The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-03-17

| aI4SlOCLdCy Ol AduOI huu gnS pCllS
bourgeoisie. On the average 1t has
only so per cent workers in its ranks
in the various countries. In this sit
uation we must inevitably become the
party of the working class if we cor
rectly apply the tactics of the united
front and become the fighters for the
unity of the working class.
The objective situation for this is
good. This is proved in Germany, for
instance, by the movement for the
confiscation of the property of the
mobiles without compensation. In THE
Berlin town council we must use the
tactic of the united front better. The
German lessons in this connection are
valid for the whole Comintern. The
letter of the executive committee Of
the Comintern was 100 per cent cor
rect.
The French right danger is typical
for all right deviations. The right
opposition is not homogeneous. 1t
consists of the Rosmer group, which
is going thru period Of development
back to the old syndicalist ideas; the
Souvarne group, which effectively
speaking plays the part of Bubnik,
altho it must be said that subjective
Souvarine does not sell himself, and
then the Loriot group, which is going
thru development back towards the
social-democracy.
There was very much mechanical
centralism in the leadership of the
Communist Party of France and very
] little democracy, and this was real
lied by the majority of the French
central committee itself. This had to
be got rid of in order to win the best
proletarian elements of the opposition.
The opposition, however, declared just
like the Russian liquidators at one
time, that the party was dead, altho
at the same time the. enemies of the
party declared the contrary. The op-
position does not want any reorgani-
zation on the basis of the shop nuclei
and in this it is at one with the Ital-
ian ultra-lefts. In the Moroccan and
Alsace-Lorraine questions the opposi-
ton has taken up what may be simply
described as a social-patriotic stand
point.
The opposition fought against the
general strike, against the Morocco
war and also against the demand for
the independence of Alsace. When in
this connection they ask, why not
also independence for Nice and Savoy,
then this is sheer social-patriotism.
Everything must be done to win the
best proletarian elements of the oppo-
sition, the mechanical Capitalization
must be abolished, the internal party
democracy must be strengthened, but
no concessions must be made to the
rights for they want to lead the party
10 the social-democrats. The right in
France as an organization must be de-
troyed and the best proletarians
mongst them must be won over. We
lust also begin to struggle against
le signs of an ultra-left danger in
! rance. Ultra-left ideas are interior
ing with our work in the trade unions.
The tasks in France gre therefore the
liquidation of the right danger, the
alteration of the organizational regime
in the party in the spirit of a party
democracy, and struggle against the
ultra-left ideas.
Our standpoint in the question of
partial demands must be cleared up.
The parties and the executive must
together work out program Of ac-
ton for the given period Of time.
THE question of the afilIation of the
L Russian unions to Amsterdam
must be discussed by no party from
its own national standpoint. This is
above all an international question.
There can be no question of a sepa-
rate afiiliation of the Russia unions.
That which was said in the letter of
the central committee of the Commun-
list Party Of the Soviet Union remains
valid.
The speaker then described the sue
cesses and the mistakes of the Young
Communist International. The sue
cesses were chiefly met with in China,
England, Austria and Italy.
With regard to the internal tasks
Of the parties, the chief necessity there
Is development of the internal party
democracy. The non-Russian parties
must be drawn into an active and real
anticipation in the leadership of the
Jomintern, as this was proposed by
The Fourth Party Congress of the
| Russian Communist Party.
The tasks of the leadership ara
srowing and for this reason there is
aeed for a greater degree Of collective
work. In the solution Of their own
internal problems the parties must
learn more to stand upon their own
legs. We shall, nevertheless, remain
an international world party. More
democracy, more COLLECTIVELY In the
leadership, more independence OF the
sections, this must be our course.
There must be no revision OF the