Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1929-07-07
CHAOS AND CONTROVERSY
SEEN IN NAVAL MEASURE
Yardstick of Equivalent Values Held
as Disturbing Force Between
Britain and u. S.

at Washington the plain statesmen had
their chance. Mr.. Hughes had the
simple task of adjusting the strengths
of two navies, one Of which had pros
pective superiority In the battlesi1ip
department., the other which had
supremacy In the existing cruiser line.
But the best he could do was to agree
that the British keep their existing
cruiser supremacy.
Five-One Ratio.
A few years later the American pup-
lie became aware that in the matter of
cruisers the ratio between the British
and ourselves was not five-five, but
more nearly five-one. Congress, the
press, the country gradually became
aroused and pressed for a naval expan-
sion program. Mr.. Hoover might con-
ceivably agree to a new adjustment as
advantageous to the British as Mr..
Hughes, but sooner or later Congress
and the public would become indignant
and we should have another Anglo
American crisis
The real difficulty In the parity affair
grows out Of the fact that we are try
ing to settle by figures what has always
been settled hitherto by fighting. The
| fleet we insist upon-and will insist
upon under any system of equivalent
naval values" will be superior to the
British in the fighting line. And the
fleet the British insist upon will be
equal to ours in the fighting line and
superior everywhere else.
II the British were willing to build
as many big cruisers as we need and
We were willing to build as many small
cruisers as they need. equality in theory
would result. But we refuse to waste
the money for the boats we do not need,
while the British will not put limit
on those they do need While we are
both solemnly and sincerely talking
about equality, the thing we actually
demand is superiority.
We can, at any time. take naval SUI
premacy, because our wealth puts us
beyond the reach of British COMPETE
tive building. But we do not want to
spend the money, and thus base our
case on the double argument Of economy
and Of disarmament. But the British
do not want to give up an actual su-
premacy, which they have held for CEN
turtles. save as they are forced to resign
it in the face of the accomplished fact
OF our larger feet actually in being
Unless there is a change in the rela-
tive expansion of national wealths the
British will have sooner or later to
recognize the fact that power has passed
from their hands to ours. the power of
the purse. When that time comes the
debate over equality will have termi-
mated automatically, because it will be
patiently in our hands to fix the size
Of our own fleet beyond the point Of
all competition.
The feet is only one symbol of many,
all disclosing the change in the balance
of power in the world resulting from
the rise of the United States in the
war and postwar years. But the fleet
is precisely the symbol Of British world
power and has been for centuries. And
it is just as clearly the symbol of Brit
ish security, for once British naval su-
premacy is gone British security be-
comes relative, not absolute.
1t is altogether too much to expect
the British briefly and completely to
concede, not In theory but in concrete
naval units, the change which has taken
place in the world. But it is just as
unreasonable to expect the United
States. which in wealth and in industry
has taken the place which Britain once
held in the world, to continue to accept
an inferior rank as naval power.
1t is far more likely to take gen.
Grafton than a decade to bring about
a new adjustment of British and AIneri-
can affairs. But unless the United
States suffers some enormous disaster
or Britain enjoys some unforeseen good
fortune, time works for us and against
! them. What is today the chief danger
Is that on both sides Of the Atlantic
misunderstanding and chickering's may
accentuate what is, after all, a very real
revolution.
Personally I am afraid Of the new
proposals for adjustment because. while
there has been a very real improvement
in the tone of Anglo-American CONVEX
Sati0ns there has not been the rennOtest
change in underlying national opinions.
We think the British have become more
reasonable and they think the same Of
us. But the fact is that we are
both just where We were before. We
have become more polite. but Mr.. Mac
Donald could not get Parliament to
ratify any compromise Mr.. Hoover could
get Congress to adopt. and vice versa.
Moreover, alike in Britain and In
America, the legislators are becoming
FESTIVE and the naval experts rebellious.
(Copyrizht, 1927