davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10
MELLON TRUST
IN ALUMINIUM
SHOWN BY SUIT
Double Crossed Rival
Sues for $45, 100000

NEW YORK, Sept. 8. - George d.
Haskell, president of the Bausch Ma
chine and Tool company, has entered
a suit against the Aluminium Company
Of America, in which Andrew Mellon,
secretary Of the U. S. Treasury and
others of the Mellon family and finan-
cial group hold dominating control,
for damages in the sum of $45,000,-
600 under the Sherman antitrust law.
Duke Double-crossed Him.
Haskell charges that he had con-
fided certain plans for aluminium man
ufacture, in competition with the Mel
Ion trust, to the late James B. Duke,
who double-crossed him by conspir-
ing with the Mellon trust to shut out
Haskell from carrying out his plans.
Duke, it is charged, was in 1924,
constructing a $4O,OOO,O00 power plant
on the Saguenay river in Quebec. Has
kell entered into negotiations with
Duke in bargaining for the use of part
Of the 100000 horse power to be gem
Grated by the plant, in order to use
it in a competitive manufacturing
scheme against the American Alumni
UNI company. Haskell confided his
plans to Duke.
Albright Trust.
"Thereupon," the complaint says,
the defendant company, entered into
a combination and conspiracy to mo-
nopolize the aluminium trade and COM
merce in the United States and for
eigh- countries and induced Mr., Duke
actively to join the Aluminium Com
pany of America"
Haskell charges that the Mel.
lon aluminium trust has grabbed prac-
tically all the deposits Of bauxite ore,
from which aluminium is made, in both
the United States and foreign coun-
tries and controls a virtual world
monopoly in both crude and finished
aluminium.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10

mems group of the Communist Party
Of Germany in Weisbaden. Our two
fold attempt to get into contact with
the Mannheim workers paper ended
in failure.
Besides letters we sometimes sent
notes to the foreign press on themes
provided by the Agitprop of the Exc
cutive Committee of the Communist
International.
There is no accurate account of
work done, as many comrades in the
district on receiving an address write
directly to their correspondents and
not thru our foreign section OF the
Agitprop of the Executive Council of
the Communist International.
The approximate figures are as fol-
Correspondents (foreign) 10, of
whom 5 write regularly. According
to countries they are distributed-7
In Germany and 1 each in Great Bri-
tain, America and Holland.
We also send comrades photographs
Of our celebrations, conferences. and
also literature, while We receive from
them large quantities OF all kinds of
postcards, newspaper. cuttings, al
buns.
In changing over to the new forms
of work, worker correspondents cir
Giles, We are endeavoring TO hand this
correspondence over TO the circles
AT the present time three circles are
conducting work quite satisfactorily
There is no doubt that the worker
correspondent circles can develop this
work still more. But there are many
difficulties to be overcome. In or
der e make Eas Y0gk Of greater stil-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10
new MASSES HAS
POSTGATE STORY
ON Mine STRIKE
BY SENDER CABIN.

II there still remains the slightest
doubt that the workers involved in the
much-muddled recent general strike
were shamelessly betrayed, the DIARY
of the British Strike" by Raymond
W. Postgate, which appears in the
current number of The New Masses
ought to dispel it,
The author, who is at present the
assistant editor Of Lansbury's Labor
Weekly and the author of several
books on labor economies, presents
a lucid, concise and Illuminating pic
ture from May 1, when It became evil
dent that the strike was practically
a certainty to May II when the lead
ers" of the movement which had
frightened them by its immensely,
came sheepishly to Baldwin to an
nounce the surrender.
Council, Not Movement.
Postgate insists that 1t was the
council, and not the movement which
failed. Permitting its fears to over.
whelm It, that body Of timid parlia-
mentarians called off the strike I'M
conditionally, and temporarily, at
least, wrecked the unity and courage
Of the workers.
Says the writer: Nothing was
done for the miners. No effort was
made to help the thousands who are in
prison suffering spitefuI sentences for
carrying out the councils orders. All
Right and Left-of the council are
in it,"
For the first time the inside story Of
the leaders surrender is given. One
is appalled, at the impudence and COW.
ardice of the men who were charged
with the success of the powerful
weapon Of the British strikers.
The Surrender.
1.-THE council" relates Postgate,
brought the Samuel memorandum to
the miners, expecting an ecstatic well
come. At this time there was
some sort of an undertaking that the
government would accept the memo
randum, If the miners did-not other
wise, The miners bluntly refused ID
and the memorandum, of course. was
void. Some natural pique followed.
and the council, meeting for only half
an hour, decided there was no point
in continuing the struggle, and, with
incredible levity, called the strike of.
A deputation went to the Downing
street to convey the message to the
premier. Baldwin sent down to say.
He did not desire to converse with
them The delegation replied that
they had not come to converse, only
to announce their surrender. So they
were admitted. And that was the
end"
"The Brass Knuckles Santa Claus"
by Robert Dunn, is a vivid account
Of the company unionism Of the New
York Interborough, with its yellow.
dog agreements, revealed by the re.
cent strike of the subway workers.
Dunn applies his shrewd, incisive
method to the situation and the
American Labor Movement comes
In for some comments that are ex.
tremely enIightening.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10

