The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1928-12-27

still circulated widely among the
masses today, and many workers
seriously believe in their efficacy.
As a matter of fact, these prescrip-
tons are meaningless and harmful.
The Communists must tell the
workers that the struggle against
war is not single and simultane-
Gus act, and that revolutionary
mass action on the part OF the
workers and poor peasants, in the
rear and at the front, for the armed
overthrow of the bourgeoisie, is the
only proper means of combating
war, to which ali other means must
be directed. While combating the
aforementioned prescriptions for
Individual action, which can only
hinder mass action, the Communists
must at the same time rouse the
workers to display a spirit of revo-
lutionary heroism in the struggle
against imperialist wars.
General Strike Against War.
20. The Communists attitude to-
wards the question of the general
strike against war is determined by
the same point of view, viz, the trans
formation of imperialist war into
civil war. Already in 1907, Lenin,
in opposing Herve, repudiated the
general strike slogan as "panacea"
to be applied regardless of the con-
crete situation and divorced from
the general class struggle of the
proletariat. In 1922, on the basis
of experiences in the world war, he
formulated his position still more
definitely. In his instructions to
the delegation to the Hague Peace
Congress, he said:
ut is impossible to reply to war
with general strike, just as it is
impossible to reply to war with
revolution in the simple and literal
sense of the word"
This holds good to this day. But
while Communists repudiate the
slogan OF "reply to war with gen.
eral STRIKE" and warn the workers
against harboring such illusions,
which can only injure the real
struggle against war, they do not
by any means abandon the weapon
of the general strike in the struggle
against war, and sharply condemn
any suggestion to do so as an OPP
portunist deviation.
Side by side with other revolution
airy mass actions demonstration
strikes in munition works, transport
strikes, etc., the general strike-ae
the supreme form of the mass strike
movements an extremely i'm
portant weapon, and as transition
to the armed uprising it constitutes
stage in the transformation Of i'm
perialist war into civil war. This
transformation, however, does not
depend upon the will of the Party
alone. 1t presupposes the existence
of a revolutionary situation, the
capacity of the proletariat for mass
action, etc.
Part of Revolutionary Mass Action.
These conditions do not as rule
prevail at the very beginning of the
war; they develop in the course of
the war. But even in war time the
general strike does not come like a
bolt from heaven. 1t comes on the
rising tide of revolutionary mass ac-
ton demonstrations, partial strikes,
etc.) and as result of the per-
sistent preparation, which the Com
munists must make, and which may
entail heavy sacrifices.
Of course, a general strike in war
time will lead to revolutionary re-
suits much more rapidly than in
peace time; but it is by no means
easier to prepare for and organize
il in war time than in peace time.
On the contrary, in war time the
lbourgeoisis will take determined