Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-03-24
BY J. RAMSAY MACDONALD,


Former Prime Minister of Great Britain.
Written Exclusively for The Star land, and the
LONDON, March 23-It is surpris-
ing that we have advanced so little in
settling the most prolific causes of in
ternational disputes; and yet the rea-
son is not far to seek.
The nations have never acquired any
confidence that peace can be kept be-
tween them. and so, while they have
been willing to agree to arbitration III
disputes of a superficial kind, they
have always reserved for the sword and
the soldier the real causes of war
matters which they class as things af-
fecting national honor, national safety
and such like.
Therefore, the policy of every nation
has been to prepare its military forces
to meet 1.-THE next war;" and to hold
within its own control freedom to hit
enemies at their most vulnerable points
by means best calculated to force a
successful issue. That is why Great
Britain, an island and naval power,
has declined to allow its control Of
the seas in time Of war to be weakened.
The right of blockade, of search of
neutral ships, of diversion of sea traf-
f1c. has been regarded as essential to
our Self-defenSe, and who will say that
that was wrong so long as there was
a danger of war in which we should
be involved, and also so long as We
were in position to enforce the right
upon other states?
Right to Keep Seas Open.
In trying to retain that right, it
must be confessed that We were rather
ingenious when We protested that the
Navy-the instrument by which We en-
forced that right-was being MAIN
tanned by us solely to keep the seas
open. History presented the story to
other nations at an angle different from
that from which We saw 1t.
In times Of peace it used to be that
every naval power reserved great ocean
areas for its own trade, as some ma
lions now reserve their own territorial
waters, but economic enlightenment has
made that thing of the past; in times
of war there is, up to now, no ques-
ton of the open seas. The doctrines
of contraband and of blockades have
been varied from time to time, but
whenever war has broken out, whether
it was a civil war as in the United
States, or the last war, freedom OF the
seas has been interpreted to suit the
convenience and necessities Of bel
Igerents
The whole question is again up for
conditions. Readers of Col. Houses
intimate papers" know how frequent
~ our action in interfering with
United States rights to use the sea as
q trading highway brought us into
dangerous conflict with American In
terests, and on occasion, but for the
influence of friends, the United States
might have fought US as soon as it
fought Germany.
Hopeless to Outbuild U. s.
At one of the sittings of the peace
conference at Paris, Col House, on be- |
half of President Wilson, intimated that |
unless we modified our claims the !
United States would build Navy |
against us. That has now happened.
It is perfectly obvious that when
nation ceases to be able to enforce its
will on the open seas it is bad policy
for 1t to try to do SO. and for us now to
build ships against the United States Is
hopeless task, and dangerous one to
boot Nor will our people tolerate the
attempt. We simply decline to treat the
United States IS potential enemy. To
come TO an agreement with America on
the freedom of the seas is the only basis
OF a completely satisfactory friendship
with that country.
In the event of another war in which
We should be engaged, a surrender OF
the rights which we claimed and en-
forced during the last war would I'M
doubleday weaken our striking power.
But there is much bigger entry on the
other side of the account now than
heretofore.
The development OF commercial air
services and, above all, the use of the
submarine, have changed the world for
the. great naval powers and have revo-
lutionized their opportunities Of win
ming war by starving their enemy.
When MISUNDERSTANDING every man,
woman and child--now fight, and not
only soldiers, everything is contraband
and nothing is private property.
Risks Greatly Increased.
This enormously increases the task
of those who would close the sea high
ways, lays them open TO new attacks
upon themselves and multiplies very
seriously their risks of creating new
enemies.
Moreover, the fact that contraband
can no more be separated from general
trade and that blockade cannot stop
short of the starvation Of old and young,
soldier and civilian, must weaken the
effectiveness of the naval power because
the horrors attending on its use must
more and more outrage our moral sense
and create revulSion in the hearts OF
peoples against those responsible for 1t.
The weapon has become too horrible,
and for that, if for no other reason, civ
ilized nations must abandon it.
It is quite impossible to limit the OPP
erations Of blockade and contraband
now, and that means that we cannot
repeat any Of the old compromises.
There must be either complete free
dom of the seas or competitive naval
ornaments and growing misunderstand-
ings between certain nations. The
power to interrupt the freedom OF the
seas has broken in our hands for both
military and moral reasons.
What can be done in such dilemma?
Events Bring Solution.
Fortunately, the events which have
brought the dilemma have also brought
its solution. The world has now a
chance to establish peace. If nations
are wisely guided. Rants eternal peace"
is no dream, but a possibility
The wars which made blockades ad-
vantageous and which made the main
tenance of the power to carry them out
a national duty, were private wars, "
and these are now outlawed by the KEEL
logg pact If that pact is honored and
supported by the necessary consequent
tial agreements, the circumstances
which gave importance to reservations
to the freedom Of the seas can never
arise. Blockade and right of search
are abandoned not only because they
cannot be enforced. but because the
new world opening out to us does not
require them.
If the peace pact means anything at
all. it means that the rights of neu-
trails as against those of belligerents no