The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1929-09-26
BY MILTON BRONNER
NEA Service Writer

II OlNOOINs OCBb. SO.--LA <AAlACAACcN
IL and England this fall succeed
in reaching a friendly understand
ing. they will, perhaps, have gone
long way toward establishing an
other century of peace between the
two great English-speaking nations.
But to get down to this question
of our relations with the world and
particularly with the European
world, it is we'll to get down to the
bedrock of realities; to discard all
romanticism and all Sentimentalism.
The average American, remember
ing how we fed Belgium during the
war, how we held out a helping
hand to all stricken European ma
tions after the war, how we brought
them food and clothing and medi-
cineS. is apt to delude himself into
the belief that many of these ma
tons must love us. 1t is pure tosh.
No Nation Loves Another
No nation ever loves another ma
ton. The allies of today are often
the enemies of tomorrow. The thing
that looms biggest in the minds of
Europeans is the eternal question
of the international debts.
All the allies owe us money and
most of them have agreed formally
to pay at least a part of it, stretch
ing over a great period of years.
The Europeans never for min
ute forget this matter of the debts
their nations owe us. And the Ger
mans are no exceptions They are
not paying us much directly but
they are paying us indirectly and
they never are allowed to forget it.
They are made to believe that had
we not been so exigent in demand-
ing that the allies shall pay us, they.
in their turn, would have been more
lenient with Germany.
But that is only half the story.
Some of the very figures that make
Americans feel proud of our PROS
perity give Europeans a huge pain.
Sec U. S. as Simon Lcgree
They arc not getting any joy out
of the knowledge that over three
billion dollars has been invested by
Americans in European industries.
They see in this only another way
of making them pay tribute to rich
America.
Add their high taxes and our low
taxes, our prosperity for all classes
and their struggle to exist, and it
is easy to understand their frame of
mind.
OF all the Europeans. the British
feel closest to us. They best UNDER
stand our way of doing things De-
spite the constant undercurrent of
grumbling about the hard bargain
we made with them in the matter
Of their war debt to us, despite
certain inferiority complex they feel
when they look at their army of
unemployed and their crippled in
dustries and their high taxation, the
British have met every friendly
gesture from the United States with
q counter gesture of amity.
Brought on Many Wars
This, despite the fact that we de-
mand naval parity; that VIC are
croWding them out of markets; that
we are sharing with them the fnan-
cial hegemony of the world; and
that we are building up as a mer-
camille marine power.
And that is an entirely new atti-
tude in Britain's history. Sooner
or later in past times, whenever a.
country challenged Englands SUI
premacy on the seas or in COM
merce, England ultimately went to
wal and brought down the threat
ening rival
1t was the secret of England's
contest with Spain centuries ago. 1t
was the story of England's fight with
Holland 1t was the epic of her
yesrs-long struggle until Napoleon
was sent to st. Helena. 1t was the
impelling treason why England
threw her might into the balance
against the ex-kaiser of Germany.
Good for Business
President Hoover and Premier
Macdonald can say to their re-
spective nations that the peaceful
understanding they are trying to
bring about is not only good in
ternational policy, but very good
business as we'll.
From the cold standpoint of dol
lars, England and her great domin-
ions are our best customers. Last
year the balance of trade in our
favor was S1,037. 699, 900.
In other words, nearly four hfths
Of our foreign profits came from
our trade with the British empire.
Another century of peace between
the United States and the British
empire means another century of
good business for the United States.
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