davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

it's plethora of riches. Everything
that has taken place in Latin Amer
lea from that time EDWARDS has had
as its purpose the still further estab-
fishing of U. S. hegemony.
Until the war, however, Great
Britain was the dominant power.
During and since the war, the U. S.
has rapidly assumed the role Of die
tator. From a secondary place in
Latin American investments it has
assumed the role of oligarch. Brit
ain is being crushed out. The U. S.
is still further entrenching itself.
The Bolivia-Paraguay outburst is
all important phase of this u. S.
British rivalry. The U. S. has come
out clearly in its role as aggressor.
1t is absolutely corerct for the c.
Z. c., in its theses and discussion,
to point out this aggressive role of
L. S. imperialism; otherwise the
tendency would be towards mini
Hi'Iiiie Iiie "aA udHsef'
Minority Thesis.
The thesis of the Minority COM
rades is also very definite in it's
analysis. This in spite of the fact
that the fundamental approach has
changed many times.
~. S. imperialism has reached
the apex of its growth" is the basic
line running through the whole docu-
ment. Starting from this premise
a whole series of errors naturally
follow. The errors have been
clearly pointed. out in the C. E. C.
discussions (Al Smith, radicaliza-
ton, etc. and therefore don't re-
quire enumeration here. One point,
however, must be touched upon.
In setting out to prove that U. S.
imperialism is about to commence
downward trend, the Minority thesis
says:
"The curve OF industrial devel-
opment which in the middle of
1928 took turn upwards, is again
beginning to show downward
trends. The persistence of the
present industrial depression, ag-
gravated by the critical situation
in such basic questions of economy
as coal, textile, shipping, oil and
agriculture, points to the matur-
ing Of an economic crisis with the
consequent misery and suffering
for the toiling mass.
"Only a few industries have
shown increasing production in
recent months. These are auto
mobiles, steel, farm machinery,
and electric power and equipment.
This fact and the further indus
trializati0n of the south (coal,
iron, textiles) explains the slight
upward trend of the last several
months"
Surely, comrades, this is the
height of downright stupidity. The
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

concentrate on building the Commu-
mist Party.
So much explanation has been
made on these questions that l don't
propose going into them further
here.
Sufficient to say they are proof
positive that the Right wing danger
is indeed the main danger confront
ing the American Party.
The Labor Party.
The Forthcoming Party convention
must lay down a very concrete line
for our future policy regarding a
labor party. The C. l. policy. and
the policy of the American Party,
correctly lays down the perspective
OF labor party in the United States.
This is qualified, however, by the
further statement that the labor
party is more of an agitational than
an organizational slogan which
is also correct. We must, however,
show Communist courage and init
alive in this labor party question.
What do we man by saying agita-
tional rather than organizational
Do we mean it is impermissible to
organize or remain inside labor par
ties or farmer-labor parties at the
moment? My contention is that on
national scale we cannot at the
moment attempt to build a labor
party. However, there are local in
stances where a labor party is an
immediate organizationaI task. Min
nesota, for example.
Nevertheless, the Minnesota far
mer- labor party has been correctly
designated as pseudo-labor party,
which must be broken up before a
real farmer-labor party can be built.
What is meant by this? Do we
mean the Communist Party should
leave the existing farmer-labor
party and set out to build another?
l think this would be wrong.
Ny contention is that the proper
policy to be pursued by our Party
in this direction is to continue inside
the farmer-labor party, but to de-
mand Communist affiliation as a
Party. By this method we can re-
tain our influence on the workers
and farmers who still adhere to the
present F. L. P. and at the same
time point out, if the takers deny
us admission. that the present party
is not fulfilling the function the
workers and farmers expected. This
would give us better opportunity
for pointing out the role of the Com
nunist Party as the only true
fighter for working class interests.
Support the c. E. c.
Lack of space prevents further
calculation on many points. The
membership must stand fast at this
convention period. The c. E. c.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

