The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-10-06

union officials on the Baltimore and
Ohio.
Underneath all the specific OBJ
jections of the theorists was the
idea of the class struggle-that the
workers and masters have nothing
in common. Yet the new plan
is so carefully safeguarded, from
the point of view of the workers
group interest, that an exposition of
its operation disarmed this suspi-
cion. e"
This has been quoted at some
length in order to show just how
accurate the estimate of the cleft
wingers" really was. Of course,
Soule will not admit this-yet. His
book, it must be remembered, ends
with 1924! The B. & o. Plan is
not treated in it. Fortunately even
the most rabid B. & o. eulogists,
including Mr.. Soule himself, have
already expressed their doubts about
the great experiment. Evidently
the plan was not sufficiently safe
guarded"
The railroad workers, particular
ly the 100000 who have been forced
out of their jobs by the new eco
operative" attitudes, now entertain
no doubts!
So this new study pursues the old
way: We must still get at the facts.
Situations differ among different
industries, and from time to time.
Our institutions are changing con-
tinually." Only don't set down a
method, a program, dogma of ac-
tivity of struggle!
Four industries or rather sections
of industries were chosen for exam
ination by Mr.. Soule, the Book and
Job Printing trades in New York
City; the Chicago packing house
( cases; the railroad cases; the Cleve-
land garment cases. Detailed ex-
cerpts and summaries of the argu-
ments of employers, the unions, and
the findings of the arbitrators are
given.
All this has some value, of course.
1t is instructive, for instance, to
read the arguments of the union
bureaucrats in some cases prepared
by Soule's own labor bureau in
which no attempt is made to extend
the issue beyond the debate over
figures on the cost of living. This
occurred at times when the print
ing employers were making from
10 per cent to so per cent profit
and when thousands of union mem
r bers were out of employment. 1t
was, of course, beyond the province
of Mr.. Soule's labor bureau to
, drag" in more fundamental the
cries.
So when the cases of arbitration
Of the Chicago packing house cases
end mysteriously with the year 1921,
it is beyond the province of Mr.
Soule to connect this fact with the
great understanding campaign of
, the packing trust. 1t is beyond the
province of Mr.. Soule to point out
that strong unions fare better in ar
r bitration than relatively week ones
For the Communists to under
stand the purpose underlying the
wage arbitration and class collabora-
ton schemes now being advocated
t by the employers and labor takers
, is more significant than to know the
, specific facts which are resulting
: from these schemes.
2 OF course we consider the facts
5 important. What is called the Csm.
? munist dogma, but what is really
! the true scientific analysis of the
social process has been built on just
: such structure of facts. The prag.
- matists say that there has not YET
been sufficient data to enunciate q
t principle Of class struggle. The
miners, the steel workers, the tex.
tile workers, the militant workers
everywhere know better. When they
are inclined for a moment to forget
their kind masters with the aid OF
the police undertake a gentle re.
minder!
= And so it is that Soule can gath.
er 300 pages of data, stuff gath.
cred presumably to help chart the
course of labor's advance without
finding it necessary to indicate that
> wage arbitration is impossible ir
! the case Of large masses of unor.
gained workers. He. does say that
arbitration is the outgrowth of col.
lective bargaining Ia rather doubt.
, full fact, by the way) but nowhere
, indicates the utter ludicracy Of
, wage arbitration as a principle to be
) followed by the labor movement ir
: country in which 80 per cent Of
the workers are unorganized.
This is not Soule's purpose.
,
What Is his purpose The an.