Wall newspapers-60 TO 20 go In
yestigated and studied).
Worker corespondents-abo 300.
Farmer correspondents-70
Worker-Farmer correspondent cir.
cles-22 with about 100 active mem
bens).
The circles meet regularly and
study according to a definite program.
They also receive periodical litera-
ture. Methodical guidance is conduct
ed thru the seminary for the editorial
boards and active workers tstudy cir.
cles twice a month.
There is also a monthly general
town meeting Of worker correspond
ents and periodical instruction OF cir
cles by an instructor.
There is also remarkable increase
Of young correspondents, and their
newspapers (no figures available).
Now main attention is being devot-
ed to ensuring that questions dmme-
diately concerning the construction Of
our country are fully responded to in
time.
For instance, the campaign ''for
economy" now being conducted was
brought up at the general town con-
ference. This question was treated in
the circle where reports we're given
by the directors Of the enterprises in
which the circles are at work. The
wall newspapers devote good deal
OF space to defects in production.
At the present time energetic pre-
parations are being made for the cele-
bration OF "Press Day"
The worker and farmer correspond
ent movement OF our district has now
emerged q tspR "a RAsss q y, Instability ,. !.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10

and uncertainty. The wall newspa-
pers are commencing fully to picture
the life and ways of our production
and have rejected general themes.
Despite certain fluidity amongst the
masses Of worker and farmer CORE
spondents, a strong nucleus has been
moulded which has grown up with
the movement and become incorporat-
ed in It.
The correspondent movement is
molding comrades before our very
eyes, turning them into active social
workers, vigilantly examining all
phenomena OF our life. The worker
correspondents are developing at
work which is one of the most valu-
able factors of the movement.
International Connections.
We must talk of our international
connections separately.
We commenced this work at the
end of 1924. To our first letter which
the Agitprop Of the Executive Com
mittee of Communist international
sent to German paper, we at once
received six replies from various
parts Of Germany.
The general town bureau Of worker
correspondents drew various clubs of
the town and district into correspond.
ence, having given them various ad-
dresses. Besides this a member OF
the bureau was appointed to guide
this work. Besides correspondence
with acknowledgements, we demand
ed thru them TO get into touch with
various organizations, tho this was
was not always successful. For in
stance we succeeded in linking up
eg women delegates WITH tas won,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10
Yorker Correspondents i'm YaIta, u. s. s. r,

difficult and gave less results. The
Following figures were given in the
report OF the Second District Work
er Correspondents Conference mo
vember, 1926 as to the condition of
the organization after a years work:
Wall Newspapers-21 (this figure is
considerably lower than the actual
number).
Worker and Farmer Correspondent
Circles-9 with an active member
ship of 70 to SO).
Total number of worker and village
correspondents about 200.
The number of notes OF our CORE
spondents appearing in the local
press (Simferopol and Sevastopo) is
80 to 100 month. The percentage
inserted is 35 to 40 per cent. Another
20 to rs per cent is utilized by the
editors in other ways.
The idea itself, hitherto not WILDLY
known to the broad masses of work
ers and trade union members, quick
ly became popular. The wall newspa.
pers grew both in quantity and quail
ty. In order to qualify members for
editorial boards a college was start
ed. In one club a worker Core
spondents' Corner" was formed.
Abolition OF Town Bureau.
At the Second Worker and Peasant
Correspondent Conference, in connec-
ton with the adoption OF new organ
isational forms turnout the whole un.
lon, 1t was decided TO liquidate the
general town bureau and transfer the
center OF gravity to worker GORE.
spondent circles connected with the
wall newspapers. These were TO be
under the guidance Of eur pssss, by
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10

