The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-12-25
Misleaders in
the American
Labor Unions
BY WILLIAM z. FOSTER


But Cronin came to grief. By
strange chain of circumstances he
was exposed several years ago as
detective, employed by the Bureau
Of Industrial Relations at salary
of 5000 weekly. Known as Opera
tive o." he spied upon and reported
the activities Of Philadelphia unions
generally. He was tried and ex-
relied from his union for gross
disloyalty." Later, as a member of
the firm of Hayward and Cronin,
he circularized the employers of
Philadelphia, openly soliciting them
for detective and strikebreaking
work.
Cronin is merely an example of
the Grass materialism and cynicism
of the corrupt labor leadership car
ried to its logical conclusion. He
was exposed by accident. How many
more are there like him among the
reactionary officialdom? His case
illustrates how easy it is for a la
Dor official to sink to the level even
of detective once he starts taking
money from the employers and capt.
talist politicians to betray the work
ers. Cronin was little, if any worse
than his bosom friend Feeney.
Cronin and Feeney, not to mention
dozens of others, are strong reasons
why the Philadelphia labor move
ment is weak and demoralized.
Cleveland and San Francisco.
Examples could be multiplied from
various cities of corruptionists in
the building trades and in the bur
eaucratic ciques closely allied to
them. Thus in Cleveland in 1917,
during the joint trial of Charles B.
Smith, president of the Building
Trades Council, and John G.. Owens,
secretary of the Cleveland Fedora
ton of Labor, there was exposed the
familiar system of grating and be-
trayal of the workers and of labor
officials growing rich at the game.
Neither of the accused denied re-
ceiving money, but both argued that
it came voluntarily and was per-
MISSILE. One business agent, VIM.
A. Findlay of the Hosting Engi-
neers and former international of
ficer of the Steam and Operating
Engineers, testified during the trial
that it is proper for a>labor official
to take money from employers if he
gets it legitimately and not by sac
rificing his principles. Smith was
found guilty and Owens ACQUITTED.
This was compromise verdict, the
jury being unable to agree upon
either conviction or acquittal for
both. Smith did not take the stand
in his own defense. A resolution of
the Building Trades Council hypo-
critically defended such action on
the part of this labor martyr" as
follows:
Resolved that it is the sense of
this meeting that it is not necessary
for him to take the stand to retain
himself in our confidence or that
of uE-cn labor"
San Francisco, for Generation,
was the most strongly organized
trade union center of America. The
building trades were the heart of
the movement. The boss of the whole
situation was P. H. Mccarthy, Comp
ers' wheelhorse on the Pacific coast.
Mccarthy played the game on all
fronts. The usual system of graft
prevailed locally and nationally.
With the assistance of the union
batting United Railways Co., he was
elected mayor Of San Francisco. In
the national elections of 1920, Nc
earthly, together with such labor
"skates" as Harrington and Tetlow,
issued public letter endorsing the
reactionary republican, Gov. Frank
O. Lowden, for president. Signing
the letter also were dozens of manu-
facturers, bankers, lawyers, mine
owners, grain dealers, politicians,
ETC., headed by the multimillionaire
"ODen Shonnaro n r Forrar