davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
Investigate the Whole Industry

Senator William E. Borah announced the other day that
unless action were taken by the committee manufactures
regarding the proposed investigation of the Passac strike he would
interrOgae Senator Mckinley Of Illinois, chairman Of that commit
tee the senate floor Following this announcement Senator Gerry
Rhode Island told the that he favored
yesgaton of the whole textile industry apd pointed to the Will
mantle thread strike that is still in Connecticut
Said Senator Gerry regarding Wimanc and the per
wage cut which provoked the strike;
company o. per Ind
100000 enforced,
Interior strikers
United Of America, which affiliated
with the American Federation Of Labor.
regarding possible teror motive" anticipated
the red that will be Senator Edwards the textile
from jersey who has been abogng the proposed
vesgaon by cOnnyng delay the meeting the committee Ed
wards has that he will make lengthy defending
police dnouncn the strikers whom his wife and daughter
hypocritically awned upon when his home pickeed
Certainly there every why the whole industry should
whole world but the important fact keep mind subject for
special attention is the fact of bandiy and that exists in
Passac and vicinity where sembance of alleged liberties
trampled under foot
Intelligent will be with nothing less than placing
the various city and county administrations
the strike in the plory
upon the face of the EARTH should be made the
starting Special attention devoted alone From thence
the investigation of the industry could proceed.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
Comintern Opinions of Ia Ultra-Lefts

movement is still moving to the right
From this fact arise two dangers for
the American party: An ultra-left
danger that Communists driven to Se-
spair by the right tendencies Of the
working class movement will run
away from it towards the left 2. The
danger that the Communists simply
participate in the general move to the
fright We must not forget that we
were compelled to expel Lore and his
supporters little while ago, and that
we have Hula in Czecho-Slovakia,
Sundby in Norway and a Souvarine
in France.
TINE chief problem of this session is
4 the ultra-left danger in Germany
which we must liquidate ideologically
completely in this phase. Scholem is
of the opinion that the international
regards the ultra-lefts as destructive
elements because WEI are in period
Of relative stabilizati6n.s On the con-
trary, the ultra-lefts are disturbing
elements because there is crisis in
Germany and a leftwafd move of the
working class and the ultra-lefts are
interfering with the winning of the
social-democratic workers. Scholem
wants to speculate upon the feelings
Of the good left workers. He, how
ever, had no idea of the meaning Of
the German theses like Hebbel's
"Meister Anton" he understands the
world no more. He sees a stabiliza-
ton in Germany where we see a crisis.
It is true that on an international
scale there is relative sterilization,
but Germany is perhaps the weakest
link of this sterilization. zinoviev is
right when he draws the distinction
between the present left group and
the left group at the third congress.
The left group at that time had its
origin in a revolutionary impatience.
The present ultra-left group is an ex-
preston of unrevolutionary hopeless
ness.
The ultra-lefts change their opinion
very often in this enlarged executive
In the beginning they admitted their
sins, now they don't any more. Scho-
lem even said that if he were to deny
his old line he would be renegade.
It is the greater Islander and failure
to recognize the role of the Comintern
when someone says that ne could be-
come a renegade inside the Comintern
by recognizing his own mistakes.
(Applause.)
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
A Tribute to Shop Bulletins

The Philadelphia members the Workers (Com-
mun Party the Young Workers League before the plant
the Budd Auto Body Manufacturing for distributing the
shop bulletin issued by the Communist nucleus that and
attempt being the of the convict
effectiveness these bulletins
concentrating
the shops striving realize in propaganda organiza
tiona that daeec connection between the general
struggle the specific problems that confront the workers
the various units of industry.
long eyoluonss conne themselves propa
ganda the struggle the shops the directly
affected Such abstract propaganda equally remote the
workers But with the shop bulletin instrument for attracting
the attention Of the workers thru vong their grievances the
struggle then becomes and parcel Of their everyday lives
bulletin Of the Budd shop nucleus attention called
conditions labor that CHASTITY toll Of life
limb The workers who had suffered in silence learning
their coworers giving audible expression their
against the mechanical buey that prevails In depera
spies police of the shop arrested three workers
distributing the shop bulletin.
These will further emphasize the bea conditions in
shop will aid stimulating the workers action that viii
fud of the special agents of the Budd who sad
"The thing you know you'll have strike here"
this slaughter will not forget that the first
voices in their behalf the Communists thru the
effective weapon Of the shop bulletin
This experience should all members establish
similar nucleus in order to reach the masses Of labor
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
Bordiga Against Right

