The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1926-02-13

united upon all the basic question of
policy and tactics.
Such important questions were, the
question of unity with the English
trade unions, and the question of the
struggle against the ultra-left digres-
sions in the German and Polish
parties. The speaker declared that in
his opinion after the speech of Zinc
view which differed from the attitude
of zinoviev in the Russian question,
differences of opinion in the Comm
tern will be avoided. But our united
attitude previously was not accidental.
Our Comintern policy was closely con-
nected with our internal policy.
The tactic of the united front with
the peasantry in Russia had its coun-
terpart of the tactic of the united
front in the West as means for con.
quering the masses thru the Commun.
list parties. This Comintren policy, just
as the internal policy, demands sys-
tematic and firm policy for months
and years. This task is above all in
connection with the trade unions
where we are extremely weak.
THE application of this tactic, how
4 ever, produces a very great dan
ger, for in the period of sterilization,
without doubt attempts will be made
to re-establish the theology and tact
les of the right. After the epoch of
the right crisis we were successful in
crushing the right group. These
groups have now support points
Brandler in Germany, Loriot in
France, etc.
A sharp and decisive struggle must
be carried on against these groups.
But our most difficult illness of the
moment is the incapacity of our
young Communist parties to apply the
united front tactics.
The needs of the growing mass
movement, for we have without doubt
passed the deepest point of world
reaction, come into collision with the
incapacity of our young sections to
capture the masses. Upon this basis
we have had crises in Poland, Ger
many and France. The speaker fear
ed that the differences of opinion be-
tween the opposition and the majority
at the party congress might lead to
the formation of a special line inside
the Comintern.
Theoretically one can already fore
see the differences of opinion in the
question of estimating the signific-
ance of the rehabilitation in the Brit
fish working class movement, in the
question of estimating the tactic of
the proletarian united front, in the
question of the deviations and dangers
which threaten us upon the way to
the conquest Of the masses.
The second difficulty consists in the
possibility that this discussion and the
attitude of the opposition may galvan-
ize the ultra-left digressions upon a
European scale and particularly in
Germany into new life. We have COM
pletely smashed Scholem and Ruth
Fischer, but there are groups in Ger
many which take their places.
A LTHo Maslov completely compro-
a missed himself in his processes
and showed by his methods OF de-
Tense before the bourgeois court that
we had to deal not with tried revo.
lutionary but in certain sense with
hanger-on, altho the Maslov group
is now so compromised that the Com
munist masses abandon it, other PEG.
pie are raising the ultra-left standard.
The four points of the ultra-left ideo-
logy in Germany are:
1. That the German party as a
purely workers party according to its
composition, is different to the Rus.
sian party on account OF the peasant
element in the latter.