Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-10-09
Britain's Naval Invitation.

Publication today of Great Britains
Invitation to the five-power conference
to be held at London in January, 1880,
brings 1.-The question of naval diSarma-
ment," as the correspondence describes
1t, back to the level of practical con-
sideration. Naturally, during such
stimulating days as Washington has
passed since Mr.. Macdonald's arrival,
there is an ungovernable tendency to
overlook iron facts and figures and to
concentrate on more abstract things and
thoughts. Diplomacy, which knows the
value of atmosphere, might almost have
been expected to postpone such realities
until after the undoubted spell Of the
prime minister's charm and sincerity
was no longer upon us.
Yet the British note which accom-
panies the formal conference invitation
contains no surprises. 1t conveys to
neither the American nor the British
people, nor to France, Italy or Japan,
any pertinent knowledge of which they
were not already aware. The CORE
spondence now categorically places on
record tt 'se cardinal points:
/. There is no point outstanding "of
such serious Importance as to prevent
an agreement" between Britain and
America.
2. The Kellogg pact is the starting
point of their accord.
8. 1t is agreed that naval parity in
all categories of ships shall be reached
by the end of 1886.
4. Britain and America are ready,
provided other powers assent, to recon-
slider battleship replacement, with a
view to gradual elimination of that
type of vessel.
S. Both governments reaffirm their
publicly proclaimed desire totally to
abolish submarines.
6. Fullest and frankest discussion of
all controversial naval questions is in
vited between now and the time of the
January conference.
Z. No new machinery" has been pro-
jected for dealing with naval limita-
ton. The business of the five-power
conference is to elaborate text which
will facilitate the task of the League of
Nations preparatory commission and of
the subsequent general disarmament
conference"
1t requires no student of diplomatic
niceties or international relations to
read between these lines the possibili-
ties of protracted discussion and of
potential complications. Put briefly,
here is case of Britain and America
proposing and of France. Italy and
Japan clothed with the power of dis
posing, perhaps by opposing. The
world first must wait to see whether
France and Italy will go to London in
January, 1880. They refused to go to
Geneva, on the same mission, in June,
1927. Then the world will be anxious
to know how insistent Japan is on the
question of a 10-107 cruiser ratio, Wis
Avis Great Britain and the United
States. Finally, and there perhaps Is
the rub of rubs, to what extent are
France, Italy and Japan prepared to
join the English-speaking powers in
banning the submarine? At Wash
ington, in 1922, the French utterly re-
jected Britain's plan to outlaw U-boats
and demanded a minimum of 10000
tons of "submersibles."
In MT Macdonalds first public utter
ance at Washington last week, he point
ed out that were it merely question
Of Anglo-American agreement on all
these matters, they could be settled
in five minutes" But it Is not two
sided question. It is a pentagonal prob
lem. Irreconcilable as 1t may now seem
or later become, events in Washington
this week are at least guarantee that
the prodigious power and prestige OF
Great Britain and America, and their
passionate persistence in the path of
peace, will be exerted at every stage
in the direction toward which man
kind longs to march. That goal is not
merely a ton-and-gun treaty. The OBJ
jective Is a world made safer against
war.
Those who seek to block the way will
assume a responsibility ll-designed to
give them an honorable place In his
tory.