The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-03-30

lutionary daily policy. But with two
reservations: ~ Against the X. A.
P. form of sabotage tx. A. P. equals
Communist Workers Party of Ger
many, an ultra-left split-off from the
Communist Party Of Germany and
(2) against what Lenin called eco
nomic romanticism. The setting up
of partial demands for limited time
is important. Their boundaries, how
ever, and their actual content must
be discussed here. The chief fault of
the previous partial demands was that
they disappeared before they had had
their effect. A typical example of
this is the Morocco and the finance
campaign of the French party. When
the partial demands have no connec-
ton with the revolutionary aim and
collapse in themselves, they can be-
come a source of the most dangerous
opportunistic deviations.
Our program of action must con-
tain: 1. Concrete demands against
the consequences of the economic
sterilization of capitalism; 2. De-
mands directed against the internal
political sterilization methods Of the
bourgeoisie, that is to say, against the
mOnarchist efforts to legalize the ter
ror, against the abolition of labor le-
gislation and against the excessive
weight Of taxes.
Up to the present our daily demands
have been too little complete and the
agitation too general, because there
are still unjustifed fears present. In
the theses of the third world congress,
for instance, the leading aim of the
partial demands is to destroy the tot
tering structure of capitalism. The
third group of questions is the strug-
gle against the international political
results of the bourgeois sterilization
policy.
TN many countries the question of
the army is topical. Here, the
question of the democratic organiza-
ton of the army will play a great
role. The concentration of the policy
in the question of the attitude to the
Soviet Union is also important. Here,
also, partial demands are necessary,
for instance in England trade de-
mands which aim towards supporting
the industrialization OF the Soviet
Union.
All that has been said is naturally
only the formulation of the question,
the answers must be worked out col
lectively by the individual sections
under the leadership of the executive
committee Of the Communist Interna-
tional.
The Maslov letter shows the real
character of the present lefts. At the
third congress Lenin said that the
justification of the left for their exist.
ence, was their revolutionary impa-
thence. The present ultra-left has no
right to existence because it is no
longer an impatient Putsch left. Ii
is an opportunistic result of the stabil.
ization tendencies leading to passiv,
ity.
! NOMRADE CLARA ZETKIN, who
" was greeted with protracted
storms of applause, declared: "Yester
day the session changed from an
arena Of passionate struggles concern
ing theory and practice into a lyrical
comedy. Ruth Fischer presented her
self yesterday in the role OF the re
pentant political Mary Magdalen in
order to prove thru her penitence thai
she is once again ripe to take over
the leadership of the German Com
munist Party and the German prole
tariat. That is absurd. Ruth Fischer
presented herself as an energetic de
fender Of the F.. G. c. l. letter. In
reality, however, long negotiations
we're necessary in order to persuade
her to accept it. After she had signed
1t, she began thru fractional work Ia