davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29

of principle directed against the
Minority.
Why do we, supporters of the
Minority, occupy so much time in
criticising the Minority instead of
the Majority Lovestone-Pepper
leadership?
For two principal reasons: %
The Lovestone-Pepper group already
stands condemned for its political
line. ~ 1t is the special task of
the Minority, as the nucleus of the
future leadership of the Party, to
take up seriously the struggle
against its own defects, and to dc
so in the open before the whole
Party and the C. I. This is con-
tribution in that direction.
The Problem of Trotsky.
The sudden outbreak of Trotsky-
ism in America, through the chan
mel of Cannon and his friends, has
increased the difficulties OF the
Party for the moment, although
eventually it may prove to have
been a healthy purgatiye, Riding
the Party of essentially unhealthy
elements. Within the Party, Can
mons influence will prove-has
proved-very small, and to raise, as
Lovestone has done, the cry Of dan
ger of a split in the Party, is fac
tional demagogy directed toward an
other purpose than the fight against
Trotskyism. The danger of Trot-
skyism, and of Cannon, IN America,
lies in that with the support of
wealthy middle-class liberals it
spreads its poison of suspicion and
distrust toward the Comintern and
toward the Soviet Union among the
masses of workers outside of but
close to the Party, among those
many tens of thousands of workers
who follow our leadership in the
trade union struggles. 1t is very
easy to obtain an almost unanimous
condemnation within the Party of
Cannon and Trotskyism, but it is
a more difficult and complicated
task to overcome the effects of his
propaganda among the non-party,
left-wing masses.
This phase of the struggle against
Trotskyism has been completely
brushed aside by the Lovestone-
Pepper leadership, in favor of
special interpretation of the Trot-
skyist danger, invented to fit their
own fractional needs of the moment.
They proclaimed to the Party, that:
% The only channel open to sup
port the c. l. and the Soviet Union,
is through support of the Lovestone-
Pepper group, (2) That Trotskyism-
Cannonism is "the most consistent
and developed system of opportun-.
ism" and that it is the 'rallying
center of opportunism in America
both inside and outside the Party"
With this program Lovestore has
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29

! In the world market, American i'm.
perialism is ever more sharply en-.
countering the limitations raised by
rival imperialists, in the form Of
sharper price-competition as we'll as
the form of colonial monopolies
The gap between productive capa-
city and actual production is con-
stantly widening; the number of
workers engaged in industry is posi-
lively shrinking; structural unem-
ployment has made its appearance
in America involving millions of
workers. Therefore, further expan-
sion lea0s inevitably to more dras-
tic attacks upon. the living stand
ards of the masses and to an at
tempt at the armed redivision of
the worlds markets. This is thus
the period of approaching the apex
Of growth Of American imperialism.
2. The foregoing factors are
RAPIDLY eliminating any exception
al" features of American imperial-
ism which might require different
tactical line for the C. I. in Amer
lea; more and more do American
problems fit in to the tactical
world orientation of the C. I.
3. There is a general process of
rehabilitation of the masses, as yet
vague and underlined but deep and
full of potentiality. Already our
Party has found itself, as a whole,
dragging behind this process of
rehabilitation, and it required the
beginnings of independent mass ac-
tons, undertaken even sometimes
without the participation or knowl-
edge of our Party Colorado min
ers, textile, coal, subways, oil, auto
n1obiles) to force even the Minority
into an energetic struggle for re-
orientation Of the Party generally
on this question.
A, The A. F. of L. continues to
move to the Right, Incorporating it
self more fully into the capitalist
structure in every sense, and mar
rowing its base even more to a few
privileged or highly skilled groups
building, printing!. This fact, in
conjunction with the beginnings of
rehabilitation of the masses, makes
necessary and inevitable the rise of
a new mass labor movement, organ
lied outside the A. F. of L. into
new unions. The conscious Left
wing elements must set the organ
ization of the unorganized into new
unions as their central task in this
period.
5. 1t is necessary that the Party
program shall base itself upon an
exposure of the illusions of "pros-
perity" which have no reality for
the masses, upon the growing
acuteness of the class struggle, upon
the ripening contradictions of Amer
lean Imperialism at home and
abroad, upon an energetic struggle
against naturalization and the war
danger, upon the necessary "inter-
Matchmaking" Of the working class
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29

