The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-13

The organization of the morgan
lied The Party has made small
beginning in this field. Yet it is
some beginning in the organization of
the unorganized. We need but men
ton the strike in Passaic, the at
tempt of the Party to organize the
rubber workers, to organize the work
ers in the Goal fields, in the building
trades, in The automobile industry.
Let me say, comrades, that there is
no other organization in this country
today which dares to challenge the
power of the auto magnates. Our
Party must take this campaign in
hand and must pay much attention
particularly to this field. Lumber,
needle trades and other industries
show the same proof of our Party's
successful efforts to organize the un-
organized.
The question of strike leadership:
For the first time in the history of
our Party, we have shown ability to
respond to this need, to respond to
local strike situations throughout the
country. Our Party comrades have
shown capacity to lead masses who
are in revolt against their immediate
conditions. When we say in revolt
against immediate conditions, let us
say that it is precisely in the school
ing of such revolts that the fate of
our Party rests. If our Party can
respond adequately and properly to
the needs of the masses in these small
every day struggles, then it will learn
leadership in the school of the class
struggle and lead the workers towards
more fundamental, towards deeper
class struggles. The Party has thus
very effectively issued certain living
slogans, such as the five-day week,
the-forty-hour week.
A few words about utilization of
divisions within the trade union
bureaucracy: l speak of our cam
paign on China, the campaign for the
protection of the foreign-born. Let
me in this sense also touch on our
trade union delegation. The trade
union delegation now in Soviet Russia
is not a Communist delegation. 1t is
not a progressive delegation. 1t con-
tains in it's ranks some of the most
reactionary elements of our trade
union leadership. But precisely for
that reason is it a mark of progress
for the workers in this country and
precisely for that reason can the
Party say it has acted in a Bolshevik
manner. The problem of the Ameri-
can working class has been to get to
the Soviet Union representative work
ers of this country, who will repre-
sent the workers in this country, even
in their backwardness-yes, even in
their backwardness.
1t would be very easy for the work
ers to get to the Soviet Union dele
cation of Communists, but to get
such elements like Fitzpatrick, the
reactionary, and Maurer, who typi-
fies the progressive section of the
working class-this is proof that oul
Party knows how to react in Bolshe-
vik sense to this problem Our Party
has not fought this delegation tho its
personnel and methods are far from
satisfactory
I 2 -NoWsfegarding the Labor Party
~'-Fhe Labor Party movement, com
pared to 1921, is at low ebb ma
tionally. But in certain sections OF
this country there are increasing
signs of vital Labor Party movement
Let us examine the conditions in
Minnesota, where our Party has beer
the one vital force keeping alive this
movement and forcing, in the face OF
reactionary opposition, forward steps
by this organization, In Connecticut
in California, in Massachusetts, ii
these localities, the Labor Party
movement has shown signs of life
largely through the efforts of oul
comrades. The action of District {
Of the United Mine Workers for 6
Labor Party in spite of the Miners
official opposition at the unions ma.
tional convention, is a step forward
Here the Party made itself heard fol
the first time. The establishment OF
national and local Labor Party com.
mittees despite the opposition of the
trade union leaders, is a task thai
our Party must fulfil to far larger
degree than it has in the past, be-
cause these committees afford {
splendid approach to development Of
! "a labor party movement.
q In reference to our campaign OF
"' China: Here our campaign has
been divided into two phases: To the
\ best of our ability and with all oul
resources thrown into this campaign
we have made clear the character OF
American Imperialism, not only il
( China, but in China as part Of the
whole system and policies of Ameri
can imperialism toward Nicaragua
Mexico and Latin America. Secondly
we have modified thousands of WORK
ers in this campaign thru mass meet
ings and thru demonstrations. The
demonstrations in Minnesota, the
demonstrations in Philadelphia, the
big demonstrations in New York anc
Seattle indicate the capacity of oul
Party to have masses respond to the