The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1929-03-16

| nave a workers government, allled
| first with the mass of the poorest
village population, and second, with
the revolutionary workers of all the
warning countries.
The new government cannot give
the people bread. And no amount
of freedom will satisfy masses suf.
fering hunger because of lack OF
supplies, because of their bad dis
tribution, and, chiefly, because they
were cornered by the landlords and
capitalists. To give bread to the
people, one must resort to revolu-
tionary measures against the land
owners and the capitalists; such
measures, however, can be carried
out only by workers government
Nor can the new government give
the people full freedom, although in
its Manifesto of March II, 1917, it
spoke exclusively Of political free
dom, ignoring completely other nc
less important questions. The new
government has already made an at
tempt to enter into an agreement
with the Romanov dynasty, for, dis
regarding the will of the people, it
has offered to recognize the dynasty
on condition that Nicholas II abdi-
cate and that some one of the
Romanov family be appointed as
Regent for his son. The new gov
eminent in it's Manifesto promises
all sorts of liberties, but does moth
ing to fulfill its plain and absolute
duty to put these liberties into ef-
feet, to institute the election of Of
Ificers, ETC., by the soldiers; to set a
date for the election to the city
councils of Petrograd, Moscow, ETC.,
on the basis of universal, and not
merely male, suffrage; to throw all
government and city buildings open
for mass meetings; to call for cleo
tons to all local institutions and
zemstvo on the basis of the same
really universal suffrage; to abolish
all restrict rs on local self-govern-
ment; to remove all officials ap-
pointed from above to supervise
local government; to put into effect
not only freedom of religion, but
also freedom from religion; to i'm
mediately separate school from
church and bureaucratic control,
etc.
The entire Manifesto of the new
government, published on March II,
inspires one with the greatest dis
trust, for it consists only of prom
Uses, and does not carry into life
any of the most essential measures
that could and should be fully real
lied right now.
In its program the rev govern
ment does not say word about the
eight-hour dcJ or other improve
ments in the economic condition of
the workers; it says nothing about
land for the peasants, about trans
ferring to the peasants, without
compensation, all of the landowners
land. By keeping silent on these
vital questions, it reveals its cap
Iitalist and landowning nature.
Only a workers government, bas-
ing itself, first, on the vast majority
of the peasant population, the rural
workers and the poorest peasants;
second, on an alliance with the
revolutionary workers of the war;
ring countries, can give peace,
bread, and complete freedom to the
people.
The revolutionary proletariat,
therefore, cannot but view the revo-
luton of March IA as its first,
though far from complete, victory
along it's glorious course; it cannot
but assume the task of continuing
the struggle to achieve democratic
republic and Socialism.
To accomplish this, the proletariat
and the Russian Social-Democratic
Labor Party must first of all utilize
the relative and incomplete freedom
which is being instituted by the new
government, but which only fur
Their, more persistent and stubborn
revolutionary struggle can broaden
and make secure.
1t is necessary that all the toiling
masses of the country and city, and
also the army, should learn the
truth about the present government
and its actual position on essential
questions. 1t is necessary to organ