Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1930-06-08
HOOVER REBELS
AGAINST SENATE.
Refusal to DisgoFge Naval
Treaty Secrets Denotes
Administration Policy.
BY FREDERIC WILLIAM VILE.

BY FREDERIC WILLIAM VILE.
President Hoover's rebellion against
the tnquisitorial habits of the Senate,
as exemplified by his refusal to reveal
highly confidential information about
the naval treaty, signalizes a policy
from which he does not intend to be di-
verted. 1t is the policy of conducting
foreign relations along the lines pursued
by other great governments. whereby
information communicated in conf
dence is accepted in the spirit in which
it is supplied.
The administration holds that any
other system would mean not only
chaos in international relations, but
automatically cause foreign powers to
hesitate to deal frankly with the United
States. The President and Secretary
Stimson, it can be stated authoritative
ly. have the future in mind, as we'll as
the present situation in the Senate. In
so far as it lies within their capacity,
Mr.. Hoover and Col Stimson are de-
termined to do nothing designed to
compromise Americas dealings with
other countries in days to come. That
is the underlying significance Of the
administrations defiance" of the for
eign relations committee.
Every American who attended the
London Naval Conference was aware of
the necessity, common to all the dele
cations, of negotiating in spirit of the
utmost privacy and candor The Will
sonian ideal of open covenants OPEN
ly arrived at" had no place at London
and could have none. Every single
question that bobbed up had innumera-
bic angles. Practically without excep-
ton, they were angles which could not
be ironed out amid pitilesS publicity, but
could only be discussed and adjusted be-
hind closed doors and on pledge OF all
around confidence. This rule applied
to the American delegation, as well as
to the rest.
Ministers Tread Warily.
Prime Ministers Macdonald and Tar
disu found themselves under constant
compulSion to tread warily at London lest
any misstep on their respective parts
would cause serious political repercuS-
Sions in their own countries. The heads
of both the British and French delega-
tons functioned at the conference as
the leaders of minority governments"
Neither of them had back of him
stable majority Of his own party in
his Parliament. The partisan enemies
of Macdonald and Tardieu were ready
to leap at their threats the moment
they saw a pretext for doing so in any,
thing that happened at London. Neither
the British premier nor the French
minister president ever drew confer
ence breath or took conference step
without having to consider its effect
upon his own personal political posi-
ton at home.
For all >these reasons, Stimson and
his American colleagues were called
upon to negotiate amid the strtctest
secrecy. Every day they were told
things, either verbally or in writing, on
the obvious understanding that it would
go no farther. IT, even at this late date.
there should leak out at Washington
some of the representations made III
London during the late unpleasant
ness 1t is entirely possible that they
would prove to contain enough dynamite
to blow up governments now occupying
shaky parliamentary thrones in Europe.
Negotiations In Confidence.
American negotiations with the Japa-
nesa delegation were characterized by
the most meticulous confidence. MessrS
WakatSuki, Takarabe and MatSudaira
had to keep their earsto the ground at
Toxic every minute Of the time, for
the civilian government there was I'M
der incessant fire during the conference
from the japanese big navy party. The
Japanese delegates informed the Amer
leans from day to day just how things
wre going at Toxic, because the extent
to which Japan was able to come to
terms with the United States depended
on fiuctuating conditions in the island
kingdom. To set these forth required
plain and candid speaking at London,
and this took place, but always on the
basis that it was in executive ses-
SION"
Business Transaction.
What President Hoover and Secre-
tary Stimson are anxious to make clear
to the American people is that the
Naval Conference was nothing in the
world but a great big business transac-
ton. 1t was carried on like big bust
ness transactions are carried on in the
United States and elsewhere. Offers
are made by business men, offers are
rejected, counter propositions are put
forward, motives are diVulged, ob1ec-
tons are frankly explained, and in
hundred different directions the pros
and cons of a given situation are ex-
posed. But on both sides there is a
very distinct bargain, implied, II not
expressed, that what transpireS in these
conversations is for the
ears of the conferees, and nobody else.
The humbleSt corner groceryman in the
land knows that no, deal" could be
put through on any other basis. Inter- !
conferences are just like that. |
There is another aspect to the Sem
ate's demand for the inside informa- !
ton at London, and that is the fact
that this information is not Americas |
exclusive property. 1t is the property |
as well of Great Britain. Japan, France |
and Italy. It cannot be given away, |
without the groSsest breach of faith on
our part, without their full consent. |
Only within the past week the British
government was sustained in the House |
of Commons on its refusal to let a COM |
mittee OF inquiry-with powers like our
committees on foreign relations
and naval affairs-be set up to investi- |
gate the naval treaty. Premier Mac |
donald told the House that such an in |
would violate all British ira
He said 1t might seriously |
jeopardize the interests of the country. !
The House by big vote rejected the |
inquiry. ..-..
Senators Know Details.
Yet another factor enters into the |
Hoover administrations refusal to be
at Senator Hiram JohnSon's |
Two distinguished mem |
bers of the Senate-RobinSon, Demo-
crat, of Arkansas and Reed, Republican, !
Of Pennsylvania-were on the American |
delegation at London. They are familiar |
down to the smallest details with every