Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-12-09

Interesting comments come from the
country in response to the suggestion
from Edward N. Hurley, wartime head
of the Shipping Board, that peace in the
world could be assured by the co-opera-
ton Of leaders In the Industrial world.
who could withhold war materials from
belligerents. Some Americans are will
ing to debate the subject. but the pre-
ponderance of national opinion is that
tne government would, or ought to,
control such matters
GO to i'll" exclaime the Cleveland
Plain Dealer, and that paper continues
~ Is q large order. Hurley knows it.
He's practical business man. ,The
TACT that he believes in this peace plan
should be potent in influencing other
| business men. If he can con-
vince them that another war would
bring losses that might overbalance the
pronts. II he can convince them that
another war might carry all away in
launching his plan"
! Mr.. Hurley correctly declares" con-
cedes the Worcester Telegram, that
the Will to peace Is now so manifest
ana so widespread that the issue of
peace versus war is no longer discussed
extensively. and that most of the de-
pate today is regarding the means of
obtaining peace. He also correctly de-
cIares that this concern over methods
Is most striking proof that the ma
tons have made substantial advance
from conditions under which the great
majority OF mankind regarded war as
a natural phenomenon as inevitable as
WIND and wave. But when he So con-
ndehtIy describes his plan as practical.
ne appears to place too little Importance
on the fact that wars are waged bv
nations and not by private individuals
ana organizations. OF course, the ma
lions, the governments, act usually as
tne people wish. But isn't it reason
able to assume that If wars are to be
eliminated, the eliminating must be ac
compllshed by the people acting through
their govelnments?"
Very obvious difficulties must occur
70 any one" according to the New
orleans Item. An extensive belief
exists, for instance, that industrial and
commercial rivalries are themselves
among the most fruitful impulses '' to
war, however their effects be "a
mouf1aged. On the other hand. quite
regardless OF the underlying impulses
to war. 1t Is quite questionable, once the
war hySterla Is aroused in a nation
that the leaders of its industries. wheth.
er sympathizing with this or not could
stand against the popular clamor. Mr.,
hurieys suggestion seems to us, for
the present, rather the expression of n
good ideal than the solution of a prac-
tical problem"
1t is question" In the Judgment
OF the Rochester Times Union. "wheth-
er the control which these men are
supposed to exercise over kew indus
tries would hold good under the strain
OF war orders. We do not yet seem to
have reached the point where we can
separate commerce from war; they go
together when they do not pursue one
another. A world still suffering from
the wounds of war realizes that some
thing stronger than a mere gentlemen's
agreement between leading industrials
is rqulred as safeguard But Mr..
Hurley's proposition is not without
merit. 1t might very we'll indeed be
used to supplement anti-war treaties be-
tween governments"
Business interests. including NUM-
ton makers" recalls the Philadelphia
Evening Bulletin. "have often been ac-
cused of bringing on wars, although it
would be dif1cult to show their respon-
sibility for any Of the major conflicts
of history. But If they may be absolved
from the guilt for wars otherwise cause
less, they should not have attributed to
them powers which they do not, and
ought not, to possess over the govern
ments to which they owe allegiance.
To say that they could prevent war by
control Of the worlds natural resources
is to admit they can dominate the mod
ern economic structure in every coun-
try, regardless of government Peace
dependent on the benevolent despotism
of international industrialists would be
precarious possession"
Two objections to the effectiveness
OF Mr.. Hurley's plan immediately sug-
gest themselves" states the Detroit