The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-04-10
written in 1922

Bolshevik paper, Nevskaya Zvezda. Lenn com
pares the Chinese Revolutionary Democratic move
ment with that of the Russian "Narodnki" (Popu-
lists. This article is still of immense value, if
only for showing the difference between the ideas
Of Sun-YatSen and Revolutionary Socialism. 1t
remains brilliant example of the Communist ap-
proach to the Chinese ationa-E1mancipation Move
ment The existence of a Chinese Communist
Party is not only foretold, but the present Comm
tern policy of support to the revolutionary strug-
gle Of Kuomintang is predetermined. Lenins esti-
nation of Sun-Yat-Sen must of course be viewed
in the light Of present history and Sun-YatSens
new orientations his faith in the new Chinese
proletariat and in the U. S. S. R. as an ally, his
fight against Imperialism his revolutionary work
with the Communists during the last few years,
etc With the growth of the proletariat Sun-Yat
Sen began to interest himself in Marxism He
also studied Lenin's works The appearance of
this article for the first time in English is very
timely the anniversary of Sun YatSens death,
which occurred the of mass revolutionary
struggles. It is especially timely as the radical
changes that have taken place in China during the
hast year-the Strengthening of Sun-Yat-Sens
Party in the South and the appearance of the
proletariat the political for the first
>time-add weight to Lenin's conceptions.-E1dc
verney)
THE article by the acting president of the Chi
nese Republic, Sun-YatSen, which we take
from the Brussels socialist paper LIE Peuple, is
of exceptional interest for us Russians.
An old adage says: ''Things seem clearer from
afar." Sun-Yat-Sen is an extremely interesting
witness 'from affair."" for being man with an
European education he is apparently totally I'M
acquainted with Russia. Yet this European
trained representative of militant and victorious
Chinese democracy, which has won itself repub
lie, confronts us with purely Russian problems.
These problems moreover, are presented quite
independently of Russia, of Russian experience
of Russian literature. His resemblance to a Rus
sian Populist is so great that it amounts to an
absolute identity in basic conceptions and in
number of separate expressions.
Things seem clearer from afar. The program
of great Chinese democracy which is indeed rep
resented in Sun-Y atSen's article, compels us and
gives us a convenient opportunity to view once
more the problems of correlation between demOc
racy and POpulism in the modern bourgeois revO
buttons of Asia, from the aspect of new world
events. This is one of the most important prob
lens which faced Russia in the revolutionary
epoch commencing from 1905. And it has not
only confronted Russia, but the whole of Asia
as may be seen from this program of the acting
president of the Chinese Republic, particularly
if we view this platform in the light of the de-
velOpment of revolutionary events in Russia,
Turkey, Persia and China Russia in many and
in'ivery substantial respects undoubtedly repre-
sents an Asiatic state and, at that, one of the
most barbaric, medieval and disgracefully back
ward of Asiatic states.
Russian bourgeois democracy bears the imprint
of the Populist movement beginning with its far
off and solitary forerunner Hertzen, and ending
with its mass representatives, members of the
Peasants Union of 1905, and the 'Trudovik'
Sc Of
three Dumas 19O61912 We now see that the
bourgeois democracy of China bears the identical
imprint of the Populist movement. Let us see
from the example of Sun-YatSen what is the
~social significance" of the ideas engendered by
the profound revolutionary movement of hun
dreds of millions of people who are now definitely
drawn into the current of universal capitalist
civilization.
Every line of Sun-Yat-Sens program is imbued