The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-03-28

Ine NdnKlng government Tries TO
base itself. They are the big city
bourgeoisie, on the one hand, and
the feudal landlords, on the other.
And the Holy Ghost of Imperialism
lurking rather prominently in the
background, makes the trinity of
the political faith of Marking COM
plete.
The wrestle inside the Kuomin-
tang is the wrestle for power be-
tween the big bankers of the mari
time provinces and feudal barons of
the interior now that the ballast of
petty bourgeois radicalism has been
thrown overheard. But this defeat
ed and discredited third factor en-
deavors to smuggle itself back into
tie political arena through the back
ooor. 1t allies itself with the feudal
milIarist Kiangsi group, thus con-
shutting itself factor of disrup-
ton.
Supremacy Only Nominal.
Sitting at the apex of such pre-
carious class combination the Nank-
ing government began it's career
with a very grandiose scheme of
reconstruction. The very first steps
towards the realization of this
scheme threatened to disrupt the
loose class alliance which constitutes
the social basis of the Marking gov
eminent. Although it has assumed
the grandilloquent title of National
Government, the Marking clique, in
fact, rules only over two and half
provinces-Kiangsu, Chekiang and
southern half of Anhwei.
The supremacy of Marking over
other provinces is but nominal, the
real power being still in the posses
sion of local authorities largely
dominated by feudal militarists. Sc
a government based upon the sup
port of the merchants of the two
maritime provinces and the bankers
of Shanghai endeavors to extend its
rule over the interior of the coun.
try where feudalism still rules su.
preme.
1t is one thing to make a laudable
scheme; but to put it into effect is
something entirely different. The
success of the scheme of the Bank.
ers' Conference, which brought the
Marking government in it's present
precarious existence, depends upor
the ability of the government tt
find occupation for the disbandeC
soldiers. This is a very hard nut
to crack, and the Marking govern
ment has broken it's teeth on this
nut. There are approximately l..
100000 troops, really or nominally
under the control of the Marking
government. The plan is to reduce
the number to half. So, consider
ably more than a million men, count
ing soldiers and the camp-followers
are to be disbanded, The initia
cost for disbanding these men is es
timated at least at 40 million dol
lars. Where is this money to b.
found? This is the problem.
The next, and more difficult prob
lem, is that of finding permanent
employment for the disbanded sol
diers. There are two directions il
which the problem could be solved
namely, providing the men will
land and capital to cultivate it, o.
extensive public works (construc
ton of roads, railways, etc.. TIL
first alternative involves an attacl
upon feudalism, which the national
list bourgeoisie have proved them
selves unwilling and incapable o
doing.
The latter requires huge suppl,
of capital, which the Chinese bour
geoisie by themselves are not abb
to find. SO the disarmament scheme
which is the condition sin quo MOI
of the reorganization of national fl
nance, hangs fire.
i Meanwhile, the Marking govern
ment is in great financial difficulty
Although the total revenue of tn
country is estimated at 450 million
dollars, and the control of this sun
theoretically belongs to the Nank
ing government, the actual incom
Of this is only S millions mont