The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-04-28
By V. I. LENIN.

Kharkov in 1900, drawn up by the hhafkoV
Committee of the Russian Soclal-Democratic
Labor Party on the basis of reports sent III
by workers themselves. 1t was sent to us as
correspondence, but consider 1t necessary
to publish it as a separate pamphlet because
of its bulk, and also because 1t Will De pos
sible to secure wider distribution. In another
six months, the Russian workers will celebrate
the first of May of the first year of the new
century. and it IS time we set to work to
make the arrangements for organizing the
celebrations in as large number OF centers
as possible. and on as imposing a scale as
possible, not only by the number that Will
take part in them, but also by their organized
character BY the class-c consciousness they Will
reveal by the determination that Will be
shown to commence the irrepressible struggle
for the political liberation Of the Russian peo-
pie and consequently, for free opportunity
for the class development OF the proletarlat
and its open struggle for socialism. 1t is time
to prepare for the Forthcoming May Day cele-
brations, and one of the most important mea-
sures of this work of preparation must be to
get acquainted with what the soclal-democratlc
movement in Russia has already aehleved, to
examine the shortcomings of our movement IN
general and of the May Day movement IN par
ticular. to devise means for removing these
shortcomings and obtaining better results.
The Kharkov May Day celebrations Illus
trate how the celebration of a labor holiday
can become great political demonstration and
they reveal what it is we lack to make these
celebrations really great All-Russian dem
onstration of the class-conscious proletariat
What made the May Day celebrations in khar-
kov an event of outstanding importance? The
mass participation of the workers in the strike
The huge mass meetings in the streets, the
unfurling of red flags, the presentation of de-
mands indicated in leaflets and the revolu-
tionary character of these demands-eight-
hour day and political liberty. The legend
that the Russian workers have not sufficiently
grown up for the political struggle, that their
principal duty is to conduct the purely eco
nomic struggle, and only slowly and very
gradually supplement it by partial political
agitation, for partial political reforms; that
they must not take up the struggle against
the whole of the political system of Russia
that legend has been totally refuted by the
Kharkov May Day celebrations. But we de-
sire to draw attention to another aspect OF
the matter. Although the May Day celebra-
lions in Kharkov have once more demonstrated
the political capacities of the Russian work
ers, they have revealed at the same time what
we lack for the complete development of these
capacities.
Inc hhafkOV SOcldl-DellocrdIS tIleu 10 pre-
pare beforehand for the May Day celebrations
by distributing pamphlets and leaflets, and
the workers drew up preliminary plan of the
general demonstration and of the speeches
that were to be delivered in the Konnaya
Square. Why did this plan break down? The
Kharkov comrades say because the forces of
the general staff" of the class conscious So
cialist workers were not evenly distributed;
there was an abundance in factory and a
lack of them in another; because the work
ers plan was known to the authorities who,
of course took measures to divide the workers.
The conclusion to be drawn is obvious:
lacked organization. The masses of the work
ers were reused and ready to follow the So
cialist leaders, but the general staff" failed
to organize a strong nucleus able to distribute
properly all the available forces of the class
conscious workers, maintain proper secrecy,
/, e., to arrange things in such way that the
plan drawn up beforehand should be kept Sc
cret, not only from the authorities, but from
all those outside the organization. 1t must
be composed of men and women who clearly
understand the tasks of the social-democratic
labor movement, and who have absolutely re-
solved to take up the determined struggle
against the present political system. This
gapjzation must combine within itself the
cialist knowledge and revolutionary experience
carried on for decades by the Russian revolu-
tionary nteligentsia and the knowledge Of
working class environment and ability to agi-
Late among and lead the masses, which is
characteristic of the advanced worker Above
ali We must avoid drawing artificial dis
tinction between the intellectual and the work
ers; we must not form purely labor" Or
eanization but strive to unite the workers with
the intellectuals. To illustrate our point
quote the following words expressed by G.
Plekhanov: "a necessary vondition for this
activity (agitation) is the consolidation of the
already existing revolutionary force. Circle
propaganda can be conducted by men and
women who have no mutual contact with each
other whatever and who do not even suspect
each others existence. Of course, the lack of
organization always affects propaganda, but it
does not make it impossible. However, in
period of great social excitement, when the
political atmosphere is charged with electricity,
when now here and now there, on the most
varied and unforeseen pretexts, outbreaks
cur with increasing frequency, herading the
approaching revolutionary storm--in a word,
when it is necessary either to agtate or re-
main in the rear, at such time only organized
revolutionary forces can seriously influence the
progress of events. individuals then become
impotent; the revolution can then be carried
forward only on the shoulders Of units of a
higher order: Revolutionary organization. &C.
Plekhanov, the Tasks of Socialists in the
Fight Against Famine p. 49,
Precisely such a period is approaching in
the history Of the Russian labor movement, a
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