means Of letters Of instruction to the
circles.
But it should be said that at first,
after the new organization, work be.
gan to decline and the worker and
village correspondent organization be-
gan to be weakened and split up. The
circles received no answers to their
frequent appeals to the papers. There
was no guidance whatsoever.
In general Yalta has specific diff.
culties for the development of the
worker and farmer correspondents
movement. It has not its own print
ed newspaper which in itself holds up
the development Of worker CORE
spondents, but what Is still worse
there is also struggle for circula-
ton on the part Of two printed news
papers each competing for first place
(Simferopol and SevastopoD.
This struggle also duplicates the
worker correspondents, even to the
extent OF dividing them into ours"
and the Others" and demoralizing
the whole movement.
Fortunately, during the last few
months this question has become con.
siderably less acute. A special In
structor was appointed by the dis.
trict committee OF the All-Soviet I'm.
ion Communist Party for worker and
farmer correspondent work.
New circles were organized, the old
ones strengthened and the workers
correspondent movement regained
zest. ---
Present Position.
At the present time the position OF
the organization ton.a district scale)
dss "a olaysi .....:s ~. = r..
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10

OF August, and taking into account
the fact that Wall Street Banks are
not noted for their union sympathies,
the average individual would conclude
(taking circumstantal evidence into
consideration) that there must be
some truth in the story and that you
were deliberately conspiring to starve
these men into submission"
The two labor takers realized that
they were not In a position to con-
tinue this game Of exposing each 9TH
err any longer so they decided to bury
the Ratchet.
The personal feud between Frank
Harrington and John L. Lewis was a
source of danger TO the reign OF the
reactionaries in the United Mine
Workers of America. Thru interme-
diaries, both agreed Ito fight the radi-
Gals and conveniently forget the nasty
things they had been saying about
each other.
Harrington suddenly discovered that
the progressives were enemies Of the
union despite letter he wrote under
date of May 5, 1923, complimenting
the progressiyes on the work they
were doing in cleaning up the corrup-
ton in the union. In that letter he
also praised Alexander Howat as a
loyal union man. saying that his as
ISOLATION with the Progressive Min
ers' Committee was because he saw
in that effort "the only way he can
secure justice for himself and the
Kansas mine workers"
Yet sixteen days after harrington
wrote this letter we find him writing
to John L. Lewis proposing a confer
ence 10 smooth out the differences
between them so that both could put
up united front against the so-called
enemies of the union. Farrington's
long letter brought a reply from
Lewis and the two got together
When thieves fall out it's mot so bad
for honest people, but when crooks
get together those who have watches
had better keep tight hold on them
The result of the deal between the
two takers was that both stopped
calling each other fancy names and
settled down to cleaning upon the pro-
gressive movement inside the union.
Harrington was willing that Lewis
should have Howat's head, and Lewis
lost all interest in compelling Earring.
ton to account for the 100000 Her.
rim assessment and his many gross
violations Of the union law.
On June second of the same year
Harrington wrote a letter to a mem.
Der of the union In which he washed
his hands off Howat and declared that
Alex had coined forces with the enc
mics of the union" and at the Indian
apolis convention of the U. NJ. w. of
A. in January, 1924, Harrington joined
with Lewis in refusing Howat a hear
ing, tho the convention by a two.
thirds vote went on record for the
Kansas mine leader.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10
Jumns Erom car: KIlIed.

