Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1931-10-02


Cwho. after a comprehensive hrst-hand
opeTstio ~ Of 1fs the doIe IN Ensiand. has
continued that survey IN the Fatherland;
articles giving the results of his study
The system of so-called unemploy-
ment insurance which wrecked the
Labor government in England and
brought the present crisis in Germany
is really the child OF revolution.
1t should not be confused with the
other forms Of social insurance against.
sickness, cid age and invel ;dism which
have been carried on both in Germany
and England since before the var. The
idea upon which the plan to place every
unemployed person upon legally, in
sured basis was founded is $50 years
old. 1t has bobbed up in at least four
revolutions previous to the present revo-
lutionary period in which 1t seems 10
have reached full fruition' of its pos
Siblities in three European govern
ments-England Germany and Austria.
That is to say, 1t has exhausted their
financial resources to a point where the
solvency of each nation has become a
poignant consideration in the world, =.
In Germany provision for "uner1-
ployment insurance" first was made in
the so-callei Weimer consultation of the
Germ~n Republic in this language:
'E"ery German citizen shall be given
through work. In so far as appropriate
work cannot be found his necessary
sustenance will be cared for"
Echo From French Revolution.
This was an unmistakable echo from
the French Revolution. In 1871 prob
ably the first attempt occurred to en-
body in a federal constitution the legal
right to work, coupled with the obi
cation Of the state to support the in
dividual If he were unemployed and the
state unable to provide work for him.
In that year the French constitution
proclaimed the "droit au travail fright
to work.. This constitutional provision,
however, reached no real significance
until the French February Revolution
of l848. when Paris labor groups conf
PEELED the government to erect large
state factories to provide work for un-
employed. Soon after these commenced
operating revolts occurred in the fac
tories and, through the fear that the
constitutional right to work might lead
to communism, the famous "droit au
travail was eliminated from the
French constitution.
The principle seems to have entered
the German mind, however. AS early
as 1900 a prominent German philoso-
pher, DR., Fftchte, presented his views
in an extended theory called "Das
Recht auf arbeit" fright to work.. 1t
was discussed widely by labor groups,
but no action was gained until 1848,
during the revolution of that period,
when the Democrats introduced a reso-
luton in the Frankfort National Con-
vention asserting that constitutional
recognition of the right to work was
equal in Importance to recognition of
the sanctity of private property. The
proposition was rejected by a vote.
81 to ia. The question was shelved
for 20 years, only to come forward
again in the German Revolution of !
1918, when the labor unions succeeded
in having the article pertaining to the
legal right 10 work embodied In the
new Weimer constitution.
Agreements Reached in 1911.
There had been some discussion of
unemployment insurance in the Reichs-
tag as early as 1902 The German
states and communes had for some
years been trying to solve the problem
and alleviate the hardship Of Seasonal
Unemployment. In 1911 agreements
had finally been concluded with or
ganized labor groups upon collective
insurance basis. About 1914 were
included in organized labor groups,
winch were to set up a scheme to
solve seasonal unemployment. It was
not to be guaranteed by government
The outbreak of the World war stop
ped all activities along this line.
Then. on November IS, 1918. in the
midst of revolution. there appeared the
hrst German decree concerning unem-
ployment support. It was issued by the
Federal Bureau of Economic Demobili-
5ation." The text conceded. word for
word, with draft previously made by
the imperial government. According to
this decree, all communes were ordered
10 provide for organizations and insti-
buttons for the unemployed. The burden
was to be divided between the federal
government, the individual states and
the local towns and cities called COM
muneS. The federal government was to
carry three SiXths of the cost, the indi-
vidual states two-siXths and the COM
muneS one-SiXth of the financial bur-
den. Relief was to apply only to per-
sons. above IA years of age, able and
willing to work. who were UNEMPLOYED
and in need as result Of the war. IN
employment as a result of strikes and
lockouts was not given consideration
and still is excluded. The amo,Alt of
benefits to be paid was left entirely to
the communes. which we're authorized
&c refuse support to all unemployed
persons who did not attend special in
struction courses arranged by the COM
with the aim to promote
changes in occupation. Any person was
excluded who refused job, provided it /
did not endanger his health, threaten
his morals or make the support of his
family impossible. Thus. in this decree
Of 1918, was laid the foundation of the /
present law, which was adopted in 1927. !
During the intervening nine years, |
when unemployment did not reach a |
great figure, the scheme as admins /
tered by local communities did not APP
pear unavoidable.
Idea Works Way Into Politics.
Meanwhile, the Socialists, union la
1orists and other groups realized the /
possibility of celebrating the scheme
INTO federal law which would provide /
, great government bureau and estab- /
ish ponderous federal service. Thus |
insurance found its easy
Kay into politics and the various gen. !
'rous ideas for increasing the numbers