davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Washington times., 1929-05-31
FORBES IS TOLD
CANALS ARE
SUCCESS
By BIC. FORBES


n0Es It actually cost less to
carry freight onS inland
waterways than on rail.
roads? And should proposed
expenditures of additional hun.
dreds of millions of dollars on
developing inland water facilities
be gone through with2
What e. e. Loomis, president
of the Lehfgh Valley Railroad,
, said in criticism of artificial in
land waterways in this column
has brought vigorous protests.
The claim IL made that all in
land waterways do not pay any
more than do all railroads but
that most do aud that various
additional waterway projects
should be undertaken.
One for Florida
A deep sea level canal across
northern Florida is advocated,
and also the development of the
Allegheny River to benefit West.
ern Pennsylvania. which. is fight.
ing for its Industrial life"
Let Loomis' critics speak for
themselves, Says Malcom II. Nc
Adeo, consulting engineer Tampa.
Elorida:
'Loomis IN right in his state.
ment, as shown by the operating
results, that there Is no need for
artificial waterways such as the
New York State barge canal
closed four to five months every
year because Of ice.
The Mississippi. Warrior water.
way, erroneously called by Loomts
an artificial waterway. is not
adapted to the handling of Deep
sea commerce. 1t is a shallow
intracoastal waterway paralleling
the Gulf Of Mexico in the shall
low bays. between the islands Of
the Gulf Coast and the main
land. 1t is for barge. traffic only.
1.-THE building OF the Panama
Canal was opposed by the rail-
roads, bat no one today will deny
it's great economic value and
strategic Importance to the coun-
try, and its value to the world.
There is great need for the
Improvement of the Mississippi
River and its tributaries that the
vast agricultural products of the
Mississippi River Valley States
may be sfranEported to the mar
ket at the lowest reasonable
rates.
Improve Mississippi
There is also a need. which
has been recognized for many
years. for a practical deep sea
level canal. for seagoing vessels
across the Northern part of the
Florida peninsula to save dis
tance and operating costs and
to avoid the long and dangerous
trip around the Florida Keys.
Such a canal, less than 100
miles In iength--shorter than
the Suez canal-will save $50
statute miles between New Or
leans and New York city with
proportionate savings between
other Gulf ports and New York
city and European ports.
The long and the short Of it
would seem to he that some in.
land waterway developments are
justified, others not. Therefore,
extreme care should be exercised
by lawmakers to avoid sanction
ing projects calculated to aggra"
vats our already heavy tax burr
dens.
Copyright 1922, by B. c. Forbes,
The Washington times., 1929-05-31
II Are Graduated At
Hedgeville School

MARTINSBURG, w. Va, May
31.-TwelyS students were graz
uated from Hedgesville High School'
The commencement address was oe'
llvered by President w. ID. S'
White, of Shepherd College, Shep-
herdstown. ON The Music Of the
Spheres
Diplomas were granted Misses
Hazel Virmilyea, Adalee Stuckey,
Ruby Alvey, Margaret Blue, Mary
Linton and Wilbur Vermilyea, VIII
liam Hull, David Dillon, James
Shriver, Brent . Johnson, Monroe
Janney and Wesley DeHaven,
The Washington times., 1929-05-31

Oil Wells. ..... 2O9s 2o1 2oss 2o3S
Oliver F Equip 81 36}4 81 36ss
Omnibus. rs. e1S 0 g. 9
Otis Elevator. 326 325 326 326
Otis Steel. ..,.< 37|1 81 81 81
Owen Bottle NJ. 78a 7s4 76k 783s
The Washington times., 1929-05-31
Officers and Faculty,
Review Howard Corps

United States Army officers and q
committee OF deans OF Howard
University reviewed the work OF
the Reserve Officers Training Corps,
beginning at 1880, today.
At 4:3O Sunday afternoon, DR..
Mordecai w. Johnson, will preach
the baccalaureate sermon, in tho.
avmna SiuT1
The Washington times., 1929-05-31

lf 10 sasy te iocAts yeSS rental sssd:
taaay;a Classified adh lI.i,,I
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02
is born.

