The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-11

%s33A{l .-r-4v1 the strategy OF class
AAAA~Re war in the most vital
sector, that Of trade unionism. 1t is
a''compact and meaty little book.
The argument begins with pointing
out that there are about twenty mil
lion unorganized industrial workers in
America who could be enlisted into
unions. Unless the unions begin to
grow they will soon be smashed alto
gether; even the United Mine Work
ers is being crushed now by pressure
from the non-union coal fields.
The present membership of the
unions can be broadly divided into
three classes, the author goes on to
show: militant left wingers who want
to. organize, progressives who will
help If organization starts, and reac-
tionary right wingers who resist Or
ganization to prevent the radicalizing
of the unions, to avoid struggle and
to preserve the jobs of the union bu-
reaucracy. The left wing must initiate
all organization campaigns, and when
they are decided upon must actually
carry them out, in cooperation with
the center groups and against the sa-
botage by the reactionaries.
Situations occur where the most
careful reasoning is necessary to de-
eide whether to organize under the
banner of the old unions in the field,
Where no unions exist at all there
must be new ones created, which must
get into the A. F. of L., the main cur
rent of American labor. Where fairly
sound unions exist, the workers can
be organized directly into them.
Where very old and decrepit unions
claim jurisdiction over the field and
are small in size, it may be necessary
to organize Independently, and disre-
gard them. At times it is necessary,
where reactionary unions claim con-
troll, but will not organize. to organize
the workers first outside of the union
and then carry on a struggle to COM
pel the old unions to let them affiliate.
Afiliation, one union in each indus
try, is the ideal, but it is one that
cannot be slavishly followed.
The left wing, since 1t must do the
organizing, must learn the various
forms of activity possible, whether it
is able to start great, open cam
paign, as is still possible where the
employers are disunited, or the unions
already strong; or whether it must
work secretly or semi-secretly thru
the Workers Party nuclei, Young
Workers, foreign language clubs, so
cial clubs. company unions, shop coun-
ellis, or even some new forms created
for the occasion.
Almost always organization in the
basic industries land one reason for
an organization campaign is that it
viii lead the unions into these heavy
industries and away from skilled craft
job trust psychology will involve
great strikes. The unorganized will
join unions if they see immediate
material advantages. AS Foster says:
I'VE must study carefully the state
Of the industry and the condition of
the employers and the workers
forces, base our organization cam
paigns upon the economic demands Of
the workers and at all times keep the
fight focused on these demands, plan
our organization campaigns carefully
and thoroly mobilize all our forces to
put them into execution, extend our
scope OF activity over the greatest pos
sible extent of workers, strike the
blow at the oDpoTtune time, democrat
ize the enemy, rouse public sentiment
with our maneuvers, develop tho ut
most fighting spirit in our own ranks
by our invigorating propaganda, and
follow up our victories to the limit by
organizing all the workers shaken into
action by our big strikes and strug-
gles."
This pamphlet, as was said before,
is strategy. The minor tactics, the
multiple considerations and possibIl-
ties in each concrete case, are not
worked out in it, But in the very act
OF laying down the broad general prin-