by alliance with the colonial indie
pendence movements and unity with
/ the revolutionary workers of all
lands. 1t must struggle against
every tendency to adjust itself to
prosperity" Of American imperial
ism.
These are the two perspectives
which are struggling for mastery
of the American Party. The first
perspective is represented by the
present Majority (Lovestone-P Pep
peri; the second perspective is that
of the Minority (Bittelman, John
stone, Foster lack, Browder,
Dunne). Under pressure of c. 1.
criticism the Lovestone-Pepper Ma
jority has greatly modified the ex-
pressions of its line, but it still
stubbornly clings to it's essential
features, striving to hide them un-
der a cloak of phrases, to conceal
them in lengthy, interminable docu-
ments, while it conducts the sharp
est kind of fractional struggle
against the Minority which raised
the issue of the Right danger, and
which has been fighting for a line
in America closer to that of the
C. I.
The Weaknesses of the Minority.
Although the Minority has been
conducting during 1928 an essen
TALLY correct struggle within the
American Party, still it would be
wrong to use this fact to avoid dis
cussion of the weaknesses of the
Minority. Equally incorrect would
it be to speak only of the strong
points of the Minority, which are
generally we'll known in the C. /.
(Such as its proletarian character,
contrasted with the intellectualist-
artistic composition of the Love-
stone-Pepper leadership; it's long ex-
perience in the American class
struggle, contrasted with the Love-
stone-Pepper group, most of which
graduated from the colleges and
universities into the Central Com
mittee of the Party; its American"
origin and base in the movement,
contrasted with the foreign
language group" origin and base of
the Lovestone-Pepper group; etc.,
ETC.
For the Minority at present,
very searching self-criticism will be
of much more value than constantly
to boast about it's strong points. 1t
also has its weak points, and unless
these are relentlessly searched out
and energetically overcome, the
Minority cannot effectively fulfill
its function as the nucleus for a
Bolshevist, stable leadership around
which the American Party can be
unified.
What are some of these weak
nesses? A few of the most i'm
portant of these may be listed as
follows:
l. Lack of coherent, clarified
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29
The Platform of the 1rotsky
Opposition in the Soviet Union

(Today we reprint the sections of
the Trotsky Opposition platform in
the Soviet Union, dealing with the
very important question of housing
and Improvement of production, to-
gether with replies by the Politbu-
reau of the C. P. S. U. While the
figures are not up to the minute,
they deal with the situation which
existed at the time that Trotsky
made his proposals. There has, of
course, been progress in all fields
since the time that this material was
written.
The Trotsky question is not a
Russian question, but one that af-
fects the International working class
movement. However, it is highly
important to know the platform of
Trotskyism in the Soviet Union and
the reasons why it has been over
whelmingly rejected by the men,
bership and leadership Of the C. P.
S. U. as well as by the Communist
Parties throughout the world.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29

Those leading comrades of the
world proletariat who made scien-
tific surveys on the resources of
American imperialism surely could
not fail to see the DISQUALIFICATION
OF the South is more than a shift
ing of the textile industry from New
England, they could not fail to see
another industrial expansion ION a
great area with backing of sur
plus capital ready to pour I'M.
They could not overlook Latin
America with her big natural re-
sources, total population of 80
million, with the U. S. in the best
position to develop them as consum-
ers. They had to make careful
estimation of the resources of
American imperialism, which is
striving for world hegemony, is fast
creating those external contradic-
tons which are creating the an
tagonistic groupings and regroup-
ings in the preparation that brings
the war danger nearer.
The leadership of the world prole-
tariat could not find the radicaliza-
ton of the American masses to the
degree that our Opposition esti-
mated it. They could not see a gen.
eral rehabilitation, because a gen
eral rehabilitation is a stage of de-
velopment where the workers of
country, as class, begin to re-
alize that in order to solve their
problems, some radical changes
must take place in the social and
political life of the country. Sorry,
but we haven't got it as yet in
America. Even Smiths vote is the
ordinary course in American poll
tics for decades, the course of ups
and downs. A republican admins
tration, dissatisfaction, masses turn
to the democratic party. A demo-
cratic administration, dissatisfac-
ton, masses turn to the republican
party, etc.
Liz SSiicIdl GENERALIZATION ana
the "apex theory" Of our American
Opposition were thrown into the
waste basket in Moscow as wrong
estimation. Our American Minority
brought before the Sixth World
Congress of the Comintern long
statement, a big list of accusations
against the Majority leadership of
the American Gee and in the main
point accused the present Majority
leadership of being Right wing
leadership. The Opposition asked
the Comintern to send an open let
ter to the American Party member
ship to educate them, by which they
meant, to tell the membership that
their present Majority leaders are
misleading them. The Sixth World
Congress of the Comintern, having
all the minutes, and all the facts
presented by both sides, came to the
estimation as we all know, "that the
present leadership was the stalwart
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29
\ Criticism OF the Party OppositionI

