The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-10-20

CRelease of the International Labor Defense.)
NURING the 35 years from 1885 to 1880
first nine months) there have been 4,318
lynch murders by ruling class mobs in the
United States.
Lynchng is bloody weapon of the capt.
talist class against the working class, shown
by the fact that 1852 of those lynched were
whites, 1886 Negroes.
1t is exactly in the state of Georgia, where
six young workers (two Negroes and four
whites) are now facing judicial lynching
through burning in the electric chair, that
most blood has been she'd Georgia heads the
list of lynching states with lynch murders of
AL Negroes and "a whites during the 1885,
1880.
An Atmosphere of Lynching.
These figures give the startling facts ex-
posing the savage ruling class lust for work
ers' blood in the state of Georgia. Here are
the frank statistics of the "lynching" atmos-
phere, last year in Gastonia, North Carolina,
this year in Atlanta, Georgia, in which it is
proposed to amplify mob murder with judicial
murder. Rope and faggot, revolver and shot
gun, are the weapons of Georgia's ruling class
against discontinued labor, against underpaid
and jobless workers, Negro and white, now
transferred to the court room of capitalist
class justice.
The Boston Back Bay, coupon clipping para
sites of Massachusetts, proclaiming themselves
direct descendants of the slave-trading leaders
of the bourgeois revolution against British i'm
perialism in 1776, attacked the two Italian
workers, Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Van
zetti foreigners" and burned them alive in
the electric chair because they sought to or
ganize the workers in the textile mills and
shoe factories. The Boston Back Bay aristo-
Gratis have their duplicates in the South in the
lynch leaders of the Ku Klux Khan, the white
band of Caucasian Crusaders and the Amer
lean Fascist Association and Black Shirts
League, all boss class organizations to main
tain so-called white supremacy" which means
murderous dictatorship of vicious exploiters
over workers, both Negro and white.
In the week that the Atlanta bosses planned
to bring the two Negro workers, Herbert New
ton and Henry Story to trial as the first VIC
tins of judicial murder, three lynchings took
place in rapid succession in Georgia, while in
the neghborhood state of Florida, a white
worker kidnapped tarred and feathered
and badly beaten at Miami because he dis
tributed literature proclaiming the unity of
struggle of Negro and white workers and poor
farmers.
1t is in this situation that the whole cues
ton of resistance to the Atlanta persecution,
which seeks to burn workers alive because they
attempted to hold indoor mass meetings to
protest against unemployment and lynching,
becomes of paramount Importance for the
whole working class nationally and nterna-
tonally.
Defense of Negro workers in the Soviet
Union, shown in the quick punishment of
an American engineer who attacked Negro
worker at the tractor factory at Stalngrad is
sharply contrasted with the wholesale murder
of Negro workers and poor farmers in the
United States.
In all sections of the United States the
month of October is a month of struggle
against the lynching horrors, against lynch
ing, against the capitalist social system that
breeds lynching.
The struggle for the lives of the six Atlanta
workers, that must startle millions of workers
the nation over into action, remains the GEN.
ter of the mass protest of the international
Labor Defense
In the face of night riding lynch mobs, in
memory Of the fact that on the Third Ami