The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-14
German Social Democrat Crisis

IhlS concluding 1nStalment con-
tinues the story of the complete
surrender of the German Social
Democratic Party to capitalism.
The betrayal of 100000 workers,
the warship program, are but a
small part of the sordid story of
Social Democratic treachery.
In view of the fact that the popu-
lar verdict given in the election was
decidedly anti-monarchist 1.-THE mon
archist nationalist party lost near
ly two million votes and 80 seats,
the fascists practically disappeared
from the parliament) the Weimar
coalition should be the constitution
al government, if a coalition it must
be. But the republican scruples of
the social democratic leaders are
not so exacting in their relation with
the bourgeoisie, as they are when a
revolutionary situation has to be
met from the working class point of
view.
To save the capitalist state, the
social democratic leaders not only
betrayed the working class voters;
they even violated their cherished
goddess of republicanism. At the
behest of the monarchist president
of the republic, Hindenburg, the So
cial democratic leaders agreed to
enter into coalition with the quasi
monarchist peoples party.
Big Industry Dominant.
The peoples party, in spite of its
defeat at the polls, dominates the
political life of the country, not by
virtue of its lingering homage to
the decayed and discredited mon
archy, but because it is the party of
heavy industry. Through the policy
of Gustav Stresemann, the leader
of the peoples party, Germany has
regained her position inside the con-
stellation of imperialist states (the
League of Nations). Stresemann is
the father and promoter of the pol
icy of west orientation" in German
foreign relations, as against the
former tendency of a rapproche-
ment with the U. S. S. R. to resist
the domination of Entente imperial
ism.
In view of this record of his, in
addition to the fact that his Party
represents the heavy industries
closely connected with international
trust and finance, Stresemann
should conduct the foreign policy of
any German government which
wanted to defend the present order
of things. And Stresemann would
not enter government EXCEPT to
dominate it in the interests of heavy
industry and international trust
capital. So, the composition of the
coalition was determined neither by
the social democratic chancellor, nor
even by the outcome of the election.
1t was dictated by the big bour-
geoisie, through the monarchist
president and the convenience of in
ternational finance.
Complete Surrender on Program.
Next, the social democratic minis
tiers surrendered themselves COM
pletely to the bourgeoisie on the
question of the program of the gov
eminent. Indeed, the social demo-
cratic minister had little to saw
about it, unless they were prepared
to go out of the coalition, and travel
the road of revolution. BY their
firm determination to shun that
road themselves, and to mislead the
working class away from it, the So
cial democratic leaders had tacitly
agreed that the program of the
coalition government should be the
promotion of the interests of the
new German imperialism.
Masters Of the situation, Strese-
mann and his party of heavy indus
try took the offensive. They re-
fused to enter the coalition, unless
the social democrats agreed to the
subversion of the republican gov
eminent of Prussia. These gave in,
agreeing in principle to the recon-
'ction of the Prussian govern