CANTON, H., Sept. S.-Mistaking
heat from the exhaust for flames be-
meath the car and believing the ma
chine Attire, Mrs. Charles Asbell, So,
suffered fatal injuries today when she
ieaped from the automobile in which
she was riding. She died soon after
she had been taken to a hospital.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10

treasurer Nesbit admitted to the exc
cutive board in Indianapolis, that 81
think we had on the payroll ait the
time between four and six hundred
men who were going around denying
statements those other men were
making and persuading men to stay
at work."
When the itemized report was final
ly dragged from harrington, 1T was
shown that the Peabody Coal com
pany boss, Jack Brown, received
S32O.5O, in payment for smuggling the
Collinsville committee on the streets
of Springfield in front Of Farrington's
hotel.
That slugger Jack Brown continued
on intimate terms with Harrington
and Fishwick, vice-president OF Dis
trict IL, is shown by letter and note
for $4,000, dated Sept. 1, 1922, which
comedies with the time district Off
GERS were nominated for the ensuing
two year term.
Farrington's about-face in the case
of Alexander Howat is one of the
most disgracefu1 incidents in his car
Ger. The Howat case is well known
to the coal miners in general and to
the Illinois miners In particular.
| While Howat was in Jail for defying
The notorious Kansas Industrial Court
Law, the most useful ally of the Kan
sas coal operators who were fighting
Howat was John L. Lewis who had
Howat and his district committee ex-
PEELED for fighting Governor Allen.
i! Harrington was fighting Lewis at this
time and took advantage of the Howat
case to make things harder for his
foe. He afterwards proved that he
never had any interest in the Howat
fight Tor the sake of principle
1t is interesting in view of the rela-
tions between Harrington and John
L. Lewis today, to read what the for
mer had to say of the latter as re-
Gently as the year 1922 At special
convention of District 2, Oklahoma
held in Muskogee, on May Is, 1922,
Harrington defended Howat and made
most bitter attack on John L. Lewis.
Space prohibits more than a few
choice excerpts from this speech.
President Wilkinson of the Oklahoma
district, charged harrington with be-
ing disrupter, charge so frequent
ly levelled today by the labor takers
against the progTessives in all the UNI
ions. Here is Farrington's reply: my
friends confess here now, before
you that If John L. Lewis is the In
ternational Union, Of the United Mine
Workers Of America, then the charge
made by Wilkinson is true!"
Again Harrington said: 81 am not
trying to destroy the International
Union, but am trying to destroy John
L. Lewis, the man who is doing more
to destroy the United Mine Workers
of America, than any other man /
know Of and he will not have
my support as long as he is using the
power of his position to cruelty men
who won't jump thru the hoop every
time he snaps his fingers and tells
them to do it,"
Forgot His Pledge.
harrington no doubt had forgotten
this pledge when he aided Lewis at
the 1924 convention in Indianapolis In
crucifying Howat even tho every dele
gate from District IL, except the pay
roll brigade we're solidly behind the
Kansas miner Harrington was ap-
pointed by Lewis, chairman Of the
scale committee. Even at that How
at thot he could not sink so low as
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10
The Shady Record
of Frank Harrington

THE following sketch Frank Farrinotons
Workers of America
The DAILY WORKER
Trail" Frnan latest exploit accepting salary
the Peabody Coal while still Of the
makes impossible his closest
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10
JOHN Il. LEWIS
TOOL SOLD OUT
TO OPERATORS
Tumulty's Statement to
Membership
Continued from page j.


