Evening star., 1927-03-13

living under Bolshevist rule. He said
he made his way to the White Sea
and for months travelled by circuitous
routes to London, his first haven of
refuge, where so many famous exiles
have sought and received hospitality.
At that time he was reported in va
rious parts of the world. even in
America, bt:t ne is insistent that this
is his first visit to this country.
And this man, who has all powers
vested in him for an interval. has
lived for the decade since life of ex-
treme simplicity, dreaming, planning,
always for a return of that day when
Russian destiny pointed briefly and
waveringly to a republican, demo-
cratic form of government. Less than
two years he spent in London, where
he entered his two sons in school. Then
the urge to be nearer his native land
drove him to the Continent, to Paris.
Prague and back to Paris, where ne
has lived the last two years.
Never, he says, tensely, trembling
finger raised close before his nose,
does he indulge in a concert, the
ater, always he is at work, writing
and editing anti-Bolshevist propa-
ganda. Most of the Russian exiles
resident in Paris are Monarchists,
and for these persons Kerensky holds
the same adherence as for Com
munists. But there is small body
of the Social Democratic party as
well, 95 per cent of them close to
poverty, earning a meager living as
factory workers or taxi drivers. For
these he edits the Dni and the
monthly Contemporary Annals, as
we'll as a version of Dni in French,
for French factory workers.
Chief Propaganda Organ.
Dni. The Days, Is his principal
organ Of propaganda, he says. In as
large quantities as possible it is SNUG
gled past the strictly guarded borders
of the Soviet union. In this ne re-
iterates the principles of the Sociaiis'
tic Democracy he stands for ana al
tacks the principles of Bolshevtsm.
The press of Moscow helps unwilling
ly in his propaganda, he AYERS
through their editorial polemics
against articles appearing in his pa
per. Especially recently, he adds,
the Soviet press has responded In
stantly to his propaganda attacks
and in this way allowed the Russian
common people a glimpse of condi.
tions and feelings among his party OF
exiles.
So muzzled is the Soviet press, Ke'
rensky says, that not even leaders OF
the party, like Trotzky, temporarily
in opposition to Stain, the real die
tator, can give voice to their princi
pies in the papers. This he calls one
of the main reasons why the proc
esses of liberation are so slow in Rus
sia
''You foreigners do not fully re
alize this he continues; my every
effort now is to establish the free pen
etration of information into Russia
Opposes Armed Intervention.
"I do not believe in armed inter
vention in Russia" says this man
who, as minister of war in 1917, led
the Russian soldiers to their last gal
liant stand of the war. II have al
ways been opposed to it. 1t merely
strengthens the hold Of the Commun'
lists. Besides, do not forget that the
Czarist government, which never
gave a vestige of sympathy to demo
cratic ideals, was far worse than the
present government, which came
from a deep revolt of the people them.
selves, even though it turned in upon
itself"
When pinned down to specific ques
tions, Kerensky becomes evasive, deal.
ing in generalities. Though he urges
that America restore trade relations
with Russia, that the economic condi.
ton of Russia may become strong and
vigorous and by it's very strength de-
feat the ideal of Communism, in the
same breath he paints picture OF