davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22
Socialist Party Bankruptcy
For the w orkers!

Every public utterance or written article
of the Rev. DR.. Norman Thomas, the socialist
party candidate for president, reveals in some
new form the anti-working class character of
that organization. 1t has long been evident
that the socialist party at its last convention
threw overheard even the suggestion of a
class struggle in order to clear the ground for
direct appeal to the middle class elements
that supported LaFollette in 1924.
On Thursday night over the radio the Rev.
Thomas urged his hearers to vote the So
cialist ticket in order ito build up progress
sive party of opposition
Such a demand indicates two things. First
that the socialist party does not even pre-
tend to make a class appeal to the workers
against the capitalist parties, even in the
insipid reformistic fashion that usually char
acterizes social-democratic parties Second
that the leaders of that weird assortment of
political bankrupts have abandoned all hope
of becoming other than a minority opposi-
tional party.
A third aim is indicated by the radio
speech of Rev. Thomas. He wants to claim
for his party the dubious credit of having
influenced the old parties to place social
legislation" upon the statue books of the
state. Says the socialist presidential can
didate
1T the growth of the socialist party in
New York which forced most of the social
legislation for the credit of which Governor
Smith and the republicans wrangling."
That cheap boast reveals the utter de-
pravity of the socialist party, and convicts it
of practising the most shameful and I'M
principled deception in this campaign. In
stead of exposing the fact that every So
called piece of social legislation in New York
state is a fraud, deliberate swindle against
the masses, this pulpit-pounder disputes with
the democrats and republicans the credit for
deceptive practices against the working class
under the guise of social legislation.
What are the real facts regarding social
legislation in New York?
Take, for instance, Workmen's compensa-
ton. Does not Rev. Thomas know that the
state bureaus work hand in hand with the
employers and the insurance swindlers to
prevent workers receiving compensation for
injuries suffered in industry? Is it pos
sible that man processing to be interested
In the welfare of the working class could be
SO abyssmally ignorant of actual facts as not
to know that systematic bribery of phys-
clans engaged in industrial accidents pre-
walls? Does he not know that less than eight
per cent of compensation claims are actually
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22
Exposes Carpenter Misleaders

order to work IN a red hysteria,
Duffy quoted long extracts from the
Communist International resolutions,
from the Red Labor Union Interna-
tional decisions, from the Daily
Worker, from the speeches of Will
liam z. Foster and from other
sources. The speech of Duffy is
said to be one of the most scurrilous
and venemous ever delivered at a
workers meeting. 9
The stage was we'll prepared
for Rosen, just as the attack and
the quotations from the Communist
sources were carefully selected in
advance to hide the real issues.
When Rosen stepped on the plat
form, Hutcheson, Duffy and other
machine henchmen removed chairs
and tables in mock Difference.
By way of introduction Hutche-
son, strikebreaker, henchman of the
bosses, revoker of charters and all
around corruptionists said:
Brother Rosen, please come to
the platform and stand here beside
the flag which you hate"
(Note.-The speech, excerpts of
which follow, is taken from the Off
cial minutes of the proceedings of
the convention held Oct. A, and is
sued by the Brotherhood. In some
important respects because of omis-
sions and alterations, the speech as
reported by the Hutcheson-D Duffy
machine does not tally with the
record in the possession of the Daily
Worker, but for the present pur-
poses the Official version is
printed.)
Rosen's Speech.
Mr.. President, members Of the
General Executive Board, aud mem
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22
Take the Message of the Class Struggle Into
the Factories and Shops; Factory Meetings

fighting party of the working class,
the Workers (Communist) Party.
The meeting in the Wall Street dis
trict last week assumed the size of
a large demonstration. All the liter
allure that was on hand was bought
eagerly by the office workers in that
section, while knots and groups of
young workers vigorously discussed
the issues of the election campaign
after the meeting was adjourned.
Eagle Pencil Factory.
In the case of the Eagle Pencil
Co., where the city Tammany Hall
police with the aid of the company
officials tried to prevent and break
up the meetings of the party several
weeks ago. Splendidly attended
meetings are held regularly every
week with hundreds of workers of
the Eagle Pencil Co., forming the
bulk of the audience and showing a
great deal of interest in the program
of the Party as well as in the i'm
mediate problems of organization
that is such a burning issue with
them.
All in all, noon-day meetings have
not only been successful from the
standpoint of thousands of workers
hearing the militant message Of
the Communist Party, buying
it's literature and receiving its leaf
lets, but show the possibility of
brining the Election Campaign to
the workers in the basic industries
and in the large factories and link
up the election campaign with the
immediate and concrete problems
touching the everyday lives of these
workers. In many cases the early
hostility and Indifference of the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22
Against The Capitalists!

