davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08

A second popularity of the "Rus-
sian" form of the right deviation
consists in the fact that it has not
yet been developed ideologically and
shows an entire lack of organiza-
tional development. This deviation
is at present in its first stage of de-
velopment.
The roots of the right deviation,
however, extend, as we have already
seen, incomparably deeper than those
of Trotskyism; they extend deep in
to the immense mass Of 100000
individual peasant economies (of
which during the last few years only
about 100000 have combined into
collective economies). The economic
tendencies of the right deviation are
acknowledgements tendencies -
tendencies of the not yet collectivized
peasantry-which still tend spon-
taneously toward capitalism, and
hence are kulak economic tendencies.
The concrete forms in which the
right deviation has made its appear
ance are exceptionally varied; it has
sprung up in the various branches
of Party, Soviet and union work. 1t
is very clear that the powerful petty
bourgeois masses exert a pressure
on all expressions of Party life. This
deviation shows itself both in the
collection of grain--as when the
lower Party and Soviet workers, in
the interest of the kulaks and the
well-to-do section of the middle peas
antry, hinder the proper carrying
out of this work-and also in a false
apportionment Of the' agricultural
tax Ia lowering of the tax on the
kulak to the detriment Of the mid
die peasantry), in an unfair dis
tribution of agricultural machinery
(relinquishing it to the kulaks), in
occurrences of daily life friendships
of Communists with kulaks and Nep-
mem, in inclusion of kulak elements
in the Party organizations of the
villages, ETC., etc. 1t is impossible
to enumerate all the various express
sions of the right deviation in the
Party life of the C. P. S. u.
The right deviation has not yet
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08

state to be mercilessly exploited for
the purpose of socialist construction
has been unable to find any sup
port in the broad ranks Of the peas
antry.
The right deviation is in the main
country" one. 1t does not reject
the feminist idea Of the alliance be-
tween the proletariat and the peas
antry, but rather leads effectively in
the direction of assigning the lead
ing role in this alliance to the peas
antry, and thus departs from the
decisive thesis of Lenin on the lead
ing role of the proletariat in this
union.
Already in 1920 there arouse SIM
ultaneously with the Workers OPP
position" (Shliapnikov) the peas
ant" Opposition (making its appear
ance in the Red Army in its print
tive peasant form), which put for
ward the thesis that the "peasantry
is the older and the proletariat the
younger brother" After a few years
of the NEP the peasant idea was
expressed in a milder form in the
denial Of the necessity of an indus
trialization of the U. S. S. r. in the
next stage and in teaching the neces-
sity of an agrarianization in this
stage. But even in such form this
deviation proved itself to be too
primitive, and today it masquerades
by teaching that one should not enter
upon industrialization at too furious
a tempo, that one should not limit
the freedom of development of the
kulak economy (since we will still
need the kulak and his grain), and
finally that one should not make
haste in establishing collective and
Soviet economies. In this manner
there developed the idea (Which has
nothing in common with Leninism)
of collaboration of the proletariat
with the bourgeoisie for the purpose
of building socialism in the USSR.
That is the basic idea of the right
deviation in it's Russian" form, an
idea which naturally has not made
its appearance in such an openly
cynical form.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08
BRITISH MILLS
LENCTHEN HOURS
Bosses Use Trick in
Issuing Order

MANCHESTER, England, Jan. T..
Strikes are expected to answer
the order of the Master Spinners'
Federation, an employers organiza-
ton, that ali workers are REQUIRED
to do the cleaning and oiling of the
looms outside of~their regular work.
ing hours. This order, posted a
few days ago, is scheduled to go in
to effect after February 2.
The job of cleaning and oiling,
formerly done during the regular
working hours, is being used to
cover subterfuge of the employ
ers, who fear the immediate retalia-
ton by the workers should they call
the order by its true name, namely,
frightening of hours.
AS has been the case in the recent
past, the workers may be compelled
to go out in "outlaw" strikes, be-
cause the union officialdom bend all
their efforts to stifle the sentiment
for struggle.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08