ostrich is known for its character
istic of burying its head in the sand
when it sees danger coming. The
Minority comrades are very like the
ostrich. They mention what one
might call the basic industries, steel,
electric power and equipment, auto
mobiles, and farm machinery, and
say they are on the upward grade.
Then they bury their heads in the
sand and say, "What does it mat
ter, we must be different from the
c. E. c., SO we must conclude that
this upward development means in
dustrial depression"
Real Marxist-Leninists don't make
deductions in this manner. This is
only another proof of the fact that
the present factionalism is unprin-
cipled and cannot survive without an
artificial and therefore groundless
foundation.
Right Wing Danger.
In face of the pseudo MARKHAM an
alysis being made by many COM
rades, the Right danger, correctly
designated by the C. I. as the main
danger facing the international, be-
comes aecentuated for the American
Party. Minnesota has numerous ex-
amples of this.
First and foremost stands the
Shipstead Farmer-Labor question.
From the outset the Minority COM
rades fought strenuously against
the policy. Many questions arose,
as, for example:
Which is the greater discipline,
that Of the Communist Party or of
the farmer-labor party?
Is it permissible for the class war
to be inserted in any Party state
ment in reference to the farmer
labor party?
Do we mean to build the F. L. P.
or the Communist Party?
What is a genuine F. L. P?
On all questions, the Minority.
which then included the renegade
Trotskyites now expelled, stood
against the c. E. C. policy. They
said:
If we fight Shipstead, we divorce
ourselves from the masses. There
fore we must not fight Shipstead.
If we insert the class war in our
statements, we brighten away the
masses.
If we are honest in saying we
stand for a farmer-labor party we
must build it, even though it means
temporarily submerging the Com
munist Party.
There is only one genuine Labor
Party and that is the Communist
Party; therefore we must be real
lists and honest if we talk about
genuine labor party. That can only
be if we destroy the labor party and
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

3.-The meeting, of the member
ship Of Easton, Bethlehem and AL
lentown declare that the unification
of all Party forces against the bour-
geoisie, against social reformism,
against the Right danger and against
the Trotskyist renegades can and
must be achieved on the basis of the
line of the Comintern. All reserva-
lions to the decisions of the World
Congress of the Communist Interna-
tional must be dropped Immediately.
The instructions of the World Con-
gress that the Minority must subor-
dinate itself to the Majority must be:
the extension of Party democracy,
the general proletarianization of the
Party and all its leading organs,
Leninst discipline and merciless self
criticism.
4.-The membership meeting of
Easton, Bethlehem and Allentown
states that in the present pre-con-
vention period the most thorough
going Party discussion is necessary,
but that the decisions of the incom-
ing Party convention must be con-
sidered as final, and that after the
Party convention all forces of the
Party must be concentrated on the
decisions of the C. l., without reser-
vations, and on the tasks of the
Party and not on its inner situation.
5.-The Easton, Bethlehem and
Allentown membership meeting
calls upon District Three, as well as
the entire Party, to elect such pro-
letarian delegates in the districts to
the National Convention, such work
ers who will support the platform
of the unity of all Communist forces
within the Party on the basis of
the unqualified acceptance of the
leadership of the Communist Inter
national.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