By A. b.
Many comrades in the building
.des approached me with the
estion, are you with the Major
t? | am sure that as proletar-
element, they trust in my sin
ity and | think I owe this open
ltement as to why / support the
&c thesis and am not for the OPP
sition.
First, about some methods in this
tional fight, that do not appear
asant. They were committed by
h groups; those who are engaged
a fight are always liable to lose
ir balance.
Now, comrades, the Communist
irrational, and the Workers
ommunist) Party of America, as
ection of the International, have
their final goal Communism, and
il revolutionary duty on the way
this goal. The Communist Inter-
ional is confronted with a social
lcture that creates some very
icate problems, with an enemy
has many complicated means
fighting Communism. Our forces,
masses, cannot be taken biolo-
ally, as animals; they must be
died socially, ideologically. In
TT, for laying out our policy we
St be on guard to have a scien-
estimation of what is confront
us. The policy, the political
lis the main thing that we have
watch.
or the general mass of Party
nbers, it is easier to see the err
that their leaders are making
he course of their activity; but
question of a correct line is not
Easy to detect and this has been
ven by revolutionary experience.
,rong line, wrong policy, is the
n danger in revolutionary
ty.
he Communist International was
.cturally guided by these facts.
have the highest tribunal of the
ership of the World proletariat,
c. l., to guard our sections in
different countries. But before
Third International was created,
had cases where Oppositions in
arty were built to fight for
ect policy Gas in the Russian
al Democratic Labor Party) and
Oppositions were necessary.
The Sixth World Congress.
ow we will come to the Sixth
Id Congress of the Comintern
the American question. Among
Opposition followers there is
spread belief that Moscow was
well informed on the situation
America. This is not correct.
Minority had as great an op-
unity as the Majority to pre-
their facts. The truth of the
er was that it was hard to con-
} comrades such as Bukharin.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29
By EARL BROWDER
and JOSEPH TACK.

The approaching congress of the
American c. P. is marked by a sharp
1actional struggle. The basis of this
struggle is a deep principle differ
ence as to the correct orientation of
the Party; the differences arise from
Two opposite perspectives of Amer
lean imperialist development. The
man body of the Party membership
IS aligned on one side or the other
side of this controversy, while out
side the Party, recently excluded,
stands small Trotskyist group
which showed its head since the
sixth World Congress. The principle
task of the Party Congress is to
establish the struggle against the
Right danger, as the main danger
OF the Party; secondarily, it is to
overcome and liquidate the danger
IF Trotskyism; thirdly, it is to stabil-
re the Party leadership. In what
relation do these tasks stand to the
groupings within the American
Party?
Is There Right Danger in
America?
ms question may seem super
Iuous, since now the whole Party
peaks of the Right danger. But it
significant that the Majority of
ne Central Committee (Lovestone-
!epper leadership strenuously de-
ned the existence of Right danger
the Party right up to the eve of
ne Sixth Congress. They attacked
ne Minority leadership (Bittelman
nd others) as being ultra-left. They
used themselves organizationally
nd politically with all the formerly
ecognized Right wing elements and
endencies within the Party. Up to
ne Sixth Congress, it was impos-
lole to attack any manifestation of
he Right danger, without finding
under the protection of Cor an or
anlc part of it, the Central Com
nttee leadership. The ECCI on sew
raj occasions, before and at the
lXth Congress, sharply criticized
lie grossest manifestations of this
'ystallizing Right wing line, and
ere also, by the logic of facts. the
1tlcism necessarily found itself d.
3cted primarily against the Major
y of the Central Committee. From
lese facts it is established:
There is a serious Right dan
er in America.
THE Lovestone-Pepper leader
MP refused to recognize the danger
It'll forced to do so by the C. l.
1.-The Right danger is especially
ute in America because it has
snetrated into the highest leader
up OF the Party.
Two Contradictory Perspectives.
1t is no accident that the Love-
one-Pepper leadership could not
the Right danger. This followed
;ically from their basic orienta-
IN, which has the following char
teristics:
They maintain that while the
st of the capitalist world is in an
ute crisis, America is an exception
this respect, and that it's per-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29
(By Packing House Worker.)

(By Packing House Worker.)
Cannon and his followers say that
the Party and its leadership is not
nroletarian; that he, Cannon, is real
revolutionary, real proletarian.
When he says this, he is faker.
His followers in Kansas City are
not workers, they are small bust
ness men. At the last convention
the Cannon group had majority
in the convention and in the D. E. c..
How many members did they choose
from packing house workers, rail
way workers and coal miners for the
d. E. c.? They elected one mem
Der and that is myself, and now
Cannon has nerve enough to speak
about proletarianizing the Party
leadership. The Party members
from the shops not only oppose Can
non when he comes out for Trotsky,
hut we fought him always. We al
ways supported the C. E. C. because
the c, E. c. leadership is real
Communist group. Only those who
look FOR jobs fight the C. E. C.
Cannon wants to be the leader of
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29
WILHELM IN NEW PLOTS.

