Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1930-12-21

The fun text OF the speech of Sena.
Cor Hiram w. johnson, against United
States participation in the World
Court, in the National Radio Forum
last night, follows:
At time of national depression anc
disaster, when there are want and suf
fering in our land, and the energies o.
those in authority, high and low, are
devoted to aiding and relieving our PEG.
pie, the President has seen fit, after
holding it year, to send to the Senate
the League of Nations Court: and the
Foreign Relations Committee of the
Senate, at least thus far, has seen fit tt
postpone its consideration until Deem
ter next. The time of consideration is
one of relative Importance. Is it more
important for the Senate to devote itself
To a highly contentious proposition OF
taking America into European organ
ism, or is 1t more important irnmedi-
ately to direct our energies to our grave
crisis, wherein is not only unemploy-
ment, but dire distress of our own peo-
pie? Some of us believe we should first
remedy our ills and relieve our own
people before undertaking to become a
part of an international machine whose
aid to humanity thus far has been
wholly illusory. But the highly financed
international organizations, with their
nor1d and eXtravagant propaganda, are
again in fun cry, bludgeoning the Sem
ate and demanding the immediate rati-
flcation of the present protocols, which
would make us member of the court,
World Court and League Linked.
A decade has passed since our people
had before them the League of Nations.
IN 1920 overwhelmingly they repudiated
Lne League. In 1880 it is sought, in
0lrectly and SurreptitiouSly, to take us
into the League. The same organiza-
lions, the same individuals, the same
newspapers, with exactly the same de-
mandS, arguments, animadversions. de-
nunciations and Misrepresentation that
numbered for our entrance into the
League of Nations 10 years ago, today
In like fashion seek to drive us into a
part OF the League of Nations. Their
utter rout by the American people in
1870 taught them the lesson of diplo-
macy. BY indirection now they en-
Ueavor to remedy their failure then.
IT is an amazing intellectual stulti-
ncatlon to assert that the so-called
World Court is not part of the League
OF Nations. The League of Nations was
begotten by the Versailles treaty. The
League appointed committee of ex-
perts TO draft scheme for the organi-
cation of the court The secretary
general of the League pointed out that
the court was to be most essential
part OF the organization of the League
OF Nations" The French representative
described the two institutions as COM
Elementary to each other. The official
spokesman Of the committee stated the
new court being the judicial organ of
the League of Nations can only be
created within this League" The stat
ute Of the court came into being by
resolution of the Assembly of the
League. The court was intended to be.
and is, the judicial tribunal of the
League. The general policies of the
court are defined by the League. The
judges are selected by the League. The
expenses Of the court and the salaries
are determind and paid by the League,
and through its organization the court
is attached to the League. But be-
yond this, the all-important provision
Tor advisory opinions transmutes this
so-called court from the category of
judicial tribunals into a Diplomatic
pawn of European politics Once before
we had this court under discussion and
our Nations adherence to it was F1ar-
rowly averted, and narrowly averted
solely because the advocates of the
court recognized the dangers inherent
IN 1t to our country and themselves
insisted upon safeguarding reserva-
ton.
In 1926 the Senate passed resolu-
ton adhering to the court with five
reservations, the most important of
wl1ich-the fifth-provided that the
court should not. without the consent
OF the United States. entertain any
request fer advisory opinions touching
any disputed question in which the
United States has or claims an in
terest. This reservation was not ac-
ceptable to other nations, members of
the court. and we were saved from
ourselves then by their refusal to con-
sent to our conditions. In November,
1925, President Coolidge, in a memora-
bic speech at Kansas City, said that
the situation had been sufficiently de-
veloped so that he felt warranted in
saying that he did not intend to ask
the Senate to modify its decision.
Thus the matter rested until the early
part Of 1929. Unquestionably there
were negotiations between some repre-
sentatives of the League of Nations
and some individuals in this country
Exactly what we do not know, but
in the early part of 1929 this great
country of ours, having taken its def
mite position, and having constantly
maintained that position until then,
went. cap in hand, to Geneva to beg
a reconsideration of the position taken
by the Senate and conclrred in, APP
parently. by the President of the
United States. 1t was the fifth res
ervation, concerning advisory opinions,
around which the controversy ragged,
and repeat that this fifth reserva-
ton was prepared by those who ia
vored the adherence of this country to
the court, in collaboration with at least
one great international iurist, init
mately connected with the court itself.
What caused the sudden shifting in
position announced by President Cool
idge in November 1926, to the preca-
tory attitude of February and March,
1929, is yet an unsolved mystery. Mr..
Root. during the latter period, took TO
Europe the Senate reservation and he
brought back something entirely diff
ferent, and it is this entirely different
thing we are now asked to accept. 1t
is difficult TO explain to the lay mind
the mischief of the so-called advisory
opinions OF the court 1t may suffice
to describe these advisory opinions as
opinions rendered by the court at the
request CT the League OF Nations upon
matters of controversies deemed peril
nent or appropriate by the League.
Lawyers have often described the court
as functioning, not only as quasi