Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-11-14
BY FREDERIC WILLIAM VILE.

r
Herbert Hoover has fired another
shot which, like that at Lexington, Is
destined to ring around the world. Ais
doctrine that food ships should have
unmolested right Of passage in time
Of war Is bound to stir UP endless diS-
cussion, especially in Great Britain.
1t has Immediately occurred to OBJ
servers In shington-American as
well as foreign-that in his Armistice
day speech last night the President
appears to have proclaimed the doctrine
seas" BY implication, at any rate,
Hoover favors combining such "free-
dom" to food ships. He conspicuously
refrains from any reference to other
kinds Of ships.
Between the lines of his utterance
many authorities, therefore. read that
the President Is ready to concede the
right of a belligerent nation to seize
II it commands the sea-ships carrying
such cargoes as oil, coal, metals; cloth
ing, arms, munitions, everything, III
fact, not describable as food. To grant
such a right seems to run counter TO
Americas traditional attitude on free
dom Of the seas"
Our attitude, since the foundation of
the Republic, has been that as long
as the United States is itself not at
war, our ships of commerce, when not
loaded with obvious contraband COLI
signed to q belligerent, are immune
from interference. The basic reason
for a strong United States Navy is our
anxiety that American commerce on
the high seas shall always enjoy ade-
quate protection while we are engaged
in the legitimate trade pursuits of a
neutral power.
AS everybody remembers, the British
government and the British navy Wig
orouslv challenged that old-time Ameri-
can doctrine IN 1914. 1918 and 1916.
More than once during our long diplo-
matte controversy over neutral trade
rights" there was a possibility we might
enter the war in their defense, on the
side of Germany. AS soon as Uncle
Sam entered the var, in 1917, on the
side of the allies the American Navy
joined with them in closing the seas
to Germany, even more tightly than
already barred.
President Hoover does not say that
he preached the food ship PROPOSE
ton" to Prime Minister Macdonald in
Washington, but Europe published cir
cumstantial reports that he did so.
There were also published alleged state
ulcIlCS OI DI4Iloil PuDllC ulCLl-OIC, dL@
tributed to Philip Snowden, Labor chan
cellor of the exchequer-
bitter remonstrance against the idea.
Yet there Is some reason to believe that
the free food ship question did crop up
in the HooVer-Macdonald fireSide con-
versations and that 1t by no means en-
countered the prime minister's hoStil-
ity. In New York on October IL Mac
donald dramatically depicted BritainS
FOL m -An -INVsvNn nxA
plies from abroad. He specified the
perpetual shortage Of food in John
Bulls islands and how speedily they
could be starved"
The German submarines illustrated
the fact graphically in 1917 and 1918.
When Admiral Sims arrived in London
in April, 1917, Immediately after the
United States declared war, the first
thing Admiral Jellicoe told him was
that unless the U-boats could be
checked Britain would be starved into
surrender within 80 days.
Il y X u
Yet the British people know that 1t
was sea power that brought about the
hunger blockade" destined eventually,
along with American military power, to
force Germany into submission. 1t re-
mains to be seen how ready Britain now
is to give up the power, which she
possesses in her fleet, to bring another
kaiser to his knees some day. It goes
without saying, having accepted the
principle of naval equality with the
United States, that the British harbor
no such grotesque idea as ever starving
America into submission, in the event
of an Anglo American war. The situa-
ton, from John Bulls standpoint, has
Just been tersely set forth In Foreign
Affairs by distinguished Englishman,
Philip Kerr, who was private secretary
to Lloyd George during the latter's war
time premiership. Kerr says:
1.-THE whole difficulty arises from the