Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-04-07
Presidents Power in Congress
Under Crucial Test Next Month

fellow-C ongressmen that in his opinion
the next White House occupant would
astonish old congressional hands with
his capacity to deal with them. The
testing time is now here.
Choice Of Newton.
Still another symbol Of Hoover's de-
termination to play the game" with
Congress is his selection Of Representa-
tive Walter H. Newton Of Minnesota to
be his White House liaison ofncer. New
ton knows Capitol Hill from A to 2.
THE Hill" also knows Newton, which
Is even more important, and 1t likes
him. Even Democratic like the Min
neapolitan. It Is commonly under
stood that Col. Tilson recommended
Newton's appointment to the job he
now nils, circumstance which assures
the closest possible link between the
Of the national legislature.
In the Senate, President Hoover has
not only Vice President Curtis as an
unofiicial liaison officer, but he has the
regular Republican leader there, Sena-
tor James Z. Watson Of Indiana, TO rely
upon The bitter memories Of the
Hoover-Watson presidential primary Of
last year are as forgotten as IL they
had never been. Jim" Is ready to 60 to
bat for the administration 100 per cent.
His leadership of the Senate provides
him with O genuine opportunity, and
he Is going to it, his friends insist, with
unalloyed enthusiasm. In Senator Fess
of Ohio Hoover will have a Senate
whip ready to do or die for the White
House as valiantly as Watson will.
Just before the late Congress adj
journed sine die Representative Tilson
in brief speech reviewed interestingly
the records Of cotemporary Presidents
in getting on with Congress" 1t will
be valuable to compare President Hoov-
er's approaching acid-test with the ex-
periences Of his forerunners. OF these
Col. Tilson said:
whether the President of the United
States and the Congress gets along well
together is always . matter Of the
greatest interest to the whole country.
Different Presidents have used widely
differing methods In dealing with Con-
gress, with varying degrees Of success.
President Cleveland failed to command
through much Of his administration the
support Of even his own party In Con-
gress, and both he and the country suf-
fered from it. Mckinley, by reason Of
the fact that he had served for many
years in Congress, was able to influence
legislation very largely through his per-
sonal knowledge Of the workings Of
Congress and personal contacts with
the members, many of whom he had
known intimately during his service on
Capitol Hill. During the Roosevelt adj
ministration that dynamic individual
used such persuasive powers as he had,
and q very considerable degree Of sup
port from the people, to help work his
rsyilI pNnafAavHf yri1cnx, al ~ Avef
very largely through wholesome fear
inspired by him in his own party. but
in the stress OF war had the good for
tune to receive the support of his po-
litical opponents In all matters neceS-
Sary for the conduct of the war.
President Harding, fresh from q
term In the Senate, where he had eS-
tablished many close friendships, had
less vital contact with the House than
most Presidents, but always listened
most courteously to all members Of the
House, while maintaining the most in
innate relations with his former COL
leagues of the Senate. But he did not
live thoroughly to test out how effective
his policy of working with Congress
would prove to be.
President Coolidge's relationship with
Congress was different from that Of all
his predecessors. Quite often disagree
ing with Congress on matters of legis-
lation, there never developed any rancor
or bitterness over the differences he
had with Congress. Mr. Coolidge i'm
pressed every one with the feeling that
he acted at all times conscientiously
without the slightest influence from
fear or favor and with an eye single to
the general good IS he saw it,
Copyright, 1922