The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-05-29
BY E. GARDOS.
Cd. O., District 81


THE thesis of the Central Committee after
analysing the economic crisis and Its ell
fects stresses the task and possibility to WIN
influence and leadership over majority OF
the working class. This thesis, the first one
for many years which is IN line with the
C. L. properly speaks of the favorable obJec-
tive conditions and emphasizes the need OF
fully adjusting our methods and tactics to the
upward swing in the class struggle, to COM
plete the sharp turn we took with the ac-
ceptance of the C. |. Address and have begun
to apply through the Recruiting Drive.
The emphasis on methods and tactics is a
proper one, because the political line OF our
Party has been correct since the acceptance
of the c. /. Address. This does not mean, how
ever, that the Right danger which paralyzed
our Party for years is completely smashed
While the spokesman of American exception
aism have taken their place in the lett wing
of social fascism, the poison OF opportunlsm
is still not eliminated from the Party. Inc
Right danger, refecting the influence of the
bourgeoisie and working in their interest
still prevails and thrives in many fields Grade
unions, cooperatives, language papers and frac-
tions) acting as brake in the struggle, try
ing to isolate our Party from the masses, pre-
venting its growth in size and influence. Its
organized fractional ant-Comntern basis has
removed with the expulsion of the Lovestone
renegades but opportunistic tagging behind the
masses still exists and must be eradicated with
firm measures.
The expulsion of the Lovestoneites, the eco
nomc crisis, the sharpening Of the class strug-
gle and the achievements of our Party, how
ever took away most of the ground from
under the open right wingers The theoreti-
clans of the right danger gone and the
1haro IF thoSa w IN ODpnlV disagree with
line of our Party is very small indeed. Very
few members oppose our orientation towards
the factories, our trade union policies, the
. mobilization of workers for demonstrations
instead of the indoor concert celebrations OF
the past. They all agree-but in many in
stances this is only in words and not in deeds.
This verbal acceptance, coupled with the fall
ure or refusal to apply the Party decisions,
this Opportunism in practice is the most COM
mon manifestation of the right danger in our
ranks. 1t is so common, that many of our
comrades don't even notice it, not speaking OF
its exposure and elimination The preconven-
ton discussion which is to explain our tasks
arising out of the present situation and to
mobilize our membership for work, must throw
light upon these right practices and help the
Party to overcome them.
Opportunism in Practice.
Opportunsm in practice especially manifests
itself where the Party is engaged in mass
work (strikes, trade unions, etc., The COM
rades are put to a test here while applying our
line, leading the masses into struggle, fighting
and resisting the external and internal pres
sure of the bourgeoisie. Some of them only
see the difficulties in our way (our small num-
Der, the strength of the class enemy and do
not realize the readiness of the workers for
struggle. Instead of leading the masses, they
are tagging behind them. They accept in
words the decisions of the Cleveland conven-
ton, but when it comes to action one right
error is committed after the other.
Let's take the resistance to carry on Com
munist work in the shop or to build the T. U.
U. L. How many comrades are ready to
"work their heads Off in the club, the LID,
to do any and all kinds of Party work, but in
the shop where they working? They al
ways find an excuse for not doing this basic
work. The fractions in the TUUL show
crop of right practices, bureaucratic methods
('organizng" shop-committees through circu-
lars, failure to draw in new forces into the
leadership they throw out general slogans and
phrases instead of program containing con-
crete demands for the industry or shop; mar
row the work to mere propaganda, instead of
carrying on an aggressive organization drive;
agree with the orentation of the T.U.U.L. to-
wards the lowest paid workers, accept its or
ganizationa methods and strike strategy
but still stick to the old practices of the ALL.
Our fractions in the A. F. l.. "agree" with
the necessity of bringing forward the program
of the T. U. U. L., but in practice they con-
tinue to hide it, to make alliances with fake
progressives, to participate in elections in or
der to defeat" the reactionary without bring
ing forward our program. There are others
who quote Lenin's words of Communists par
ticipating in the reactonary unions, to resist
the building of the I. U. U. l.. in place of the
fascist unions textile workers of Easton, Pa,
some miners in the Anthracite).
Many of our foreign language comrades still
live in 1925-although they refuse to admit
it. They still expect to win the workers to
our side through cultural activities only (sng-
ing, lectures, hikes) and only "then can we
speak to them about the TUUL or the Daily
Worker" The campaigns Of the Party are
theory of gangsters doing the pcketing.
The Trade Union Unity League and Commu-
mist Party rallied all forces for support of the
strike, and the attempt of Schlesinger to use
this Red aid as propaganda weapon against