The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-07-25
Continued from last issue.)


The main difference between the
events now impending and the events
of the year 1914 consists of the fact
that this time it is not question OF
conflicts among the imperialist
powers themselves-although such
conflicts are in themselves not I'M
likely-but above all of an attack
made by the imperialist states
against the Soviet Union on the one
hand, and against the Chinese revolu-
ton on the other. The existence of a
Union Of proletarian republics, the
existence-at the same time and I'M
der the great influence of this union
of the great Chinese national
struggle for emancipation, which has
already been able to adopt state
forms to certain extent, and which
possesses its organized state CENTRE
the existence of these two mighty
historical facts has naturally caused
certain questions to be raised by the
Comintern, and has influenced it's
answers.
At the beginning of my report I
stated that the existence of the Soviet
Republics and of the Chinese revolu-
ton changes not only the objective
situation, but the whole course of
events, and with this the method deal
ing with the tasks of the proletariat.
It need scarcely be said that in the
case of a war between imperialist
states, it is highly probable that the
majority of the working people would
take sides with their own government,
woald once more attempt to solve the
question of which side had attacked
first, and so forth. But the fact of
the Chinese revolution, and of the
existence of a Union of Socialist Re-
publics, especially in view of the peace
policy which has been pursued, and
will continue to be pursued, by this
Union of Socialist Republics, are like
ly to alter the probability of this prog
nosis little. For it is easily compre-
hensible that the greater part of the
workers would lend themselves with
very heavy hearts to an attack on the
Union of Socialist Republics they
can be induced to take part in such an
attack at all.
The bourgeois governments will find
1t increasingly difficult to throw their
hirelings and their armed forces
against the proletarian republics and
their national revolutionary allies in
China.
What are the decisions come to by
the ECCI. in the question of fighting
methods? The ECCI has decided that
the slogan of the general strike, the
slogan of instruction, and the slogan
of the transformation of the imper-
ialist war into civil war, are all slo-
gans for the orientation of our Party,
and that our main task lies in the
preparation for the realization of
these slogans. 1t is impossible to
prophesy when these slogans will
emerge from the agitative and propa-
gandist stage into the stage leading
Immediately to an actual instruction
or strike, when we pass from the
propaganda of the general strike or
the insurrection to their actualiza-
ton. 1t is perhaps possible to proph-
esy with a certain amount of GER
tainty that this actualization will not
be possible in the overwhelming ma
jority of states Immediately after the
beginning of the war. But even to-
day we must face the fact that it
may be possible in isolated cases, even
if these are EXCEPTIONAL; there can
be no doubt that this possibility ex-
lists.
The exact moment at which the agi-
tative and propaganda slogans merge
into slogans of immediate action will
be determined by the situation itself,
by the arising of revolutionary sit
uation, by the strength of the Com
munist Party, by the degree of
fermentation among the masses, by
the trends of feeling among the lead
ing strata-in word, by number
of objective and subjective premises
These slogans will merge into slogans
of immediate action as soon as the
proletariat is offered a glance of then
realization.
/. Fighting Methods. General Strike
and Instruction.
now pass on to the question of
fighting methods. When this question
is raised, two extremely important
documents are generally referred to-
Firstly, the resolution passed by the