The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-02

an attitude identical with that of the
general council and the Labor Party
in all their demonstrations against
the bill.
COMRADE HORNER then rose to
" support to resolution, and at once
pointed out the absurdity of waiting
two years for Labor Government
to repeal the bill, when there was no
assurance that at the end of that time
we should have Labor Government;
even assuming that we should, there
was no guarantee that future Labor
Government would act any differ
emily from the last, which fathered
the Dawes Plan (Which Smith so
vigorously opposed), operated the
Emergency Powers Act, and threaten
cd the London Tramwaymen's Strike
in 1924 with a scab service if the
men did not return to work etc.
! uORNER declared we must prepare
Ia for action now or admit our i'm
potence for two years, not only in
smashing the bill but in defending
the status of those districts whose
agreements were terminating this
year. He called for action before a
Labor Government comes into power.
because the salvation of the miners
depends not so much on a Labor Gov
eminent as it does on the Miners
Federation, and therefore unconsti-
tutional action is necessary. He pro-
posed that the E. G. should immedi-
ately approach the general council
demanding a general strike should
be called to smash the bill
THIS was supported by Mainwaring,
but as an alternative he preferred
to wait until penalties for violating
the act were imposed, and then take
mass action.
This opened the official sluice-
and slanderous abuse were poured
out against the Minority Movement,
Communist Party and the U. S. S. r.
It was Smiths intention to keep his
firing squad well in hand until the
matter should be raised in closed ses-
sion, but he completely lost control
of himself and the conference, and
the fight took place with the press
in attendance. Smith said, in the
course of his remarks eff | were
born in Russia under the Czarist
regime undoubtedly I would have
l1,L, ~ l
said II have been to Russia, and if
| was revolutionary entering there,
| should not be one coming OUT.
THE three important questions Of
the conference were relegated to
the last session These were, one
national union, the formation of an
AngloRussian Miners Unitey Com
mittee, the utilization of the Com
munist Party to the Labor Party.
The defeat of the one national
union was obvious. The machination
of reactionary officialdom in the dis
tricts had secured the votes against
this principle, on the plea that the
immediate task was to get 100 per
cent organization before consider
ing the remodelling of the Federation
along the lines of one union, - the
usual official get-out when proposals
for reorganization have been discus
sed during the past months
The fear of their own displace-
ment gave rise to the vigorous hostil-
ity of the district officials, only
Scotland, the Forest of Dean and
Motifs being inundated to vote in
favor.
STRANGE as it may seem the is
- sues of the one national miners
union and the formation of an Anglo
Russian Miners Unity Committee
when raised at lodge meetings and
demonstrations are greeted with up
roarious enthusiasm as the two need
full organzational reforms of the
moment.
The district officials themselves are
keenly alive to the fact that colossal
support for these issues is to be
found in every district. Without the
least exaggeration it is safe to say
were referendum of the rank and
file to be taken Is per cent would
endorse the proposed transformation
OF the Federation and the creation of
an Anglo Russian Miners Unity
Committee.
Steps must now be considered by
the Miners Minority Movement to
get the district view of the miners
on these all-important matters and
to flout the retarding influence of
the right wing officials which now
dominates district organizations.
THE decision to form an (All-in
World Miners InternstionalD was
carried with acclamation, and this
was used effectively by Smith ana
others as q pretext against the ere
alton of the proposed Anglo-Russian