The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-05-26

gression in China and against the
Soviet Union requires that it make all
possible concessions to the workers,
it has succeeded in arousing the whole
labor movement against it by the bill
for throttling the trade unions. Even
the reformist leaders, whose opposi-
ton to the general strike and the
miners strike differed but little from
that of the Baldwin government, are
now compelled by mass pressure to
resist the government attack.
1T is, nevertheless, certain that the
a "hardboiled" stand Of the tory gov
eminent on this issue il based large
ly upon the belief founded upon ex-
perience that at the critical moment
the reformist will again offer to sur
render under guise of compromise,
that they will desert the masses and
make peace with the government
rather than take a determined stand
against the "Arcos" raid and break
with the Soviet Union.
THE tories believe further, and with
1 justification, that the MaeDonalds,
Thomases and Hendersons, etc, are
willing to accept those portions of the
trade union bill which prohibit cen
tralised control in the labor move
ment, general strikes, mass picketing,
sympathetic strikes, ETC., provided
they are allowed to carry on their
parliamentary constitutions" -
activities without too much interior
ence by the government.
r. Paine Dutt, writing in "The
Labor Monthly" for May, quotes Mac
Donald's statement in the DAILY
Herald" for April 6 latter the text of
the trade union bill had been pub
lished) as stating:
"The bill is a handicap to labor
insofar as it treats of admitted diff
ficulties which might be the subject
of an exchange of views"
This is clear offer of compromise
made before the fight on the bill real
ly began.
THE reformist leadership made no
attempt to rally the working class
for struggle but instead tried to slip
out Of the struggle in return for i'm
munity for parliamentary labor lead
ership.
Under such circumstances it is little
wonder that the imperialists felt that
no serious opposition was to be ex-
pected from the official leadership.
This encouraged them to go the limit.
That they went too far is evident now
but they still hope for aid from re-
formist quarters in the shape of
backing and filling" wordy protests
relative to violation of democratic
principles" and failure to really
mobilise The masses for struggle out
side of Parliament.
If the inperialists are able to enact
the trade union BILL if they are able
to secure majority in the next cleo
ton, if they are able to pursue their
offensive against the Soviet Union
with some measure of success, If they
are able to continue their aggression
in China (Which is in reality another
avenue Of attack against the Soviet
Union), if war follows the breaking
off of relations, the official leadership
of the British labor movement must
take full responsibility for it.
let us repeat. The British govern
= ment is following a war policy. It
is trying to provoke war against the
Soviet Union and in spite of its weak
ened position the severance of rela-
tions with the Soviet Union is an
other step toward war.
The task Of the rank and file Of
the British labor movement, the Bri-
fish Communist Party and the ma