settled in favor of the victims of preventable
industrial accidents? That the law itself is
a weapon against labor?
Certainly one must be either a plain
ignoramus or an agent of the employers not
to know that the fire inspectors factory in
spectors, labor commissioners and the whole
retinue of payroll patriots alleged to be en-
gagged in enforcing such legislation are merely
so many grafters collecting brides from pro-
prietors of fire-trap tenements and factories.
No one but a dolt or a conscious agent of the
employers would speak of social legislation
in state where child-slavery under sweat
shop conditions are rampant as, for instance,
in New York City.
But, then it is no novelty for the socialist
party leaders to play the game of the master
class. A party whose leaders in New York
have for years conducted in collaboration
with Tammany Hall, a campaign of strike
breaking, terror, gangsterism and police col
liberation against the militant section of the
trade union movement is only living up to it's
record when it claims credit for influencing
fake social legislation. The fact that the So
clallst party claims credit for the legislation
of the democratic and republican parties in
New York State proves that, if in office it
would do exactly as do the other two older
parties of capitalism.
1t is not accidental that Communist cam
dldates are arrested and Communist meet
lngs broken up by the police and other
agencies of reaction in those identical places
where the socialists speak unmoested The
capitalist class knows it's friends.
This campaign is of deep significance to
the working masses because it proves that
the one Party that invokes the fury of the
capitalist class is the Workers Communist
Party; the one party that not only has pro-
gram of social legislation that means some
thing to the working class and the exploited
farmers, but that also is aware of the road
the masses must travel toward their emanci-
patton from capitalism.
Thus far the Communist campaign has
been magnificent. 1t must not be permitted
to slow down in. face of the savage assaults
made against it. Instead of crippling our
campaign these wholesale attacks must he
met with such fierce resistance that we will
emerge from every struggle with greater
power and greater support than we could
have obtained otherwise.
But in order that we may effectively wage
the last weeks of this historic struggle
funds are necessary. Let every worker rush
funds at once to the National Campaign
Headquarters of the Workers (Communistl
Party at 43 East 125th Street. New York
City
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22
Shop Papers and the Election

The taking of the message of the
class struggle, the platform of the
Workers (Communist) Party of
America right into the factories and
shops has been one of the most i'm
portant developments of and a most
important feature characterizing the
present election campaign of the
Workers (Communist) Party in New
York City and vicinity. Thru the
issuing of shop papers and the hold
ing of monday factory gate meet
ings the New York district organi-
cation of the Workers (Communist)
Party has taken it's campaign to the
tens of thousands of workers right
at the point of production where the
attention of the workers can be
called to the problems confronting
them in their everyday work life.
Factory Meetings.
The number of monday meetings
has been doubled in the past couple
of weeks. At present twelve noon
day factory meetings are being held.
On Monday, in front of the Stanley
& Paterson shop, on Tuesday in
front of the Eagle Pencil factory,
and one at the waterfront on the
west side, on Wednesday before the
traction car barns at goth St. and
Lexington Ave, and in the cap and
clothing workers market at Greene
and Third Sts., on Thursday at 101
w. 9th St., in the needle trades
market and in Broad and Market
SITS, in the Wall Street section
where tens of thousands of office
workers work, and in front of Edison
Electric Co., on Friday before the
National Biscuit Co., before the
Bliss plant in So. Bklyn., at the
waterfront, foot of 18th st. and in
front of the Singer plant, Elizabeth,
N. J. Most of these meetings have
been extremely successful showing
great deal of interest on the part
of the workers in the program Of the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22

