The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-01-11

gle between the workers and bourgeosie in the
United States and all other imperialistic coun-
tries is accompanied by the rise of wars for
colonial liberation, as well as imperialistic war
against the Soviet Union and among the i'm
perialists themselves. The present period of
economic crisis has brought the war danger
concretely and Immediately upon the stage of
history. The new world war is ripening before
our eyes. 1t is in the immediate perspective.
~. Under the pressure of the economic
crisis, the foreign policy of the United States
Government, carrying through its drive for ex-
banded markets, must sharpen considerably,
and find its principal strategy in manoeuvres
looking toward regrouping of forces, toward
breaking up the combinations hostile to its
imperialist plans, and securing allies in the
coming struggle with other imperialist powers,
a struggle before all with Great Britain, while
itself assuming hegemony of the imperialist
drive against the Soviet Union. This is the
main significance of the Naval Conference
opening soon in London. 1t will be an Anna
ment Conference, not one for disarmament"
or Limitation Naval powers have already
made their claims which they will present to
the London Conference for higher ratios.
Japan, France, Italy.) In general, the sys-
TEN of ratios does not imply reduction but
constant growth of naval ornaments, its OBJ
ject being merely to establish certain relation
of forces. The Conference is field of ma
noeuvres for favorable position for the opening
of armed struggle.
Is. The determination of United States i'm
perialism to assume leadership of the imperial
list offensive against the Soviet Union
once more demonstrated by the Stimson note
of November 2, and the mobilization of the
satellites of the United States in its support.
tha ot mir
to halt the peaceful settlement of the Sino-
Soviet crisis which was under way, was bril-
liantly defeated by Soviet diplomacy, the
strength of the Red Army on the Manchurian
border, and by the support of the International
proletariat. The sharp rebuke and defeat de-
livered to United States imperialism by the
Soviet Government must not allowed to become
the starting point of any illusions that United
States imperialism has abandoned its hostile
aims. More than ever, it will intrigue and
vancouver, in preparations for new and more
drastic attacks against the country of revolu-
ton, against the dictatorship of the proletarat
in the Soviet Union.
Sharpening of antagonism between the Uni
ted States and Great Britain develops stimuli
taneously with the offensive against the Soviet
Union. 1t is entirely wrong to speak of the
"imperialists setting aside their differences in
order to attack the Soviet Union; they proceed
to fight out their differences within their
united front against the Soviet Union. 1t is
equally wrong to say that because of the deep
antagonisms between the United States and
Great Britain, therefore, there is no danger of
armed attack against the Soviet Union. Near
ing). Both of these conceptions have the eff
feet of partially disarming the workers in the
struggle against the war danger, and both of
them, therefore, are effectively an assistance
to war preparations. In China we have just
witnessed classical example of the simutane-
Gus development of both struggles; the seizure
of the Chinese Eastern Railway was at one
and the same time assault by Imperialism
against the Soviet Union, and a struggle be-
tween the imperalists themselves for control
of the railway, and for the control of China,
a struggle carried on in both cases by means
of soldiers and armed battles. Similarly, we
see in Latin America the Anglo-American an
tagonism bringing about armed struggles be-
tween the adherents of the two imperialist
powers, in the sharpening struggle for mar
kets. The entire capitalist world is today a
powder-magazine, ready for an explosion.