The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-12-12
Misleaders in
the American
Labor Unions
By WILLIAM 2. FOSTER

prince. He had, so it was reported,
a private office, a secretary, and
business visitors. Often he was al
lowed to slip out at night to visit
his home. While in jail he remained
business agent of his union. I'M
mediately after his being jailed
powerful influences, such as high
priced lawyers and conservative la
Dor leaders, were set ON foot to Sc
cure his release. Simon O'Donnell
went to Washington about it. Comp
ers wrote to President Wilson and
secured special hearing before the
attorney general. A. Mitchell
Palmer, the notorious fred" batter
and general reactionary, took up the
case and induced President Wilson
to pardon Boyle. Upon his release
fresh Jail Boyle was presented with
a $4,000 automobile by his admiring
| friends.
Boyle is a pal of Governor Small
of Illinois. When in 1922 the latter,
charged with misappropriating state
funds, was acquitted, Boyle was ac-
cused of having bribed the jury.
He fled, but turned up six weeks
later and was hailed before the grand
jury. He refused to testify and was
given six months for contempt of
court. He jumped $1,000 bail and
disappeared. Recognized by a wo-
man in the millionaire Rainbow Club
at Tomahawk, Wis, he was eventu-
ally, after many adventures, brought
back to Chicago and sent to Jail.
Whereupon he was promptly par
doned by his friend Governor Small.
Umbrella Mike" then returned tri-
iumphantly to Chicago, where, at
the head of his union, he still flour
ishes.
Like other building trade officials,
Boyle controls his union by bribery
and force. By judiciously distribut-
ing political and industrial favors,
placed at his disposal by capitalist
politicians and employers, he has
built up solid clique of supporters.
If this group cannot control a ma
jority of votes peacefully then
"rough-house" methods are used.
On April %, 1924, two men were
killed and four were injured in an
election fight in Boyle's union. Boyle
returns the employers favors by
laying all possible distractions in
the way of organizing the $4,000
unorganized Chicago electrical work
ers of the Western Electrical Co.,
Chicago Telephone Co., and Com
monwealth-E Edison Co.
Boyle is one of the many actual
capitalists among Chicago building
trades officials. He is heavily inter-
ested in real estate. Hhis real es-
tate business is the Boyle & Hen
bricks Co. He is also the head of
the Boyle Valve Co. By 1914 he
was known to be worth $350,000,
which he amassed in eight years
on union salary of $40 to $50 per
week. He is now popularity consid-
cred to be worth well on to 100000.
IimOtny Murphy
"Big Tim" Murphy is one of the
most lurid leaders ever produced by
the American labor movement. He
represents, par excellence, the gun
man type of official SO prevalent in
Chicago unions. He originated in
the "back of the yards" distr..-ta. ira
ditional home of Chicago's toughest
elements.
In 1918 Murphy was demo-
cratic representative in the Illinois
state legislature. Previously he had
been Hearst gunman in the So
called newspaper war. In 1919 he
got into the labor movement ac-
lively by organizing the Gas Work
ers' Union. Later he came to or
ganize or otherwise get control of
many other unions, including the
Bridge Laborers, Street Cleaners,
Street Foremen, Asphalt Layers,
Garbage Handlers, Bootblacks, Win
dow Washers, etc. Most of MUIR
phys unions were of city employees
and closely connected up with the
big political parties, where Muir
phys political affiliations served
him well. He soon attached himself
to the clique of gangster leaders
controlling the building trades
unions, and plunged not only into
every known form of labor graft
but engaged in othc- forms of crime
as well. He was accused many times
of murder, robbery, ETC., but be-
cause of his powerful political pull
he was rarely convicted. He came
to be known as Chicago's most ar
rested man.