workers was broken down after the
speakers and candidates of the
Workers Party explained the issues
of the campaign.
Hattie Carnegie Paper.
Another important feature of the
election campaign in New York City
has been the issuing of more factory
newspapers which the attention of
the workers is called both to their
immediate problems and to the broad
er issues of the election campaign.
A new paper has been issued in the
Hattie Carnegie Shop, where over
500 needle trades workers are en-
ployed. The workers have responded
very warmly to the first two issues.
This paper issued by the Communist
workers in the Hattie Carnegie Shop
not only raises the question of or
ganizing the unorganized millinery
workers in the shop, the need Of
fighting the right wing and the
union bureaucracy, but has also ex-
posed the role of the socialist party
and Tammany Hall in behalf of the
bosses. Issues of the Wright Pro-
peller for the workers of the Wright
Aeronautical Corp, in Paterson, N.
j., of the Rolls Royce mascot" for
the workers of the Rolls Royce plant
in Long Island, have come out with
emphasis on the necessity of form
ing shop committees, of organizing
the workers and showing the work
ers of these plants the relation of
their specific problems to the prob
lens of the working class as whole.
Negroes Have Paper.
The neighborhood paper for the
Negro workers of Harlem has been
issued by the Harlem section of the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22

hand over the subways, old and
new, under a new management, to
the companies. This plan was
broken up when the BIN. T. bought
up shares of the |. r. T. and began
to exert influence. The reply of
the Morgan bank interests which
control the l. R. t., and of Tam
many, was an investigation by the
Transit Commission which discred-
tied the BIN. T. group. Now there
is an agreement between the two
groups for the seven cent fare. Ten
million seven cent tokens have al
ready been manufactured, ready for
the inevitable decision to grant the
increase due to the deal between
Tammany and the traction inter
ests. The connection between Tam
many and traction is further made
clear when we note that much of
the reported income of Mayor
Walker last year (S2s7,000) was
made in |. R. T. stock.
ITO Be Continued.)
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22

Rosen'S Speech.
Mr. President, members Of the
General Executive Board, aud mem-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22
INTRODUCTION.

The speech of Morris Rosen, mill
tant carpenter leader who several
years ago ran for president against
the strikebreaking William l..
Hutcheson, was delivered at the re-
cent carpenters convention held at
Lakeland, Florida. Rosen and other
members of former local 376, the
charter of which was revoked by the
Hutcheson machine, sought or
years to bring the case of the local
as well as the progressive platform
for which it stood before a conven-
ton of the Brotherhood.
Four years ago the appeal of local
376 was steam rolled by Hutchinson
amid storm of opposition. Since
then the reinstatement and defense
committee of the local has carried
on a persistent campaign among the
locals and membership throughout
the country. SO much resentment
and opposition has been aroused at
the exposure of the illegal and
treacherous methods of the Hutche-
son-Duffy machine that when Rosen
again appeared at the convention
Hutchinson and Duffy themselves
were forced to "plead" that he be
lgiven the floor.
Red Batter Froths at Mouth
Rosen's speech is printed in part.
In his "reply" Frank Duffy, vice.
president of the American Fedora
ton of Labor and secretary-treas-
1rer of the Brotherhood of Carpen-
ers, evaded the real issues and in
stead resorted to vicious red-bait-
ng attack on Rosen, accusing him
If being Communist, an agent of
he Workers Communist Party
sud of the Moscow government. In
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22
Propose State Develop Water Power Only to
Hand 1t to Bosses

pie of the United States in his
speeches. The Power Trust has its
interests we'll guaranteed by both
capitalist parties. 1t divides it's poll
teal support between both republi-
can and democratic parties.
Three of Smiths biggest finan-
cial hackers are important members
of the Power Trust: (D Owen D.
Young, head of the General Elec-
trio Company, controlling the BIC
gest power company in New York
State. He is one of the most pow
erful power magnates. 1t is this
power trust man that Smith pro-
poses to make Power Authority for
New York State so as to preserve
power for "the People" What
hypocrisy and irony! (2) T. F..
Ryan is also big power trust man.
He was Murphy's boss in Suffers
impeachment and ousting. He is a
heavy contributor to the democratic
campaign luIlu. llS 10 d poWCl Mig,
traction and copper millionaire. He
is director of the powerful Montana
Power Co. (3) Nicholas Brady, an
other heavy contributor, controls the
Brooklyn Edison Company and other
important power companies.
All Backing Smith.
A great many other power inter-
ests are backing Smith. There is
Herbert Lehman, candidate for
Acknowledgements of New York
State, chairman of the Finance
Committee of the democratic party,
member of Lehman Bros, bank
ers, who control countless power
companies. | will mention only a
few: American Light and Traction
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22

