot whether the habitual phrase he
filings at you is fool" or dictatorship of the
proletariat" for the simple reason that there are
no reasons given to it at all
The right-wing renegades, however, deserve
closer consideration. Honestly speaking, they
deserve even sympathy in their bereavement It's
no Joke: they have lost their Mahatma! How
long ago was it they proclaimed Gandhi "the
symbol of the revolutionary struggle of the In
dian masses? And now. 10 and behold: the
~svubol" has surrendered without asking the
permission of the masses! And has anybody ever
seen a revolutionary struggle proceed after having
lost its symbol and saint? Clearly, such an
eventuaIty is highly improbable. The Love-
stoneites being strictly objective, cannot there
fore but forecast a period of deep depression
induced by disillusionment, disgust Gall on &C
count of the loss of the ''symbol"D and ex-
haustion after months of struggle and sacrifice"
But let us be fair and quote the paragraph in
tlll:
F'The reaction of the local Congress COM
rnittee makes it pretty obvious that Gandhis
surrender will not meet with approval of the
masses of the Congress followers. Whether,
however, this resentment will manifest itself
in a vigorous movement for the continuation
of the liberation struggle or whether it will
lead to a period of deep depression induced
by disilIusOnment, disgust and exhaustion af-
ter months of struggle and sacrifices, depends
largely upon the influence that the advanced
revolutionaries in the nationalist movement,
especially the Communists, will be able to ex-
ercise" (RevoI Age March 14)
So at the most, the renegades concede, one
can expect a vigorous movement (not for hber-
alton, no! But. for the continuation of the
liberation struggles What does it mean and
on whom does it depend?
According to the same article, "the struggle
for Indian independence was initiated over
year ago as the result of the decisions of the
Lahore Congress" The National Congress, be-
ing the Communicated Of the revolutionary
movement (the heroic strikes of the Bombay
workers count for nothingD, it's naturally on
its attitude that the future of the movement
depends, The local Congress committees are now
debating: to accept Gandhis surrender or to
go on with their former activities. Will the
first tendency prevail, period of deep depres-
sion" ie the defeat of the revolution is in
evitable In the second case (and here the Com
munists are gracousy let in to play parD
there is still hope that the debate on continual
lion of the struggle may eventually turn into
g vigorous movement for the continuation of
the struggle" Since there is no way of telling
which side will get the upper hand in the Con-
gress committees, it would have been injudicous
for Mr.. Lovestone to favor one perspective at
the expense OF the other And so both per-
lepectiyes remain side by side. both equally pro-
babe, both having equal chances for their real
Ization.
Gandhi has surrendered, but the National
Congress is still debating his surrender. The
tate of the Indian revolution hangs the out
come of this debate. This is the analysis of the
Indian situation, as by the Right-wing.
negades, this is the sum-up of their wisdom.
Shat the masses do not debate the agreement
Of the Indian bourgeoisie with British imperial
Ism, but go on with the struggle, matters little.
What class does Gandhi represent in his sur
render, what is the class character of the In
dian National Congress = these questions are
above the comprehension Of the Roys and the
Iovestones, as they are consciously falsified by
The New York Times, which seems to be highly
displeased at the anti-Gandhist demonstrations
of the Bombay workers. "The comprehensive
damnation," writes this mouthpiece of Wall ST.,
Sin the same sentence of Gandhi and of the
Congress though the two are far from thinking
alike, is also familiar Communist style"
mot we" proudly answer the Right rene
gades, eve do not confuse Gandhi with the Ma
tional Congress" Seriously, Mr.. Lovestone, after
all there is still some consolation left for you:
you've lost Gandhi, your symbol, but you've
won over the New York Times. And who knows
ii in the end this substitution may not turn
out "blessing in disguise" for you and your
sscause"?
The Role Of the Indian Communist Party
It's a positive relief to turn from the sayings
and doings of the degenerated renegades to the
activities of the Indian Communist Party The
Indian Communists, in spite of all their weak
nesses, have already some achievements to their
credit. 1t is they who organized the first Red
Trade Unions in India, and thus, for the first
time in its history, opened for the labor move
rnent the way OF the conscious revolutionary class
struggle 1t is they who put up fight against
the treachery of the National Congress and with
the support Of the workers made Gandhi and
the Indian capitalists so unhappy over the re-
cent demonstrations in Bombay. The trouble
however, is that some of our Indian comrades
are not always consistent in their revolutionary
policy.
Three major tasks stand before the Indian
Communist PARTY todav. fhe hi1ildinp of he