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TmM M W@r@ 2anaHHA~ DuHasA@ aDM@#Sn BEE" @aH"@T m~uH HH"@"D DAILY H@D@G """O @h~H
p @%% %%%%"% %MnM% %%@%@r% %%@R%# 1%H%%%A "1%a%% %%% %%%%%s%S %%%" "
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08
BY BERTRAM o. WOLFE.

DOLITlCAL machines all over the
= country are about the same. The
Tammany machine in New York City,
which has so often been in the lime
light, functions exactly like the Phila-
delphia machine of Boss Ware or the
Pittsburgh machine of the Mellon fam
lily, which have had the spotlight of
publicity focused on them during the
last week or so. The paid watchers"
the purchase of votes, the purchase of
support by political appointments
ranging all the way from dog catcher
to cabinet secretary, the raising of
enormous "slush" funds to win public
opinion" the trading in municipal con-
tracts, the bread and butter" pressure
on city employes-all these are ia
miliar features Of every machine and
of every machine election.
Democrats Seek Issue.
The only difference that the Penn
sylvania election presents from the
normal machine election is that there
were two powerful rival machines
competing for control of the state, and
that the democrats, looking for an
issue to differentiate themselves from
the republicans in the forthcoming
congressional elections-after they
had voted with them on every measure
of interest to big business-now seized
upon this dispute between the Ware
and Mellon machines as good chance
to raise such an issue.
If the democrats in congress, how
ever, chose to turn the spotlight a
little and focus it on democratic New
York City or on the democratic ma
chine in Boston, or in other cities
where their party is dominant, they
would reveal exactly the same phe-
nomena in more or less the same pro-
portions.
Mellon Ambition.
What happened in Pennsylvania?
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08
BRITISH SEAMEN
RAP SELL-0UT OF
GENERAL STRIKE
Repudiate Strikebreak-
ing Moves of Wilson

NOVOROSSISK, u. S. S. R., (By
Mail 1.-The International Seamen'e
Club, composed of British seamen
that are now in Novorossisk, unani
mously adopted the following resolu.
ton condemning and repudiating the
strike breaking tactics of Havelock
Wilson and condemning the calling
off of the general strike by the re.
formist leaders:
We, the seamen of British ships
assembled in the International Sea
mems Club at the port of Novorossisk
having heard the address on the sit
uation in Britain, wish to lodge our
protest against the reactionary pol
icy of Havelock Wilson in bringing
forward to the government the
scheme whereby the strike would be
declared illegal, and to withhold the
payments of trade union funds by
the banks for strike benefits.
This is, in our opinion the worst
type of blackguardly strike breaking
and therefore we call for his immedi
ate resignation on the grounds that
he is unworthy of the confidence OF
our N. S. F. U.
Furthermore, we wish to place or
record our disgust of the action Of
the cowardly reformist leaders in call
ing off the strike, thus deserving the
miners when victory was in sight. We
further wish to express our admira
ton of the part that the miners have
played turnout the strike.
"Lons live the unity Of the worIc
working classl
Long live the struggle for eman
cipation"
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08
Cambridge Women
Teachers Lose Fight
for Equal Pay Raises

CAMBRIDGE, Mass, July Cam.
bridge women teachers lost their fight
for equal pay increases, altho their
annual rates have been raised. Men
and women elementary teachers get
the same 800 increase, but their pay
rates are already different. Women
high school teachers get 500 to $50
more, while men high school teachers
are raised 1914. Added to the present
disproportionate advantage OF mems
rates over women's, this gives men
high school teachers s746 more a
year than the women. Elementary
principals get $3.50 more pay than now
II men, 1920 or 5000 II women. Bos.
ton women teachers were also re-
buffed in their fight for equal pay.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08
The Machine and the Pennsylvania Election