power interests. 1t is a plan SIM
liar to the subway plan in New
York City. The masses are taxed
directly and indirectly to enable the
state to develop and construct with
public money and then let the pri-
vate companies reap the profits in
distribution Of the power. Smith in
the New York Times, March 5, 1928,
outlines the plan clearly. He quotes
Owen D. Young, the power king, in
his analysis of the plan as a scheme
whereby the state can sell the pow
er very cheaply to private companies
which will sell it for profit.
when we speak about furnish
ing cheaper light, heat and power,
we mean we will furnish it cheaper
to the distributing company than
such company is able to buy it now"
(Smith in N. Y. Times, March 5,
1929
Again scheme to milk the pub
lie for the sake of private profit.
Senator Moses makes correct an
alysis when he says, els Smith for
government ownership? His pro-
posal in effect is that the govern
ment will bear all the cost and take
all the risk of building water pow
err plants and that it shall then pass
them over to the power trust. The
governors hackers are not worried
about this government ownership"
Supported By Power Gang.
The workers cannot support the
power program of the democratic
party because it is being financed
and supported publicly by promi-
nent members of the Power Trust
against which Smith warns the peo-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22

bers of this delegation wish to
thank you all for giving me the
floor The fact that you have given
me the floor is, in my opinion. a
great victory for the democratic and
progressive principles which I
fought for when | was a candidate
for General President during the
last election. To my mind the man
ner IN which we have conducted the
fight, the publicity which we have
given it shows that the General
Executive Board has had to take no.
tice and has had to give me the
floor. Perhaps the General Exec
utlve Board and the General Off
GERS think that they may discredit
me thereby, but | assure you that |
am ready to stand and defend our
case. How much | will be allowed
to say will depend on the decencv
and fairness of President Hutche-
son.
The pretext of the revocation of
the charter of former Local Union
376 is a supposed violation of Para
graph B, Section 10 of the General
Constitution. Briefly stated, the
General President may take possess
sion of all books and papers for ex-
animation within the jurisdiction of
the Local Union, and the Local
Union has a right for a representa-
tive to be present while the books
are examined.
The demand for the books was
made through the General Exec
utive Board Member Guerin, who
suddenly appeared at meeting of
the Local at time immediately
after the books were examined by a
public accountant, through the ac-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22
Smith Connected with the Power Trust

Co., Consolidated Gas Co. of New
Jersey, Empire Gas and Fuel Co.,
Consolidated Gas Co. of New Jersey,
Power and Mining Machinery Co.,
Southern Light and Traction Co.,
etc. Here are a few more heavy
contributors among the power in
terests: Gerald Dahl, chairman of
Board of directors of the BIN. T..
and big power man; Dupont, powder
and power king, etc. Also remem-
Der that Smith himself is director
in the Electric Transport Co., con-
nected with the |. r. T.
1t is an interesting and signifi-
cant fact that in democratic ad-
ministration, electric and gas rates
were increased two years ago in
behalf of the Consolidated Gas and
Electric Co. in this city. Also, pc
culiarly, William L. Ransom, attor-
ney for the gas and electric COM
pany in it's application for the rate
increases, is now an attorney for
the /. r. 7. in it's attempt to put
over the seven cent fare steal. The
democratic party is organically
bound up with the power interests
and with Wall Street.
Tammany and Traction.
The question of traction is close
ly tied up with power. Tammany
and traction are inseparably con-
nected in New York City. The Tam
many machine is completely under
the domination of the traction in
terests. Hylan, Hearst man, was
playing for the five cent fare be-
cause of the suburban real estate
interests that he represented. Smith,
Walker, Hedley, president of the l..
R. t., Gerald Dahl, of the BIN. t.,
and Olvany, leader of Tammany
Hall attended a secret conference
in 1925, at which it was decided to
eliminate Hylan, elect Walker, and
prepare the way for a fare increase
and put over unification plan to
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22

