The monitor., 1928-07-27
POLITICS AND RELIGION
By Kelly Miller

rio of American institutions. Jesus
laid the eternal foundation in the die.
tum, Render unto Caesar the things
that are Coesar's and unto God the
things that are Gods" But what
about the debatable domain of disput-
ed ownership which lies midway be-
tween the two jurisdictions? Should
the church keep silence when the
state essays to deal with moral issues
such as are involved in slavery and
prohibition? Does this domain be-
long to God or Caesar? Or is it un-
der the joint control of the two?
Such puzzling questions still continue
to perplex the wisdom of the Church
man, the politician and the moralist.
The Houston declaration of reli-
gious tolerance will probably be hand
ed down as ranking among the great
religious manifestos of all time
There must be no intolerance and no
entangling alliance between the state
and any religious organization. 1t has
been widely held that the Catholic
Church claims ultimate sovereignty
over the conscience and conduct of its
communicates. That the DEGREES of
the Church must be first obeyed in all
matters whether sacred or secular.
Governor Smith was held ineligible
for the presidency merely because he
was communicate in the Roman
Catholic Church Such intolerance
and bigotry received death blow at
Houston.
In a popular government like ours,
it is inevitable that any numerous,
we'll organized denomination can
easily exercise great political weight
in the political equation. The Roman
Catholics are not only the largest of
all of our religious denominations but
are the best and most efficiently or
ganized. The political action of its
membership can be most easily af-
fected by centralized and concerted
direction. After the Roman Catholics
I
a good second in number of adher-
ents and efficiency of organization
Nor has this great Protestant demon
nation altogether escaped the charge
of offensive partisanship.
| Let us now confine attention to the
Negro denominations and political ad-
vocacy. The Negro was injected into
the political equation on a moral is
sue. Preacher and parishioner alike
became attached to one political party
and to one theory of government.
The separate spheres of church and
state had no meaning to him At the
earlier day the church was the only
organization through which masses of
people could be reached by any agen-
cy, sacred or secular. The preacher
was the only guide, philosopher and
friend. The people looked to him for
advice and direction and wise politi-
cal guidance. To some considerable
extent this still remains true The
Negro preacher has hardly scrupled
to use his sacred position for secular
control. In this he was abundantly
| justified so long as he used his influ-
ence for the good of the people with
out personal preferment or profit
But, sad to relate, the Negro preach
err has too often become a political
profiteer. He has used his sacred Of
flee to advance his personal fortune
The first Negro senator of the United
States as we'll as the first Negro men,
| Der of the House of Representatives
were ministers of the gospel. 1t is
generous, and possibly just, to say
that in these instances these ecclesi-
astics were the only qualified avail
liable, and, therefore, felt justified to
hold these exalted posts for the gen.
eral good of the race. But we know
all too well that this has not been
enthusiastically the case. Negro
ministers have trafficked in their
sacred office for secular advantages.
So generally has this been the case
that the white politician no longer
respects the sacred prerogative of the
Negro clergy. He does not hesitate
to dicker and bargain for his political
influence among his congregation and
among the people. He hires his church
as political meeting place and en-
cages his services for the reward of
office or filthy lucre. This has been
done perhaps as much as any other
cause TO discredit the sacred preten-
sion eli the Negro preacher in the esti-
nation Of the high minded intelligent
llaity.