The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1931-12-02

decisions of the Party to recruit during the
struggle. This shows the mechanical separation
of the Party from the struggles
AS a result of this mechanical separation
which was to be noted in even sharper form In
the Party press, and particularly the Daily
Worker, during the entire election campaign
the Party members regarded the election as
SEPARATE campaign, apart from the struggles;
as an unnecessary campaign, consisting chiefly
OF street corner meetings, rallies etc The cleo
ton campaign must be taken directly into the
shops factories, unions, mass organizations, link
ing it up with the struggles of the workers This
and this alone will cure the Party members of
their -parIamentarian attitude. In short
our methods of work in the election campaign
have been wrong-they are social democratic
methods lingering on in the Party, and must be
sharply changed
Once this attitude is corrected the struggle
will take place where it should occur, and the
Party will enlist In its work not only voters, but
noT-yoters, who will recognize the close connec-
ton between the struggle in the shops and the
election campaign, and that the Party Is the
leader Of ALL struggles Then they will become
active workers and fighters for the Party also
in the election campaign.
The campaign of correcting the attitude OF
the Party membership in regard to election cam
paigns land Of taking the election campaign into
the shops and among the unemployed and
directly linking it up with the struggles must
be conducted with all energy. We are approach
ing the elections of 1892, which will be of the
highest significance. Today in the third year of
the crisis, with unemployment increasing, and
the attacks on the workers intensifyng, with i'm
perialist war already being waged against the
Cz,- Sl VT~~9-
the voice of the Communist Party in every hall
OF parliament is imperative This voice will help
to rally the workers to further struggle 1t will
unite the struggle inside with the struggle out
side the parliament 1t win be the voice hurI-
ing the demands of the Communist Party and
the working class into the faces Of the ruling
boss class, the workers will challenge them
In the streets.
The bosses do and will do everything possible
to keep the Communists out of their parliament
tary halls. They steal their votes intirnidate
the workers, terroriZe their representatives In
parliament In Europe they murder them or
send them to the pententiary for daring to
present the demands OF the oppressed workers
Should not this alone convince the Party men,
bers and the revolutionary workers of the i'm
portance of revolutionary parliamentarisln--
fear of the bosses and their representatives of
the representatives of the revolutionary working
class?
Revolutionary parliamentarism is not a SUBJ
situte for the class struggle waged in the shops
and on the streets. 1t is part and an addi-
tional method Of conducting the strugge-it is
an important addition to our arsenal against the
enemy class. This weapon must not be given
up but must be sharpened. This can be accom-
phshed only if the Party members recognize
their terror, intensity their work, mobilize the
workers In the shops, make the union meetings
ring with the demands Of the Communist Party
and the needs Of the working class rally the
workers to support Of the Party, and on all fields
Of struggle challenge the bosses with the de-
nlands Of the revolutionary workers
1882 must see complete change in our atti-
tude and work. The remnants of syndicalism
and social democracy must be wiped out, and
our Party become a real Communist Party, link
ing up all struggles for partial demands with the
final aims Of the Party--the overthrow Of capt.
hlNm and Elae establishment Of Q Workers and
Farmers Government In tfe Omitted States"
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