davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Brownsville herald. [volume] (Brownsville, Tex.) 1910-current, 1930-12-19
81 L q. HRAY

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Brownsville herald. [volume] (Brownsville, Tex.) 1910-current, 1930-12-19
Day In Congress

III Ths Associated Press
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Brownsville herald. [volume] (Brownsville, Tex.) 1910-current, 1930-12-19

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Brownsville herald. [volume] (Brownsville, Tex.) 1910-current, 1930-12-19
SLOTTED

me boaStfGl finzncer was dis
cuSSing MS career Il cEe my
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Brownsville herald. [volume] (Brownsville, Tex.) 1910-current, 1930-12-19
CITRUS MARKETING PROBLEM
FACING GROWERS OF VALLEY
1881 Seen AS Turning Point In Situation
By Writer Closely Allied With
This Major Industry

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Brownsville herald. [volume] (Brownsville, Tex.) 1910-current, 1930-12-19

@ E r1 e an 1E
" -rlrE AZ E Cr &c
uaEE z- -LE tz5e rlr m1z Z-
Tz TIE OF Ur-r AND
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15

basic capital, which will bring in its train
feverish temporary boom in industry and in
commerce. Further, this way of putting the
problem says too little also because it leaves
quite out of account the specific peculiarities
of the present situation"
Now, comrades, what are the logical conclu-
sions that naturally flow from the rejection of
the description of the economic crisis as a
typical cyclical crisis occurring in the period
of the decline of capitalism? From this is
drawn the idea of a "bottomess" crisis. This
results in the rejection of the subjective role
in the revolution of the Communist Party and
the actions of the revolutionary class. 1t leads
to the idea that the revolution will be made
by the automatic processes of capitalism. This
is opposed to the feminist theory of the revo-
lutionary role of the Communist Party. This
is our answer to all those who raise the cry
of opportunsm against those mentioning the
reaching of the bottom Of the crisis, of the pos
sible liquidation of the economic crisis.
Two Forces
Comrades the forces that are moving toward
the revolution are of two kinds. One is the OBJ
jective situation, including the economic crisis,
including the disintegration of the capitalist
rule, the machinery of capitalism, the base of
the ruling class and its passing over more
and more to fascist methods of rule. These OBJ
jective factors in the development of the revo-
lutionary situation are moving in every capt.
talist country very fast. Another factor is the
subjective revolutionary factor--the conscious
ness of the working class, its degree of radi-
calization and the degree of leadership # the
Communist Party over these forces 1t is these
subjective factors which will be decisive in
determining the question: Will the capitalist
class be able to get out of this criss? The ac-
Invites of the working class can give the an
swer to this question and no other answer ex-
cept the degree of organization, the degree of
militancy and struggle under the leadership of
the Communist Party by the working class and
it's allies. The moment one tries to get away
from this as the basis for the answer, that
comrade has got himself over to the grounds
of opportunism and not to the grounds Of
r~~i-sn~r.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15

Secondly, Lenin never said that the aDoAl'ioI
of national enslavement and the unltlcaton OIL
the interests of the nationalities was equlVaA-
emit TO the abolition of national differences we
have done away with n~tional oppression. we
have abolished the national privileges anu es-
tablished equality of national rights. we nav
dastroved the state frontiers in the old sense
Of the word, the tol-houses and customs OFFICES
once dividing the peoples of the Soviet Ohlon'
We have established the unity of the economic
ana political interests of the peoples Oh Vhe
Soviet Union.
But does this mean that we nave aooAlSheu
all national differences: the national languages
cultures. habits and customs, ETC.! 1t Is Clear
that if does not mean this. But If the national
differences are maintained-language culture,
habits of living etc.--is it then not clear thaT
the demand for the abolition of the national
renubIjcs and territories in the present hlstor-
icaI period is reactionary, and opposed 10 1he
interests of the dictatorship of the proletarlat!
10 our opportunists not grasp that to abollsh
the national republics and territories at TINS
iuncture would mean depriving the masses OF
+he peoples in the Soviet Union Of the possloli.
itv of education in their mother tongue OF
having their own schools, courts OF justice, au-
ministration, and other public organizations
and Institutions in their own language; that 1t
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15