GOMRADE BORDIGA then spoke:
~ The danger from the right is not
a phantom, but a reality. Ercoli says
that / only speak of right dangers in
an abstract manner, but one really
cannot demand that l give the exact
address of the right dangers. Such
exact details are not possible.
But, nevertheless, a right danger
exists not only in the resolutions,
hut also in the actions OF the Comm
tern, also in the treatment of the Ger
man and French questions in this en-
larged e. G. G. l. 1t is true that an
organized resistance of the left
against such right dangers on an in
ternational scale is desirable, but
cannot agree with the attempts of
left comrades in this enlarged +. G.
C. !. because the left opposition is
only possible and permissible in open
and clear discussion, and not in the
form of rumor, intrigues and maneu-
vers behind the scene. When they
had the majority some left leaders
worked with just the same methods
as the present majority. Ercoli finds
it absurd that the left comrades said
nothing in the political discussion and
left their oppositional speakers for
the last moment.
And he IS right. But, nevertheless,
the Comintern itself is partly respon-
sible for this by its methods Of work,
which do not make for open discus
sionl The honest left workers in Ger
many must analyze the general policy
Of the Comintern and their leaders or
ex-leaders critically upon the basis OF
their real class feelings.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21

and the German Communist Party will
prevent it. We don't demand that
Ruth Fischer sign anything. She has
already signed enough. But we do
demand that she cease her fractional
work. The Comintern must not per-
nit the spreading Of these fractional
Vaccinations, the so-called Ruth
Fischerizing" of the Comintern.
The Germany partly leadership will
be strong enough to lead the revolu-
tionary movement Leninistically.
.Taelmann said in the German commits
sion that one should not call the lead
ership of the party feminist; it was
only on the way to Leninism. But we
answer that the Communist Party of
Germany represents this possibility Of
development to real Leninism.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
ManulIskl crltielzes souvarine

OOUVARINE compared the Lenin
- mausoleum with the grave of Ma
homed, or that of the Tartar leader,
Tammerlan, and by this he wants to
compare the Red army with the Tar
tar army. And that reminds one Of
the declarations of Korsch about the
red Imperialism"
The internal party course of the
Ruth Fischer group led to great
weakening of our party organization
of the Ruhr district, one of the strong
est proletarian organizations. After
the fall of Ruth Fischer from leader
ship the Ruhr party district had four
thousand members
In consequence of the alteration
brought about by the new party lead
ership, this number rose to nine
thousand. A similar example is shown
by comparison of the presidential
elections with the last Berlin munich
pal elections. After the fall of the
Ruth Fischer central committee the
party leadership went over into the
hands of healthier and proletarian ele-
ments. This leadership rebuilt the
authority of the Communist Party and
achieved considerable success. Ruth
Fischer had no right to criticize the
Communist Party nor to speculate
upon the difficulties which have arisen
from her mistakes.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21