of his denomination, and these two OBJ
stacles were the attempt of Mr.. Pin
chot, while governor of the state, to
build up his own political machine,
and the attempt of Boss Ware of Phila-
delphia to extend his machine to the
rest of the state. Back of these rival
bosses were powerful minority indus
trial interests in Pennsylvania OPP
posed to the domination Of Mellon.
The result of the general scramble
was that all three tried to buy the elecs-
ton and that the cheapest skate" Of
the three, Mr.. Pinchot, spent more
than Newberry on his campaign. The
"swell' Mr.. Mellon spent over $780,
600 that is acknowledged because 1t
cannot be concealed. Perhaps again
as much as that can and has been con-
cealed. Boss Ware gave out jobs IN
the city administration of Philadelphia
and brought in people from all over
the state to work on his Sesqui-Cen-
tennial and as he spent many millions
belonging to the state of Pennsylvania
! he had to spend only from 100000 to
million in extra cash. So that the
net result of the scramble was that
practically every regular" party voter
in the state received anywhere from
S. to $40, up to a Sesqui-Centennial,
city, state or national job.
Ware Buys Nomination.
Boss Ware won the nomination be-
cause his Philadelphia city machine
and with his little Sesqui-C Centennial
had more jobs to give away than Mel
lon with only federal appointments
and the lesser number of CITY jobs in
Pittsburgh at his disposal.
Just as Teapot Dome was typical
of countless brazen thefts of national
resources, but was the only one to
come to light on account of conflict
of interests within capitalist forces, so
the Pepper-Vare-Pinchot scandal can
be produced in every big machine con-
test in the country.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08

1919 per cent ahead of 1925 due
largely to a reduction in the cost of
maintenance work. Here is certainly
the financial capacity to give its work
ers a return for their hearty co-opera-
ton.
Low Wages.
But the Baltimore & Ohio is paying
its shopmen only cents an hour
more than the low point set by the
labor board 1922 decision which pre-
cipitated the shop strike by cutting
Z cents to cents from the hourly
rates. That cents increase dates
back to May, 1923: In the 8 years in
which so-called cooperation was be-
ing developed the shopmen have re-
ceived nothing. On other roads, not
ably the Atlantic Coast Line, Sea-
board Air Line, Southern, Louisville
& Nashville, Norfolk & Western and
Chesapeake & Ohio, there have been
later increases establishing rates 5
cents above the labor board decision.
Many of these roads which have, ac-
corded shopmen better treatment than
the Baltimore & Ohio are nonunion,
never having settled with the railway
employees department of the A. F. OF
L. With the exception of the C. &
o. none of them has professed coop
Grafton with the unions in shop man.
agement.
President Willard of the Baltimore
& Ohio, supposed foster father of CO.
operation, is also president Of one
nonunion railroad company and direc-
tor of another, both of which are pay
ing shopmen cents an hour more
than the union and cooperating Bal.
timore & Ohio. These are the Wash.
ington Terminal company and the
Richmond, Fredericksburg & Potomac
railroad, which pay cents an hour
more than the labor board rate.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08

A Baltimore & Ohio shopman in
whom The Federated Press has con-
fidence comments on the Mount Glare
shop:
Against Union Organization.
"This railroad shop" he says,
always had bad reputation in I'M
ion circles and has been considered
difficult to organize. 1t was reason
able to expect that in view of the CO.
operative spirit the company would at
least put no obstacles in the way of
organization. Up to this time, how
ever, the local management consis-
tently refuses to admit union organ
izers into the shop. This particular
plant is of strategic importance to the
railroad and under special tutelage of
high officers of the company. The
local committeeman state that the
local management has been consist
tently antagonistic and declare that
there has been no change in their at
titude since cooperation has been in
augurated. When the central office
is appealed to, the buck is passed to
the local management"
Favor Scabs.
This correspondent also notes that
at number of points the Baltimore
& Ohio management has favored men
who scabbed in the 1922 strike. He
notes the roads refusal to grant the
requested cents an hour increase
and time and half for Sunday and
holiday work though its 1925 profits
were among the largest in history.
s4e,271 1888 Profit in 1925.
The Baltimore & Ohio 1925 profit
amounted to $49,271,SSS giving com
mon stockholders a return of $12.14
on each 500 share. After paying all
dividends there was $10,841,711 left
over, more than enough to pay its
preferred and common dividends over
again. This years profits are running
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08
Workers Communist Party
A Survey Of Party Work in a Big Plant