shows Right wing tendencies. Can
non simply symbolizes the degener-
alton of part of the old Opposition
forces. The theories of the OPPOSE
ton and their permanent fractional
protection are basic reasons why
Cannonites and Trotskyites are pro-
duced in the Party, especially at
this time.
8. From the foregoing it is plain
that no Party member can correctly
support the Opposition, but has on
the contrary the duty to liquidate
the Opposition in the speediest man
ner and to support that Gee, which
the CT has declared is not a Right
wing Gee but a Geo leading a
Party which has been "the stalwart
leader" of the masses in struggle.
But while we must support the
Gee we must be particularly cri-
teal and wary to see that every
thing goes well. We must note and
plainly state that too many Right
errors have been made by the en-
tire leadership. The Cyl has been
critical, the Profinten has been cri-
teal and the CT has been critical.
This must determine the attitude of
the thinking members of the Party
as well. We, too, must take a more
critical attitude.
/. This is especially important
and proper at the present time:
a. We are in a new phase, the
third phase of the postwar period
of capitalism, a phase in which the
external and internal contradictions
Of imperialism reach very high
pitch. We must see to it that the
Party is fully oriented on this new
third period of post war capitalism.
b. The Party itself is under
going transition period from being
a propaganda group, which it has
now passed, to full mass Commu-
mist Party, which it has not yet be-
come, but which the coming strug-
giles will give it ample opportunity
to become.
Opposition Will Die Out.
c. The coming convention will
see the rapid disintegration of the
Opposition. If the Opposition will
be liquidated, there is no doubt but
that some of the bad tendencies in
the Opposition may find expression
in the policy of the Gee and en-
phasizc too much the bad tendencies
existing within the Central Execu-
tive Committee. To be more exact,
while it ID Q basic immediate task
to liquidate all factionalism and
draw those elements who give up
their factionalism into the leader
ship Of the Party more and more,
yet we must guard against the dan
ger that the Right tendencies of the
Opposition will merge with certain
Right actions on the part of GER
tain Of the Central Executive Com
mittee so that the Right danger be-
comes more acute than ever. The
Danger is not that the Opposition
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24
By ALBERT WEISBORD.

The first task before the Party
membership in the present elections
to give such a signal defeat to
he Opposition that it will be prac-
ically liquidated.
Present Tasks.
l. The tasks before the Party at
he present time are many and
,reat. The sharp intensification of
he contradictions external and in
ernal, facing American and world
capitalism leading to the imminence
If imperialist war and greater in
,ernal class conflicts, place upon our
Party the greatest international
Obligations. We must see to it that
in the coming very sharp period
,ur Party as a Communist Party
Ices not disgrace" itself.
2. If the Party is to be put in a
position where it can live up to its
iuties in the present and coming
periods, the internal friction and
tactionalism which have been gnaw-
ing at the vitals of our Party for
50 long must be put an end to. We
can not afford the luxury Of fac
tionalism for one day longer. The
attitude of all responsible comrades
must be to bend all energies to put
an end to the fractional strife that
has become revived" again.
Factionalism Leads to Split.
3. Factionalism creates a party
within party. The logic of fac
tionalism leads to split. fractional
ism is justified only when the Cen
trail Executive Committee is
Menshevik committee which, if al
lowed to 60 on unchecked in it's
Menshevism, would in critical
moment, betray the masses and OBJ
struct the advance of the prole-
tartan revolution. For the OPPOSE
ton to maintain their factions they
must show that they have serious.
yes fundamental, differences of
opinion with the Central Executive
Committee. Slight differences are
not sufficient. When the Opposition
with Weinstone as their "leader" (N
then, tried, in the last fractional
fight in 1927, to maintain their fac
tions without any serious difference
politically with the Central Exec
utive Committee, they received a
severe rebuff both from the Comm
tern and from the membership of
our Party. At that time the Comm
tern stated that the worst crime
against the Party was factionalism
without fundamental political diff
ference. To maintain their factions,
therefore, the Opposition must
maintain that their differences with
the Central Executive Committee
are very serious ard fundamental.
World Congress On w. (C.) P.
4. On this very question Com
rads Bukharin, in his summary
speech at the 9Th World Con gress,
said as follosss (Inprscorr No. 40,
vi q.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

TOP UNPRINCIPLED FACTION

these comrades convinced them
selves Cor were forcibly convinced)
that the &c. I. had gone completely
to the left" they very smoothly
changed their tactics and the "crazy
Leftists" suddenly became ultra
right wingers."
Discussion carried on in this
fashion is not Communist discussion
and should be very severely con-
demned. A most important factor
in blurring the issues facing the
Party is the unanimity Of the Amer
lean platform of the Minority and
the renegade Cannonites, i. e., "The
Right Wing Danger"
In our District (No. 81 the Trot-
sky question is Of paramount i'm
portance. Many erstwhile leading
comrades, now expelled, are openly
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