Workers Party. "The Challenge"
has already had two issues that have
dealt mainly with the problems of
racial discrimination and the Unequal
ity and poor housing conditions that
confront the Negro workers pointing
out that these are the result of the
system of capitalism in which both
the working class as a whole and the
Negro race are exploited and OPP
pressed.
More Papers Soon.
Special leaflets have been issued
to workers of various other factories
as in the case of the Eagle Pencil
Co., the National Biscuit Co., etc.
Plans are under way to issue three
more factory papers within the next
two weeks thus enabling the Com
munist Party to organize the thou
sand of workers in these factories
for struggle against the bosses and
the capitalist system. The next is
sue of every factory newspaper will
be special election campaign issues,
where practically all the space will
be devoted to an analysis of the
platform and work of the capitalist
parties, contrasting with that the
platform and work of the only anti
capitalist and working class party
in the election campaign, the Work
ers (Communist) Party of America.
The results of the shop papers and
the MONDAY meetings show not only
the Importance, but the immediate
possibility that could come from this
phase of work. 1t is important that
the members of factory papers be
activized within the next three
weeks. That special election cam
paign bulletins be issued to the
workers of at least thirty big shops
in the city and that more monday
meetings be arranged by the var
ious section election campaign COM
mittees of the Workers (Communist)
Party of America in this district.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-22

ton of the Local Union, which the
Local had engaged. A shortage was
found in the accounts of the Finan-
cial Secretary, Meyer Rudinsky, of
$1100. Now this Meyer Rudinsky
had appealed on his case to the Cen
eral President and the General
President had sent Guerin down to
investigate the books in order, as
he stated in that letter, to deter
mine the justice of the appeal of
Meyer Rudinsky and to be able to
act thereon.
The Local Union offered the books
for examination. We however, un-
derstood that the clause, within the
jurisdiction of the Local Union"
gave US the right to keep the books
in our possession while they were
being examined.
ITO BE Continued.)
The monitor., 1928-01-27
ENTERTAINS AT DANCING
PARTY

Mrs. William Birch Brown, enter
tanned Mrs. John Albert Smith and
Mrs. Clarence Harrison Singleton, at
dancing party Friday evening, jan
uary 20.
Mrs. Browns party was the last
of a series of entertainments given
for Mrs. Singleton before her depar.
ture to Michigan where she will visit
her daughter, Ernestine,i who is at
tending college there. 1t also served
as a welcome home to Mrs. Smith,
who spent the holidays in Kansas
City, together with Mr.. Smith and
their daughter Celestine.
This formal dancing party was a
brilliant affair, held at the Bachelor
Benedict club rooms. About 100
guests were present. Delicious re-
freshments were served and many
beautiful gowns were worn by the
ladies present.
The monitor., 1928-01-27
MONITOR ADVERTISERS

That enterprising and wide awake
firms who appreciate the patronage
of our people recognize The Monitor
as the medium through which to
reach this desirable class of buyers
is demonstrated by the growing num-
Der and class Of our advertisers. Live
merchants recognize live newspapers.
The Monitor numbers among its adj
vertisers well known and dependable
firms which have used our advertis-
ing columns for nearly thirteen years
We bespeak the continued patronage
of our readers for all the firms who
use our columns. Our courteous adj
vertisiiig solicitor, Mr.. Dude y
Wright, will promptly call on firms
and individuals who desire to pur-
chase advertising space.
The monitor., 1928-01-27
SURPRISE BIRTHDAY PARTY

Mrs. Bruce Napier and Mrs. J. A..
Griffin gave a delightful surprise
birthday party in honor of Claretta
Biddiex, daughter Of Mr.. and Mrs
H. Biddiex, at their residence, 2218
North Twenty-seventh avenue.
The decorative effects were purple
and white, and lovely cake on the
center of the buffet was surrounded
by tiny, colored electric lights.
Miss Biddiex was the recipient of
many beautiful and useful gifts.
About so boys and girls spent an
enjoyable evening in dancing.