born out of the social democratic
parties, shows that these parties
have also gradually unburdened
themselves by inner-party struggle
of their social-democratic ballast
(Levi, Frossard, Bubnik and Coz
which they had brought along with
them from the social-democracy.
Now these parties have closer ranks
than they have had for the past ten
years. But this process has not been
completed by a long way.
The intensification of class anita
gonisms and of the class struggle
and the rapid approach of the war
danger require, however, that these
parties free themselves as quickly
as possible from all social democratic
elements, which are indeed the main
bearers of right deviations.
The sources of the right deviation
in the C. P. S. U. and in the other
parties are different; the stages of
development of the right danger in
the c. P. S. U. and in the other Com
munist Parties are likewise differ
emit. Whereas the right deviation in
the c. P. S. U. is only in it's first
stage, in the other Communist Par
ties the right deviation has already
taken shape not only ideologically
but also organizationally. This es-
sential difference must not be left
out of consideration. 1t shows pre-
cisely that purely mechanical
transfer of the decisions of the last
plenum of the Central Committee
of the c. p. S. U. to the other par
ties may lead to- series of most
fragrant errors.
The Russian" and the "interna-
tiona" right deviations have this in
common: tendency of collabora-
ton with the bourgeoisie lin the
capitalist countries taking the form
of collaboration with the reform
ists). This tendency springs from
fear of struggle under conditions of
sharpening of antagonisms both
in the Soviet Union and in the cap
italist countries. This tendency ma
turally has different concrete forms
in the Soviet Union and in the other
countries, because in the Soviet
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08
TROTSKYIST PLOT
THRUOUT WORL D
AGAINST W.P.,C.I.
Cannon Group Working
With Renegades
Continued from Page One

Continued from Page One
ecutive Committee Lore and Can
non have come together fully.
In the communication from the
capitalist agent, Mr.. Sard, whom
Eastman turned over to Cannon for
final guidance and as a source of
financial support to the Militant"
the American Trotskyist organ, we
see clearly that in the United
States, as elsewhere, the Trotskyist
front against the Communist Party
is only a sector of the whole CAPT,
talist front against the working
class.
The brief communication from the
French Trotsky group discloses that
the American Trotskyists are an or
ganic part of the whole international
Trotskyist movement to weaken the
Soviet Union, destroy the Commu-
mist international and wipe out the
American section of the Comintern
the Workers (Communist) Party
of America.
Subsequent issues of the Daily
Worker will contain other docu-
ments of similar character, show
ing especially the extent of the sup
port rendered to the renegade Trot-
sky group of Cannon and Lore by
their co-workers in other countries.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08
Editors Note: Leading article i'll
the Communist International
for November %, 1929

The Plenum of the Central Com
mittee of the Communist Party Of
the Soviet Union, which has just
ended, has drawn up the balance
sheet of the struggle which has
been carried on in the Party dur
il the last few months in regard
to the most important decisions Of
the XIV Party Congress. Against
any attempt to turn aside from the
decisions Of the XIV Party Congress
relative to the tempo of Industrial
ization in the Union Of Socialist
Soviet Republics and the intensi-
fid attack on the kulak, as well as
for the energetic execution of these
decisions-this was the main line of
the work of the plenum. The pie
mum considered all the main prob
lens connected with the practical
work of carrying out the decisions
of the XIV Party Congress. The
control figures Of the national econ
omy for the year 1928-29, i. e., the
annual budget plans for the Social
ist building of the entire economy,
the measure necessary for an ac-
CELEBRATED improvement Of our now
backward agriculture, the introduc-
ton of the seven-hour workday as
the main prerequisite for drawing
the workers into the industrializa-
ton of the country on the widest
scale, and, finally the recruiting of
workers and the regulation of the
growth of the Party, i. e., such an
enhancement of it's stability as
would assure the execution of the
increasingly urgent task, for the
country and the Party, of an ac-
tolerated upbuilding of the entire
cconomy-ail this in its entirety
pictures the sum of practical meas
ures without the carrying out of
which the decisions of the XIV Party
Congress could not now be put into
effect.
The whole work Of the plenum
was carried on under the sign Of a
decided rejection Of the right devil
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08

developed itself here according to
any definite theological system, but
the individual elements of this sys-
tenn are scattered everywhere. Hence,
a merciless theological struggle
against this deviation, even though
the latter has not yet been developed
ideologically, is the demand of the
hour. The necessity of such a
struggle was emphasized by the
plenum in a most decisive way, as
was also the great necessity OF a
struggle against any tolerant or
conciliatory attitude toward this
right deviation.
The situation in the other Com
munist parties has proved itself to
be different from that in the c. p.
S. u. This must be brought out
with special sharpness, because
purely mechanical transfer to the
other parties of that section of the
decisions of the last plenum of the
Central Committee of the c. p.
S. U. which deals with the right
deviation might lead to a complete
distortion of the practical tasks
which confront these parties in the
struggle against the right devil
alton.
Above all it must not be forgot
ten that the other Communist parties
are distinguished from the c. P. S.
U. in the first place by their task of
carrying out the socialist revolution.
This task requires of these parties,
moreover-as we know from the ex-
perience of the Russian Party-the
very greatest unity and homogeneity.
During the course of a decade the
Party of the Bolsheviks has carried
out a thoroughgoing publication of
it's ranks, in order to secure the
closest possible formation. Without
this preparatory work, which was
expressed in protracted, stubborn
struggle against all deviations, the
c. P. S. U. could not have prepared
itself for the carrying through of
the October Revolution.
The history Of all the other Com
munist Parties, which arose after
the October Revolution and were
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08

