Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1930-01-13
BY EDWARD PRICE BELL.

by EDWARD fnACE BELL.
Gathering in London to arrange, If
possible, the apportionment of mari
time strength among the five leading
naval nations-Britain, America, Japan,
France and Italy-the delegates Of these
countries meet to essay the wise han
ding of the worlds most dangerous
political explosive-sea power.
How strong this power is for peace
we have tried to show. We have argued
that large-scale warfare with sea power
massed against 1t is out of the question.
Strong for peace, sea power is equally
strong in potentiality for war. It's pc
clAiarity in the latter respect arises
from the fact that while land fighting
may occur without involving navieS,
sea fighting is almost certain to involve
armies.
For so years before the great war
Continental Europe. the smallest of the
continentS-it has been called "a mere
peninsula thrust out from the great
mass of Asia"-waS a scene of recur-
rent tumult and bloodshed, while peace
reigned generally upon the seas. Rus
STA in that period fought twice; France,
Germany and Austria three times; Italy
four times. Every great European mill
tary people was engaged.
More Infiammable on Land.
Does any one suppose that sea war
fare, comparable In degree, could have
been waged during those years or could
be waged now without cognate dis
turbanceS on land? All the chances are
against such an assumption. They are
against it because there is a great deal
more inf1ammable material on land than
on sea and because war anywhere Is
highly likely to ignite inflammable ma
terial everywhere.
Fighting for peace at sea, the London
delegates will be fighting for peace upon
every square mile of ground where
military forces are maintained. The
f1ve-power Naval Conference. that is to
say, will be not merely q naval confer
ence of five powers, but a peace confer
ence of the world. Every structure,
ideal or concrete, has its ultimate foun-
dalton stones somewhere. The peace Of
the world has them in peace at sea.
Layers of ultimate foundation stones"
would describe very we'll those who put
firmly in position the basic supports of
maritime peace.
Dangerous as sea power Is at this
moment, 1t is far less so than 1t was a
year or two ago. Something happening
in the region of international law has
made the difference-the Briand-Kel-
logg pact. Previous to that treaty peace
at sea had next to no security. It stood
under a constant threat. Any war
spreading to the sea exposed the peace
of the whole maritime world to peril.
Recall War of 1872.
Recall once more the War Of 1924.
Britain and America fought that war
over the sea question. The sea ques-
ton again critically strained their rela-
lions during the American Civil War.
In the World War the same question
brought the two names a third t. ne to
the verge of trial of force. FJr any
state to make war prior to the BRAND
Kellogg pact was for that state to men,
ace English-speaking peace in all the
seas.
The situation was changed radically
by the pact. II a war breaks out to-
morrow, what happens? Some nation
tramples upon its solemnly plighted
honor. If this nation be Britain and
she begins to stop our ships, we shall
fight her. II the violator of the pact
be America and We begin to stop Brit
there the remotest chance Of either of
these contingencies?
Rule it out! Neither Britain nor
America will violate the Briand-Kel-
logg pact.
What Is Left?
Now, what is left? The possibility
1t is only possibility, and I, for one,
never expect to see it-that some ma
ton will take leave of its senses, dis
honor its signature before mankind, at
tempt to gain by war what it has sworn
to seek only through peace. What
then? That nation would be a violator
Of our treaty; for the Briand-Kellogg
pact, in the core of its importance-that
core being its universality-is more ours
than any one elses. Do you fancy we
should aid the criminal?
We might not actively join the de-
fenders-we are under no legal bond to
do so-though feel many of us hope
we should. But in any event we could
not support the aggressor. The Ameri-
can conscience. the American sense, I
will not say Of honor, but of elementary
decency, would not permit that. Neither
would Britain support the aggressor.
She would be much likelier to attack
him. Hence sudden, aggressive war
today unlike the situation before the
Briand-Kellogg pact, instead of threat
ening a British American conflict at
z