Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1927-07-16

couraging foreign competition in
America with our own wage earners.
This policy was Endorsed by Sir Ar
thur Balfour, who declared, 1.-THE less
governments had to do with industry
and commerce, the more commerce
would be able to do"
SO governments should not under
take to protect the general welfare"
of the people.
X X X
Nevertheless, even in Mr.. Balfour's
country, the government is called
upon to defend its own people from
the Bolsheviki of Russia, and in Rus
STA, where it requires all the efforts
of 50 per cent of the people just to
produce enough food to sustain the
nation, we find this interesting con-
fession from the Soviet leader,
Trotsky:
1.-THE national income of the Soviet
Union in 1923 and "a was about 100
rubles per capita; that of the United
States, on the other hand, about $50
rubles per capita. Foreign statisticians,
however, give the figures of the ma
tional income of the United States
not as $50, but as 1000 rub1es per
capita. This shows that the average
the available machinery, organization,
working routine, etc, may be as high
as ten times, and surely six times, as
great as in our country" "a ruble is
40 cents.)
This superiority Of American pro.
duction is not due to more arduous
labor than that of the Russian
peasant, but to the more advanced
development of the brains, manifested
in invention of labor-saving machinery
and methods, even as confessed by
Trotsky. But a conference in the
middle Of the Pacific Ocean does not
| take such trifies into consideration in
demanding that all national bound
aries, all protection to home industries,
shall be wiped out-and that our Con-
gress shall be enlightened as to that
mature conclusion Of the 20 or %
American volunteer delegates" to the
Honolulu Economic Conference, under
| the initiative of committee of the
League of Nations.
This important news comes from
Honolulu: 1.-THE American group has
done much work in determining how
our laws affect Orientals, and the
effects of exclusion. These two sub
Jects, China and immigration, will
have an important part in the discus
sion." The question is not as to the
effect of our laws on American in
terests, but wholly as to their effect
on the foreign desire to enter America.
X X X X
There is a United States law penaliz-
ing American citizens for unauthoriz-
ed "butting in" into diplomatic affairs.
This is based upon the reasonable
| doctrine that international diplomacy
requires careful handling, and must
be directed by our State Department.
Any interference or open criticism
abroad concerning our international
affairs is like telling confidential
family matters to the neighborhood
gossip-bound to create unrest and
friction. Even when our President
Wilson, at Paris, made promises
which he we'll knew required the in
dorsement and sanction of the Senate,
the result was serious misunderstand-
ing, due, not to President Wilson, but
to the protested ignorance on the part
of foreign powers as to the constitu-
tional limitations of the Presidents
power.
OF course, all his promises and
pledges were conditioned on "the adj
vice and consent of the Senate
which he could not guarantee. With
out such approval of the Senate, he
could and did make no pledges-yet
he was President of the United States.
What the President could not do, the
amateur and volunteer delegates"
assume to undertake, as if it were
small matter then to follow up with
the routine Endorsement of the Senate,
and of popular sentiment.
international conferences on scien-
tific problems of mutual concern, or
where there IS no implied committing
of the Government to anything, may
serve useful purpose. But Govern
ment authorities look upon profess
sional agitators abroad as interna.
tional nuisances. They come near to
the act of "impersonating an officer"
or the Government itself.
fCopyright. 1927. by Paul v. Colins.l