But if the Trotskyist tendency represents Left
deviation, does this not mean that the Left stand
left of Lennism? No. it does not mean this. Len
ninsm is the most Left without inverted commas) OF
all the currents in the international labor movement
We Lennsts were in the H. International up to the
time of the outbreak of the imperiahst war, and
there we were the most Left fraction of the social
democrats. We did not remain IN the ii. lnterna-
tional and advocated the split in the H. lnterna-
tional precisely for the that as the extreme
Left fraction, we would not remain in one and the
same party with the petty bourgeois betrayers OF
Marxism, with the social pacifists and the social
chauvrists. These tactics and this theology were
later adopted by the Boshevis parties of the whole
world. In our Party we Leninsts the sole Left
without inverted commasl. Therefore Leninists
are neither Left nor Right in own Party. We
are Party of the Marxist-Leninists. And in our
Party we combat not only those whom we designate
the representatives of the openly opportunst de-
viations, but at the time those who maintain
that they stand left" of Marxism, left" of Len
inism, and conceal their true opportunst Right char
acter behind cloak of empty Left phrases. 1t is
clear that when people who have not freed them
selves from Trotskyist tendencies call themselves
Left" this must be taken ironically. Lenn called
the cleft communists" the Left, sometimes in in
verted commas, sometimes not. But it is clear to
everyone that Lenin speaking ironically when
he referred to them the Left and thereby stressed
the fact that they only apparently Left, and in
reality represent petty bourgeois tendencies. The
ments has been plainly enough demonstrated by their
recent alliance with openly opportunist elements in
anti-Leninst bloc, and their direct and i'm
mediate collaboration with the ant-Sovet strata in
the country Is it not fact that only yesterday
had open bloc of the Left and the Right against
the feminist Party one Individually supported by the
bourgeois elements? And does this not go to show
that this Left and this Right could not have joined
in bloc had they not possessed common social
roots, and if they had not possessed the like oppor
f11pic obo Tbo clyx,ic4
year ago. A section of the Right, of the type of
Comrade Schatunovsky, left the bloc In consequence
the Right members of the bloc will from now on
wards come forward Right, but the left" hide
their Right nature in Left phraseology. But what
guarantee have we that the Left" and the Right
may not be happily united again some day?
Uaughter) 1t is obvious that there is no guarantee
for this, nor can there be.
(F'rOm "The Situation IN the c. P S. ", speech
By Stain reported IN the Inprecorr, Number ST.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02

their strike-breaking, their armies, their
navies, their whole political system, their
position as ruling class and the integrity of
the state through which they rule.
Refusal to recognize the political nature
of the workers struggle would be refusal
to carry on the struggle-and this is espe-
cially clear in this period when any consid-
cradle strike inevitably and Immediately in
wolves the direct and open action of the state
against the workers The new union avoids
both bitches of reformism and comes out
strongly for the class struggle and at the
same time recognizes that all class struggles
are political struggles.
AS these lines are written, it is not yet
known what action the convention will take
in the matter of international relations. But
the whole spirit and course of the actions of
the convention in other respects would indl-
catel that these workers will take an equally
class-conscious stand in that.
great organization of the working class
is born.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02

pom of struggle against the militar-
lists is to retire from the country to
issue "manifestoes" to their fellow
emigres and personal friends. 1t is
not they who create the crisis.
The real cause of the postpone
ment is the inability of the real rul-
ing groups at the top of the Kuo-
mintang to reach any agreement.
And the present disagreement among
the groups formerly labelled "cen-
trist" and fright wing" (they are
all right wing, without essential diff
ferences in their attitude toward the
revolution) is gradually bringing
out two principal groupings, which
affiliate generally to the two main
groupings in international politics.
From the point of view of the di-
visions in international imperialism,
these two Kuomintang camps could
be designated as tie American"
and the "Anti-American" camps.
Internal War Inevitable.
The struggle between the two
camps is an irreconcilable one. They
cannot arrive at any compromise set
Element of their differences, certain
ly not any compromise that would
be more than temporary truce for
few months or year. War be-
tween them is. inevitable.
In this light it becomes clear:
The pOstponement of the congress
is sign that the cliques have been
unable to find basis for postpone
ment of the war.
Wars in China usually begin in
the Spring. March 18th is an ideal
date, which still leaves open the
question: Will the war begin before
or after the gathering of delegates
for the Kuomintang Congress
"Two Parties" Within the
Kuomintang.
The principal members Of the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02
Preparing for New Wars in China

