The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-07-31
Life and Struggles in Ireland

I union was foremost in his mind. "The
union will need your services" he said
to O'Brien as he bid him goodbye.
O'Brien is general secretary Of the
Irish Transport and General Workers
Union and the dominant personality in
the official trade union movement.
He spoke frankly about the strength
of the union. Instead of a member
ship of 100000 or more who were von
the rolls few years ago, the number
is now down to $4,000. O'Brien in
sisted that only dues paying members
are considered in this reckoning.
After the defeat inflicted on the
Dublin workers in 1913 and until after
Connolly's execution in 1916 the trans
port union was weak numerically. 1t
hardly existed outside of Dublin. Con-
molly tried to set it on its feet and
systematic its functioning. 1t is very
doubtful II It had more than 5000
members in all Ireland when the ris-
ing took place.
After the Easter week revolt a de-
cided change took place. The work
ers who were hitherto hostile to the
union, largely owing to the poisonous
propaganda put out by the capitalists,
thru their allies, the press and the
pulpit, Joined the organization on the
crest of wave of national emotional
ism. And from then until the treaty
was signed the transport union was
the backbone of the national struggle
against the British government, tho
after Collins and Griffith signed the
treaty in London EamOnn De Valera.
now leader of that wing of the Irish
republican movement which is willing
to participate in the Free State parlia-
ment under certain conditions, en-
tered into a compact with the pro-
treaty forces, which was in effect a
political pact to divide the constit-
uencies between them. Both called on
the Irish Labor Party not to contest
the elections on the plea that no class
interests should be stressed when the
Irish nation as a whole needed unity.
The Irish Labor Party declined this
counsel and elected II out of the IS
candidates put forward. .s-z
During the struggle with the British
government during the world war and
afterwards the Irish labor movement
co-operated with the Sim Fem organi-
cation. In fact, the union members
gave their first allegiance to the ma
| tionalist organization. The general
strike against CONSUMPTION as well as
the refusal of the unions to transport
soldiers or ammunition during the
Black and Tan period could not be
successfully carried out by the union
unaided.
While the war was on and for some
years afterwards the Irish workers
were able to secure substantial wage
increases thru the union. This was a
strong incentive to join. But when de-
preston set in the fair-weather mem
bers refused to pay dues. The union
was not getting them anything, they
claimed.
Another weakening influence was
the conflict between Free Staters and
republicans inside the ranks. The Of
fetal position Of the union was that
the republican faction cared as little
for the interests Of the workers as did
the Free Staters. This was unques-
tionably true as far as the leadership
was concerned, tho it might be argued
that labor movement following in
the footsteps Of James Connolly would
consider it its duty to assume the
leadership in the struggle for the
emancipation of Ireland from British