The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-06-03
By BILL dunno.

V.
The leaders of the capitalist offensive like
Owen D. Young speak out openly. The lead
ing journals of the ruling class show clearly
that Young based the statement we quoted
previously on existing facts. The Magazine
of Wall Street said on March %, 1880: THE
men and women who have been laid off will
find the way back to jobs strait and rocky
Owing to the ceaseless advance of the machine
many will never get back and perhaps will
never get anywhere in the job line"
Already millions of jobess workers, and
many of those still employed as in the south
ern textile tobacco and chemical industries
are living below the subsistence level-the
traditional standard of life for them has
been destroyed.
In the face of this mass misery, with work
ers who protest dubbed by the huidreds, with
the ias and prisons filling in every state
with militant workers and their leaders who
have taken part in strikes and demonstrations,
the socialist party, through Norman Thomas,
its presidential candidate, joins hands with
such enemies of the workers Mayor Walker
of New York City, sponsor for the fascist
chief of police Whalen.
On March 30, Thomas "on behalf of the
socialist party and the Emergency Conference
on Unemployment, sent telegram to Mayor
Walker, congratuating him adopting two
of the eight suggestions placed before him by
the two organizations He referred to the
proposal for municipal employment agencies
and the speeding up of subway construction.
The emergency unemployment conference
referred to was composed of A. F. of L. Of
ficials and socialists. Representatives of the
Communist Party, who led the demonstration
of 10000 New York workers on March 6,
and whose elected committee was arrested
when they appeared at the City Hall and SEN
fenced to three years in prison, were excluded
from this conference on the suggestion made
by Thomas and agreed to by Mayor Walker.
1t is in this manner that the socialist party
betrays the interests Of the millions of I'M
employed and aids the capitalist class in its
attempt to drive the standard of living of our
class below the subsistence level.
Without organized resistance by the masses,
without the organization Of powerful industrial
unions, without struggle on all fronts for the
program of immediate and partial demands
and the revolutionary program of the Com
munst Party the capitalist class can force the
working class back to the slave status.
This historical or social element, entering
into the value of labor, may be expanded, or
altogether extinguished, that nothing re-
mains but the physical limit. (MarX-Value,
Price and Profit.
Marx points out further how the English
landowners depressed the wages of the agri-
cultural aborers even beneath that mere ply
steal minimum, but made up by Poor Laws
(the Infamous workhouse system.-B. d. the
remainder necessary for the physical perpetu-
alton of the race"
"This," says Marx, "was glorious way to
convert the wage laborer into a slave, and
Shakespeare's proud yeoman into pauper."
One can see in the industrial sections of
'the New South the horrible results for the
working class of process similar to this. 1t
is the plan of the ruling class to Improve"
this system and extend it to the entire Amer
lean working class.
1t is this program of American capitalism
which Matthew Vol, vice-presdent of the
A. F. of L. (and acting president of the Civic
Federation-the premier directing agency of
the fascist coalition of ALL. officials and big
capitalists) and who on the eve of March 6
wrote an open letter to the police and govern
ment officials urging armed suppression of
the coming unemployment demonstrations,
was defending when he stated in an article
in the New York Herald Tribune
"Those who rail at both Communism and the
American Federation of Labor really ought
to wake up and discover that the federation,
whether they like it not, is holding the
first line of combat in defense"
1t was this slave program of American i'm
perialism that William Green, president of the