The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-09-06

Comrades, now a few words about
inner Party affairs. 1t is quite
clear that now, after the defeat OF
the Trotskyist opposition, which rep
resented bloc of the right and I'LL
tra-left, the chief danger is I'M
doubtedly the right wing danger.
This danger is fairly serious both
from the standpoint of current
tasks as we'll as from the stand
point of the future. This danger
has been frequently referred to
from the standpoint of current af-
fairs, in regard to the German Com
munist Party in connection with ac-
tivity in the trade unions; in re-
gard to the Czech Party in connec-
ton with the Red Day; in connec-
ton with the opposition against our
"new tactics" in France, and SO
forth. The right wing danger is
fact. dangerous fact not only from
the standpoint of the present situa-
ton, but also from the standpoint
of tomorrow. We must not lose
sight of this.
Take the Czech question. The
Party tried to mobilize its forces,
but proved incapable Of accomplish
ing this. The result was a poor re-
hearsal on the eve of future events.
The diagnosis of the internal all
ment has been made; the disease
proved to be fairly serious. Now we
must calculate quite calmly. | am
not a particular believer in alarms
about the right danger and left de-
viations. I believe that during the
last year the Communist lnterna-
tional has effected big change
mind YOU, a big, not little change
primarily in regard to the British
and French Parties. Comrade Lo-
minadze was, quite wrong when for
some reason he thought fit to as
sert that only a slight change has
been made towards the left. 1t
seems to me that a big change
towards the left has been
made particularly in regard to the
British Party. Any one who knows
the inner life of the British Party
will realize that we have broken
with all the old traditions of the
British labor movement which exer-
cised great influence upon our Party
too. Voice: "The same in
France!") Yes, in France as we'll,
But | cannot speak about two coun-
tries at the same time. The strong
est traditions in the British work
ing class was that of the unity of
organized labor" Such unity
has been big trump in the hands
of the reformists: by deceptive use
Of this slogan they were able to
combat revolutionary ideas, the re-
volutionary Party, and so on. This
unity (of the revolutionary
workers with the reformist wolves)
proved to be the most formidable
obstacle to the emancipation Of the
proletariat from the influence of the
reformists who have openly resorted
to the outrageous policy ofeexpul-
sions and splits. On the one hand
they enjoyed the protection of the
police, and on the other hand they
shielded themselves by cries about
unity. This tradition is so deeply
rooted among the British prole-
tariat that some of our best COM
rades could not conceive of fight
being waged simultaneously against
the Baldwin government and the
Labor Party. The chief danger,
they said, was the Baldwin govern
ment against which a united front
of the whole working class was to
be formed; but the whole working
class was in the grip Of the Labor
Party, consequently, the Baldwin
government could be overthrown
only with the help and support of
the Labor Party. Such was the or
iginal position. Hence the slogan
adopted at the congress of the
British Party, of "a Labor govern
ment under the control Of the exc
cutive of the Labor Party" Then
our British comrades, not without
the influence of the E. G. c. l.,
made sharp turn. How is it pos
sible to fail to appreciate the i'm
portance of so important change
for the whole life of the Party? We
effected this change without a lot
of noise, and without bandying cpl
thets against each other, effected it
by conviction and frank and open
discussion. This will render it all
the more durable, notwithstanding
the friction that must inevitably
arise. This change in tactics con-
stitutes a big event in the history
of the British labor movement.
All of us have known all along