Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1930-10-12
BY FRANK Fl. sIMONDs.


IF. nominaily, the British Imperia
Conference now in session is a DO.
htical conclave, practically it is ar
Il economic congress. When Jim
Thomas, speaking for the Labor
cabinet. announced that this govern.
nent was prepared in advance to con.
cede the right of secession to the sew
eral dominions, he only voiced a state
OF mind which is substantially iden-
tcal In all British political parties.
Three times in British history the
national government undertook to over
come the national aspirations of colo
MES: The first was the American Rev
olution, the second the Boer War and
the third the Irish struggle. The Amer
lean conflict was lost outright The
Boer War, which was a clear effort tC
establish rule in South Africa at the
expense of the Africander majority in
and out of British colonies, brought
brief military victory, followed by the
eventual supremacy of the Boer, both
IN his old free state and in Cape Col
ony. The Irish affair was, too, a lost
battle for Britain.
Today, India aside, the British people
have not the smallest thought of inter
posing force in the way of any wish
Tor independence of outlying domin-
ions. AS to India, the market and the
investment, Switch weighs with the
Labor workingman and the Tory capt.
taliSt equally although the material
element is reinforced by the sincere
conviction that a separation which
would mean economic disaster for
Britain would mean utter ruin for
India.
Trade Is Real Factor.
Thus. actually the Imperial Confer
ence Is concerned with the question of
trade. not empire-in fact, OF empire
trade, with the emphasis not on en-
ptre. There is, too, an odd paradox
between the British problem and that
presented by Brands project for a
United States of Europe. In the BRAND
project the effort Is obviously to employ
common economic interests and neces-
stiles to overbear the long tradition of
political rivalrieS. The economic unity
OF Europe is patent necessity, the DO
htical chaos Is the barrier to such CO.
operation.
But in the British Empire the OBJ
poSite Is the case. There is no tradition
OF rivalry, but rather a common in
heritance in language, race and ira
nition. And this is expressed in a tie
which at least nominally indicates
political unity. Nevertheless the prac-
IDEAL difficulties are not less, for the
politically united British dominions
are economically divided.
A great deal is heard these days,
thanks to the press of Lord Beaver
brook and Lord Rothermere, about en-
pire free trade. In theory it would be
an obviously natural thing for the
dominions, which chiefly raise food
stuffs and raw materials, to exchange
these for British manufacturers, within
the frontiers OF q common tariff sys-
tenn which equally protected raw ma
terials and manufacturers from foreign
competition. In such fashion the British
commonwealth of nations might follow
the example Of the United States of
America.
World Market Needed.
But the difficulties are manifold.
When all Is said and done the imperial
market is not sufficient to occupy the
machines Of Britain. Even the present
Incredible extent of unemployment
might be doubled If the British pro-
Queer were limited to the service of the
dominion consumer. For once duties
were put upon foodstuffs, costs of
British production, following increased
wages to the workingman this made
necessary, would put Britain at still
further disadvantage in the face of
competition, European and otherwise.
By contrast, the British market can
not suffice for the products of the
dominions, and these would be con-
fronted by the grim fact of counter
balancing discriminatory tariffs, II they
vastly extended the preference now al
lowed British manufactures by adopting
= comon tariff. But the real difficulty
Is not here What counts is that all
of the dominions are engaged In build
Ing up industrial systems of their own.
None Is ready to permit Britain to be
he factory, while 1t remains the farm.
Nothing suggests the reciprocal will
hgness Of Kansas to be agricultural