The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-03-30

| sabotage the carrying out Of the e. c.
c. l. letter by the central committee.
She even continued her fractional
work from Moscow. Despite the fact
that Ruth Fischer drew line of de-
marcation between the ultra-lefts and
herself in words, in action she sup
ported them"
The speaker quoted from Heine and
proceeded: Ruth Fischer presented
herself as the historian of the Ger
man party, nevertheless her historical
utterances were, to say the least of
lit, mixture of phantasy and
truth. She treated the beginnings of
the German Communist Party with
contempt, altho at the time she was
still in Vienna busy with sexual ques-
tions. She dealt with the unfortunate
chapter Of the October defeat without
the faintest preliminary historical and
materialistic conceptions.
On the other hand, however, she
passed lightly by two chapters which
she herself experienced: The Frank
fort and the Berlin party congresses.
All she said about Frankfort was, that
against her better conscience she had
drawn up a false balance Everyone
of us has made many mistakes, l also,
but if people could reproach me with
having made mistakes against my
better conscience, sthan would soon
er hang myself, than appear here.
AT the Berlin party congress Ruth
"A Fischer in her speech which, by
the way, was more like an agitational
speech for the provinces, avoided all
problems. In the question of the
workers who were expelled with the
psychological subject or scoundrel
Katz, Ruth Fischer comes forward as
the defender of the best revolutionary
traditions.
Rosa Luxembourg, however, belongs
to these best traditions. not only of
the Communist Party of Germany, but
of the world proletariat. Lenin COM
pared Rosa Luxembourg with an eagle,
Ruth Fischer, however, compared her
with a syphilitic germ. This was not
only piece of tastelessness and vul-
garity, but an almost unheard of piece
of political shamelessness. Ruth
Fischer spoke against prosecutions,
but she herself has prosecuted com
rades inside the party who were at
the same time on account of the loss
of their parliamentary Immunity sub
jected to prosecutions from the side
Of the capitalist state, comrades who
embodied the greatest revolutionary
traditions Of the war time and the re.
evolutionary struggles of the Munich
proletariat, comrades like Froelich
and Meyer whose only guilt was that
they had issued a tax program at a
time when it was topical and not like
others at a time when it was already
too late.
Ruth Fischer declares that she EN-.
bodies the unclear and distrustful re-
evolutionary section of the proletariat
That is an insult to this section of
the proletariat. Ruth Fischer merely
uses their feelings as a jumping board
to the party leadership. This EXCUSE
is as tho the junkers (Prussian large
landowners in defending their inter
ests would refer to the interests OF
the peasants. The f. c. G. /. letter
recorded on the one hand the political
incapacity of the Maslow-Ruth Fischer
group and on the other hand their pol
itical dishonesty. The signing Of the
e. c. G. /. letter was not done for dis
ciplinary reasons, but because of g
lack Of self-respect. The double book
keeping had catastrophe effects upon
the German party: It's membership
has declined, It has lost its connec
lions with the large factories, IL has
lost its position in the trade union op
ponents and the whole party was fill
ed with pessimism.
Under the present leadership, how
ever, a slow but definite forward pro
cess is taking PLACE and everyone
must support the central committed
Instead Of this, however, Ruth Fischer
attempts TO undermine the authority
OF the central committee.
This forward process Of the party
shows itself in the fact that the party
struggled not without honor against
Locarno, that It had developed the
campaign for the conflscatlon for the
property OF the princes, a splendid
peoples movement under the leader
ship of the party, and that the party
has achieved great success in its
|tagitation amongst th peasants. The