gressive of the Springfield district and
one of the most consistent enemies Of
Harrington and the coal operator lead
ership of the Illinois miners, appealed
to the coal diggers of District IL for
support in the elections which will be
held next December.
The statement reads in full:
"In announcing myself as a candi-
date for the Office of president of Dis
trict No. u, United Mine Workers of
America, do this with the knowledge
of the great responsibility that is at
tached to this office.
IF l am elected to the office Of dis
trict president I will oppose any pro-
gram submitted by the coal operators
of Illinois that requests one cent Of
reduction Of wages off the Illinois min
ers.
Opposes Unjust Methods.
II will oppose in every way l know
how the unjust methods Of settling
disagreed cases based upon Joint
Board decisions rendered in any Pc
riod other than the life of the con-
tract. | will work to have all dis
agreed cases settled upon the merits
of the case, and all decisions to expire
on the same day as the contract.
THAT the mining industry of I'LL
nois is in decay owing to inefficient
management is to say the least, and
am in favor of naturalization of the
coal mines with democratic manage
ment as a means of elimination of the
great waste in this basic industry.
81 prefer the living radicalism in
the miners union to the dry rot that
is now prevalent in our organization,
and am opposed to the expulsion pol
icy Of our present administration, and
will work to have every man now ex-
PEELED contrary to the laws reinstated
to full membership in our organiza-
ton.
Operators Business.
81 believe that the questions such
as super-power plants, lower freight
rates and the elimination Of. the sur
plus mines and miners are a concern
of the coal operators and not Of the
miners, for our salvation lies in the
organizing of the unorganized. The
above questions are of political ma
ture and not economic, and to cope
with this deplorable condition am in
favor of a labor party with its base
and receiving its moral and financial
support from all branches, of the
trades union movement.
Organize UnorganIzsd.
IT am in favor of District No. II
employing all means at its command
with the cooperation of the interna-
tional union) to organize mines out
side the boundary lines of District No.
IL as a means of keeping pace with
the moving industry in the coal fields
of Illinois.
when 1t is taken into consideration
that there is only one-third of the coal
miners of this country in our union
and our membership is decreasing on
every hand, it should be a warning to
everyone that our union is in danger.
So let the slogan of the organized min
ers from now on be: Save the Unionl'
Organize the unorganized until every
man working in and around the coal
mines Of the United States of America
are enrolled under the banner Of the
United Mine Workers Of America"
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-09-10
Union Strlkebreakers.
ARTICLE A.

NAAbAACAIAA
1t is not surprising that Harrington
would consistently sell the miners
votes to the government Of the state
Of Illinois During the stormy days
of 1919, hundreds of special deputy
sheriffs similar to those appointed at
the request of Gary in the steel strike,
, were appointed by the state and coun-
ty officials at Farrington's request.
These deputies were union strike
) breakers and not paid by the county
which appointed them. These depu-
ties were paid out of the $4,000 fund
Of which Harrington refused to give
an itemized report until compelled to
do so by the International conven-
ton.
Here was the edifying spectacle of
harrington, president of great la
Dor organization paying officers of
capitalist government to put the mem
bers of his own union in jail. Wives
of miners were thrown in Jail, some
of them with babies at their breasts.
The coal operators got busy and hun
dreds were indicted and held on heavy
bail.
Then John L. Lewis came to the
assistance of harrington. According
to the International Constitution of
the United Mine Workers of America
the International president only has
the right to revoke the charters of
districts, sub-districts and locals, but
Lewis delegated this right to Earring
ton in the state Of Illinois with the
result that the latter revoked the
charters of "a locals and made an
agreement with the coal operators
that none of these who took leading
part in the insurgent movement
should be employed in the mines. To
use Farrington's own words: "It is
our understanding that the operators
will not pick the ringleaders in the
strike, which has crippled the mines
If any do get positions and
are admitted to a local we intend to
file charges against them and Gust
them from the union"
What does Harrington mean by
the paragraph: 1T is our under
standing that the operators will not
pick the ringleaders in the strike,
which has crippled the mines >"
It simply means the application Of
the dreaded blacklist, not only at the
instigation of the boss but by the
president Of the miners union acting
in harmony with the coal operators.
harrington and the operators had a
common ground for action against the
militants in the union. The bosses
knew that the latter would interfere
with their ability to violate contracts
at will and harrington saw in them a
standing menace to his position as
head of the union which enabled him
TO draft and sell the miners to the
enemy.
The breaking Of the 1919 strike cost
the district treasury the sum of ST.
600 for which Harrington refused to
give an account until forced to do so
by the International convention. At
this time Lewis and Harrington were
enemies, so the International Execu-
tive Board appointed a committee to
inquire into the spending Of the S27,-
600 and this committee recommended
after making an investigation that
harrington be compelled to show
what he did with the money.
Tho Harrington denied having add
ed single man to the payroll on &C.
count of the 1919 strike, secretary