davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Washington times., 1926-07-28
By WIN. K. HUTCHINSON
FEDERAL BUILDING CHI

By VIM X. HUTCHINSON
FEDERAL BUILDING, CHI
'CAGo, July 2S. An amazing
story Of Illinois politics, II
which gold was scattered as
cafeIessIy as autumn leaves
falling u ! windsto was ri
veaIed "a the Senate slush
fund committee today, when
Henry I Green bis official
8 paynaster 4 explained how
the $s5O, 900 campaign fund
put up BY Senator William ,
Mckinley was spent il his
futile race for denomination
to the Senate.
Green Kept No Records
Green told how he paid out .
total Of 1924 900 without keeping
records, and while handing out
sums ranging from $500 to $1,000
to men he had never seen before.
Green said he scattered 5000
day whenever he visited Chicago
and he could give the committee
no record at all Of these expsnli-
lures.
Paid All in Cash
All payments were IN cash. Green
explained. Under questioning BY
Senator Reed D.l of Missouri. he
declared the Illinois politicians rs-
fused to accept checks, and de-
straight cash. SO he paid.
he admitted. and III some instances
he couldn't tell within $500 how
much he had given to Mckinley fol
lowers.
Where His Money Went
Under questioning by Reed (Dl
OF Missouri, chairman, Green also
revealed to the COMMITTEES where q
large portion Of the $3.50, 900 McKin-
ley campaign fund had gone.
Green testified that John w.
Stipes, Of Champain, ILL.,, recently
named to the Mississippi River Com
mission by President Coolidge. had
100000 from the Mckinley
fund.
Chester wiIloughby, the Senator'S
secretary, had been given $55, 900.
Andrew Russell, of Jacksonville, ILL.,,
between So. 900 and $4,000,
while $4,000 was turned over to
H. e. Morgan, Of Chrisman. ILL.,, an
sid friend OF the Senator
Stipes, Willoughby, Russell and
Morgan, the witness said in turn
paid out this money to promote Nc
Kinley's futile race for denomination.
II understand that Mrs. McCor-
nick was to spend some money In
advertising in foreign newspapers.
iont know whether she did or not.
rhe amount, think, was to be
lbout $4,000"
well, the advertisements did ap
,ear?" asked Reed
II don't know. never saw them.
1t may be singular, but it was
ny position" said Green, 'that Sen
tor Mckinley should bear his own
xpensAs in the campaign. / know
could have escaped good deal
" the expenses IN this campaign,
ut wanted TO pay for everything"
Reed questioned Green whether he
lad given an interview to q news
'aper in Champaign, Ill.,, his home
own, after the campaign to the ef-
ect that McKinley's race had cost
half million dollars" It was
ubsequent to the speech Of Senator
Saraway CD of Arkansas in the
;enate, Reed added.
Green denied that he had men
ioned any sum. He said he had
eceived no contributions from any
ne but Mckinley.
Green declared General Dickson
received some compensation 1or
elping Mckinley.
Although gave Mr.. Barnhart
sasthins npeFa thaa e5tepa aDsa
The Washington times., 1926-07-28
Desert Lore Romance
Of Explorers Ends
y InternnaionaI News eervil

PARIS July 28The great adventure of Martha Mailey
who as young American girl had the distinction Of being
of the first explorers ever penetrate the mysteries Of
the Cobb Desert, has gone upon the rocks.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09
A. F. of L. Must Face Facts

The heated discussion place opening
Federation of Labor convention revov
ing attitude Detroit churches in support of the
open shoppers the sharp clash between the British fraerna
delegates and President question admission the
of Soviet Union world labor federation OF
great significance.
A F. convention in years has found the capitalists in
The convention city hostile and it would be mistake to believe
purely phenomenon 1t that the
unoganed industries having noted the weakness of the
labor going cater it. In effect what has
by the capitalists Detroit warning to
the trade leadership keep these industries
great strike in Pasac has not escaped the attention Of
capitalist industries That the American FEEDER
forced last recognize the strike take the
strikers into Workers. begin relief drive
having denounced the strike evidence
capitalists industries unoganzed that conservative
exercise decisive influence in these matters
They that show of strength by the capitalists has always
made leadership retreat and they expect
thing to happen this time.
expect will be disappointed Not because
ociadom than before but because there growing
pressure genuine organization which makes
pee retreat somewhat difficult.
1t the trade union movement if it is to live
fight it does fight under its present leadership 1t will
get a
The Detroit open shoppers has accomplished two
good things
l. 1t has shown thousands that bed of
capitalists $780,
2 The churches up ready instruments Of
the capitalists
As the sharp the question of world trade union
unity American Federation of Labor because
after all it composed workers. escape being drawn into
the world struggle of labor
spite of the efforts of ocaldom keep them
out of the American movement
attention by the leadership who to date
have been quash them by flood of abuse.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09
They Want Only Silence From Cabin