alton or of any conciliatory attitude
toward it. This phase of the work
of the plenum has an especially i'm
portant significance for the C. P. S.
U. Precisely in regard to this ques-
ton did the Party await the decisions
of the plenum with impotence.
In it's decisions, the plenum d.
rected against those superficial views
which represent the right deviation
as easy to overcome, as deviation
which can be liquidated by few
hundred decisive resolutions and a
few dozen cases of applying so-called
organizational Consequences"
Such views are entirely erroneous,
for the Party must still carry on a
long struggle against the right devil
alton. The liquidation of the right
deviation will be achieved above all
and principally by the socialist re-
construction of the entire economy
Including agriculture). AS long as
there are still millions of individual
goods producing peasant econo-
mics, which reproduce capitalism in
an elementary way; as long as the
kulaks and nep- bourgeoisie can, con-
sequently, hope for a capitalist de-
velopment of peasant economy; as
long as petty-bourgeois elements
will exert "a strong pressure on the
Party-just so long will the right
deviation crop up in our Party to a
greater or less extent, in one form
or another.
The Trotskyist deviation was d.
rectsd against the middle peasantry.
1t rejected the feminist idea of the
alliance between the proletariat and
the peasantry. The Trotskyist devil
alton. therefore, was and remains a
city" deviation. 1t gets its support
from the remnants of former classes
the petty bourgeoisie of the city,
the bourgeois intellectually and
from the DECEASED elements Certain
strata of students and elements de-
classed in the process of the revolu-
tion). The Trotskyist deviation
with its idea Of a return to military
Communism, with its view of the
peasantry as colony Of the socialist
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08

vocal manner. 1t suffices, by way
of illustration, to cite what has taken
and is taking place in the Communist
Party of Germany. The attempt of
the rights, in connection with the
Wittorf case, to overthrow the pres
ent party leadership and to take the
rudder themselves, the organization
of a fraction within the party, which
publishes its own fraction papers,
refuses to comply with the instruc-
lions of the Central Committee,
sharply attacks the decisions of the
". Congress of the R. l. l.. U. and
the VI. Congress of the Comintern,
sabotages the struggle in the Ruin,
and openly prepares for split in
the party-this is an example of
what our parties may expect in case
of revolutionary or war complica-
tons (Which will be incomparably
more difficult than those complica-
tions called forth in the party by
the Wittorf case), if the rights re-
tain the organizational possibility
of sabotaging the revolutionary
work of the Communist Parties.
We shall not here treat the ques-
ton of the forms of our reaction to
the acts of the rights in the German
and in the other Communist Parties.
That is another question. That
would be question of what methods
must be used in clearing out the
rights from the Communist Parties.
The question which interests us at
the moment is the bearing of the
present experience in the struggle
with the right deviation on the flu
ture, the evaluation of this expert
ence in the light of the general re-
volutionary tasks confronting the
Communist Parties and also in the
light of specific revolutionary tasks.
The most important conclusion to
be drawn from our experience in the
struggle with the rights is that our
parties-without determined clear
ing out of the rights from the Com
munist Parties of the capitalist coun-
tries, and especially from the leading
Party circles--will not be able to
lu4ill Their revolutionary duty. \,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08
By M. N. ROY.

