The producers news. [volume] (Plentywood, Mont.) 1918-1937, 1928-10-05
Herbie, the New Socialist
Agitator

The inevitable trend toward social
ism even under the 'eactionary re-
publican party aaSpers clearly in
Herbert Hoover's fNeSsark speech. His
appeal to workeEs ., behalf of the
republican party is backed by sta
tistical juggling. Tbs speech should
really lead to the conclusion that
labor can secure MOE rapid progress
toward its collectivist ideal through
developing its own organization on
the political as wen Sss the economic
field. Nf
Labor in its collective efforts"
says Hoover, "has contributed great
ly to the maintenance of proper
wages and improved conditions of
labor. But collective bargaining cam
not overcome the forces that make
for unemployment. The problem of
insuring full work all the time is a
problem of national concern. 1t is
one to which the government must
give its attention. To protect labor,
to maintain its prosperity, to abol-
ish poverty, we must so organize
our economic system as to provide a
job for all who have the will to work.
And our workers as citizens at the
ballot box have a large part in the
determination of these economic poll
cies."
Taken by itself this must sound
like rank heresy to hardboiled repub-
/ licans. But Hoover manipulates fig
ures to show that the workers can
secure continued good employment
under republican rule. The flaw in
his Argument is that the Figures is
sued by the republican government
when correctly interpreted explode
the myth of republican prosperity.
Factory employment, mining en-
ployment, railroad employment have
fallen steadily during the last 6
years of the republican regime. What
Hoover refers to as a temporary dip
of employment last winter was q
elimination of this long decline. Fac.
tory employment in January was
14@6 below January 1923. In Aug
ust it was still 1496 under. Factory
employment is today about 22%
lower than in August, 1920.
i These are government figures
Other government figures show sim
liar reductions in employment O.
miners and railroad workers. Tn,
expansion in banking and insurance
hotels, restaurants and filling sta
tions could not take care of all tn,
workers laid off. Nor does Hooye
take into account the tremend0u
movement of rural population to tn,
cities nor the growth in population
, and applicants for jobs.
These omissions rendered the de
partment of labor's estimate of 1,
100000 unemployed last winter value
less. The carefully worked out es
innate of the Labor Bureau Inc
which placed the number of unem
ployed at between 100000 and 5,
100000, has been recognized as ia
more trustworthy by nearly all auth
critics not Sactirejg9En republican pol
e itics.
Such reductions in emplovmen
mean reduced total wages, whateve
the statistics may show about tn
average wage. Factories are payin
1919 less a week in total wages tina
r in August, 1920. Millions have bee
. cut off the wages going to familie
. supported by railroad and mine EN-
ployment, all during the. republica
regime.
: Thus the significant feature o
Hoover's speech becomes the social
ism which crops out in spite of hi
. antisocialist bias. He admits tina
e the modern relationships of govern
e ment and industry are tangled mas
0 of economic and social problems an
= that our economic system has gray
y faults. He recognizes that the n:
/ tional government must integrate I'll
chaos which uncontrolled private il
Q itiative would create. But he ais
! sees vaguely that the real legisl;
tive factors are not the senate an
II house but the organized employer
d and employees.
1--WE have adopted" he saws, .
! new policy in government. That wa
: that the secretary of CONNER,
70 should cooperate with industry
n organization against such waste, n,
by law or regulation, but by pure
II voluntary action in which the ioil
service of the associations represen
e ing the managers of a given indu
q try, its employees, its distributors al
its consumers were all enlisted in
common purpose"
That is revolutionary - more
than Hoover probably realizes.