The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-09-10
Strike Strategy

for the moment or because of a certain poll
teal machine but that the police, the courts,
the press, the church, which according to the
illusions of capitalist democracy are not sup
posed to be class institutions, are really lnstl-
buttons controlled by and for the employing
class.
The workers have to learn that it is the
institutions that are used against the workers
and that these institutions cannot be used IN
the interest of the workers, and that 1t is only
through mass class struggle and pressure that
the police and the courts, can be made to YIELD
Teaching politics to the workers means to get
the workers to realize that every economic
struggle, even very small struggle for ex-
ample, the murder of Steve Katovis by New
York policeman occurred in a strike involving
only three workers) means fight of class
against class, and that the A. F. of l.. and So
cialist bureaucracy who deny the class strug
gle are the agents of the employers within
the ranks of the workers.
1t is important not to raise too many slogans
at once, but to carefully work out central slo-
gans that will rally the workers. Political slo-
gans will be of the greatest value only if they
are closely connected with the demands put
forward and in line with the path along which
the strike is being guided. To have meeting
of strikers adopt demand raise given
the meaning of the slogan is another. In the
first instance, it means they are raising slo-
gans and in their minds fighting for some
thing else. To understand the meaning Of
slogan means that it becomes a fighting de-
mand. Militant political slogans connected
with given strike may in its entirety be a
united political platform upon which the work
ers of all political beliefs may unite. As an
example, the slogan of unemployed insurance,
-oJ -, oJ>ct,o I'D,
it the endorsement of the Party's unemployed
Insurance Bill and the Communist candidates
in connection with the struggle for the 7-hour
5-day week, can be ralyng point for unit
ing the strikers and unemployed workers
around common political platform and the
activization of the workers for it's enactment
not merely during the election period but after
the election is over.
In the preparation for strike struggle, it is
especially important to draw the women work
ers into all strike committees, and set up spe-
cial women's departments to hold shop dele
gate conferences to discuss the special prob
lens confronting the women workers. Ration
aization of ndustry-the simplification of
machinery-has drawn millions of women into
industry, not only in light but in heavy basic
industries.
Working women and housewives have
played and will play an increasingly impor-
tant role in the developing strike struggles.
The demands of any strike must include spe-
cial demands for women who generally receive
less wages than men doing the same work and
are given no consideration during the period
before and after childbirth, a "crime" for
which they are generally discharged.
The tendency within our own ranks is to
minimize the Importance of special work
among women. This is shown by the fact that
there is no functionng women's department in
any Of the revolutionary unions and leagues.
In the election of ant-lockout or strike COM
mttees, the revolutionary workers must see
to it that sufficient percentage of women
workers are incluled. In those factories where
the vast aiority are women the strike COM
mttee should be composed of majority of
women.
In the settlement of strikes the comp any
union bureaucracy generally make their agree
ment with the employers at the expense Of the
weakest category Of the workers. the unskilled
especially the women, youth and Negro work.
ers. To defend and bring forward the de-
mands of these workers they must be drawn
into the leadership of the strike, and all COM
mittees should be composed of a majority Of
unskilled workers