The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-03-17

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class. But it was just the left social
democracy in Marseilles which SLAM
dered the Comintern by declaring in
a resolution from Otto Bauer that it
1ad warlike Intentions. That is real
poison. 4A
For the most part the workers and
peasants carry on a war against war,
or the most part they want peace:
But Locarno and the whole League
Of Nations with the participation of
the socialdemocracy is nothing but
preparation fer war.
The strongest side of the Comintern
is its struggle against war, it's anti
militarist propaganda. The statement
Of the opposition is therefore the cum
ningest, most poisonous and perfdious
calumny that one can imagine. In
France the role of Otto Bauer is
played by Campere Morel. The OBJ
jective significance OF the left wins
is to prevent the workers who wan
to leave the ranks of the social-democ
racy from doing so. ~
One can observe a certain law of pc
riod of reformist illusions amongs
the working class. The-first cycle ra
from 1907 to 1917. It was the hig
water mark of reformisfh. After tina
however, in consequence of the Ru
sian revolution, period of ebb cam
Today we stand beforela new wave
these illusions. The second reform
wave is not so serious as the fir
and probably every succeeding wa
will be weaker than the last, but
new wave of illusionsLean come;
America certainly perhaps also
Europe. dGs
THE enemy has not been split only
4 differentiated.
We must put the question of the
united front in this perspective. The
tactic of the united front is not an
episode, but the tacticufof the whole
present period up to the time when
we have won the majority of the work
ers in the various countries on to our
side. The united front has a whole
history in the Comintern. When it
was first proposed ingI922 objections
were made against itlAeth from right
and left. That was no accident. The
best ultra-left workers see in it a
determination with the socialdemo-
Gratis, the rights, however, wanted to
go still closer; they wanted a coali-
ton with the social-defnoerats.
The tactic of the united front has
forced its way thru, altho there have
been great difficulties. AS a turning
point between two periods of the his
tory of the Comintern, the Third
World Congress was most important.
Whoever says now that we should re-
wise the theses Of the Fourth and
Fifth World Congresses is a liquidator.
The theses of the Fourth and Fifth
Congresses are Complementary to the
theses of the Third Congress. The
definition Of the Fourth Congress, ac-
cording to which process of devel-
opment is turning the social-demo-
cratic leadership from a wing of the
proletarian movement into a wing of
the bourgeoisie, partly even Of the
fascists, is also correct. What about
the socialdemociacy in Hungary, in
Bulgaria? And is not the right wing
Of the French socialists allied with
the bourgeoisie? And the events in
connection with Incorporation of
he German nobility? This is not a
proletarian revolutionary question,
and bourgeois republicans can sup
port us.
Nevertheless, the social-democratic
leaders in Germany want to give the
nobility, even now when they no
longer have any power and when there
is tremendous amount Of unemploy-
ment, milliard marks. Is that not
wing Of the bourgeoisie, even some
times the worst wing of the bour-
goisie? When the. American Fedora
ton of Labor calls for an open strug-
gle against the revolution is that not
fascism, is that not the third party
OF the bourgeoisie? The definition OF
the Fifth Congress is therefore cor
rect.
TN the tactic of the united front the
1 following mistakes are made (D
an idea is adopted that the united
front tactic consists of issuing enc or
more open letters; (2) the adoption
of the methods of exposing too much
Ian excellent example of this was the
tactics Of the Ruth Fischer central
committee OF the German Communist
Party In connection with the linden
burg elections); lS) the setting up of
impossible conditions, impossible not
only for the leaders, for such condi-