The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-08-18
The Monroe Doctrine
OF Labor

BEGINNING OF THE MONROE
DOCTRINE OF AMERICAN La
Dor to apply to the western hemis-
phere."
Would Split Labor.
Later on in the same convention
Vol said:
Il fOresee a Monroe Doctrine of
Labor. BY that ] mean united re-
sistence (by the labor movements
of the Americas) against attempts
by foreign labor to get a foOthoId
either in concessions, property, or
economic principles or aspirations. :"
Instead of unity with the workers
OF all countries european included)
to fight against international capt.
talism and imperialism, the Green
Vol machine peace and working
unity with American Monroe-Doctrine
imperialism and proposes "a struggle
against the European working class!
Obviously this is nothing but labor
Imperialism" walled-in sphere of
Influence for the A. F. of l.. machine
(Which defends American imperial
Pan-A. F. of L. Does the Dirty Work
During the period between the Ell
Paso and Atlantic City conventions
OF the A. F. of L. Mr.. Woll develoned
the theory of the Monroe Doctrine of
American Labor still further, in a
series of article appearing in the
American Federationist." At the
Atlantic City convention (1925) he
presented the theory as a rounded
whole and it was supported by his
acknowledgements.
What the United States govern
ment has not succeeded in accom-
plishing with the Monroe Doctrine it.
self, the A. F. of l.. is attempting to
accomplish with the Monroe Doc
trlne of American Labor Secure
It's acceptance by Latin Americans.
The Pan-American Federation of La
Dor IS the instrument thru which it
has been hoped to do this. Nothing
else so brilliantly explains the pres
ent size and character of the "Pan-
American Federation of Labor" as a
federation of labor!
But Imperialist Is Thee.
In Resolution No. 1, submitted bv
the A. F. of L. delegation at the
Washington convention, the entire
principle of the Monroe Doctrine of
American Labor" is embodied.
The resolution, which is presented
as a statement of principles and
methods to guide the P. A. F. of L..
does not include; (1) any suggestion
OF militant trade-union ACTION on
behalf of the workers, of the workers
OF the Americas or for any purpose
whatsoever; (2) any suggestion of
struggle against American imperial
ism.
The resolution does not include:
~ lllusion-creating presentation of
the aims of the United States gov
eminent in Latin America; or
statement against consistent theory
IN the labor movement and commit
ting the P. A. F. of L. to the fornless
pure and simple "trade-unionism" of
the A. F. of L.; (3) an attack against
the Reds; "a an implied attack
against the entire international labor
movement outside of the P. A. of L.
The One and Only Federation.
I'VE declare" says the resolution
on this point, that THE LABOR
MOVEMENT of no other part of
the world has the right to intervene
or try to intervene in the methods
and principles which we adopt.
"All those movements of other
countries who have tried to force
upon us their programs, principles
and ideals, HAVE DONE MORE
HARM than the most powerful
combinations of employers in their
efforts to arouse suspicious and
create divisions. Hiding behind a
hypocritical mask of friendship.
they have tried to divide and
hamper us, in order to establish
their own doctrines.
In defense of our just rights, in
defense of the established organ
lZed labor movement, we pledge
ourselves EPARATELY AND
COLLECTIVELY to resist with all
our Nigor ana resources every at
tempt that may be made BY ANY
OTHER LABOR MOVEMENTS AT
ALL to carry out openly or covertIy
any interference with out affilia-
ted organizations or any attempt
to dictate or influence the principles
which rule them"
The above resolution was adopted
unanimously by the convention, not
even Martinez of Venezuela voting
against it. Not only was it adopted
unanimously, but delegates demanded
that copies of it be printed i'm
mediatly for them so as to be able
to explain "the truth about the Pan
American Federation of Labor"
The truth is eloquent!