done will be only as a result of long
and active participation in the life of
the plant. Other work will be only
of a sensational character.
In the first place it would be sui
cidal to indulge in the usual mass dis
tribution of shop bulletins.
Careful Work Necessary.
The bulletins will have to be writ
ten carefully, and distributed with
twice as much care to those very few
workers who will read and pass on
the news. This is not done in con-
spiratory manner, but merely in order
to assure efficiency and results.
A small group of sympathizers will
have to be worked upon and gradually
drawn closer together. This can be
done only through personal contact
and knowledge of individuals, and
through a careful distribution of a
carefully prepared paper. All sensa-
tional shop-gate advertising will per-
haps result in the smashing of the
group, and will accomplish nothing.
Difficulty of Contact.
A TREMENDOUS difficulty is that
4 the plant is so large and depart
mentalized that very little contact be-
tween members of the group can be
had or maintained. Even at the pres
ent time, due partly to the 30-minute
dinner period, they rarely see one an
other. So that the organization of
factory nucleus will be but the first
step towards building the ideal or
ganization in and elsewhere;
real department shop nuclei that can
really act as group upon such a CEN
tralized body Of workers.
In the first instance or reorganiza-
ton, the group must work care
fully and individually, with the assis-
lance of a shop paper distributed in
the above manner, and with the end
in view of remaining there at work in
order to become eligible for Works
Council activity and to obtain that
confidence of their fellow workers
without which no Communist work is
possible.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08
BROWNSVILLE
LABOR BEHIND
PASSAIC STRIKE
Especial to The Daily worker>

especial 10 ne Daliy WoTkeFJ
BROWNSVILLE, Pa, July 6. - A
Passaic strike relief conference was
held here in Miners Hall.
John Di Santo, textile striker, and
Mother Bloor, field organizer, General
Relief Committee of Textile Strikers,
reported on the strike and relief ac-
tivities.
A permanent relief conference was
organized. Brother Bevens of the
United Mine Workers was elected
chairman; John Sessesky. United
Mine Workers, secretary, and Organ
izer Zimmerman, general organizer
for the American Federation of La
Dor. was elected treasurer. An exc
cutive committee was elected, COM
posed mostly of members of the Cen
trail Labor Council of Brownsville.
From adj the delegates came high
praise for the way the textile strike
has been conducted and on its fine
leadership.
The conference will convene again
on July IT at 9 a. m.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-08

The Mellon machine decided to extend
it's control from western Pennsylvania
over the rest of the state. It's center
is Pittsburgh The symbol of that con-
troll was to be the denomination of
Senator Pepper, who had been first
made a senator, not by election but
by appointment on the death of his
predecessor in office, Senator Penrose.
Since the death of Penrose the state
had been in a sort of political chaos,
with Pinchot, Ware and Mellon COM
peting for control of the state ma
chine.
Pepper Mellon Lackey.
Senator Pepper was most obedient
and faithful servant of Mellon and the
Mellon Coolidge administration. I'M
mediately on being seated (January
10, 1929, only two days before the
final vote on Newberry-when the
least he could have done would have
been to plead ignorance as to the
question-he voted to whitewash SEN
ator Newberry, convicted and SEN
fenced to Leavenworth for having pur-
chased his election to the United
States senate.
Before entering the upper house
Pepper had been an opponent of the
league and the world court, but when
Mellon commanded Pepper obeyed
and became world court senator. He
voted for the Mellon tax reduction
measure, which shifted the burden of
taxation almost completely off of big
business. He voted for the gift of
millions of dollars to Mussolini SO that
private bankers might make a new
loan to Italy at a substantial rate of
interest. He supported all of the debt
funding agreements, opposed farmers
relief, voted for the Watson-Parker
bill-in short, was a 100 per cent ma
chine senator under the control of the
powerful Mr.. Mellon.
Obstacles to Mellon.
But two obstacles stood in the way