Calvin Coolidge going take public part in the con-
grona campaign this fall Washington dispatches state that
the capital is shocked by the announcement
We not shocked
the republican candidates who have struggled thru the
primaries whom nominated either without Coo
g support against his open opposition credit for enough
sanity to desire nothing could interpreted aid from his
hands by the citzenry
Coolidge support primary elections have shown just
about the same throwing anvil drowning for life
peserver republican national committee has undoubtedly
even its otherwise responded to the rnzed appeals
congressional senatorial candidates. and prevailed upon
Calvin to refrain from a front porch campaign.
well for Cavns chances the candidate
republican party in 1928 president whose audatory ut
merits republican candidates sort
of reverse English speak, who pull the admnistra
ton such aunch republican srongods Penn
sylvania is of a liability than asset
Already doefu eps of the holders of federal patronage
who fear that places trough be taken by deserving
democrats can within the sacred pureus of the White
They something because these the lads who get
the vote.
Calvin entered the White the rong
candidates appear to perpeuaon of the silent
tradition.
As to the strong part myth there is large and growing
body Of opinion which willing nay demanding that the word
"rsnk" be substituted
We incline belief that the big capitalists of America be
leve that Calvin flower of republicanm the White
controversy has lost his first bloom and must be replaced
by one who beauty will not fade quickly
ANYWAY this particular will not be in the button
holes of the champions OF the G. o. p. this fall
II seems has started 'Back to Vermont
for Calvin.
All they want him is silence and lots of il.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09
FROM PORTLAND TO DETROIT

Of close observers Of the labor move
ment. Abraham Epstein says in the
September Current History''i
-. :. the real strength Of a labor
movement lies not In It's mere size,
but In the vitality and missionary
zeal which permeate It. And It ls In
the deoadence Of the spirit, the
hopes and the aspirations of the
rank and file that the dissipation
Of the American labor movement is
most clearly revealed today.
This is correct.
EVEN the organized workers have
- lost faith in the labor movement
as it is at present. There is a great
cynicism among the membership and
for this the studied avoidance or de-
nunciation of anything tinged with
militancy or lass-consciousness and
the constant aping of both capitalists
and middle class by the officials Is
largely responsible. Trade union
movements begin as movements of
oppressed workers. When they are
prostituted to the service of capital
ism, as the extracts from official
statements, and concrete examples
given previously show is being done
to the American labor movement, the
rank and file of the membership as
we'll as sections of the unorganized.
in a period of rising capitalism, lose
all hope and faith in the labor move
ment and in their class and become
dependent upon the bounty Of the
capitalists.
ITO quote Epstein again:
l The theology and aspirations
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09

to capitalist enterprises.
1t is not surprising that the morale
Of the trade unions has sunk to the
lowest level in. its history.
When super-profts enable capital
lists to make substantial concessions
to large sections of the. workers, or.
binary trade union" demands lose
much Of their appeal, -
EPSTEIN notes this also: s
- For "pure and simple" trade
unIonlsm has been concerned pri-
marily with the securing Of
shorter workday, higher wages and
improved working conditions. Since
the eight or nine hour workday has
become practically general, and
since as body the trade unions
have taken mo serious steps In
demanding a still shorter day, the
Issue has practically eliminated IL
self the only remaining Issue
of the American labor movement
the Improvement of working con-
dltIons--has been taken out Of it's
hands by the employers going labor
one better and ADOPTING CON-
olTloNs SUCH AS THE TRADE
UNIoNISTs NEVER DARED TO
ASK. BY this process the main
reasons for the existence Of the
American labor movement have
been gradually subVerted, LEAV-
ING 1T PRACTICALLY LEE
LESS.
Epstein undoubtedly overrates the
extent OF the concessions made by the
capitalists but as to their devastating
effect upon the labor movement when
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09