"two parties" within the Kuomin-
tang may be listed as follows:
The American" Party: (Con-
trolling the Marking administra-
tom.
Chang Kai-shek, whose forces
control the provinces of Kiangsu,
Chekiang and Fukien.
Feng Yu-hsiang, whose forces
control Shensi, Kansu, northern
Honan and part of Shantung.
Western Hills Group, which is
split, but the principal leaders of
which are Sin the administration"
(Hu Han-min, Sun Fo, and the
"Elders.").
The "Anti-American" Party lin
opposition, orientated toward Brit
ain and Japan, and dominated by
them):
Chang Hsueh-liang, protege of
Japan, controlling Manchuria and
Jehol.
Yen Hsi-shan, the "model gov
ernor of Shansi, also controlling
Picking, a feudal remnant of i'm
perial days.
The Kwangsi Faction, in close
connection with Greatin Britain,
and represented by three main
sub-groups: (a) Lii Chi-sen, at
the head of Kwangtung and
Kwangsi military forces; (b) Lii
Tsung-jen, controlling Hankow,
part of Human, Hupeh. and part
of Honan; (c) Bel Chung-hsi. con-
trolling Chilli province and the
port of Tientsin.
The Anhui Clique, outside the
Kuomintang formally, but an ac-
tive participant in the "Anti-Amer-
ican' Party, headed by Tuan Chi
Jul, instruments Of Japan.
To Be Continued
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02

successful struggle is the creation
of leadership by the masses them
selves. This task has been attained.
Since we regard the French and
Polish strikes as typical for the
present period, we must even now
draw the necessary conclusions from
their progress for our tactics in
economic struggles in other coun-
tries. The first conclusion is: We
have entered period of extensive
strike movements. These move
ments will spread to even more
countries, to even more branches of
industry. These economic strikes
have ceased to bear only defensive
character; in many cases the work
ing class, recovered from its de-
feats, has already gone over to the
offensive.
The character of the demands put
up by the workers is such that they
directly challenge capitalist stabil-
ization. Consequently, they call
forth the sharpest defense on the
part of the capitalists. In these
clashes the whole state apparatus
will be ready to use all means, from
compulsory arbitration to open ter
ror, to support the resistance of cap
( ital and to defeat the struggle of
the proletariat.
The reformist apparatus, which in
increasing measure is becoming
amalgamated with the bourgeois
state and the organizations Of the
capitalists, has as it's aim not to
allow struggle, and if neverthe-
less one should begin, to strangle
it at the first opportunity.
Economic struggles of such char
acter create the objective conditions
for an easy transition into political
struggle.
The Communist Parties ard the
revolutionary trade unions and rev.
dictionary minorities in the reform
ist trade unions led by Communists
must prepare themselves for a
broadening and strengthening of the
strike-wave. Although the situation
is effectively favorable to US, yet
our tasks are all the more difficult
and all the more responsible.
The Communist Parties must
above all be the initiators of econ
omic struggles. They must be
deeply impregnated with the convic-
tion that the developing economic
struggles constitute the decisive
lever which will shatter capitalist
sterilization, and that the organiza-
ton Of these struggles is, therefore,
one of the main tasks Of the Com
munist Parties. AS the resolution
of the Sixth Congress of the Com
intern puts it:
"Thc Communists, by everyday
devoted and patient work in the
trade unions, must win for them
selves among the broad masses Of
| the trade unionists authority as
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02

