davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16

Street agents busy in the south in behalf of the
candidacy Governor AL Smith New York for the democratic
nomination for president the United States 1t necessary to
spend considerable and money effort to break thru
hdebound preues of native born nO protestant 100
per in the southern states from whence sprang
ux Kan in order put the Roman catholic fav
ore of the imperialist bandits of New York
The biggest thus far behalf Of Smiths candidacy
the south the purchase Of chain of powerful
Roger Caldwell Nashville Tennessee business and Colonel
Luke Lea United States These
by the electric power The papers purchased
the Smith campaign the famous Atlanta Constitution
the Memphis Commercial Appeal the Memphis Evening Appeal
and the Nashville Tennesseean.
Wall Street steps that will its domination
of the democratic national convention well of the republican
party (aready completely dominated by Mellon Co.. which
will dictate the selections both candidates heading
the old party tickets.
To be the hackers of the CadweLea chain of
papers do deude themselves with the idea that Smith will
be elected the presidency But they will the Smith
ddacy for specific national political gains Their aim to
the domination of southern democracy the eastern wing Of
will carry Wall Street policy and eliminate the middle class
Spokesman who frequently and violently conflict with the main
line of the party, especially international policy.
Also the ndustrazaion of thesouth makes it imperative
that the dominant political party that part of the country be
completely subserven to the interests of the ndustasts who
for the most part backed by eastern capital.
1t will be interesting to observe the reaction of the Tam
many labor takers New York this exposure of the hackers
Smiths candidacy They will difficult time explaining
their support of the candidate of the annion power trust
Through their political alliance with Tammany the labor euten
ants Of capitalism directly connected with the most vindc
tive enemies of labor the ranks of the powerful capitalist
bnatons This fact be made plain the rank and file of
the trade unions that the labor politicians be dscreded
when they arise to Oppose the creation of labor party
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16
BY WILLIAM F. DUNE.

If we understand that the official
labor leadership has staked all on
a policy of ''peace in industry" work
er-employer cooperation which
'makes strikes unnecessary" and the
establishment of various profit-mak-
ing enterprises financed by the union
membership, we will appreciate the
extent of the recent blows dealt this
policy by such developments as:
I The advocacy of the 10-hour day
IL for railroad shop-workers by
Daniel Willard, president of the
Baltimore and Ohio.
1t was with the aid of Daniel Viii
lard that William Johnston, former
president of the International AS
ISOLATION of Machinists, foisted the
notorious "B. and O." plan first up
on the machinists and then, with the
aid of the other officials and the A.
F. of L. executive council, upon other
railway unions. The principle in
volved, the enlistment of the unions
directly as part of the profit-making
machinery, with the necessary eff
ficiency provisions, now is accepted
completely by the official labor
leadership.
. The refusal of the mediation
- board set up in compliance with
the provisions of the Watson-Parker
law to grant wage increases to the
conductors and trainmen on So west
ern railroads.
The Watson-Parker law, which is
the legalization of the B. and o. plan,
was supported jointly by the heads of
the railway unions and the railway
executives. 1t is designed to pre-
vent strikes and its enactment is an
acknowledgement by union official
dom of a community of interest
shared by the railway capitalists and
the railway workers. By its pro-
visions the railway unions are made
part of the railway machinery and
strikes practically outlawed.
The denial of wage increases re-
ferred to is the. first instance where
the law has been used for this pur-
pose-something the union heads
seem not to have taken into consid-
GRAFTON as possibility.
Operating directly as part of the
government, the Watson-Parker law
now appears as an agency hostile to
the railway workers in contradistinc-
ton to the description Of it's purposes
furnished the membership of the
unions when their endorsement for it
was secured.
. The collapse of the great finan-
" cial. structure reared by the Of
fieialdom of the Brotherhood of Loco
motive Engineers.
1t would be a grave mistake to I'M
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16
Trends in the American Labor Movement
as Shown by Recent Developments
Flies in the Worker Employer Cooperation
rker-Employer Cooperation Ointment