will not be liquidated, for it will be
and must be liquidated, but that
when the Opposition is liquidated
the Right errors of the Opposition,
merging with the Right errors of
some present Gee supporters, will
make the Right danger become more
pronounced. We must not fear this
danger too much, but it exists and
must cause us to keep critical at
| titude.
Period of Worst Errors.
In this Connection we must bear in
mind that the crassest Right errors
for which the Party was criticized
was when there was so-called
unity" and when the Foster, Bittel-
man, Cannon, and Weinstone groups
were united" with the Central Ex-
ecutive Committee. That was the
time when the Panken error was in
itiated, the "Save the Union" slogan
issued and extended, all the textile
unions over which we had control
sent into the U. T. w., although that
meant humiliation of these unions,
when the auto campaign was
dropped, when the anti-imperialist
department committed great blum
ders, etc.
With the liquidation Of the fac
tional Opposition, then the members
will be far more free to criticize
generally, without being bound by
group lines and caucus discipline.
When this is accomplished this will
mean a great step forward. The
whole Party membership must take
advantage of the opportunity to dis
cuss all important matters and ac-
tually take live decisive part in
moving the Party forward.
Expulsions An Advance.
d. A good deal of pus is now
being squeezed out of the Party.
The Cannon Trotsky renegades are
out and with them a good deal of
the poison that has polluted our
Party will be out and the Party will
be in much better position than be-
fore to stand criticism and to carry
out the correct political line. The loss
of these renegades and traitors is
not q loss to the Party. 1t is not a
sign Of weakness of the Party. 1t
is sign Of growth. These rene
gades and opportunists could not
stand the pace Of the Party, could
not stand the sharpening of the
struggle, could not take their place
with the other militant fighters in
the Party who were the "stalwart
leaders" Of the masses in struggle.
The fact that these yellow elements
could not find a place in the Party
any longer is great achievement
for the Party and shows our growth
and increasing Bolshevization.
Criticism Of {. Z. c. Theses.
2. The thesis of the C. E. C. can
also stand good deal of criticism.
In the first place, this thesis does
not show sufficiently that a capital
ism may be growing stronger and
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

Right danger must mean a most
vigorous struggle against this petty
bourgeois, Menshevik, tendency of
paralyzing the Party and trans
forming it into loose debating So
ciety on petty differences. A
vigorous struggle against the Right
danger means a struggle against
this unprincipled, permanent, fac
tionalism of the Opposition. This
now becomes not petty question
but very serious one.
G. Moreover, the Opposition dis
agree with and today fight the CT
not only on the above question, but
on many other principle questions {:
a. When the Opposition continue
to maintain that the reserve powers
of American capitalism are declin-
ing, they go contrary to the facts
and fight the CT.
b. When the Opposition continue
to maintain that there is a broad
and general rehabilitation of the
great bulk of the workers at the
present time, they fight the c. I.
c. When the Opposition continue
to fail to point out the achievements
of the Gee they go contrary to the
facts and fight the CT.
d. When the Opposition continue
to criticise and distort the point of
view of the Gee they go contrary
to the facts and fight the CT.
e. When the Opposition criticise
the CT itself for not criticizing the
Gee of the American Party more
(see Johnstone's reservations to the
CT thesis) they fight the CT.
+. When the Opposition, in OPP
position to the CT, continue to call
the Geo a Right wing Gee, they
60 contrary to the facts and fight
the CT, which has said that that
charge was unfounded.
&. When the Opposition continue
to refuse to stress the fact that
they initiated and shared in many
Of the Right wing errors that were
made together with the Gee, and
made many other errors which the
Gee did not share, they fight the
CT.
i. When the Opposition continue
to refuse practically to fight in any
adequate way against Cannonism
and Trotskyism, failing to point out
that Trotskyism is really part Of
the Right" (Stalin), they fight the
CT.
7. It is no wonder, then, that the
Opposition should have produced
Lore, Askeli, Cannon, and similar
renegades, now opponents Of Trot-
skyism. These renegades simply
carry the point Of view Of the OPP
position one "step" further. (Al-
though the "step" is a great one, it
is true.) II the CT is wrong on
American imperialism, Il the CT Is
wrong how q Communist Party Is
to work, then the CT is wrong on
the very basis Of Leninism. If the
CT cannot tell Right wing Gee
when it sees it, then the CT itself
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24

