The midland journal. (Rising Sun, Md.) 1885-1947, 1928-08-24

has in his scrapbook at the Llanos col
ony shack. Since the first general as
semb1y of the Knights of Labor at
Reading, Pa, the organization had be-
gun to assume the form which it was
to maintain until the American Fedora
ton of Labor displaced 1t as the most
powerful factor in American labor at
fairs. In 1881 the society had dropped
all secret furbelows with which Ste
vens had endowed it. In 1882 while the
commotion over the Powderly leader
ship was threatening to split the
Knights asunder, group of the lead
ers, including Cuno, met in New York
and made plans for the first Labor day
demonstration to prove the solidarity
of labor.
Having written the proclamation
calling for the parade, Cuno marched
at the head of the procession carrying
a banner on which were Inscribed the
words:
PAY NO RENT.
And now. thirty five years later. ne
is realizing in fact the doctrine that he
preached on his banner in that first
parade of labor For as a colonist of
New Llano, Theodore Cuno pays no
rent
Neither does he pay board, nor is he
bothered by tailor bills. shoe bills
or light bills. AS member of the col
ony he is entitled to all those things,
and therefore contributes his share of
the colony labor. That is the way they
do things at LlaRo colony.
Cuno believes that despite the legal
difficulties through which the colony
has passed under the administration of
the much discussed George T. Pickett,
the Llano experiment will succeed.
Faith, says Cuno, is believing some-
thing that you know isn't so,' but he
has faith in the colony of which he is
the dean and for which he has been
a financial angel.
Noting the progressive strides of
American labor in the thirty five years
that have passed since the first Labor
day parade in New York. the scholarly,
philosophic old man of seven languages
and a background of liberal European
education holds to the opinion that
never in the history of man has the
laborer been so comfortable as 10 the
American laborer in this day. When he
wrote his proclamation as the Jefferson
of the American toilers the place OF
labor in the American scheme was In
definite; its future nebulous. Collective
bargaining was not generally recog-
| nized; the courts had not passed on
| labor's rights and limitations. Now all
that is changed. And Cuno believes
| that labor truly dominates In a. part
nership to which 1t is as indispensable
| as capital
Largely aloof from the world about
| him, surrounded by his excellent
| library his numerous scrapbooks- and
his memories, Cuno has detached
| view of the problems Of the world in
which he was once greatly embroiled
| as a Socialist of international repute.
1 His grandfather was Belgian baron,
/ and wealthy. Theoretically Cuno has
| nothing more than his interest in
Llano colony. He wears the simple
| overall uniform of the colony and the
| rough colony shoes, yet he smokes ex-
| cellent cigars; and with those and the
| classics he is content. II would rather
| have a glass of water and crust OF
| bread in peace than to live comfortably
| in unhappiness," is his way Of putting It.
| After the New York celebration OF
Labor day in 1882 the popularity Of
the holiday grew with great swift
! ness until 1t had extended to every
part of the country. It became not
only a holiday for the man who
worked with his hands but for the
| man who worked with his brain also.
| In the years that have interviewed it
has become a festival Of relaxation
and recuperation for all strata of our
social structure, for millionaires and
millworkers alike, SO that it is doubt
full If there is any of our holidays
that has such universal popularity.
Formal action toward making
Labor day national holiday was
taken by the Federation of Organized
Trades and Labor Unions of the Unit
ed States and Canada, the predecessor
| of the American Federation of Labor,
at its annual convention in Chicago
in 1884. There the delegates adopted
resolution stating that the first