The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-02-27

nothing. They will not pay any
price for it. In fact, they become
as indignant at a suggestion of
risking anything in fight, as
they do at a suggestion that they
are not genuine progressives. But
sadly it must be recorded that
these timid progressives are not
progressives at all. Always, when
they come up squarely against a
situation that calls for decision and
action, the only real test of pro-
gressivism, they halt, WAIVER, and
run away Their progress
sivism is a fake"
Since the above was written, more
than four years ago, we have en-
riched our experience with these
"progressives." Today we must
supplement the above characterize
ton. No longer do these progress
sives" halt, waver, and run away at
all times-sometimes they stand and
fight with a bitterness, relentless
ness, unscrupulousness, and disre-
gard for consequences, which can be
matched only by examples from
modern military warfare. Such
times are when they are fighting
against the Communists and the Left
wing!
New Unions and the Progressives.
Characteristic of the present
period is the fact that the process
of rad 2iization of the workers has
reached such point, and on the
other hand, the amalgamation with
the capitalist state of the old trade
union officialdom has gone so far,
that the struggles of the masses
burst through the limits of the old
trade union legality" and is now
finding a new channel in the forma-
ton of new unions. With this goes
a shifting of the center of activity
more completely to the unskilled and
semi-skilled workers.
In the light of this fundamental
fact, what is the role of the new
progressive" movement of the Music
Brookwood- Thomas group? Its role
is to check the establishment with
the A. F. of L., to hold the dissatis-
fled masses under it's control, to pre-
vent the growth of the new unions,
to hold out renewed hopes of chang
ing the A. F. of L. into something
different from what it is, the
servant of capital. It's role is to be
the '1oyal opposition" to Vol, Green
& Co., draining off into ineffective
channels the discomfort of the mas
ses.
Recall their role in recent strike
struggles! Among the miners a
member Of this group, John Brophy,
even participated in united front
with the Left wing against Lewis,
in the Save-the- Union Committees,
for almost two years. What was his
contribution 1t was to prevent
those committees from acting, to
paralyze them, even to stop all
criticism of Lewis betrayal of the
strike. And when finally the break
was forced by an outraged rank
and file, and the new union was
launched, Brophy quit the movement
cold and retired to teach school.
Consider Alex Howat, who, while
not strictly Of the Labor Age"
group, is yet typical progressive"
of the old sort. He quit the fight
even before Brophy, and has now
sold his progressive" reputation to
the service of the discredited Lewis.
Another member of this group,
Powers Hapgood, spoke from the
same platform with the official of
the U. T. w., Campos, when that
worthy boosted of breaking the Fall
River textile workers strike because
it was led by the Left wing.
The same group fought against
the new textile workers union in
New Bedford, and supported the re-
dictionary officials who, collaborat-
ing with the socialists, produced q
manifesto to the millowners which
declared:
1--WE workers Of New Bedford
arc not radicals aiming to destroy
the great industry Of our city,