coupled with the supine attitude Of
the labor leadership, there can be no
doubt.
THE most recent example of this
L servility has occurred in Detroit
where when attacked by the open
shop interests of that city while the
A. F. of L. convention is in session,
the union officials make the chief
point Of their defense a statement
that the labor movement is just as
American and patriotic as the capital
lists and cites the support of the i'm
perialist war in 1917 as proof of this.
Like all supporters of capitalism
in the ranks of the labor movement,
the trade union leadership in America
has tried to meet the attacks Of the
capitalist class land the development
of welfare schemes is a far more
deadly attack than that made by in
functions and troops by conceding
that no basic differences exist, that
there is nothing that capital and labor
cannot agree on around the conference
table provided the capitalists will &C
cept the trade union officials as the
spokesman of the workers.
This Is a policy which spells dis
aster for the labor movement and
already It has travelled far on this
road. This journey must be halted
and the labor movement turned back
to the crossroads and set upon the
right path-the path Of the class
struggle.
In this task the Communists have a
mighty role to play.
(To be continued
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09

has been made possible because these
comrades, as regards theology, have
fallen away from the line of the party
to such an extent. and are internally
so completely convinced that without
them the party will fall over a preci-
pice, slip from the proletarian path
way, and drive the country to the
verge of the abyss, that they feel
themselves impelled to grasp at any
available means-they rush into the
forest and cry for help" This is
the only possible subjective justifca-
ton for them. t7r
pUT from the standpoint Of the
- party there is no justification. The
central committee and the central
control commission have been faced
by the fact that a number of COM
rades, including some holding ex-
tremely responsible positions, had ac-
tually taken such steps as the convo-
cation of an illegal meeting agains'
the party and its leaders. Were we t,
tolerate such actions, our party woul
cease to exist tomorrow as a Leninie
party. We cannot tolerate this. W.
say to these comrades: Defend your
principles, declare your standpoint,
speak in the party meetings; but if
you take to the forest, if you will not
reply to our questions, if you refuse
to make statements before the control
commission, if you choose the method
OF organizing a new party within our
party, the method of Illegal organiza-
ton, then we shall fight you relent-
lessly. But we shall not let matters
90 so far as this. Comrade ZiAoviev
was perfectly right, two years ago,
when he said that the question of
schism in the party is a matter of life
and death to the party and to the
proletarian dictatorship.
TIME danger is somewhat lessened
l. by the fact that the comrades of
the opposition have only in their inn
agination the masses OF the proletar-
lat behind them In reality they will
continue to be more and more like
bOhSiai WllhOuI diAhiGS, OF dumITdlS
Of the Swiss fleet. daughter and
applause.) This will come about
the more rapidly as the party at
lacks the work OF enlightenment more
energetically, and steels its own ide-
ology.
This work OF enlightenment is the
leading point on our agenda. This is
the first task to which we must de-
vote attention.
THE opposition is specializing upon
4 various possibilities. II is specu-
lating upon our economic difficulties
1t is specializing on the fact that we
suffer many shortcomings in our pres
ent life, that many different trends Of
feeling have arisen among the work
ers during the past year, and will
probably be followed by many others
And finally, 1t is specializing on the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09

