The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1931-07-30
"Wrongfully, Unlawfully, and
Forcibly"

claEst principles Of the second 1nternat onal? q
It is wrong to think that Morris Hlldutts in
terventionist program differs in any way from
the anti-Soviet program of Norman Thomas Of
the American Socialist" Party or of the Sec
ond International Perhaps, Hillquit put 1t
bit too awkwardly; perhaps his open interver-
ZIONIST policy is causing some embarrassment to
some of the more practical socialist" interven-
tionists who find it necessary to cover up their
intervention activities by q lot of hypocritical
assertions of friendship for the Soviet masses.
Norman Thomas himself is somewhat embarras-
sed by Tllquits frankness in the matter He
knows that an open interventionist program Is
a poor snare for "soul-catching' among the work
ers who are in sympathy with the Soviet Union
and It's socialist up-bulding. For this reason
Thomas is forced to concede that Hillqut's in
terventionist oil-suit seems to me to have
political significance contrary to the well estab-
lished socialist position on the right of ma
tionalizaton." 1t may seem at first glance that
Thomas grudgingly recognizes the right" of
the Russian working class to nationalize the
plumber possessions Of the Czarist capitalists
But this is not So Thomas "well-established
socialist position" is based on a still better
established socialist" position that the capital
lists must be compensated" and compensated
well, for their nationalized properties. He
makes quite a point of it in his book, Amer
ica's Way Out" saying that, There is much
to be said for corpensating those who first are
singled out for the Specialization Of their
property" for latter all, a great many
owners are guilty of no worse crime than play
ing the game by the established rules"
In other words, Norman Thomas fully sup
ports the position of Morris HilIquit, which is
also the position Of the British arch-interven-
zionist, the oil-magnate, Deterding, the position
OF the inperialists of all countries-that the
Bolshevik revolution has committed a wrong by
depriving the capitalists of their possessions
without compensation, and that the wrong must
be righted by military intervention.
Eillquit makes it quite clear in his affidavit
that he does not recognize the workers revo-
luton. Again, it is not his personal position.
The Second International does not recognize
the revolution either just as it is not recognized
by American capitalism, just as it has not the
recognition of the White emigres or the French
General Staff There is no difference between
Hillquit's not recognizing the workers revolu-
tion and Deterdings. Defending says the revo-
luton has stolen his oil properties; Hllquit says
exactly the seme tling. Deterdng maintains
that the former owners OF the Russian oil lands
are still legally and morally entitled to their
stolen" properties; Hillquit enphatically agrees
with him Deterding insists on getting back his
stolen" oil-propertes or at least part of them
Hllquit sets out to achieve the same end on
behalf of his Czarist clients
There is no difference between the Social
lists" intervention program and that of the i'm
periaists. The difference is only in the strategy
employed. The inperialists proceed more or
less openly with their intervention plans and
their drives against the Soviet Union, while the
socialists" seek to deceive the working masses
by show of friendship" for the Soviet work
ers, doing their utmost at the same time to dis
credit the achievements of the workers revolu-
ton, to lie about it, to mobilize the workers on
the side of Imperialism in the coming inter
vention against the Soviet Union, This, in
deed, is one of the specific tasks of the so
calists" in the joint plan of intervention or
gained by the imperialsts in close and willing
cooperation with the Second International The
Second International and its parties throughout
the world are the "Agitprop Department" of the
intervention, doing their utmost to propagan-
die the workers against the Soviet regime and
for the support of a capitalist war upon the
Soviet Union. The Second International has
already earned the name of war international"
by its cooperation with the inperialsts of every
country in the world war of 1914-191S 1t is
now entitled to yet another nane-the interven-
ton international, for in all truth and in all
fact the Second International and its various
parties, including the American Socialist"
Party, is an imperalist intervention agency, and
its leaders are active agents of inlperialist in
tervention against the Soviet Union.
The American workers will not be rnisled by
some of the intervention agents, like Norman
Thomas, who profess not to support Hil1quit's
Intervention policy. The American workers know
that Hoover, Mellon and Stinson are forging a
united inperialist front against the Soviet
Union. They must also realize that Hillqut and
his ilk are all too willing aides of the imper-
iaist interventonists.
Fight against imperialist war; Fight against
anti-Soviet Intervention! Fight against imper-
ialist war-makers! Fight against their Social
list" helpers! In the land of Hoover and Slim
son. in the land of Hllquit and Thomas the
First of August must be made day of stormy
mass demonstrations against imperialist war
and for the defense of the Soviet Union.