derestimate the influence of the de-
bacle of trade union capitalism in the
B. of L. E. upon the rest of the
labor movement simply because it is
not affiliated with the A. F. of L..
and because, by reason of its invest
ments in scab coal mines, it came into
conflict with A. F. of l.. officialdom.
These are matters of minor i'm
portance compared with the fact that
the trade union capitalism of the B.
of L. f. was the model after which
was patterned A. F. of l.. policy in
this field.
NURING the life of the Conference
u for Progressive Political Action,
headed by Johnston of the Machinists
Union, many A. F. of L. Unions came
talism as practiced by the B. of L. f.
headed at that time by Warren Stone.
Labor officialdom was intrigued by
the possibilities of trade union CAPT
talism as practiced by the B. Of L. E,
and, as it had lost both hope and de-
sire to build a militant labor move
ment, it quickly endorsed trade union
capitalism as the logical extension of
worker-employer cooperation in in
Dusty.
MO one can say how many articles
~ have been written and how many
speeches made by trade union Off
Gals on the subject of labor bank
ing, labor insurance and labor invest
ment companies pointing to the B.
of L. E. enterprises as shining eX-
amples, but there have been plenty
especially in the official proceedings
of the railway unions.
THE collapse in the B. of L, E. of
the grandiose schemes for freeing
workers by making them capitalists
is a blow therefore to the whole
policy of trade union capitalism COM
parable only to the blow sustained by
the detection of the general Daniel
Willard from the theory of ''peace in
industry" thru the B. and o. plan.
Furthermore, the whole affair is
of a character which the trade union
membership can understand quite
easily since it is tainted with the odo1
Of graft and corruption they are
familiar with in the more prosaic &C
tivities of their officials.
THERE are other flies in the worker
employer cooperation ointment.
The United Mine Workers, the
most important union in the A. F. OF
L., in spite of all the efficiency union
ism proposals rendered the operators
by the Lewis machine, in spite of the
offer to make district settlements, ir
spite of the carrying out of the un.
derstanding between the Lewis mach
inc and the coal barons by which
thousands of union miners were sys-
tematically driven out of the indus
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16
London il

LAID IN the fishing village of Yellow
Sands, Devon. The Varwells vegetate
as respectable English family in
this setting. All are conservative
with the exception of Joe, who is
considered hopelessly lost because of
his constant and fervent denunciations
of the capitalists and his concern for
the "under-dogs," the million or more
British workers living on the unem-
ployment dole. He calls himself a
socialist and his outbreaks classify
him as an apostle of Landsbury,
whose radicalism is a queer mixture
of reformism and christianism.
His uncle, Richard Varwell, is a
heavy drinking, good-natured mendi-
cant, living off the rest of the family,
and proclaims himself a conservative,
insisting that he is endowed with
superior brains and that the world
owes him living. When a maiden
lady, the wealthy member of the
family, dies-the will is read and it
is discovered that her estate is left
In the hands of the Socialist" In
stantly he proposes to divide his in
heritance with the unemployed. The
old sot of an uncle takes pencil and
paper and shows him that his money
would not be sufficient to buy box
Of matches for each of those living
on the dole.
In this scene there is much super
fetal capitalist class bunk about capt.
tai existing so that labor can have
work The sentimental young man is
finally persuaded that he can do
much more for the unemployed by
giving some of them work, than by
giving away his fortune. One
strongly suspects that the authors are
taking sly slap at reformism in
general
Finally Joe Varwell consoles him
self with erecting a seamen's home
and going in for social uplift, mean
while insisting that he will force the
brlcklayers to do a full days work
during the time they are engaged in
construction Of the haven of refuge
for the seafarers. At the final curtain
he is well on the road to becoming a
full-fledged capitalist, reconciling his
proposed exploitation of fisherman
with his brand of reformism. In a
very subtle manner the authors spool
the yellow socialists of all brands,
but it is questionable if the audience
was capable of perceiving their real
intent.
The acting of the piece is far above
the average Broadway production and
Reginald Bach, as the rum-soaked
uncle, Richard, is superb, reminiscent
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16
try, is fighting for it's existence.