against our party outside of its ranks,
has certain foothold upon which It.
bases its position. Were we to live
in Paradise, and had we no faults
whatever, so that everything worked
at hundred per cent rate of smooth
ness, then there would be no foothold
for an opposition. | have often made
this observation, and am not ashamed
to bring 1t forward again here. Dur
Ing the rising at Kronstadt in the
spring of 1921 the armed counter
revolutionary opposition was again
based on rational idea, for a GER
tain disorder had eaten its way
amongst us, and things had occurred
which demonstrated a corresponding
reaction on our part. This reaction
consisted of the introduction Of free
trade, in the cessation of grain requi-
sitions, ETC., etc. And if there were no
bureaucracy among US at the present
time, if wages were not still so low
lin a number of branches of produc-
ton, and If the village poor had not
to live under bad conditions. then the
opposition would have no ground I'M
der its feet.
OF course. every opposition in the
party exploits our faults. The whole
point of the question lies in what is
criticized, and in how and why the
criticism is exercised.
When the comrades Of the opposi-
ton declare. "Bureaucracv. IL stranp-
ling you" then we reply: Eyes. bu-
.reaucracysis an excrescence very det-
rimental to u.s." But when they go
further and say Your state has
ceased to be a state of the proletar-
ian dictatorship. it is a state of bu-
reaucrats who have nothing in com
mon. with the masses" then we reply:
THAT is not true; we refute this
criticism as SANDER against our
workers state"
ITO Be Continued.)
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09
RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE
ANNUAL |. L. D. CONFERENCE

Resolution on Old Class War Cases.
THE Second Annual Conference Of
international Labor Defense calls
the attention of the workers of Ameri-
ca TO the cases Of those labor fighters,
imprisoned years ago, who were SEN
fenced on framed-up charges and
whose cause has been neglected and
all but forgotten by the working class.
Tom Mooney and Warren X. Billings
have suffered the torture Of trials and
imprisoned for more than ten years
now. The /. w. w. victims of the
Centralia conspiracy are imprisoned
in Washington for almost the same
length of time. Mcnamara and Mat
thew Schmidt remain in their cells at
San Quentin. Sacco and Vanzetti,
harrassed for six years with the
gloomy, shadow Of impending execu-
ton, may yet suffer the same fate. The
many |. w. W. prisoners in California,
the miner, Dominlck Venturato in
Ohio, Edgar Combs in West Virginia,
and many others have been permitted
TO fall into obscurity and almost out
OF the memory and scope of action OF
the workers Of this country.
OUCH position of these devoted
~ fighters Of the working class must
not be tolerated The International
Labor Defense and the Labor Defend
err have rendered an Invaluable serv-
Ice by reviving and keeping fresh in
the minds Of the workers the story Of
these almost forgotten cases. The
task Of constantly reminding the la
Dor movement Of its doty to these
courageous fighters, Of keeping these
Issues always before tha eyes Of IL
Al n IA4aillfN aadatAAaafI ~
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09

country is such that they doubt the
possibility Of the working class, I'M
der the leadership of our party
PROVING capable of drawing the
miqhty wagon of our backward
country out Of the bog into which
it has fallen. These are the first
and deepest sources Of the theology
of the present opposition block.
T THINK it will now be fairly plain
i to you why the opposition has had
recourse to such unheard of action
as that leading to the affair of Com
rade Lashevitch and others. q shall
not enter into the nature of this at
fair here, since it is as well known
to you as to me-the decisions Of the
party will be published). The steps
taken by these oppositional comrades
have led to violation Of party dis
cipline perfectly unheard Of in the
history of the party, and it has been
possible that a candidate to the c. C.,
with the undoubted approval of mem
bers of the polit-bureau, has held mass
meetings in the forest, against the
party, against the line pursued by the
party, for the purpose Of overthrow
ing the present leaders Of the G. G.
Of the party, and of creating a new
organization actually representing the
germ of a new party whose influence
was to extend over the whole coun.
try.
COMRADES, | shall not here dem
~ onstrate to you the entirely Grim
inal character of such action from
the standpoint of the party. This
seems to me entirely superfluous. You
all understand it without explanation.
But l honestly want to understand
how it could come about. l think it
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09

