The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-07-25
II. The Relation of the Communist
Party of the United States of
America with the Comintern.

On the heels of theoretical devia-
ions organizational disruption fol
lows. Lovestone sought to evade
the statement of his full political
platform, but proved unable to hide
t. His attack on the organization
Of the Communist International
heugh still written with many eva.
sive phrases, with insinuations
rather than assertions, is yet a more
open attack. In this section of hi
appeal Lovestone goes right agains'
she p conditions of admission laic
down - the Second Congress of the
Comintern in 1920, and against the
rules and statutes as re-adopted at
the Sixth World Congress. First OF
all, with all the enthsuiasm of a de-
fender Of State rights against ZEN
eroachments" Of the Federal Gov
ernment, he proceeds to delimit what
should be the sphere of the Comm
tern. "The Comintern deals with
the basic problems confronting the
various sections. The E. c. C. L." he
says, "has never set itself the task
CT dealing with the smaller, inner
Party matters of the various Sec
tions. go. The Comintern deals
with the main line" Later he goes
on to indicate interference by the
CT, and it becomes clear that Love
stone and not the CT. is to be the
Judge of what are to be considered
basic problems" of what are "the
smaller, inner-Party matters" But
not onl.- is the function of the CT.
delimited by Lovestone; he also has
d new reading of the work of the
sections. at depends" he says,
upon every section to make the
Comintern constantly better and
more able to cope with its tasks"
This is a very comfortable doctrine,
coming from Jay Lovestone; and
when he goes on further, it becomes
clear that he wishes to make this
apparently harmless statement a
basis for an attack on the CT, a
basis for his conception that the
CT. has not been able to cope with
its tasks. This becomes clear when
he develops his arguments into
statements about serious errors
committed by the Comintern in its
treatment of our Party" The OBJ
lection which Jay Lovestone trans
forms into a new theory of organi-
rational relations is directed against
the fact that after six years of fac
tionalism, which neither he, the Ma
jority group nor the Minority group
were able to heal, the CT. did prove
able to cope with its task and to
put an end to the factionalism of
which he was a top leader.
Developing his theme, Lovestone
goes on to say: at is a more deci-
sive test of discipline and loyalty to
submit to decisions when one dis
agrees with them than when one
agrees with them" Then why, Jay
Lovestone, did you not submit to
the decisions of the Gil? Why did
you break discipline, not once, but
repeatedly? Why did you break
discipline, then make profession of
loyalty, then break it again, and
once more, after expulsion, make
further professions of loyalty? Jay
Loyestone is approaching very near
the position when the best Commun-
lists will be those who most disagree
with the Comintern, and who differ
only from Jay Lovestone in the re-
.spect that they formally adhered to
its decisions. This quibbling logic
CT Lovestone is next shown in his
statement that "first of all, we must
state categorically that the Comm
tern has full right to order any
eomrade for work anywhere, but
.--and with this but he goes on to
say that he is against this full right
when it is applied to Jay Lovestone
The hypocritical way in which Love
stone endeavors to cover up his new
disruptionist theory of the relation:
of the parties in the Comintern is
shown by his profession that those
whom he arrogantly names the for
mer leadership of the Party (there.
by setting on one side all members
CT the GEO. and Polburo who dc
not agree with him) "have been anc
will continue to be very energetic il
loyalty to the CT" This statement
is to be compared with the passages
in the Appeal, in which he attacks
not once but several times, the lead.
ership of the CT, and wherein he
again makes covery insinuations and
statements which are fully in line
with his running sore" propaganda,
which itself was in line with the
whole of the Brandlerist attack on
the Comintern. This section of the
Appeal nothing less than a pitiful
attempt to justify his breach of dis
cipline and his political line by the
erection of such q new, non-Leninist
theory of international relationships
as would disrupt the Comintern and
give free play to the Brandlers, the
Jileks, the Lovestones.
The Present Situation in the
United States.
The outstanding feature of Amer
lean Imperialism in the recent peri
cd is the speedy progress of ration
alization. The replacement of work
ers by machinery on the one hand
and the speed-up of labor on the