Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-01-06

concession by the American Hartman
| group on the ground that it Is impoSsi-
BILE to get along with the Russian trades
unions.
The question most interested Ameri-
cans are probably asking now is whether
the Russian situation and policies are
sufficiently evolved to make recognition
justifiable. The Third Internationale
while 1t has had many rebuffS, is still
active in all countries, directed mainly
by the men who direct the Russian
Communist party although the fiction
OF the complete separation of the In
ternationale and the Soviet government
is still gravely preserved. The Soviet
regime, despite many difficulties, ap-
pears firmly in control.
In foreign policy the Russian gov
eminent is almost entirely on the de-
fenSive, for the present at least. In
interior politics three tendencies have
appeared within the Communist party.
Those of the left wing, whose theoret-
ical leader is Trotzky, stand for extreme
communism. Their power seems to
have been broken.
Those of the right wing, led by
Kalinin and Rykov and supported by
of the co-operatives and by Commun-
lists in sympathy with the peasants,
favor economic evolution in the normal
sense. It wants to make concessions
to the well-to-do peasants and slow up
the intensive industrialiZation program.
Dictator Stain occupies middle po-
Sition and seems to be trying to play
one extreme against the other, but just
now he is hard pushed by the ideas Of
the right wing.
Foreign Capital Chief Need.
On the whole the country is orderly
and living along fairly we'll in Slip
shod sort of way. What seems to be
the chief need is foreign capital and
a renewed intercourse with the rest of
the world.
The Government of the United
States, as prelude to recognition, de-
mands: One, naturalization for
American property confscated in the
revolution: two, recognition of the
CZariSt debts; three, cessation of all
activity in the United States by the
Third 1nternationale.
The Soviet government seems ready
to promise no propaganda, to admit
cuSS indemnification, but Russia's at
titude implies that the negotiations and
bargaining therefore are somewhat
equivocal.
Americans opposing the recognition of
the Soviet argue that the soviet for
eign policy is hypocrital; that the
Third International is still as ac-
tive as ever for world revolution; that
the regime of the government and espe-
cially Stains position is insecure; that
debt payment and property indemnifi-
cation are as illuSory as ever, and that
working conditions in Russia are impos-
Sible for Americans. In addition it is
argued that there are no guarantees
for invested capital; that the holder
of concession has no authority over
his workmen; that transit conditions
and personal freedom are uncertain:
that Russia already has more offers of
credit for goods than she dares to ac-
cept, and that our share of the Rus
sian trade is already considerable.
Americans favoring recognition reply
that the Third Internationale is not
dangerous; that the regime is appar-
emily stabilized; that the Russians are
ready to negotiate on loans and in
IDENTITIES; that recognition would help
the evolution toward the right; that
all other big powers have recognized
the Soviet; that Britain is meditating
resumption of relations and that we
may get better terms by offering recog-
milton at the psychological moment
than by waiting too long.