international Press correspondence
moscow, U. S. S. r., March 16 (By
4VA Mail. 1.-THE twentieth and closing
session of the enlarged executive
committee of the Communist Interna-
tional opened under the Craftsmanship
of Comrade Geschke and began with
the continuation of the discussion
upon the report of the German com
mission.
Comrade Ercoli (Italy) pointed to
the existence of tendency inside the
Communist Party of Germany to util-
ize the existing difficulties to form an
artificial opposition against the gen
eral policy of the Comintern. There
exists no discrepancy between the
whole policy Of the Comintern and the
resolution Of the German commission
the resolution is only the logical con-
tinuation of the general decisions Of
all the world congresses and all the
sessions of the enlarged e. G. G. l.
1t is, therefore, peculiar that COM
rades who we're silent in the political
discussion suddenly discover their-op-
positional feelings in this question of
details. The ultra-left comrades are
seized with panic before the danger
from the right, which to them is eter-
nal. In determining the right danger
the Comintern analyses always the
concrete situation of the particular
party and the particular country. Of
all the oppositional speakers, only
Bordiga had a certain firm program.
This shows that there is no ideologi-
cal basis for broad development of
| the ultra-left deviations.
1t is not merely a question of the
personal dissatisfaction of certain
German comrades with the German
central committee, we must fight the
efforts of these comrades to form a
fraction inside the Comintern, ener-
getically. With regard to the rumors
that the Comintern is going to the
right, we must emphasize with all
possible clarity that the decisions Of
the present enlarged executive are in
no way contradictory to the decisions
of previous congresses, and that they
are based upon Leninism.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
The Maslow Process

MANUILSKI then dealt with the
AVA Maslow process. 1t must be said
that Maslow did not act like revo-
lutionary before his judges. He tried
to get himself out of the trouble by
hiding behind the mistakes of the cen.
trail committee at that time. He
should have said, that the differences
inside the Communist Party were
nothing to do with bourgeois court.
1t is peculiar that Urbahns, of all
people, who adopted heroic attitude
before the court at his trial, should
now defend Maslow.
Manuilski calls to mind the attitude
Of Hibner Knievsky and Ruthkovsky
and other heroic workers who fell in
the struggle with the Polish police.
That is the tradition of the Comintern.
Ruth Fischer and Maslow have not
this tradition. They are not lefts,
but rights, who go in harness with
Souvarine, and they must be dealt
with by the Comintern from this point
of view (Strong applause.)
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
semard of France

.NOMRADE SEMARD: At the pres
" ent moment in Germany the ultra
left deviation is the chief danger.
After the collapse in 1928 section Of
the honest OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES in Ger
many came under the influence Of the
Ruth Fischer group and for this rea-
son the theological struggle against
this group is of very great impor-
lance. ar
We must declare with all possible
clarity that Ruth Fischer and her sup
porters, quite apart from any personal
considerations, are politically bank
rupt. 1t is characteristic that the
theology of the Ruth Fischer group is
in many points in agreement with the
theology of the French right opposi-
ton. Naturally, in the present situa-
ton right deviations are possible, In
Germany and in other countries. We
must. not, however, become panicy in
the face of these right dangers. The
ultra-lefts speak about a return Of
Brandler and Thalheimer to work.
To this we must return clear answer
that whoever is honestly prepared to
carry out the line of the Conintern
must be drawn into the party work.
The present German central com
mittee is strong enough to utilize the
representatives of various groups in
the practical work. We must how
evere, at the same time reject def
nitely all rumors about the right de
viations" Of the Comintern. Just now
we see an energetic struggle against
the French right and We would strug-
gle in just the same way against an
international right wing shouldit form
itself We must fight against both
left and right.
The right danger is at present
stronger in France, the ultra-left in
Germany. In both countries we shall
fight upon the basis Of Leninism and
of the decisions of the previous con-
crosses of the Comintern. (Applause.)
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
LOminadse on sOrdiga