try, is fighting for its existence.
Actually of course the weakening
of the union by these methods has re-
suited in its having to fight under
tremendous handicap.
THE leadership of the UNIV. A. has
1 followed a policy which can mean
nothing but destruction for the de-
cisive sections of the union. and sur
render to a form of company unionism
by those sections which the coal
barons allow to exist.
The Lewis policy, which is A. F. of
L. policy applied to the miners union,
can no longer be defended success
fully before the rank and file of the
labor movement.
EVIDENCE in support of this con-
l. clusion is furnished by the recent
convention Of District 1, (anthracite}'
now the largest district in the union
with some $4,000 members, where
President Cappelini was defeated on
the two questions of lengthening the
term of officers to four years and
the censuring of the district and ma
tional officials for failing to secure
and enforce the check-off in the
agreement negotiated following the
last strike.
Such developments, in view of the
control of the union machinery by
the Lewis administration, are an in
dication of a deepgoing dissatisfac-
ton among the rank and file.
IN the building trades industry,
where more than a million workers
are organized, where the unions have
been almost immune from attack for
the last four years and where wage
increases have been the order of the
day, the unions are now meeting with
defeat, as in the case Of the plumbers
and painters in New York recently.
Electrical Workers Local Union No.
8, the largest local union in the In
ternational Brotherhood Of Electrical
Workers, has been notified by the
Electrical Contractors Association,
headed by Eidlitz, "a fellow officer
of Matthew Vol of the National
Civic Federation) that the existing
contract will not be renewed when it
expires on December 81.
THE building trades bosses are
maintaining relations with the old
officials of Local Union 3, (the de-
posed corruptionists), establishing a
sort of bosses union among the cleo
trical workers as we'll as in other sec
tons Of the building trades.
The conclusion to be drawn is that
in the building industry, where boom
conditions have prevailed up to a
short time ago, the bosses are pre-
pairing to fight the unions rather than
give further wage increases. (All
authorities agree that serious slump
] in building is taking place.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16

policy, the stage of being frankly,
aggressively imperialist, and together
with Great Britain, Japan, France
and Italy, to face what the imperial
lists called the most dangerous com
mon enemy, the danger of a socialist
revolution in China, and the danger
OF an alliance between revolutionary
China and the Soviet Union.
Comrades, you will note that it was
then America bombarded Marking.
But as soon as Chang Kai-shek com
mltted his act of bloody treachery,
his basest betrayal of the Chinese
revolution, as soon as the danger of
the proletarian leadership of the
Chinese revolution was thus lessened.
that very moment marked Americas
again playing it's so-called lone pol
Icy, and its withdrawal from the five
power group. Once the hopes of
bourgeois domination of the Chinese
struggles rose again, American i'm
perialism returned primarily to its
second stage of policy.
But the moment the danger of
proletarian hegemony, Of proletarian
leadership again increases in China,
that very moment American inner
ialism will become as aggressive and
brutal as any imperialist power in
China. With all antagonisms among
the imperialist powers considered.
particularly between Great Britain
and the United States and those be-
tween the United States and Japan,
the truth remains that the outstand-
ing feature of the present Chinese
situation is the danger of a united
front of the biggest imperialist pow
ers against the Chinese revolution
and the Soviet Union.
America and Japan in my opinion
will yet fight it out for domination
OF the Pacific. The Philippines will
occupy in this struggle the role of the
Achilles heel of American imperial
ism. 1t has been we'll said that the
Philippines are Americas Ireland.
(To Be Continued)
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16
The Party's Shortcomings Mistakes and Problems

left wing, the attitude toward the
conservative unions, the attitude to-
ward the bureaucracy-these will de-
termine the chances of our success to
meet the offensive.
3. A few words about the war
danger and struggle against American
imperialism A subsequent reporter
will deal at length with that. The
Federal Reserve Bank of America is
today the central bank of the world.
In Latin America, in the last seven
years, the American ruling class has
invested as much as the British ruling
class has invested in the last hundred
years. In Nicaragua, in Mexico,
American imperialism has become
more and more arrogant. Coolidge's
recent declaration of policy towards
Central America is a declaration of
more aggressiveness, showing the in
creasing brutality of American i'm
perialism.
We must not forget the role of
American imperialism in the Orient.
American policy in the Orient re-
wolves largely around it's attitude to-
ward China, toward Japan and the
United States colonial possessions.
The American Chinese policy can be
divided into three main stages, here
and there overlapping, yet on the
whole indicating definite demarcation
points of imperialist policy
The first stage is that Of the open
door. 1t must be remembered that
American Imperialism was "a late
conner in Chinese exploitation. In the
first stage American Imperialism was
f. ghting for equality of booty-for
the open door.
Is American imperialist proves
was being developed, we entered the
second stage Of Yankee imperialist
policy towards China. American CAPT
tallsm was now fighting for the lead
ing position in the exploitation of
China. Because American capitalism
was in position to export capital
and because American capitalism was
in n position to help develop Chinese
resources, our bourgeoisie favored the
development of bourgeois republi-
can movement, of a strong bourgeois
republic, Of a bourgeois revolution in
China.
But as these Chinese movements
developed, and as the revolution in
China showed increasing dangers to
the bourgeoisie, dangers Of it's as
Stunning a proletarian character the
American imperialists greatly feared
that the Chinese proletariat would
soon be at the head Of the agrarian
masses; that together with the agrar-
ian masses the organized workers
would give socialist character to
the revolution Then America en-
tered the third stage in it's Chinese
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16

