The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-10-14

The need for a Labor Party tc
unite the workers must be apparent
to anyone who has observed the work
ings of the Tammany machine in
I New York City and its relation to the
/ leaders of certain labor unions. The
object of this article is merely to
sketch some of the Incidents in this
relationship. The reader can Judge
for himself what the effects Of it
must be upon the trade union leaders
and upon the general problem of
/ trade union political unity.
To barter the "labor vote" for polit-
ical preference has been one of the
favorite parlor tricks of the trade
union leadership almost since the
days when unions were first organ
lied in this state. The labor leaders
have always taken part in politics of
THE most partisan character tho, of
course. protesting publicly that they
were interested in the game only as
''non-partisans." And the labor lead
ers have for decades been more or
less strenuously opposed by the So
cialists and socialist-laborites who
have claimed that the trading of
votes for personal jobs was not the
way to get labor ahead in the polit-
ical field. In the national. state and
local councils Of labor the socialists
carried on a constant attack upon
the fiat Boys" who were feathering
their nests by trading the labor vote
Tor business and political jobs.
Why They Oppose the Labor Party.
Run down the lists of the important
officers of the New York State Fede-
ration of Labor, for example and YOU
find goodly number of them who
found their way into happy political
positions thru these methods.
Even before the days of the State
Federation, when the state body was
known as the Workingmen's AS
sembly, we find the first president.
Jim Connolly of the Practical Paint
ers' Union, ending up as a state fac
tory inspector. He was followed by
W. N. Thayer of the Typographical
Union, who was later president of the
common council of Troy and the
warden of Dannemora prison. The
next president, Tom Bowling. a
blacksmith's official, was rewarded
by the position of state commissioner
of labor statistics. After him came
Bill O'Brien of the granite cutters.
who was later the sheriff of New
York county. Then with the forma-
ton Of the State, Federation of La
bor' we find Jim Lavery, a typo
graphical man, the first president, He
was later appointed to the state civil
service commission. Martin Murphy
OF the molders followed Laverv. He.
III turn, became a civil service COM
missioner in Buffalo and then went
into business. The next executive
was John Pallas of the pattern
makers, who became park commits
sloner Of Greater New York. while
the next in line, w. 0. Jones, gradua-
ted into the job of BUILDING insnoc.
tor at Utica. Finally we come to Jim
Holland, who was appointed a Cav
member" of the Board of Standards
and Appeals at a salary of $500
Mayor Walker having made this an
polntment, Mr.. Holland resigned from
his $4,000 job as head of the State
Federation of Labor. Federation
presidents in New York State have
almost invariably accepted these
promotions" to the service Of the
state.
The Reward of Honest Toll.
The same evolution of labor lead
ers could be followed thru all the
other offices of the state federation
the secretaries and treas
urers, vice-presidents and Legislative
agents who later held public office
were Alexander Troup, later a coll
lector OF federal customs under Presi.
dent Cleveland; Richard Curran. now
a member of the state industriaI
BOARD; Edward Bates, later deputv
secretary of state; John Williams
later a state labor commissioner.
Patrick Doyle, later with the state
railroad commission; Jim Lynch. for
merry head of the International
typographical Union and once the
head of the state industrial commits
sion; Jim Hooley, appointed as state
factory inspector; Jim McManus, a