The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-06-05

struggles, 1T must fit itself more
end more for the leadership over
the growing masses of struggling
workers, for the development of the
present struggles of these workers
into offensive ones, and for the or
ganization and direction of revolu-
tionary action. This presupposee
acceleration of the Party's Boil
shevization; it demands a systematic
development of consciousness within
our Party, of the growing oppor-
tunities and occasions for struggle;
it needs a relentless self-correction
through incessant self-criticism and
merciless warfare against oppor-
tunist and petty bourgeois concep-
tons and reactions within the
Party, an active warfare against
the Right danger.
To be able to meet this great and
difficult task, a systematic purging
Of the Party is necessary from all
counteracting influences. The most
important of these influences are
opportunist tendencies in the lead
ership, and the disintegrating in
fluonces of the long-standing fac
tional strife.
The Communist International, in
execution of the policies laid down
very definitely in the decisions and
resolutions of the Sixth World Con-
gress, has, in it's open letter of Feb
ruary, 1929, called the attention of
our Party and its Central Commit
tee very definitely and specifically
to its immediate duty of iiquidating
factionalism, of correcting Right
mistakes and of ideologically clari-
tying the Party. The correction of
Right deviations necessitated a
thorough recasting of the analysis
Of American imperialism by all sec
tions of the leadership of the Party,
and the correction of the Right
deviations based on the previous an
alysis; the theological Qualification
of the Party demanded a eoncretiza-
ton of the problems of the class
struggle, arising in the United
States out of the peculiarities of the
third period of capitalist stabiliza-
ton, for the purpose of formulating
a clear program of action adapted
to the growing readiness of the pro-
letarian masses to fight against
capitalism; it necessitated a con-
eretization of the Right danger in
the American Party, as an indispen-
sable prerequisite for meeting and
defeating that danger; it presup-
posed the speedy liquidation of fac
tionalism as measure of establish
ing and increasing the confidence of
larger masses of workers in the pro-
letarian revolutionary quality of our
Party, and as a measure of concen-
trating all energies and all abilities
of our Party to maneuver on the
tasks which grow out of its mission
as revolutionary leader of the pro-
letariat in the class struggle.
The earnest and we'll considered
appeal of our International leader
ship did not get response. The years
of fractional maneuvers within our
Party of group against group had
distorted Party conceptions into
group conceptions. and had created
situation of actual subordination
of Party interests to group inter-
ests. Whenever and wherever a
consciousness of this monstrous
reality dawned upon US, we put our
Party conscience to sleep with a
soothing argument of identity of
group and Party interests in our
case. 1t was this fallacious, because
eclectic theory, which finally led 70
the mobilization of practically the
whole Party in one form or another
against the decisions and instruc-
tons of the Communist Interna-
tional. The theory that the group
interests are precisely identical with
the Party interests just naturally
leads to the conclusion that any
measure decided upon by our Inter
national leadership against our
group and for the destruction of it
is a decision against the Party and
leads to the destruction of it.
1t was with this theory as a base
that we formulated our campaign
of appeal against the Comintern de-
cisions before the American Com
mission of the Communist Interna-
Etional. 1t is true that our conscious
desire never exceeded the determin-
alton to fight against the Commu-
mist international decision only ur
to that deadline where the fight
within the Communist international
turns into one against it. What we
refused to see, however, was the
fact that our very theoretical ap.
rroach was already beyond that
deadline and, if carried to its log.
ical conclusion, would inevitably
lead to a physical crossing of this
deadline into an open fight against
the Comintern.
Seen in this light, the last de
cisions and the Address of the Com
munist International to our Party
are smashing blow to the poison
Gus group concepts of the past ant
create a solid base for the unifica
ton and Bolshevization of oul
Party. Acceptance Of the decisions
and their unresarved ann1ication will