will be expelled, we will meet with
defeat after defeat in this fight, but
defeats and explosions are no cause
for pessimism. We must fight for
leadership in these labor organiza-
tions. We will make mistakes; such
mistakes as attempting to fight
merely for the sake of holding office.
Our policy must be as it has been,
rather to take chances of making mis-
takes and being in action, than being
pure, without making mistakes at the
price of inactivity.
Mistakes have been made by our
comrades in the needle trades. But
the GEO has criticized these mistakes
which were made under the greatest
difficulties. Our leading comrades in
the needle trades have made serious
mistakes. To an extent the Gee has
made mistakes, here also. All of
these mistakes have been made in the
face of the greatest hardships. Our
Geo is of the opinion that the COM
rades in the needle trades, working
under the most serious objective diff
ficulties, working in the face of the
spearhead Of the onrushing offensive
against our Party, have made costly
errors. These errors have been criti-
cized inside the Party and publicly.
Our Gee is convinced that the COM
rades who anade these mistakes are
coming nearer to the Party line and
wa No hrt ctO hn
taken to make these comra s
efficient Communist leaders in the
class struggle. These comrades who
have experience in the practical tests
of the class struggle are becoming
much better Communists. Our Gee
is convinced that no fractional use
should be made by any grouping in
the Party Of such mistakes in any
field Of work, Particularly in the
needle trades, in view of all the for
ces involved, must we pursue a party
and not a faction attitude.
In reference to Labor Unity-I be-
lieve we will help the left wing if we
will take more steps toward broaden
ing the paper, toward making it the
real organ of the left wing non-Com-
munist masses. The same applies to
the TUEL. There is clearness and
no disagreement in our Party today
regarding the role of the TUEL. The
Gee has made some errors in refer
ence to its attitude toward the TUEL
many months ago. These errors have
been corrected This attitude has long
ago been dropped. We now feel as
one and stand as one with the Com
intern on this question.
The question of the farty meeting
successfully the offensive against it
is to be answered primarily - the
possibility of our Party reacting
properly in its trade union work. In
this question the attitude toward the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16

NOTE: This is the fifth install
ment of the report for the Political
Committee made by Jay Lovestone,
at the recent Fifth National Con-
vention of the Workers (Commu-
nist) Party held in New York City.
This installment deals with "The
Party's Shortcomings, Mistakes and
Problems"
2. About the trade union problems:
These will be dealt with at length in
a subsequent report. Let me state
that it is basic problem for US to
get our members to an increasing, to
larger extent into the existing
unions. Our Party has had the cor
rect position towards organizing new
unions and towards the whole problem
of dual unionism. Our position has
been that wherever possible we must
utilize the existing trade unions in the
organization of the unorganized. If
because of the trade union bureau
cracy, if because of the opposition of
the labor lieutenants of American i'm
perialism, the existing unions refuse
to do it, then our Party must not
stop, but must go ahead in spite of
these factors and go into campaigns,
as in Passaic, and organize the I'M
organized. Once we have organized
the workers, our primary task is to
get these newly organized workers
into the main stream of the organized
labor movement, which today happens
to be the American Federation of La
Dor. The conservatism, the class
collaboration schemes, the lack Of
militancy in the leadership of these
unions, are not arguments against our
bringing these masses into the
unions. Bringing these masses into
the unions does not mean handing
them over to the labor takers. 1t is
necessary to bring in a new stream,
a new current from the unorganized
workers to tap this great reservoir of
militancy in order to make more virile
and revolutionize the existing unions.
The Party can more easily establish
leadership over those who have not
been poisoned by the bourgeois agents
now largely constituting the official
labor leadership.
Any attitude toward the bureau
cracy of viewing it as one homogen-
Gus mass would be false. The role
of the bureaucracy, it is true, is that
of imperialist agents today. But in
the trade union bureaucracy there are
divisions. These divisions must be
utilized, no matter how small they be.
Every breach in the front Of the bour-
geoisie is an opening for the Commu-
nists. And as Communists we dare
not close our eyes to them.
1t is true there are defects in our
of counter-attack to meet
the capitalist offensive. 1t is true we
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16
What the Daily Worker
Means to the Workers
More Encouraging Contributions
to Our Emergency Fund.