b. The increased fascisation of
government.
c. The long and hard fought
strikes of large masses (Passaic,
needle trades, miners, New Bed
ford).
d. The great spontaneous move
ment for the liberation of Sacco and
Vanzetti.
e. The sharpened danger of war
with England and other imperialist
powers.
f. The increased Latin American
hostility China also).
g. The increased popularity of
the Soviet Union.
h. The growth of the influence
of the Communist Party and the
Cominten.
i. The increased decline Of the
imperialist system as a whole.
j. The general increased polar
ization of forces in America, TAX
ing place as in Europe but at
slower rate.
The main difference between
America and other highly developed
capitalist countries at the present
time is that the contradictions, both
external and internal, are growing
sharper in those countries than in
America and that when the social
revolution extends it will extend to
the other countries first, in all
probability, before reaching Amer
lea.
Fresh Leaders Needed.
One final point. 1t seems clear
that the entire leadership of our
Party must be freshened up consid-
erably. 1t must be more proletar-
ianized and made more of "inass"
character. The proletarians added
to the Gee must be not pacific ones.
quiet and listening" but ones who
I Nai llEHt LUZ IHciI opiHiOuS. ~
premium must be put on mass work
and those successful in carrying out
Communist policy among the masses
rapidly aided in spite of their de-
fects. They too have the right"
to make mistakes and in all likeli-
hood their mistakes will not be
worse than those made already.
Some of our present leaders should
be put into industrial work directly
for a while so that they would be
freshened up and get an all-round
experience. Some of our leaders
should be plainly removed and some
firmly told to work in some large
factory for a while. Real attention
to the basic industries and to the
smaller industrial cities where those
industries are mainly located--this
is the line that will proletarianize
and Bolshevize the Party and pre-
pare it for it's tasks so that in the
I coming critical period the Amer
lean sect.on of the Comintern will
! not disgrace itself.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-01-24
Mbbo the Central Executive Committees Criticize It's Too Many Right

Or take the American Party.
Quite lately, at least so it seemed
to all of US, the American Party
appeared to be overcoming the in
ternal friction, but now we find
that the controversy is flaring up
again. The internal Party strug-
gle has revived" to such an ex-
tent that attempts are being made
to utilize the present conjuncturc
for the purpose of continuing the
struggle in the acutest form. Are
there any really big political diff
ferences in the American Party?
No, they are petty. Are these
differences so important as to war
rant the formation of factions?
believe they are not.
For instance, take the question
concerning the attitude of Ameri-
can imperialism. Some say that
American Imperialism has grown
stronger; others claim that their
opponents, j. e. those who say 30,
are ADVERTISING American i'm
perialism. Such an expression
should not be used. No good can
come Of it, and it does not help
clear up the question.
I must confess that l do not en-
terrain hopes of Revolutionary
situation arising in the United
States in the near future. say
this quite frankly. In no coun-
try in the world is capitalism so
strong as it is in the United
States of America, where it has
reached its zenith. Is it a terrible
thing to say that there is little
likelihood of an immediate revo-
lutionary situation? 1t is if this
is used to contradict the argu-
ment that there is positively no
ground for activity among the
American masses. As far as l
know, however no one has made
such an assertion.
Unemployment is a fact;
changes in American industry are
also a fact, and so is also the
growing discomfort among the I'M
skilled workers. Is there any
ground for the growth of the
American Party? Yes, there is.
Does this furnish any justification
for an acute fractional struggle!
OF course not. All steps must be
taken to avoid such struggle"
words stressed as in original
A. W.
This is what Bucharin says. The
differences are petty. There is no
ground for a fractional fight in our
Party. Thus when the comrades
Of the Opposition maintain their
factions, they are fighting not only
the Gee, but Bukharin 1.-THE CPSU)
and the Comintern as well.
Most Dangerous Right Wingism.
5. This tendency to keep up .
fractional fight that paralyzes the
Party when the differences are only
petty is one Of the most dangerous
forms Of Right wing tendencies in
sur Party. 4 struggle against the