The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1931-07-14

ger and its cover, making the fight against 1t
more difficult Our Party is hanlmering out a
correct line for the mass struggle of the unenl-
ployed, correcting errors and strengthening the
work. only by means of relentless struggles
against all deviations, against all forms of OPP
portunism, both right and "left"
In our trade union work we have not less ex-
IRENE examples of deviations The trade union
field remains our weakest point. Although we
have, in past months made some improvement,
weakness is still the main characteristic. This is
because first of all, of a lack of sufficient I'M
compromising struggle against deviations in
policy. The right danger is especially great here.
In this field we have still so little experience
in revolutionary mass work, so little concrete,
detailed knowledge of the problems, that even
the best-intentioned comrades who in general
understand the Party line, oftentimes find them
selves involved in the most serious right or "eft
errors, remnants of old trade-unionist theories
A general but vague knowledge of the Party line
is no guarantee against concrete mistakes.
The most open expression of the right danger
is the theory that, in times of economic crisis,
strike struggles cannot be successfully conducted
that they are doomed to defeat. 49,. The right
danger is not confined, however, to such gen.
eral theories. 1t expresses itself in manifold
ways, and in the most practical questions. In
the present miners strike for example. we have
had to struggle against nnumerable deviatons
both right and left" =. - liz
Throughout the Party we saw an opportunist
underestimation of the strike, reflected in slow
ness in swinging into action on relief work This
was a right-wing disbelief in the fighting ability
of the miners, which caused many comrades to
think that the strike will be short, will soon be
.&,;f,a F;oII Io,-o ,ol 10 hot
pessimistic tendencies, among some of our or
ganizers who, because of Imderestimation OF the
forces of the strike were ready to begin to speak
of and consequently call retreat when the min
ers themselves were organizing an advance. We
will undoubtedly have to guard very carefully
against these tendencies toward the premature
ending of the strike, which indeed means break
ing the strike Such tendencies can be more
clearly understood, if considered in relation to
the Music program. which they put forward for
the southern West Virginia miners who are I'M
der their leadership (see Labor Age, July, p.
s.. THAT the Union, will agree to sign up
friendly operators, thus playing off the conpa-
MES against each other" This Music program,
trying to base the strike struggle against some
operators upon the support of others, supposed
" friendly" is the typical conscious trade
unionist theory carried over from the days OF
the small-scale competitive industry, typified by
Samuel Gompers, theory which still cxerts
pressure unconscious within ~ s~n ranks
The cleft" deviation in the trade union work,
usually expresses itself in some variation OF the
theory of the offensive This is TO the erect
that strike struggles while of defensive char
acter in the pre-war period turns in general
into an offensive under the conditions OF the
postwar crisis of capitalism, because, it is ar
gued successful struggle today against wage
cuts is sufficient to bring capitalism to its knees
(See an analysis of this theory in RILU Mag
azine ~ 8, p. 20). In more primitive form
we oftaa meet it in our trade union work in the
United States. 1t is opporturlist in essence al
though covered up with a great deal OF radical
shouting about taking the offensive.
1t is necessary that our comrades, especially
the youth, should have more definite under
standing of these terms, defensive offensive"
and "counter-offensive" In the United States
the capitalist class is conducting vicious eco
nomic and political offensive against the work.
ing class Within the working class there Is
widespread rehabilitation and upsurge Of ac-
tivity and beginning of struggle. The mann
body of the working class is, however. as yet
only beginning to overcome the hindrances and
to resist wage cuts, speed-up, the starvation OF
UNEMPLOYMENT The beginning of the mass
actions has primarily defensive character,
Wherever this defensive movement begins to IN
yolve broad masses and sharpens the struggle,
it simultaneously begins to develop the elements
of a counter offensive against the offensive OF
the capitalists. The general character of the
small strikes that sprang up during the past per-
iod all over the country is, In the main, that OF
the defensive In the miners strike we already
see this defensive in the process of passing over
into counter offensive. This is true especially
insofar as the movement broadens to include
also the unemployed and puts forth joint de-
mands against the state for maintenance and
relief, and develops the political struggle against
the suppressive measures of police and courts,
the spirit of struggle and sacrifice OF the mas
ses on the picket line the growth OF class-con-
seriousness and organization of the movement In
the unemployment movement also we see the
counter-offensive developing in the hunger
marches and in the militant mass struggles that
are being made in various cities for adequate
relief at the expense of the capitalists and state
administered by the unemployed councils.
1t is therefore clear that it is absolutely wrong
to speak of the offensive of the working class
and the counter offensive Of the capitalists"
An example Of this wrong use of these terms
which can create an entirely erroneous political
atmosphere around our struggles, may be found
in recent issue of the Daily Worker, which
says: Increased mass pcketing at Piney Fork
and other mines Saturday morning checked the
counter offensive of the coal operators"
Ito be Continued.