drawn their conclusions from the collective
decisions adopted by the !. L. u. Congresses
in spite of all this the R. I. L. U. has ac-
complished great work in uniting, rallying
and ideologcally welding together the forces
of the international revolutionary trade union
movement
Lenin on the X. I. L. U.
Lenn foresaw this role when in 1921, in his
message Of greeting to the first Congress of
the r. |. L. U. he wrote:
ut is hard to find words to express the
full politicacl Importance of the international
, congress of trade unions. The winning of
the members of the trade unions for the
idea Of Communism is proceeding steadily
forward in all countries, in all the world; not
evenly, not regularly, but uneveny, overcom-
ing thousand hindrances, but nevertheless
marching steadily forward. The inter-
national congress of trade unions accceler
ates this movement. Communism is gaining
the victory in the trade unions. No power
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15
Ill. The Party

would mean robbing them of the possibility OF
participation in the work of building up So
cialism? Is it not clear that our opporrunists,
hunting for a pseudo internationaism, have
fallen into the hands of the reactionary Great
Russian chauvinists, and have completely for
gotten the slogan of the cultural revolution
in the period of the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat, which applies equally to the whole OF
the peoples of the Soviet Union, both for the
Great Russians and the non-Great-Russlans.
Thirdly. Lenin never said that the slogan
of the development of national culture under
the conditions of the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat was reactionary slogan. On the con-
trary, Lenin invariably advocated that the
peoples of the Soviet Union should be aided
to develop their national culture. 1t was
under the leadership of Lenin, and of no one
else, that at the X. Party Congress the reso-
luton on the national question was drawn up
and passed, in which we read:
at is the task of the Party to help the
working masses of the non-Great-Russlan
peoples to overtake advanced central Rus
STA; to help them; (a) to develop and con-
solidate the Soviet system of state on their
own territory, in forms adapted to the ma
tional habits and customs of these peoples;
(b) to develop and consolidate the powers
of the courts of justice the administrative
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15
The Political Report the Central Committee to the XVI Party Conge
ohe Communist arty the Soviet Union Stains Address June 49,

tartan dictatorship involves the rejection of
the necessity of the cultural advancement of
the non-Great-Russian peoples of the Soviet
Union, of the necessity of general compulsory
education for these peoples, and means aban-
doning them to mental enslavement under re-
dictionary nationalists?
Lenin actually did designate the slogan OF
national culture under the rule of the bour-
geoise as reactionary slogan. Could this
be otherwise? What is national culture
under the rule of the national bourgeoisie?
This culture, bourgeois in content and national
in form, has for it's object the poisoning of
the masses by means of nationalism, and the
firmer establishment of the rule of the bour-
geoisie. What is national culture under the
dictatorship of the proletariat? This culture
socialist in content and national in form, has
for it's object the education of the masses in
the spirit of internatonalism, and to establish
more firmly the dictatorship of the proletariat.
How can these two fundamentally differing
trends be combined without violating Marx
ism? Is it not clear that Lenin, when COM
batting the slogan of national culture under
the bourgeois regime, aimed his blows at the
bourgeois content and not at the national
form? 1t would be foolish to suppose that
Lenin regarded socialist culture without any
national factor, without this or that national
form. The members of the Federation" did
attribute this nonsense to Lenin for time.
1t is, however, we'll known fact that Lenin
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15
The Economic Crisis
BY BURcK.