NOMRADE LOMINADSE: The CON-
~ pliment that he was an honest and
sincere comrade who always ex-
pressed his real opinions has turned
Bordiga's head and he begins to ex-
aggerate this virtue and to become
the real "enfant terrible" of the en-
larged executive. He criticized the
policy of the Comintern in speech
four hours long, but proposed no CON
crete policy of his own.
The ultra-lefts attempted to utilize
the Russian party discussion for petty
fractional purposes, for instance,
when the attempted to oppose the
theses of Zinoviev to the decisions
OF the German commission. This is
all the sillier because both the politi-
cal theses of Zinoviev and also the
theses of the German question we're
approved of unanimously by the whole
Russian delegation.
The ultra-left has many nuisances,
but it's common denominator is the
struggle against the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union and against the
Comintern. There is a danger Of the
formation of an international left frac-
ton, perhaps even of a new interna-
tional This danger must, however,
not be overestimated.
The ultra-lefts have no considerable
support inside their own parties.s In
Italy Bordiga lost the whole Young
Communist League and the majority
of his one-time supporters and in Ger
many Ruth Fischer and Scholem have
also no masses behind them. Inter
ruption of Domksky: What masses
have you?") l need no special masses
because I don't carry on a policy in
dependent of the rest Of the party.
The petty bourgeois ultra-left elements
were incapable of adapting their pol
icy to new conditions. The crisis,
however, has been passed and the
ultra-lefts are attempting, without sue
ccess, to create the appearance of a
new crisis. The most important is
the theological struggle against the
ultra-left, but we must not neglect the
organizational struggle. The more un-
principled is the opposition the more
necessary become organizational
measures.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
Ruth Fischer and souvarlne

GOMRADE M AN UILSKI: That
~ which is new in the discussion
which we have had in the enlarged
executive upon the German question
is that we are faced with the forma-
ton of an international defeatist frac-
ton against the Comintern. In pc
RODS of slow development certain
groups always fall away from the
Communist Party, but this defeatism
is well organized.
The mentality OF the Ruth Fischer
group resembles the mentality of the
Souvarine group. In this connection
we naturally do not mean such good
workers as Maslovski.
The identity between the ideas of
the Ruth Fischer and Souvarine
groups consist in the following; Both
Souvarine and Ruth Fischer shout all
the time and everywhere about the
crises in the Comintern. Ruth Fischer
sees right dangers everywhere; she,
however, does not say in what these
dangers consist. Ruth Fischer is only
living on the capital of old Brandler-
ism.
1t is her aim to SOW the seeds of
suspicion against the Comintern and
the Russian party thru her accusation
of the right danger. With Souvarin it
lis just the same. When Ruth Fischer
declares in her letters that Russia
wants to enter the league of nations
this is also only means of awakening
the mistrust of the international prole-
tariat agains THE Soviet Union. Mas
low. Ruth Fischer Korsch and Scho-
lem represent "a west European Com
munism," west European oriental
ton at the same time when the Ger
man bourgeoisie is seeking a west
Iorientation against Russia. $3.50.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21

in its struggle against the ultra-Ieft
and mentioned the statement of Stain
in the German commission, according
to which he (Stalin) did not believe
a word Ruth Fischer said. Urbahns
pointed out that Lenin used other
problemical methods. This is true,
but it is only true because in the past
we never had a case like Ruth Fischer.
At the first congress Lenin carried
on the sharpest possible struggle
against the Italian comrades, but one
could fight them and discuss with
them like comrades, because they hon
estly spoke their opinions, and did not
fight with the methods of the viennese
cafes.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
Unemployment Relief in the Soviet Union

DELIEF for the unemployed in the
~ us. S. r. is in charge of the So
cial insurance department of the state.
All workers are insured and their dues
are paid solely by the state enter
prises, concessionaires and the private
employers. According to the decision
Of the peoples commisariat of Octo-
Der "a, 1924, the following groups are
entitled to get relief (a) Skilled
workers and brain workers, without
consideration Of how long they have
worked; OBJ unskilled workers, who
have worked one year, If members Of
a union, and two years if unorganized;
(c) clerical workers who have worked
three years and are organized, and five
years IL unorganized; Cd demobilized
soldiers who have been wage-workers;
(e) minors, who have been wage-work-
ers, regardless OF how long.
| THESE conditions are necessary be-
l. cause great numbers OF former
petty-bourgeois elements have regis
tered as unemployed in order to get
the relief and the advantages OF hous-
ing, electricity, etc, which are granted
to the unemployed. The conditions re-
garding unskilled workers are neces-
sary because there is q stream Of
country people to the cities, where It
is often impossible to secure work
for them.
THERE are two categories of those
Il who receive relief. First, the
skilled and the brain workers and,
second. the unskilled and the clerical
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21

workers. The first category receives
80 per cent and the second 20 per cent
of the average wage of the workers of
their industries. To this sum is added
a fixed sum for the family The unem-
ployed and their families have a right
to free medical attention, death and
birth attendance, freedom from taxes
lower rents and payments for fuel,
water and electricity.
of the one million unemployed one
~ half are now receiving regular re-
lief. Public works enterprises for the
unemployed and other arrangements
also alleviate the condition. It is the
intention of the commissariat to ex-
tend the relief to new categories and
to raise the relief sums.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
JusO-slsvla's View

