The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-11-11


1sOta, as well as other sections of
the country, show that there was a
heavy falling off of the total vote
cast in working class districts. The
percentage Of votes cast in non
labor territory, on the other hand,
held up well or showed actual in
creases.
The straddling labor off1cialdom,
that plays in both the old parties,
comes to the front attacking the
workers for this lack of interest.
They never point the finger of blame
at themselves, as they should. In
Ohio, the American Federation of La
Dor called for the election of Pome-
rene to the United States senate.
The railroad brotherhoods demand
ed that Willis be elected. In the
resultant confusion it was only
natural that workers should become
disguised and remain at home.
In Illinois the condition was some
what similar. Hordes Of labor Of
ficials fioeked to the dollar stand
ards of Frank L. Smith and stuck
close even after the disclosure of
wholesale subsidies from the insult
public utility interests. But George
Brennan, the democrat, also boosted
labor" support, and was likewise
able to display a host Of names" of
labor" officials endorsing his SEN
ate candidacy.
It was John H. Walker, president
of the Illinois Federation Of Labor,
who declared at the Detroit conven-
ton Of the A. F. Of L. that, 1--WE are
going to continue to follow the nom
partisan policy of the American Fed
GRAFTON Of Labor. We are going to
give It a tryout."
That means that Walker is going
to continue dividing, dissipating and
discouraging the labor vote accord
ing to the bitter Ohio and Illinois
experiences thru which the workers
in these two typical states have just
passed. And Walker is merely an
example of the whole breed Of mon
partisan" labor politicians to be
found crawling about the republican
and democratic political tents.
1t is this breed also that periodi-
cally works itself into an hysteri-
cal frenzy denouncing the Commun-
lists as destroyers of the organized
labor movement. Such are Walker,
Olander, Fitzpatrick and Noekels,
yes, and harrington, in Illinois, some
of these having actively participated
in the local, state and national lead
ership of the farmer-labor move
ment, The elections thru which the
nation has just passed, however, re-
veal the labor officialdom, clinging
to the political organizations of the
master class, as the real destroyers
of the unity of the labor, and the
actual opponents of its development.
They cry wolff" to drive the blame
from their own doors.
This situation presents itself in
another form even in those states
where we have the farmer-labor
party. Thus the Minnesota Union
Advocate, in its issue of Nov. 4,
giving some of the results of the
recent election in that state, de-
clares:
"There are more than 10000
voters registered In st. Paul. Less
than half this many voted Tuesday.
About 5000 less votes were cast
than in the city election.
IAN analysis Of the vote shows
that the greatest decline occurred
in the so-eaIIed labor wards, while
in the non-labor wards there was an
increase"
This is regrettable condition. II
must be remedied. But how? This
can only be done by developing the
Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party, and
all other labor party movements in
to unified, aggressive, fighting class
organizations of the workers. This
can only be accomplished by accept
ing the Workers (Communist) Party
as an active, integral part of the
movement, and recognizing that the
Communists are a vital factor in
building the class power OF labor.
Those officials who denounce the
rank and file the severest for their
so-called lack of interest, are the
same Officials who have been so loud
In the past, in Minnesota,
in denouncing the Communists
both as obstructionists and destruc-
tionists. Yet this same anti-Com-
munist element is the same crowd
that now stands revealed as the