crisis is wiped out and launchehd into a general
decline of capitalism. This question was raised
in the Third Congress of the Communist In
ternatonal where some comrades came forward
with the idea that in the period of the decline
of capitalism there could be no ups and downs,
and the Third Congress very definitely rejected,
and eliminated from the political life of the
Communist International, the idea denying the
recurrence of the capitalist cycle in the period
of the decline. The cycle is fundamental
law of motion of capitalism. AS long as CAPT.
talism as a system is operating, the capitalist
cycle will also operate.
For the benefit of those comrades who want
to have their conviction on this point supported
by word from the C. l., want to quote from
the concluding speech of Comrade Manuilsky
in The enlarged presidium meeting published
in No. % of the Inprecorr. Regarding the
cyccal crisis, Comrade Manuilsky summed up
as follows
"Ono of those who spoke here declared
that questions such as that of the character
of the present crisis and of its nature are
academic, and that tactical conclusions may
be drawn independently of whether this is
cyclic crisis or whether it represents an
expression of the general crisis of capital
ism. Such way of putting the problem is
absolutely wrong, for the question of revis-
ing marx teachlng on tne SUBJECT OF crises
is for every Communist far from academic
question. 1t is question to which every
Communist must give the reply. Secondly,
to say only that the present crisis is purely
the expression of the general world crisis
means to say either too much or too little
1t is too much because, after all, it is not
absolutely beyond the bounds of possibility
that after the present world crisis, which
is deepening the general world crisis of carl
talisn, the capitalist world will live through
new wave of capitalist naturalization, that
is to say, new period of restoration of
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15

in the world will be able to stay the col
lapse of capitalism and the victory of the
working class over the bourgeoisie."
The ten years existence of the r. l. L. u.
confirms the correctness of this prediction
made by Lenin. The development Of the revo-
lutonary trade union movement is proceed
ing not regularly nor evenly; it is overcom-
ing thousands of difficulties; but it is march
ing steadily forward, that is the chief thing.
Therefore, the proletariat of the Soviet Union,
engaged in the task of building up Socialism
in the land of the proletarian dictatorship, in
sending its greetings to all revolutionary
workers fighting in the ranks of the r. /. L. IT,,
expresses the firm cconviction that, in the
approaching hard political and economic strug-
giles in the capitalist and colonial countries,
the r. /. l.. U. and its sections will know how
to lead the masses under the flag of the Co.
mintern in the fight for the dictatorship of
the proletariat and for the victory of Com
munism in the whole world.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15

protested vigorously in his works against this
Islander, and ASSOCIATED himself from such nom
sense. Is it possible that our worthy oppor-
tunists are going to follow in the footsteps
of the federation?
After all this has been said, what is left
of the arguments of our opportunists? Moth
ing but juggling with the banner of inter
nationalism and elimination of Lenin.
Those who deviate in the direction of Great
Russian chauvinsm are greatly mistaken
when they believe that the period of the build
ing of Socialism in the Soviet Union is
period of the decay AMI liquidation of national
cultures. The reality is exactly the contrary.
In actual fact the period of the dictatorship
of the proetariat and the building up of So
cialism in the Soviet Union is, a period in
which national culture-socialist in content
and national in form-flourishes. The fol-
lowers of this deviation obviously do not grasp
that national culture is bound to develop
with fresh power with the introduction and
establishment of general compulsory education
in the mother language They do not grasp
that the backward nationalities can be made
to take part in the building up of the socialist
structure only by means of the development
of their national culture. They do not grasp
that here precisely the basis of feminist pol
icy lies in the aid and support given to the
peoples of the Soviet Union in the develop
ment of their national cultures.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15
(From Speech Delivered at the Seventh Con-
Yention of the CP.U.SA)
By EARL BROWDER