This issue is also remarkable for
its reviews. Besides a full review
on viii Durant's book, the STORY Of
Philosophy" there is review of
Bishop Browns new book my
Heresy' by c. E. Ruthenberg, one OF
Peppers pamphlets on the British
General Strike" by Bert Wolfe, a re.
view of Upton Sinclair's latest, "The
Spokeman's Secretary" and Of very
interesting book, 1.-THE Mind of the
Negro as Reflected in Letters Written
During the Crisis of 1SOO-1s6O."
Range Of Articles.
II is impossible to discuss the con-
tents of this issue adequately in this
brief review. A study of the Ameri-
can foreign debt situation ("Uncle
Shylock" by Maurice Mendelsohn).
is followed by a discussion OF the
tendencies of socialist reconstruction
in the Soviet Union CTS Russia Going
Back to Capitalism" by Max Be
dacht). The Philippine question. SO
prominent now, receives a thoro treat
ment in two articles ("The Crisis IN
Philippine Independence" by Manuel
Gomez and Rubber and the Bacon
Bill'' by Ella G. Wolfe). A detailed ar
ticle on the British Minority Move
ment 1.-THE Third Conference OF the
British Minority Movement" by Earl
Browder and Hams Strum) is of spe-
cial interest now in view OF the re-
cent Trade Union Congress. Ellis
Peterson in his article American Don
Quixotes and their Wndmills" an
swers the absurd attacks OF the s. j..
p. on the Comintern and the Workers
(Communist) Party and brings out
number Of highly important points.
An analysis of the situation of the
Communist movement in Hungary in
the light Of the Rakosl trial ("The
Rakosi Trial" by John Kiss) COM
pletes this issue, certainly one OF tho
fullest and most satisfactory In a
long time.
The Workers Monthly has grown in
dispensable not only for every Com
munist but for every advanced and
intelligent worker who wants to keep
informed on the most important sub.
iects theoretical and practlcal--fac-
ing the American workera
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09

7 characterlzlng the European labor
movement have never been part Of
the main labor body In the United
States. And the newer activities
Of labor In banking, investment
companies and Insurance are at
best only copying what the en-
ployers ars. doing.
Like the capitalists, the American
labor leaders have always resisted
any attempt to make the social re-
forms such as unemployment insur-
ance, etc. a political issue. Only
workmen's compensation laws have
really been fought for and chiefly on
the ground that such measures were
actually cheaper for the employer
A MEXICAN labor leadership always
"A has fought and is still fighting the
organization of party based on the
trade unions and playing the role of
the labor party IN Great Britain or the
social-democrat party in Germany in
putting forward the reforms de-
manded by the trade unions as polit-
ical issues. ,c
The consequence has been that the
capitalists can now appear, in many
instances, thru their social welfare
schemes, as giving workers more than
the trade unions have ever demanded.
The stimulating and organizational
Ua1ua Of the atruqpla for. 4hnaa re-
forms has been lost to the trade union
movement.
Meanwhile the labor leadership still
follows the "non-parti5an" political
policy, drags the labor movement in
to the capitalist parties as well as in
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-10-09
BY N. BUcHARIN
Continued from the previous issue)
The theological Sources Of the


The theological Sources Of the
Opposition Block.
7 EFT us turn to the question Of the
~ theological sources from which the
opposition block derives its ideas.
am of the opinion that the bedrock
foundation of the theology Of this op
position block in all it's constituents Is
actually, as seen at the XIV. Party
Congress, disbelief, or at best doubt
Of the possibility of building up social
ism in our country, and 1 maintain
that this arises out of the former
viewpoint held by all the representa-
tives of the present opposition block
THUS for instance in Comrade
4 Trotsky's case his lack Of faith
is associated with his conviction
that If international revolution is
not victorious, then the counter
revolutionary peasantry are newt
ably bound to overthrow the diota-
torshIp OF the proIetariat. This Is
the fundamental standpoint de-
Veloped by him in his theory of
permanent revolution, and Is the
standpoint from which he has not
departed.
TN the case Of Comrades KameneV
and ZinoVieV their lack Of faith
is a part of their past; at the time
of the October revolution they thot
that we, as sole party backed by
the proletarlat, were not capable of
coping with the tasks imposed by
power.
A Nd then comes the workers
a Opposition" Here again must
remind you of fact which many
of US have forgotten. One of the
deserters at the time Of the octo-
Der revolution was Comrade SHY
apnlkoV; he left his post at this
turning point. He was Peoples
Commissar at that time, and sent in
his resignation. II may of course
be assumed that he did not do this
on his own initiative, but probably
after consultation with those shar-
ing his views.
THE three main elements Of the
L present block have shown by
their historical past that their estl-
mate of the class forces in our