The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1930-07-04
By l. AMTER.
written in Jail.)

Nav First did the best work of the organs of
the different Parties. The Daily Worker not
only had good general propaganda and agita-
tion abnI! the economic crisis and its de 1A-tat-
ing effects upon the American workers, but
also b1'ir the crisis abroad. Not only The
editorials but the worker correspondents
helped to make the Daily Worker a real
mobilizer.
After March 9th, the Daily Worker linked
up the situation and The demonstration with
preparations for May First, thus connecting
up the two events and the preparations for
May First integrally with the struggle against
the crisis and its effects upon the workers.
After May First, but not so effectively, the
Daily Worker connected up March 9th and
May First with the conventions of the various
revolutionary unions and with the National
Unemployment Convention on July 4th. After
July 4th comes the election campaign.
The agitation since May First has not been
what March 9Th was-but this not the
fault entirely of the Daily Worker. The work
er correspondents have not been so active
since May First (nor before May First as COM
pared with March 6th). This indicates that
the comrades in the districts have not been
on the job
Language Press Falls Down.
How the language press functioned in the
campaigns has not been thoroughly investi-
gated. But we can take it for granted that,
with exceptions, language press has not
been up to the mark. The old traditions of
our language papers have not developed worker
correspondents dealing with the vital questions
of the crisis as they should. (The Liberator
and the Woman Worker, although in English
are especially faulty in this respect; on the
other hand, Labor Unity has tremendously i'm
provedD
This situation must be radically improved
if the entire Party press is to function as part
of the election machinery. This has two sides:
the editorial staff, and particularly the COM
rades in the districts. The corps of worker
correspondents must be increased if the cleo
ton campaign is to develop properly.
Each district must Immediately organize its
worker correspondents and develop new ones.
Explain thoroughly to them the significance of
the election campaign, connecting 1t up with
the fight for unemployment insurance, strikes
against wage cuts and for wage Increases for
the 7-hour day, 5-day week, for equal rights
for Negroes, against imperiast war prepare
tions, for defense of the Soviet Union, and
the other Party issues. If this is not done,
the campaign will not be what it can be in
this period-a real mobilization and organiza-
ton of the workers for the struggle-an OPP
portunty such as the Party has never had.
If this is not done, will again find as we
have found in the past, that the masses will
support the Party in economic struggles and
in demonstrations, but not in the parliamentary
struggle.
Leaflets Are Important
The Party press, by far, does not exhaust
our propaganda and agitation. The districts
will issue leaflets leaflet is an important
document, and just as the Cominterr has
pointed out that editorials must be short and
popular in language, the leaflets must also
follow these directions if we want them to be
read and produce an effect on the workers.
The districts must be aware that such words
as DECENTRALIZATION" "chauvinism," emporium
ISM" etc., are not understood by the American
workers The American working class has not
had the theoretical training that, say, the Ger
man workers have had for 40 years. There is
not in the United States the mass of working
class literature and popular pamphlets that
was issued in Germany and England. We
have vet to create t. literature and reach
with it the masses of workers that have been
permeated by the Parties of Europe. Other
objective and subjective conditions make our
work more difficult in this field.
Therefore, brevity and simplifcation must
prevail in our leaflets if they are to be eff
fective One should not attempt to deal with
everything in leafet The leaflets should
be so planned land they must be panned)
that one or few important phases are en-
phaSlZeQ IN edcn one, even IIOuSH tHeIe may
also be a general leaflet.
And most of ADJUST as in all our work,
these leaflets must be concrete. We must deal
not only with conditions, national and inter-
national but especially with conditions in the
particular states and cities in which the cam
pagn is being conducted.
Then come shop papers The report of the
organization department of the Party in the
June Communist shows dsgraceful situation
in regard to shop papers in certain districts.
Some long-established shop nuclei do not is
sue shop papers (some refuse to do so, others
see no particular conditions in their plants,
etc. The Party must insist that each ard
every shop nucleus establishes and regularly
issues it's shop paper. During the election
campaign special editions should be issued.
These shop papers must not merely carry
on agitation against conditions in the plant
but connect them up with the general cond-
tions. The subdivisions of articles into "econ-
omic" and political" must end There is
general practice throughout the districts to
put the same political article into each shop
paper issued in the district The result is
that the political article is almost an abstrac-
til as far as it's relation to the workers OF
The particular shop arc concerned. Conse-
ouently the workers do not well understand
their connections with national and interna-
tional developments in the working class move
ment.
Examples Must BE Cited.
For example, when speaking Of the Soviet
Union, its introduction can be effected best