movement must be subordinated to
the interests of the world proletar-
ian revolution. Revolutionaries can
not advance such a program in OPP
pressed countries which are them
selves oppressors and act as the
vassals of the imperialists in war
against proletarian, or national rev.
olutions.
In such countries Communists
must unfailingly combine their prop
uganda in favor of revolutionary
war for the defence of other revolu-
tionary countries, and their propa-
ganda in favor of a revolutionary
military policy, with defeatist posi-
ton in relation to the given war or
army. Such position must be taken
up at the present time in those prov
inces in China which are under the
rule of Kuomintang generals.
Program for Oppressed Countries
Sc. In laying down the military
program for oppressed countries,
consideration must be given to the
stage of economic and political de-
yelopment of those countries.
1. In those countries in which the
slogan of the armed nation (nation-
al militia) must be adopted, partic-
ularly in those countries where the
class rupture between the bourgeoi-
sic and the proletariat is not yet
very strongly expressed (Syria, Mo-
rocco, and Egypt.
This slogan must be linked up
with democratic demands directed
against feudalism and the feudal and
bourgeois officers. In countries in
which class differentiation is strongly
expressed, but where the bourgeois
revolution has not yet been accom-
plished, for example in Latin Ameri-
can countries, this slogan must bear
the character of a workers and
peasants militia.
For Countries in Revolution
2. In countries passing through
the stage of democratic revolution,
the slogan for militia will prove in
adequate and must therefore be ex-
panded into the slogan: organize a
revolutionary army. This, of course,
does not prevent the militia slogan
from being advanced at the same
time, particularly in preparing for
rebellion. 1t must be noted, that
arming the proletariat does not con-
tradict the demand for the armed
nation; in fact, the armed proletari-
at is fundamental part of the
armed nation. While participating in
the general organizations of the
armed nation, it is absolutely essen
tial to set up special, proletarian
armed units, commanded by off
GERS elected by these units.
Communist Military Program
3. In countries passing from the
stage of democratic revolution to
proletarian revolution, the military
program of the Communists in i'm
perialist countries may be adopted
with certain concrete notifications
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02
Colonial Program.
The Strike Wave in Europe and the Communists

the respective strikes were essenti-
ally the same, the reformists in
France proved themselves suffici-
emily strong to come out definitely
on the side of the capitalists and
the government; while in Poland,
due to pressure from the masses,
they could not do otherwise than to
propagandize for the strike, at the
same time, however, awaiting the
appropriate moment to strangle the
strike.
In all earlier revolts of the Polish
textile workers the Communist Party
had succeeded in calling them out
on strike. In the present strike,
however, the Party, in addition, ac-
CURED the task Of taking over the
leadership of the strike. For the
present time the Communist Party
succeeded in taking away signifi-
J cant mass of the Polish proletariat
from the influence of the refoimists
and in acquiring the leadership of
the strike by means of factory dele
cations as well as by the organiza-
ton of strike committees chosen
from the rank and file masses.
At present, when the strikes are
in full swing, it is not yet time to
| judge accurately as to the general
tactics and all the actions of our
comrades who are leading the strug-
gle, but, still it must be pointed out,
upon what the basis of their tactics
rests.
In France, in addition to the OBJ
jective conditions which force the
workers into struggle, special atten-
ton must be drawn to the fact that
the Unitarian Federation of Textile
Workers is right in taking upon it.
self the initiative of the struggle
without waiting for the co-opera-
ton of the reformist trade union
leadership in the strike as we'll as
in drawing the masses into the
strike by a correct application OF
the united front tactics from be-
low.
In Poland, under different cir
cumstapces, in which we are forced
to function as the trade union min
Gritty, the Communist Party and the
trade union opposition have not for
a moment let the tendency spring
up which arises from the false, op-
portunistic slogan: "Force the Bon
zen" Our Party and the trade
Union opposition understand that it
is not our task to induce the re-
forn,ist leaders to take over the
strike leadership, but rather the re-
verse, to snatch the leadership from
their hands in order TO take it over
ourselves.
The whole preparatory campaign
for the LODI strike was conducted
on the principle that one must ham,
mer into the consciousness Of the
broad masses the knowledge that the
reformists necessarily betray them
and that the only guarantee of a
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02
Continued

