Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-12-08

1t comes to its closing phase
will be the flexible provision
4 Flexible provision" is going t
step into its place in histor
along with scores OF other crypt
phrases that have blaZed through tn
newspaper headlines for a few week
and then have in most cases disap
peared, though in some cases moi
Flexible provision" will take its plac
alongside such recent terms as de
benture plan" equalization fee" ant
such phrases of a generation ago a
sixteen to one" and such phrases O
Two generations ago as Missouri Com
promise" "Wilmot Proviso" and Ore,
Scott Decision"
What Is attempted in the present ar
ticle goes no further than simpliflca
ton. There are already in the Con
gressional Record pages of oratory-
from Senator Hiram johnson of Cali
fornia, Senator Walsh of Montana
Senator David Reed of Pennsylvania
Senator Borah of Itaho. Senator Fes
of Ohio, Representative Beck of Penn
sylvania, and others. There will b.
yet more pages of oratory. The aim O.
the present articles is to reduce TIT
immense mass of argument to the bart
skeleton OF the question. In the proc
eSs of Qualification good many details
necessarily will be omitted.
First of all nearly everybody agree;
that the tariff should be made flexible
Nearly everybody, but not quite ALL I
Is. understood that Grundy of Pennsyl.
vania, outstanding exponent of high
and permanent protection, does not
want any flexible provision nor any
fiexibility of the tariff whatever
He and the comparatively small
group of manufacturers he repre-
sentS wants Congress to go on in the
old way-to write good, old-fashioned
high protective tariff, and then let II
remain exactly as it is for six or sever
years. This group of protectionistS
wants permanence, stability.
Want Permanent Duties.
They want to know exactly what the
tariff Is on every one of some IS ,00C
items-and they want it to remain ex.
actly what it is for at least five or siz
years.
The group that feels this way is
however, very small. Probably there
are hardly dozen such among the 81
Senator's, hardly two dozen such among
the AS members Of the House.
That the tariff had best be flexible Is
close to a universal conviction. The
need for hexibility is dictated by the
conditions of modern trade. Changes
in trade come so fast that it is fell
there must be mechanism which from
time to time can change the tariff or
one commodity or another-without
waiting for those general tariff revi-
sions which only come. on the average
about once every seven years.
A tariff that is set and remains set
for six or seven years rs certain to work
too eccentrically as respects some COM
nnodities. Within period of six to
seven years, considering the speed at
which things move nowadays, whole
new industry can arise, as substantially
the rayon industry has arisen. Through
new discoveries or other changes such
an industry as the chemical one can
become within a year or two subject
to such fundamental alterations as to
make q two-year- tariff antiquateo
and grotesque.
The argument that there should be
nexihility in the tariff, that there
should be mechanism which can pick
out one item or schedule and change
It alone, as need ariseS-that argument
need hardly be expanded. Practically
1t proves itself, and the assent to it is
overwhelming.
Issue Arises on Process.
The issue arises on the question who
shall, so to speak, do the hexing. What
agency of the government shall have
the power to pick out one Of the 1000
items In the tariff and change it to fl
the times? How shall the process De
initiated? And who, or what agency
of government, shall have the power tc
say the final word, to decree that the
new rate Is In effect?
It Is agreed universally that one part
of the mechanism shall be tarin CON-
mission. In all this session of Con-
gress there has been no questioning OF
the need Of having tariff commission
q body of experts whose power and
duty is to take account OF changing
conditions in trade and TO make 1nveS-
legations as to whether and how such
changing conditions should be recog-
nized by a change in the tariff. A
tariff commission making inveStiga-
tons, hearing witnesses and coming tt
agreement about the facts with respect
to any given commodity an in.
stitutton is admitted to be desirable By
every one Of those whose position or
other aspects of the flexible tariff diff
fers violently.
To illustrate by an imaginary ex-
ample. It is agreed that there should
be tariff commission: 1t is agreed that
a business man or other person inter
ested should have the opportunity OF
going before the tariff commission ane
calling its attention to changing con-
ditions with respect to one commodity
or another: it is agreed that the tariff
commission should make a careful
survey Of the facts: it is agreed thai
the tariff commission should make &
report.
But to whom should the tariff com
mission report? And who should have
the power OF acting or not acting upor
the basis OF such report-this Is thu
real question that will come to Z
(aHw~ kRsEE $NE
enters it's closing stage Who shall hav'
the final power OF saying whether Their
shall be a new rate; and II so, what TIT
new rate shall be?
The choice is between two-whethe
the President shall have the power o.
whether Congress shall have 1t.
One group-and this group has ma
iority In the House-Says the repor
should be made to the President ant
exercise his Judgment as TO whether h
should or should not act upon the re
port, and that the President, If h
elects to act, should have the Who'll
power to promulgate new rate. hi
power being limited within a certain
range. presumably so per cent above 0
so per cent below the original rat
enacted by Congress-
Battle Between Two Groups.
The other group-and this group ha
q narrow majority in the Senate-de
clares this is too much power to Civ
to a President. They declare that tn
report of the tariff commission on tn
facts must come, not to the Presiden
but to Congress. They declare this
Congress alone should have the powe
TO decree the new rate.
Between these two groups the hattl
is going to be fought.
Let us now consider some of til
arguments against giving the power
the President. BY the phrase 18th
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