The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-06-28

aspect by giving the appearance OF
an er-estimation of the crisis of
American capitalism, the substance
of it, as the Comintern correctly
points out, is exceptionalism, the
tendency to look upon American cap
italism as something more or less
separate from world capitalism.
It has been generally agreed that
the Party was slow in re-orientating
towards the new line of establishing
revolutionary industrial unions. The
Minority also shared heavily in this
right mistake. And at the bottom of
it was the theory of exceptionalism
which in this respect as in many
others, reflected itself by an over
estimation of the power of American
imperialism, an under estimation of
the possibility of building new
unions, etc.
The Minority, like the Majority,
also showed decided exceptional
ism in its handling of the question
of social reformism. Thought not
theorizing this exceptionalism to the
extent that Pepper and Lovestone
did, nevertheless, it was clearly in
evidence in our thesis, articles, and
speeches. Because of the compare
tive weakness of the trade unions,
the socialist party and the labor
party and the practices of the cap
italists to use more freely the meth
DDS of open dictatorship, we of the
former Minority tended to consider
the American situation an excep-
tional one on the question of social
reformism and to feel that the c. l.
attacks against social reformism did
not apply to America as to other
countries. This led US to a definite
under estimation of the harmful role
of social reformism, which came to
a head in my article "The Decline
of the A. F. of L." At the bottom
of this mistake of the Minority re-
garding the role of social reformism
was clearly an over-estimation of
the power of American imperialism,
an imperialism so strong that it did
not need, as in the case of capital
ism in other countries, to rely upon
the social reformists for the dem
oralization of the workers.
The bourgeois theory Of American
exceptionalism, originating out of
the geographic isolation of the
United States and it's relatively late
development as an imperialist coun-
try struggling for world markets,
and strengthened by the present
great power of American imperial
ism, reflected itself in our Party and
influenced in an opportunist direc-
ton almost every branch of the Par
ty activity. The Negro work is an
example. If our Party, including
both Majority and Minority groups,
so completely failed to understand
and carry out work among the
| Negroes, it was principally because,
in addition to subtle white chauvin-
list influence, of undeniable ten
denotes to look upon the Negro prob
lem as one peculiarly American in
character and to retreat in the face
of its unique" differences. This is
clearly case of exceptionalism and
one in which the Minority fully
shared. If, on the other hand, the
Comintern has so clearly analysed
the Negro problem and so effectively
instructed our Party in the revolu-
tionary potentialities of the Negroes
in the United States, much of its
success in this respect is based upon
the fact that it approached the
Negro question in the United States
from world standpoint, as part of
the international problem of OPP
} pressed races and nationalities, and
} not as an isolated American pheno-
menon.
Many other mistakes of the for
mer Minority in the direction of
American exceptionalism could be
cited, all of which combined to
strengthen the right tendencies in
the Party, but the foregoing serve
to illustrate the correctness of the
C. /. criticism. The exposure of the
; theory of American exceptionalism
by the Comintern has come with
something of shock to our Party.
The full implications of this destruc-
tive theory are not yet understood
by the Party. But already, even
with the little discussion that has
, as yet taken place, the Party under
stands the tremendous Importance
to the Party of the C. l. analysis of
, exceptionalism. The present deci-
sion, especially because of its ex-
posture of exceptionalism, bids fair
to stand as theoretical landmark
in the development of our Party.
The Question of Factionalism.
In the very center of the G. L.
Address stands the question Of the
liquidation of factionalism. This de-
cision should make it quite clear to
our Party that the c. I. is determined
to put an end to the six years long
fractional fight. This struggle, which
is a scandal throughout the Com
intern, has done much to paralyze
our Party and to hinder it's ideol-
ogical and organizational develop
ment. The great tasks confronting
, our Party in the growing war danger
, and the general intensification in the