The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-12

wards which we are to strive as an ideal. Let
US compare this chandler-shop wisdom of the
Trotskyists with the actual growth of produc-
ton in the last three years Q927-2S 1858 per
cent, 192S-29 24.3 per cent and 1929-30 SO per
cent? Let us compare the philosophy of cap
itulation of the Trotskyists with the AZ per
cent increase shown by the control figures of
the State Planning Commission for 1930-31,
exceeding the most rapid of increase of pro-
duction during the restoration period--and we
shall gain a clear conception of the entirely
reactionary character of the Trotskyist theory
of the descending curve" the whole profun-
dity of the Trotskyist lack of faith in the pos
sibilities of the reconstruction period.
This is the reason why the Trotskyists are
now lamenting over the excessive" Bolshevist
tempo in the development of industry and of
the collective farms.
This is the reason why today it is no longer
possible to differentiate the Trotskyists from
our Right opportunists
1t is self-evident that without destroying the
Trotskyist-R t-opportunist theory of the "des-
cending curve" we should not have been able
to carry out either a really planned system of
economy or to increase the tempo and shorten
the terms In order to guide the realization of
the general line, to c rect and improve the
Five-Y Year Plan of reconstruction, TO increase
the tempo, and to guard against errors in the
sary to shatter and liquidate the reactionary
theory of the "descc ~g curve"
As have already said, the Central Commit
tee has octed on these lines.
1t might be assumed that the work of guild
ing the building up of Socialism, Of carrying
out the general line of the Party, has proceeded
quietly and without friction, without struggle
and effort. But this is not so, comrades. In
actual fact the work has been carried on amidst
the struggle against the inner Party diff
cuties, amidst the struggle against all manner
of deviation from Leninism, both in the sphere
of general policy and in the national question
Our Party does not live and move in empty
space. 1t lives and moves in the midst of
daily life, and is influenced by it's surround
ings. And in our case these surroundings con-
sist, as you know, of various classes and social
groups We have taken up the intensified Of
fensiye against the capitalist elements, we have
made great Roadway with our socialist indus
try, we have exerted our utmost forces in the
development Ct the Soviet and collective farms.
Such advances as these are not without their
effect on the exploiting classes. AS a rule they
are accompanied by the ruin the disappear
ing classes, by the ruin of the kulak in the vii
lage, by the limitation of the field of activity
of the petty bourgeois strata of the towns. It
it quite Understandable that all this is bound
to arouse sharper class struggle, a greater
resistance to the policy of the Soviet power
on the part of the declining classes. 1t would
be ridiculous to suppose that the resistance of
these classes does not find its reflection, in one
way another, in the ranks of our Party And
as a matter of fact, it is reflected in our Party.
The reflection of the resistance of the classes
on the verge of extinction is to be seen precise
ly in the various deviations from the feminist
line observable in the ranks of the Party.
Can we carry on a successful struggle
against the class enemy without fighting sim
utaneously against the deviations in our Party,
and without overcoming these devations? We
cannot, for the reason that it is impossible
to take up the real struggle against the class
enemy so long as that enemy's viewpoint is