Continued
The sharp and stormy character
of the strikes in France and Poland
distinguish these strikes essentially
from the strikes of the preceding
period. Here we see, on the one
hand, a stubborn attitude against
the strikes on the, part of both the
capitalists and the government, the
latter interfering through its police,
and, on the other hand, an exception
ally high mood for struggle on the
part of the masses, which is express
ed in demonstration, in struggle
against strikebreaking, and finally
in bloody encounters with the police.
AS the most significant phenom-
enon of these mass strikes we must
call special attention to the enor-
nous increase in Importance of the
Communist parties, of the revolu-
tionary unions, and of the revOlu-
tionary minorities in the unions.
In France, it was precisely in the
textile industry that the forces of
the unitarian unions were signifi-
cantly smaller than those of the re-
formists. This was especially evil
dent in the northern district in the
great centers like Lille, Tourcoing,
Roubaix, etc. The only exception
was Halluin, sort of revolutionary
oasis in the reformist desert, where
our influence had to reckon with nc
competition from the reformists and
where we had repeatedly led victori-
Gus strikes. Despite our relative
weakness, we succeeded in extend
ing the strike in Halluin to the larger
centers, in making a breach in the
stronghold of the reformists, in unit
ing with US, by correct application
of the united front tactics from be.
J low, the rank and file membership
of the reformist unions and the un-
organized masses, and in taking over
the leadership of the strike move.
ment of $4,000 workers.
1t is the first time that we have
succeeded in France to such large
extent in snatching the leadership
of the masses from the hands of the
reformists and in attracting the
masses to us.
In Poland, the Communist Party
has succeeded, under still more diff
ficult conditions, in taking in hane
not only the political but also the
organizational leadership Of the
movement of 100000 textile work
ers. Among the difficult conditions
the following may be mentioned: the
fascist terror, the complete lack Of
revolutionary trade union organiza.
tions, and the fact that the entire
existing union apparatus is in the
hands Of the reformists. In add,
ton, the fact that the overwhelm.
ing majority of the textile workers
are not organized causes the reform
lists to oppose strikes. 1t must GER
tainly be mentioned here that, altho
the tactics of the reformists against
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-02

experienced and capable organ
izers, who tight not only for the
prOletarian dictatorship, but for
Ill the everyday partial demands
of the masses of workers.; they
must win authority as leaders of
well-conducted strike struggles"
The role of initiator of economic
struggles forms, however, only a
part of the task which confronts all
Communist Parties as the urgent
task in the struggles undertaken.
The objective situation is such
that the rehabilitation of the work
ing masses and the Strengthening of
our influence places upon the Com
n,unists the urgent task Of leading
the strikes.
This holds true not only in those
cases where we form majority in
the labor movement and in those
where the revolutionary trade unions
are weaker than the reformist, but
also in those cases where. we form
only a minority in the reformist
trade unions, where the trade union
apparatus is in the hands Of the So
cial betrayers.
In order that we may execute this
task with success, two things are
essential: First, we must perform
untiring labor in unmasking the true
role of the reformists in the labor
movement of the present period; we
must sharpen our struggle against
the reformist leadership, carry on a
relentless struggle against the slo-
gans put forward by them of Gin
dustrial peace" of economic democ-
racy," and of compulsory arbitra-
tion, and also set up irreconcilable
class struggle in opposition to these
traitorous and deceitful methods as
the only means of raising the stand
ards of living of the working class
that is one part of the task of
the Communist parties and of all
Communists active in the trade
unions.
Secondly, we must penetrate
deeply into the masses, link ourselves
more closely with them. Our party
organizations must penetrate all the
large shops; our revolutionary trade
unions must penetrate heavy indus
try and, in general, all important
branches Of industry. We must by
all means have our fractions in those
trade unions in which there are only
a few Communists. All party mem
bers must at the same time be trade
union members, but even that is not
sufficient. We must develop the most
strenuous activity in the creation of
shop councils, factory delegations,
and other forms Of lower organiza-
tions in the factories, which would
embrace the whole masses and play
a great role during a strike, espe-
cially when the trade union appara-
tus is in the hands Of the reform
lists. Only by such a deep penetration
on the part of our organizations into