The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-01-18

to the workers political tasks. The former
runs as follows:
"The great industry masses together in a
single place crowd of peopl unknown to
each other. Competition divides their inter-
ests. But the maintenance of their wages, this
common interest which they have against
their employer, unites them in the same idea
of Observation-Disclosures The combina-
tons, at first isolated. form into groups
and, in face of constantly united capital, the
maintenance of the association became more
important and necessary for them than the
maintenance of wages. In this struggle
a vertable civil WARFARE united and developed
all the elements necessary for future bat
tie. Once arrived at that point, association
takes on a political character" (The Poverty
of Philosophy, p. 188.-Ed.)
Here Marx sketches, some decades in adj
vance, the program and the tactics of the in
dustral struggle and the trade union move
ment for the long period in which the workers
are preparing for "a future battle" We must
place side by side with this, number of
Marks references in his correspondence with
Engels, to the example of the British labor
movement; here Marx shows how, industry
being in flourshing condition, attempts are
made "to buy the workers" (Briefwechsel, Vol.
/, p. 1867, to distract them from the struggle;
how, generally speaking, prolonged prosperity
"demorazes the workers" (Vol. H., p. 218);
how the British proletarat is becoming "bour-
geoisified' how 'the ultimate aim of this most
bourgeois of all nations seems to be to estab-
lish bourgeois aristocracy and bourgeois
proetariat, side by side with bourgeoisie"
Vol. II, p. 29O); how the Revolutionary en-
ergy" of the British proletariat oozes away
(Vol. III, p. 124); how it will be necessary to
wait for considerable time "before the Brit
sh workers can shake off their bourgeois in
lection (Vol. III, p. 1910; how the British
movement "lacks the mettle of old Chartists"
(1866; Vol. III, p. 305); how the English work
ers are developing leaders of "a type that is
half way between the radical bourgeois and
the worker" (Vol. ~, p. 209 on Holyoake);
how due to British monopoly, and as long as
that monopoly lasts, "little can be expected of
the British workers" (Vol. w., p. 433). The
tactics of the industrial struggle lin connec-
ton with the general course and the outcome)
of the working class movement are in the let
tiers considered from a remarkably broad,
many-sded, dialectcal, and genuinely revo-
lutionary outlook.
On the tactics of the political struggle,
the Communist Manifesto" advanced the fol-
lowing fundamental MARKHAM thesis "Commu-
nists fight on behalf of the immediate aims
and interests of the working class, but in their
present movement they are also defending the
future of that movement" That was why in
1848 Marx supported the Polish party of the
"agrarian revolution-"the party which in
tiated the Cracow insurrection in the year
1885, In Germany during 1S48 and 1S49 he
supported the Left Wing of the revolutionary
democrats, nor subsequently did he retract
what he had then said about tactics. He looked
upon the German bourgeoisie as "incined from
the very first to betray the cause of the people"
(nothing but an alliance with the peasantry
would enable the bourgeosie completely to full