Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1928-07-01

" NGLISHMEN ought to under
L stand the present phase of
American foreign policy better
IL than most other people, for they
have been through it them
selves and not so very long ago. For
large part of my life-roughly from
the year 1880 up to the year 1904 when
we entered into the Anglo-French en-
tente-it was the acknowledged aim Of
both the great political parties to keep
clear of Continental entanglements."
We said to ourselves that the sea made
us safe and that we should be able
to sit snugly on our island, although
the other nations ragged furiously to-
gether. Why, we asked, should We
throw away this gift of the gods by
meddling in quarrels which did not
concern us, when we had the whole
British Empire demanding our spare
energy and capital?
1t was not argument but events
which drove us out of our splendid
| isolation" Very reluctantly we came
| to the conclusion that we must either
| help to control events on the adjacent
continent or be controlled BY them, and
probably to our ruin. Whether we
chose rightly or wrongly history must
decide. but by the beginning of the
| century We had discovered that hands
! off" and on-intervention" we're not,
as we supposed. easy and simple solu-
| ton, but the most difficult and COM
plicated of all foreign policies. We
might wish to turn our backs upon
! our neighbors, but they could not or
would not turn their backs on us, and
every year the points of contact and
| friction seemed to increase.
Americans Stand Aioof.
I am not suggesting that American
| policy will run the same or a parallel
course. The 1000 miles of ocean seem
| to make 1t even more obvious common
sense for Americans to stand aloof than
our 81 miles of Channel made it for us.
The physical points of contact be-
| tween the United States and other ma
tions are far fewer than tho5e between
| the British Empire and other nations.
An attack on the United States from
Europe would be far more formidable
enterprise than an attack on the British
Isles from Continental bases. But
Americans, too. discovered in 1917 that
| it was impossible for them to remain
outside great European struggle. and
at the end of 1t their President said
that there would be no neutrals in an
other war. On this hypothesis he pro-
posed League Of Nations to keep the
peace, which Europe accepted and
America rejected. Europe is thus left
with an American institution which
America has repudiated-an American
founding left on the European door
step. The United States still believes.
in spite of her experiences in 1917, that
intervention is a possible policy;
at oil at~ ct1n Dc IokA fr,
be sole arbiter of whether, when and
how she will intervene
Europe Feels Sore.
Europe undoubtedly feels sore at this
| course of events and some nations pro-
| test that If they had ever imagined that
America would be outside the League
| they would have acted quite differently
and demanded a different kind OF
i peace in 1919 This is not the English
view. We we're, of course, sorry that
| the United States did not join the
/ League. but We consider this American
| institution" to be good and useful one
| and We hold President Wilson in CRATE
| full memory as a pioneer in the Gauss
/ of world peace. I will even go a little
| farther and say. after endeavoring tc
explore American opinion. that the
/ course of events is on the whole not tc
be regretted. / mean. that useful and
/ timely as President wilson's initiative
was for us. the adhesion of the United
| States would probably have been pre-
| mature.
| For adhesion to the League implie:
| two things-firSt, an active public opin.
| ion about the subjects on which thu
! League Is engaged. and next q willing.
/ ness on the part of the public to trust
| its statesmen to act for ii. There il
not so far as can see as yet, an active
| public opinion in the United States
about the question tmainly Europeanl
on which the League is engaged. and
there is a great reluctance to give any
statesmen the discretion which is per-
| mitted TO European prime ministers OF
| foreign secretaries. The United States
Senate regards itself as continuously on
guard to prevent statesmen from subor-
dinating American interests to Euro
pean conveniences and there Is scarcely
any issue before the League of Nations
which might not involve the same sort
of conflict between the American repre-
sentative and the Senate as took place
between President Wilson and that body
In 1919.
United States Said to Lack Opinion.
In Europe there Is an increasing FER
ment of opinion on foreign affairs which
keeps statesmen and parliaments In
step and enables the former to judge
with SUFFICIENT accuracy how far they
can so. In America there is no general
opinion about European affairs. and 1t
is difficult 10 predict with any certainty
what view the Senate may take about
the action of statesmen, While these
conditions last n seems tn me natural
that the United States should fight shy
of the League of Nations. and. provided
they are understood. Europe has no
right to complain about them,