The Indianapolis times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1922-1965, 1928-07-30
BY ERNEST GRUENING


that he preferred Christ the King"
as Mexico's ruler instead of Obregon,
reveals him as religious fanatic.
President Gales, since the assas-
sination, has in repeated public
statements held the Mexican Ro-
man Catholic clergy responsible fon
it, either as having directly con-
spired to remove Obregon, using
the murderer as its tool, or as NOR
ally responsible in arousing a fana-
tical hatred against the president
elect whose anti clerical views long
have been a matter Of record, and
who two days before the fatal shoot
ing declared that there would be no
modification in the restrictions
which led to the present church and
state inpasse in Mexico.
On the other hand, agrarian
leaders, notably Antonio Dia2 Soto
Y. Cana and Aurelio Manrique,
both deputies in the national con-
gress, have charged the Labor party
with moral responsibility for the
assassination, particularly blaming
the Labor leader Luis N. Morones
for creating an atmosphere of hos
tility to Obregon.
These agrarians called for the
ousting of the Laborites from the
administration and succeeded in Sc
curing the resignation of Morones
from the cabinet, and of two other
Laborites.
Meanwhile, a rift between the
Gales and Obregon clements seems
to be widening over the question of
the presidency when Gales own
term expires on Dec. l, although
Gales and Obregon were politically
one.
What are the true facts underly-
ing these apparent conditions.
n
E1RST, we may dismiss the charges
Il of indirect or moral RESPONSE
bility for the assassination as orig
mating in the bics of those who
make the charges.
Gales charges is based on the
fact that he always has been an
extreme anti-clerical. Justification
to be sure has been lent to his anti
clericalism by the historic position
of the Mexican Roman Catholic
clergy as extremely active in poll
tics, and particularly hostile to
every revolutionary administration
from the time of Madero. A con-
nection between the assassin's con-
fessed motive and the active propa-
ganda by the clergy in favor of
"enthroning Christ as King of
Mexico" also may be made.
To understand this connection it
is necessary to realize the strained
relations between church and state,
and that the activities of the clergy
have been fundamentally different
in Mexico from what they are in
the United States.
n
nURING the last seven years
~ placards proclaiming Long
Live Christ the King" and Long
Live the Pope" which have appeared
on the doors of houses particularly
in regions known to be strongholds
of clericalism, have been intended
and so interpreted by the civil au-
thorities, as direct challenge to
The authority of the state.
1t is in these regions that the
armed uprising known as the Cath
olic rebellion" has taken place in
the last two years, since on Aug. l,
1926, the clergy, following orders
from Rome, refused to submit to
the law, requiring the priests to reg
lister, and Withdrew from the
churches.
Space is lacking to multiply the
evidence confirming the politico-
social intent in Mexico underlying
the Christ, King of Mexico"
movement or propaganda. The ex-
pulSion of Archbishop Filippi, in
January, 1923 came as result of
President Obregon's belief that this
movement was assuming menacing
proportions.
The injection of Christ the King"
formula in the assassin's explana-
ton of his motives forms a connec-
ton which, in the mind OF the Mexia
can revolutionists, would seem OBJ
vious and apparent.
The young fanatic had been car
ried away and misled by a perverted
Interpretation of this dogma. That
there was any more direct connec-
lion, any deliberate instigation to
cause him to commit his deed, no
evidence hitherto adduced substan-
tiates.
1t may be reasonably assumed
that if there were any, it would,
given the attitude of the nations
chief executive, have been found by
now.
The agrarians are equally wide of
the mark in their claim that labor
or rather that particular wing of
labor incorporated in the Mexican
Federation of Labor-was RESPONSE
bic. There, too, an established bias
and record of hostility-with politi-
cal motives explain the charge.
= y
TINE right of labor-to organize,
Il and to opportunities which are
taken for granted now throughout
the modern world, but were denied
workers under Diaz, was one Of the
detectives of the revolution.
The rights of the peasantry to be
free from peonage and to own and
cultivate lands as independent
farmers, was another. Both these
revolutionary planks we're deemed
equally important The aspirations
of both groups we're betrayed by
Carranza but gratifed as far as
possible in Obregon's first admins
tration-1920- 1924.
Up to the end Of his administers