DOORN, Jan. Wilhelm Hon
zollern, still claiming to be emperor
of Germany, celebrated his severn
tieth birthday here today, surround
ed by 48 or so members of royalty
and ex-royalty and amidst the pct
tiers of all the reactionary forces in
Europe, who hope for a restoration
Of the monarchy in Germany. but
are not all agreed on the Hohen-
ollerns as their best champions.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29
PLAN USSR PEAT INSTITUTE.

MINSK, U. S. S. r. (By Mail).
In order to stimulate the produc-
ton of peat in White Russia, peat
institute has been organized in
Minsk. The work of the Institute
will be carried on in conjunction
with two factories to be constructed.
One factory will produce peat bri-
quotes and the other coke. The
construction and equipping of these
factories will cost six million rubles.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29
THE OPPOSITION ON THE
HOUSING QUESTION.

"The amount of floor space for
the workers usually is considerably
lower than the average space en-
joyed by the urban population. The
workers employed in the largest in
dustrial cities fare worse in regard
to housing than any other section of
the population. An investigation
made into the distribution of floor
space in various cities shows the fol-
lowing: Workers have Sc square
meters; office employees, 60 square
meters; artisans and handicrafts-
men, rs square meters; persons en-
gagged in free professions, 1919
square meters; non-working ele-
ments. IL square meters. The work
ers are at the bottom of the list.
The floor space for the workers is
diminishing from year to year, while
that of non-proletarian elements is
increasing"
THE FACTS.
The housing problem is full of
enormous difficulties. The census
CT 1923 shows that the average rate
of floor space per head of the popu-
lation, Notwithstanding the reduc-
ton of the urban population, was
cnly about 10 square arshins q
arshin is Is inches). At that time
the rate was below the established
rate of IS square arshins. At the
beginning of the present economic
year. the average rate was lib
square arshins. Complaints. how
ever, will not improve the situation.
intend to continue the fight, tell me
please what remains to be done?
Drop your reservations, drop your
organized Opposition to the Majority
of the Party, and we will have unity.
We may still have to be on guard
against some destructive elements
in the Party, whose intentions are
not clear to us. We may still have
to eliminate from leadership some
unhealthy elements, but the Party
needs all the constructive forces for
active work. No fractional fight! No
fractional determinations! No fac
lions in the Party! Let us unite to
criticize, to correct our mistakes, to
build the Party in real BolsheviS
spirit!
*(On account of being an active trade
unionist, the comrade is unable to
sign his name to the above article.
He is member of Section 5, Branch
g.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29

The proletarint. the lowest stra-
tum OF our present society, cannot
stir, cannot raise itself up without
the whole superintendent strata
OF official society being sprung
into the ntr.--knrl Marx (Commu-
MIST Manifesto).
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29

The American aspects of Trotsky-
ism are being taken up in the gem
cral Party discussion now under
waY.-Editor.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-29

*COn account of being an active trade
unionist. the comrade is unable to
sign his name to the above article.
He is a member of Section 5, Branch
g.
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25
WANTED-RoOMs AND BOARD
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

COUPLE, married. board and room. private
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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

TWO FOUR-ROOM APARTMENTS. SIC 10th
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TWO ROOMS AND BATH; LARGE. AIRY.
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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

1912 B ST. NE.--3 housekeeping rooms;
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1922 EYE ST. N.W-Single rooms, furnished,
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25
BARGAIN BASEMENT.
-
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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

WHY PAY MORE2
THE CALIFORNIA. Its California st. NV.
TH Efo9 oir sRa S1sa 1855 ossss st.
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THE lamont. .ls27. Lamont st: NV
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THE f 81 s sosS isee Mass. Ay. NV. :.
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Detailed list mailed on request Inspection
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cHAs. i. TRiBBY. sic Dist Nat Blk. .llds.
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MODERN, sROOMS. BATH, HEAT.
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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

n Eo9FT KT HNB s slls Ell S sS;,. 50
Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

| 5il2 CONN. AVE.--SEvERAL DESIRABLE Q.
! and room kitchen and bath apts.; rent
| reduced Apply janitor or call Met $500.
| 1900 IRVING ST N.W.-oUTeIDE CLEAN
apts-2 rooms. K and b. and rooms. K.
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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

rooms, K and b. at S45, and rooms, kit.
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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25
sALE-AUTOMOBTLEs.

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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25

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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-06-25
SALE--AuTONTORTLES.
USED CARS WITH
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