NOMRADE OGNYANOvITCH (Jugo-
~ Slavia) declared that the ultra-left
fraction was defeated, had no ideolog-
ical clarity and attempted to organize
itself internationally without a pro
gram. Scholem did not win the revo-
lutionary workers from the K. A. p,
but the Comintern did it,
The ultra-left embodies only petty
bourgeois pessimism. Right devia-
lions are chiefly to be seen in the
trade union question and in the ap-
plication of the united front. In Jugo-
Slavia the rights operate with ultra
left slogans. Bordiga abandoned some
of the ultra-lefts, but effectively he
supports them. The Comintern viii
liQuidate the ultra-left.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-21
KuusInen, E. c. c. |.

.NOMRADE KUUSINEN: Histori-
~ cally speaking, the German left
fulfilled a valuable mission in the Ger
man revolutionary movement. above
all In 1923, and it made valuable
contribution to the bolshevization of
the Communist Party in Germany
After the winning of the party leader
ship, however, it still pursued frat
tional policy and degenerated into the
so-called Ruth Fischer regmie" A
resolution of the third world congress
says: Democratic centralism In a
Communist Party organization should
be a real synthesis, an amalgamation
of centralism and proletarian democ-
racy. A formal or mechanical cen
tralization would mean the centraliza-
ton of power in the hands of the
party bureaucracy for a dictatorship
over the other members or the masses
of the revolutionary proletariat out
side the party. But only an enemy of
Communism can contend that thru its
function of leading the proletarian
class struggle and thru the centraliza-
ton of this Communist leadership the
Communist Party wishes to dictate to
the revolutionary proleariat."
But down to this day Ruth Fischer
does not understand the difference be-
tween debating and leading. The con-
sequences of this were amongst many
others and great reduction Of the
party membership IN the Ruhr district
and the loss of our position in the
trade unions. The Ruth Fischer re-
gime killed the internal party democ-
racy and all new signs of party life
almost completely. The executive was
compelled to interfere, otherwise the
party would have been destroyed.
The party quickly found sufficient
forces to normalize the party leader
ship. Thereupon Ruth Fischer opened
the second phase of her double book
keeping. She signed the open letter
and at the same time wrote secret
fractional letters. The last phase Of
this double game in the new fractional
platform put forward by Uhrbahns.
II is characteristic that the Ruth
Fischer group did not wish to inform
the commission about this platform
One looks into the eyes OF the lover.
into the mouth of the horse, but at the
hands of politician. The declaration
Of the Ruth Fischer group is politi-
cal action.
Il stresses continuously that there
4. . o-t.fo - 4bo Nouvnuptet po,.tx 80
Germany. In actual fact there is no
crisis, Il has already been passed.
The Ruth Fischer group wishes to
arouse distrust in the party leader
ship by continuously spreading rumors
OF crises. Ruth Fischer has the same
in view when she speaks Of surren-
der OF the party to the right. II is alb
surd when Ruth Fischer, OF all people,
demands a clearing of the internal
party atmosphere.
Further, the Ruth Fischer group de.
handed free and wide discussion
and no organizational measure. Who
ever calls to mind the policy OF the
Ruth Fischer central committee must
admit that more dishonest double deal.
ng is hardly possible. One Of the
most important points of the German
resolution is the demand for quick
liquidation OF the Ruth Fischer frac-
ton which shakes confidence in the
Comintern by its lack of principles
and damages the party by It's diplo-
macy.
THE Ruth Fischer fraction will not
attain its ends, for the Comintern