The German social democratic
leaders created the theory of coali-
ton, as against the MARKHAM view
that the road to Socialism lies
through the revolutionary over
throw of the capitalist state and
dictatorship of the proletariat. They
thoroughly negatived the MARKHAM
conception of the state as the Or
gan of class dictatorship. They,
led by Kautsky, maintained that
the characteristic feature of the last
stages of the class struggle is not
armed conflict between the bour-
geoisie and the proletariat, ending
in the suppression of the former
by the latter, but a period of coali-
ton governments, during which pc
Rod the political power would
gradually and peacefully pass over
from the bourgeoisie to the work
ing class through the operation of
parliamentary democracy.
Correctness of MARKHAM Theory.
Even before the Russian Revolu-
ton, Lenin theoretically combatted
and exposed the counter-revolution-
airy nature of the Kautskyan con-
ception of the state. The Russian
Revolution and the general I'M
masking of democracy after the
war proved the correctness of the
MARKHAM theory of the state. Never
theless, the social democratic lead
ers still held the masses bound by
the spell of parliamentary democ-
racy, and promised to guide them
to Socialism through coalition.
Germany is the home of the So
cial democracy theory of coalition,
and it is in Germany that the
theory has been put to test only
to be exposed for what it really is
-counter-revolutionary. Coalition
with the bourgeoisie has been
practiced by the social democratic
leaders in many countries, in diff
ferent forms. Even in the open
ing years of the present century a
Millerand in France and John
Burns in Britain sat in capitalist
cabinets.
Coalition a General Policy.
But it was not till parliamentary
democracy completely broke down
as result of the world war, that
coalition with the bourgeoisie be-
came the general social democratic
policy. Even then, there was a
common form of coalition. For ex-
ample, in Britain it takes a very
different form which should be
separately treated. In Germany,
however, the coalition has been and
is being practised in the classical
form, so to say. And the policy
of coalition has not brought the
working class nearer to Socialism;
but it has at last landed the Ger
man socialist democratic party in
a severe crisis, the result of which
will be the liberation of the masses
from the influence of reformism.
And the crisis in the German social
democratic party represents the
crisis of social democracy as a
whole throughout the world.
Latest Coalition Cabinet.
After the general election on
|
May 20, coalition government
was formed with a social demo-
cratic "head of the government"
frankly accepted the dictation of
the bourgeoisie at least on three
occasions whenever vital issues of
class interests were involved.
Firstly, under the pressure Of
the big bourgeoisie Ito have the
party representing the heavy in
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08
Crisis of German Social Democracy

are not error on the part of the
social democratic leaders. If these
were honestly mistaken, experience
would have taught them before long,
for they are not stupid. They pur-
posely elaborated the theory and
formulated the policy with the OBJ
ject of diverting the proletariat from
the path of revolution.
AS conscious and consistent coun-
ter revolutionaries the social demo-
cratic leaders do not hesitate, when
necessary, as in Germany today, to
act openly in defence of the capital
ist state. And when they finally are
obliged to do so, the eyes of their
followers are opened. The revolt of
these against the treacherous lead
ers indicates the crisis of social
democracy. Failing to deceive the
masses by reformist illusions, the
social democratic leaders join hands
with the bourgeoisie in stemming
the rising tide of revolution by
welding the state-power as men,
bers of coalition governments.
The action of the German social
democratic leaders during the last
six months clearly shows that their
policy of coalition is dictated ex-
clusively by the desire to hinder the
revolution. One even need not be a
Marxist to have this appreciation
of the social democratic leaders. The
bourgeoisie also find in the social
democratic leaders enemies of rev.
olution. For example, dealing with
the resolution of the social demo-
cratic minister of the interior, Sew
ering, to use summary power for
liquidating the struggle in the Ruhr
on the terms of the employers, the
famous German liberal journalist,
George Bernhard wrote: "a reason
able exercise of the state-power al
ways aids evolution, which binders
revolution"
Swing to Left
Let US chronicle the facts char
acterizing the application of the pol
icy of coalition. The last general
elections held in May returned the
social democrats as the single
largest group in the Reichstag as
we'll as in the Prussian Landtag.
The balance of power inside the ma
tional, Prussian and several other
state parliaments distinctly inclined
to the reverse. The nationalist pre-
dominance was replaced by swing
to the left.
Out of the % millions lin round
numbers) votes cast in the Reichs-
tag election, 12.5 millions were CIV
en- to the two working class (social
democratic and Communist) parties.
The remainder was distributed
among the six leading bourgeois
parties. While all the bourgeois par
ties without exception lost, the votes
polled by the social democratic and
! Communist Parties were nearlE 9
million more than in the previous
election in 1924. The German nation
alist party (monarchist, represNht
ing mainly reactionary landed in
terests) lost 80 seats.
The peoples party predominant
ly monarchist, representing heavy
Industry lost II seats. The centre
party Catholic, representing indu
try) lost 7 seats. The democratic
party Republican, representing lib
eral intelligentsia and the urban
petty bourgeoisie) lost 7 seats. The
fascists were practically swept off
the board. On the other hand, the
social democratic party gained 40
seats more; and the Communist Par
ty 10.
To Be Continued
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08
U. S. s. TEXAS WILL SAIL

Overhauled and cleaned in leadi-
ness for the winter maneuvers, part
of the military and naval prepared
ness scheme in Cuba, the U. S. S.
Texas, flagship OF the Atlantic fleet,
was yesterday taken out Of drydocS
at the Brooklyn Naval Yard.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-08
MYSTERY DISEASE BATTLES

ATHENS (By MaiD.-A myster-
ious disease has taken a toll of Is
in eastern Macedonia. The disease
causes the corpse to turn entirely
black, deforming the body. Physi-
clans are baffled.