The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-06-19

the workers that the action of the Leading
Committee actually weakened the strike, be-
cause the endorsement of the Communist Party
brought nothing to the cause of the shoe strik-
ers and created more enemies. Every dema-
gogue and social fascist was able to use the
argument that the Communists are not inter-
ested in winning better conditions for the work
ers but are only interested in using the union
for certain gains for the Party, not in class
sense but in the narrow organizational sense.
The District Executive Committee of the Party
in New York did not pay sufficient attention
to this situation and therefore overlooked these
mechanical methods used by the leaders of the
Party fraction in carrying out Party decisions.
1t failed itself to carry these issues, in this
as we'll as other struggles, to the mass of work
ers. The result was that Unreasonable harm
was done to the Party and the union in the
entire situation.
This same failure to watch the situation
closely, brought on certain left errors which
though of minor character hindered the strug-
gle against the Fright" Thus the District Ex-
ecutive Committee did not realize, early enough
in the struggle, that the ground was not prop
erly prepared for the 40-hour week slogan. The
resulting failure to change the slogan at a
certain point in the struggle was an error.
The opportunist elements in the union tried to
use this error to cover their own wrong line.
The above cited points are only examples,
they are sufficient to show that it is fact that
we did not succeed in defeating the right dan.
ger as Leninists should-basically and funda-
mertally-by winning the workers to an I'M
derstanding of feminist analysis of the feat
ures of the current historic moment and the
tasks which dialectically flow from this analy-
sis for our Party and class.
The present Party discussion should serve
this purpose. If, however, one judges by the
discussion in the units in such districts as New
York and Philadelphia (of which we were able
to inform ourseves) then one must say it does
not. In many cases the discussion consists of
vague cancellations about the world crisis and
the third period. Or it consist of criticism of
details of organization. The relation of one
phase Of our Party program to another must
be made clear. Tactics to analysis; organiza-
ton forms to political tasks; slogans to poll
teal detectives; the proper understanding of
these relations is basic weapon in the strug-
gle against the right danger.
In this discussion also right tendencies are
manifest which are not so easily recognizable
which are therefore even more dangerous Right
tendencies which are pronounced on the floor
of the discussion are comparatively easy to
fight against. These are tangible. In our cur
rent discussion there is a right danger which
expresses itself in passvity towards the dis
cussion. In part at least this passivity re.
fleets a certain defeatist spirit among some
comrades. In one section where we held a
discussion, out of full meeting of function
aries only an insignificant handful partic
pated. After much urging one comrade arose
and spoke as follows:
"Well, if we must speak, let US speak
frankly. You speak of rehabilitation. Where
is it? 1t is true we had some big demon
STATIONS mi Hrhe he tro
have been concentrating for many months on
certain factories. We do not even have one
contact This shows the workers are not
responding There is no use of making radi-
calization out of thin air."
In another section, comrade who finally
arose Tin the spirit of putting her head in the
guillotine for the sake of TRUTH spoke along
this line:
THE workers are only responding to agi-
tation in general way. They do not want
to organize with because they feel the
moment is not here. This is no radicaliza-
ton"
In some units the right tendencies were
more bold. Expressions were heard about
knowing to the left too rapidly" "isolating
ourselves" etc. 1t is not impossible that many
of the comrades who do not speak have ideas
running in this direction but do mot speak be-
cause they are conscious that the Party recog.
nzes such expressions part of the right
danger. The discussions in the units are alb
normally lacking in liveliness. Some comrades
say that it is reaction to the verboseness of
the fractional fight. This is. only a superficial
answer. Passivity towards the discussion, es-
pecially by the older members who are at
present the greatest offenders in this respect
must be fought as part of the right danger
Sharp Self-Criticism But No Pessimism
Our point of concentration in the discussion
must be to win our comrades to the tasks out
lined by the Central Committee on the basis
of an understanding of these tasks in the
light of the objective situation. A sharp strug-
gle must be carried on against expressions of
defeatism and passivity, some of which we
have just cited. We can point to the facts:
Where we made the correct approach to the
masses of workers we obtained unprecedented
response;
That the failure to achieve greater organ
ization is not caused by lack of militancy on
the part of the workers (although the general
ly low political level of the American working
class, compared with, let us say, the Ger
man workers is a factor), but the dispropor-
ton between our influence and organizatonal
strength is brought about largely by our own
inner organizational weaknesses.
That even in this respect there has been
considerable progress. Thus, for example,
where a year or so ago we could speak only
of about Is per cent of our membership really
active, this year we can show 1910 per cent
active
That the shortcoming of the moment does
not lie in any factual retrogression of the rev.