(From a Speech Delivered at the Seventh Con-
yention of the C.P.U.SA.)
NOW on the question of the crisis, Conlrade
IN Smith (fraternal delegate from the G. T.
of Canada) is alarmed by the fact that the re-
porter for the Central Committee maintained
the possibility of the liquidation of the eco
non1c crisis and at the same time he does not
understand why our thesis begins with the eco
nonc crisis and not with the third period. OF
course the third period is in our thesis. Per-
haps we do not mention the third period in
every paragraph This | think is one of the
signs of development of the Party, that we
can deal with the third period in concrete
terms, as we do in our thesis, and do not de-
pend upon the use of phrases. l think we have
succeeded in this and one of the achievements
of the pre-convention discussion is that this
convention dealt with certain concrete aspects
of the third period with special attention to
the sharpening expression Of the third period,
the economic crisis.
Is it not correct for US to take the economic
crisis as the starting point? Yes, it is cor
rect, because it is precisely the economic crisis
and the specific feature of it i'll the United
States today, as well as in the capitalist world
generally, which determine, and in specific rec
ognition of which we must work out, pro-
gram OF actioh; anu DISCUSS anu Apply inns
program of action in the thesis of the con-
yention. .
Then the next question brought out by Com
rade Smith: Is it correct for us to refer to
the economic crisis as cyclical crisis? Ger
tainly, here we must also say that the Party
thesis is correct, and Comrade Smith wrong.
We say it is typical cyclical crisis occur
ring in the period of the general decline of
capitalism. 1t is not true that when capital
ism begins to decline the classical cyclical
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15

and economic organs using the native lam
guage, and of the native organs familiar
with the mentality and habits of life of the
native population; (c) to develop their press
and schools, theatres clubs, AMI educational
and cultural institutions generally in their
mother tongue; I'D to organize and develop
a comprehensive network of courses of in
struction and schools, in their native Ian
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15

guage, for general education and for voca-
tional instruction
Is it not clear that Lenin fully and def
nitely approved the slogan of the necessity of
developing national culture under the condi-
tions given by the dictatorship of the prole-
tarat?
Is it not clear that the rejection of the
slogan of national culture under the prole-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15
BY ROBERT DUNN.

TAKE any factory in the Soviet Republics
and you can see for yourself how the trade
unions operate at the point of production"
Here, for example, is big cotton mill spin
ming yarn and weaving shirtings to cover the
backs of the Russian farmers and workers. A
car from the center of Moscow will take you
to it in Is minutes. Some 5000 workers, car
ders, spinners, doffers, weavers, loom fixers,
winders and Wrappers, are on the job in this
plant. When l first visited the plant in 1928,
their hours were 8; in 1927 they still worked
eight. Now they seven. The Five-Year
Plan and the building of Socialism brings
shorter hours to the workers.
Get off your street and enter a building
opposite the big weaving shed, two-story
building formerly occupied by boss in the old
days when bosses were rich and arrogant.
There are no private mansions for bosses in
the new Russia.
The Factory Committee.
Go up the stairway to the second floor. There
you find one door marked Protection of La
Dor Committee" another "Culture and Educa-
tion." Then there is door marked "Factory
Committee" which is the main committee. The
other committees are it's subordnates.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-08-15
Unions Are OF, By and For the
Workers in the b. S. S. r.

This is the fifth IN e series Of short arti-
cles aUhich attempt to tell the aoorkers OF
America something about the conditions Of
auorkers IN the Souiet Union. Matthew Vol
and his monarchist friends talk of Russian
labor Vhtch as 'forced' and "indentured."
1t is not "free," he says. To answer such
astounding lies the Daily Worker as]ted the
Labor Research Association to prepare seq
eraI articles dealing Nth various phases of
Soviet life.
The millions of workers all over tbs a0orld
aoho unite Nth the 100000 SoUiet Union
aOorkers IN the Red International Of Labor
Unions already Welt knoa0 that Vol rs lying.
But, on, the tenth anniversary of that R.IL.
u, aud on the date of its Fifth World Con-
gress, it is fitting to give the figures and
facts about conditions in the factories Of the
land qDhere 1oorkers haze aoon the Victory
over capitalism and are consolidating their
0oins-EDITOR