Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-09-29
BY MARK SULLIVAN.
THE case of Shearer and the ship
builders has caused much talk
and much print about lobbyists,
Il propaganda and similar agencies

TINE case of Shearer and the ship
builders has caused much talk
and much print about lobbyists,
n propaganda and similar agencies
for getting the Government to
do what private interests want-or, as
in the case of Shearer, preventing gov
ernmentS from doing what private in
terestS don't want.
That is q limited definition. Much
propaganda is devoted to causing the
people generally to think what private
interests want them to think, or cauS-
ing the public to want what private
interests want them to- want.
# this article were to include both
tkase definitions, 1t could not touch the
surface. No article and no issue of
newspaper and hardly even a bound
volume Of a newspaper would be enough
to tell fraction of the story Of lobby
ing and propaganda, If both those def
nitions were included.
Even If the definition be limited to
lobbyists and propagandists who aim
at Government action Of one kind or
another, the subject is still enormous.
Mr.. Frank Kent Of the Baltimore Sun
lobbyists and lobbying organizations in
Washington. The list made a column
and half. But Mr.. Kent printed only
those that had their names and their
businesses on their office doors, or in
the telephone book. Those are only q
fraction Of the whole and the most
innocuouS fraction. The greater num-
Der of the lobbyists and propagandists
and these are the most effective
ones-either do not set out their bust
nesses on their Office doors or else they
describe their business as something diff
ferent from what it is. Shearer, 1t is
safe to say, did not paint on any door
in Washington or New York or Geneva,
and did not print in any telephone book
in any language any such words as
"agent for shipbuilding companies"
nor did he describe his occupation as
"preventer Of international agreement"
How Public Finds Out.
Lobbying and propaganda are rarely
announced as such. Rarely does any
letter head or Office door tell who pays
the bills. Only through such an Incl
dent as the Shearer one does the public
get look in"
The shipbuilding companies hired
Shearer. They paid him what, presum-
ably, they thought was right. Shearer
didn't think it was enough. He sued
ykR more. BY that suit, and only by that
Aiit, did the public get its infrequent
peep.
Yet the number Of lobbyists and
propagandists is enormous. They in
fiuence or determine the outcome Of q
far larger number Of public events than
is ever imagined by the public; more
than Is realized by even the closest OBJ
servers. So numerous are the agencies
for bringing about results desired by
private interest, and so frequently are
watched the flow of events for long
time is tempted to become dubious
about the whole implication Of the
phrase "the will of the people" Rarely
do the people consciously will" any
thing. More often the people accept
things after they have been "willed"
by somebody else, somebody else who
put money and time and work and
shrewdness into bringing about the
thing that he wanted. So commonly is
a private interest to be found behind
public event that it was once remarked
by a man who in his lifetime had
unearthed many such private interests
behind the sceneS-that "the public
hasn't got a Chinaman's chance"
The revelations about Shearer and
naval armament are an example OF lob
bying and propaganda for an excep-
tionally dubious purpose. Only IN the
case differ from scores that have been
revealed in recent months and years.
A public utility magnate In Chicago
contributed more than 100000 to the
campaign fund Of public official who
was supposed to regulate public ut1li-
ties. The purpose was to elevate this
official to the United States Senate. II
this candidate had won his seat In the
Senate would he have been a champion
for the public or a lobbyist for the
utilities?
Allied power interests hired lecturers,
gave fees to college teachers and bought
newspapers with the purpose unmis-
taxable in some cases, presumed IN
others-of influencing public opinion
against public ownership of utilities.
In Pennsylvania there is a tax law
which may fairly be described as IA
voring manufacturing as against farm
ing. A Pennsylvania manufacturer
contributed more than 100000 to de-
feat a candidate for governor who
would try to change the law. This
same manufacturer, as 1t happens, has
spent most of the time in Washington
lately. Common talk describes him as
the principal lobbyist In behalf OF man
ufacturing interests in the pending
tariff bill.
400 Washington Lobbyists.
Mr.. L. G. Speers, writing In the New
York Times, estimates the number OF
lobbyists in Washington at 400. Mr..
SpeerS must have had In mind pretty