Erwan Rodzma, Long Island,
N. I. .........,........ 100
r. Duchnowski, Long Island,
N. Y. ................. 100
John Tkaczuk, Long Island, N. Y. LOO
Stanley Demilewski, Long Island,
N. I. ................... LOO
X. Golub, Long Island, N. Y. 100
B. Zukowski, Long Island, N. Y. LOO
Ivan Harbuch, Long Island, N. Y. LOO
P. Napiorkowski, Long Island,
NJ l. ................. LOO
Henry Days, Long Island, N. Y. LOO
I. Grazybowski, Long Island,
S. Szezasny, Long Island, N. Y. 100
Nowicki, Long Island, N. Y. -. LOO
5. Bugaj, Long Island, N. Y. LOO
Mike Snyder, Long Island, N. Y. leo
Vasil Semeniuk, Long Island,
N I. .................. 100
Rosen, Long Island, N. Y. 100
John Pryma, Long Island, N. Y. LOO
W. Olefierowicz, Long Island,
N. \. ................. 100
j. Kaczyseslsi, Long Island, N. Y. LOO
August Fauyergue, Girard,
Kansas 100
Il. E. Page, Cunningham, Texas 100
Joseph Jaglowski, Rutledgr,
MINI. ................1.0 100
Andy Caramitros and Louis Chris
hochos, Akron, Ohio ...... 400
j. Normand, Vernon, B. C.
Canada o0o
G. Goldstein, New York City 100
Peter and John Krawchuk, West
bury, L. l., N. Y. 200
Rose Gertz, New York City -. 100
Mako Hergovich, Midvale, Ohio loo
Robert Liposcak, Midvale, Ohio loo
Frank Plotsl1y, Midvale, Ohio 100
Frank Baumholtz, Midvale, Ohio 100
Vencent Mravkovich, Midvale,
Ohio ............. 100
VIM Schubert, Indianapolis, Ind. 200
Louis Novick, Brooklyn N. Y. 100
r. Rosenstein, Los Angeles, Calf. 100
Edgar Williams, Baltimore, Md. 100
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16
g !: s:2g.Zs|;s.ssa al

3. S. Moss new theatre now under
construction at Myrtle and Wyckoff
Avenues, Brooklyn, will be known as
the Madison. The playhouse will open
this Fall.
Chang" the screen classic of print
tive life in the jungles of Siam will
be at Moss Broadway all next week.
"What Price Glory" will continue
a second week at the 55th Street
Cinema.
''Potemkin" the sensational Rus
sian film will return, beginning this
Saturday, for an engagement at the
Cameo Theatre, under the auspices of
the Film Arts Guild.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16
- DRAMA IN
An Amusing Play
A Muddled Socialist Inherits Fortune and
Becomes a Social Worker

of the best work of that other accom-
plished English comedian, O. P. Heg-
gle. The rather weak and insipid
character Of Joe, the socialist, is made
realistic in the hands of Lester Mat
thews. Madge Burbage is excellent
in the role Of the maiden aunt. The
remainder Of the cast is well-balanced
and gives creditable performance of
this amusing comedy.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1927-09-16

Adelaine Phil
potts, authors
of the Farm
ers' Wife, which
ran for more
than two years
in London and
w a S presented
here a year ago
with Mr.. and
Mrs. Coburn in
the cast, wrote
the pre- S e n t
play.
The scene is