Evening star., 1925-02-15
BY FRANK HI. sIMONDs.
ONDON.-For the American the
outstanding circumstance OF


Y ONDON-For the American the
outstanding circumstance OF
British public life at the mo-
IL ment is the present debate
over the League of Nations
Actually this debate is neither new
nor strikfngly British. The simple
truth is that the British people are
discussing the protocol OF the league
In the same spirit and with much the
same phrases as the American people
six years ago examined the covenant
All the old arguments, objections an6
differences are coming up again in q
fashion which, for the visiting Amer
lean, Is at once bewildering and
familiar.
When all is said and done, the de-
bate over the protocol arises from
the fact that there are large num-
Der of Englishmen who believe that
this document II adopted would COM
NIT Britain to guarantee by Its own
force of a new map of Europe and
the territorial arrangement made t
the Paris conference; that 1t would
contain involvements and commit
ments beyond any desirable limit. In
word, Britain shrinks from the
protocol as America did from the
covenant for exactly the same rea-
sons.
British Are Involved.
Yet, always the situation is funda :
mentally different, for the isolation Of
the United States. with 5000 miles
of sea intervening, is still absolute,
while, as the last war showed, the
isolation of Great Britain, with barely
90 miles of water, Is Ina ginary. Thus,
the arrival of new European strug-
gle would infallibly involve Britain,
probably from the outset. British
escape from the actual dangers of
the protocol by adopting the Amer
lean policy of aloofness, however de-
sirable in theory, is impossible In
practice.
What the average Englishman is
feeling with no little disquiet and
irritation Is that after all he is tied
to Europe. To put it even more
broadly, as contrasted with America,
he is committed, he is involved, his
geographical position does not permit
him to enjoy the luxury of a policy
of isolation. In a word, he knows
that If there is European war he
will be involved and he is involved;
air and subp,.-.ne weapons have de-
stroyed his ancient security.
Faces Awkward Dilemma.
But in this situation he is facing
an awkward dilemma. He must in
practice choose between two things,
definite pact Of security, pleading
British arms to maintain French and
ReIgian safety, or the ratification of
tho protocol league adopted at Geneva
last Summer. which commits him
similarly to defense of the status
quo IN Europe-above all, to the
maintenance of the integrity OF the
eastern states, like Poland and Ru-
mania, whose integrity seems to him
iodefensible in the long run.
Even here the afflicted Briton does
not find any easy, simple choice. For
II he should decide that the simpler,
easier outlet is to adopt the principle
of Franco-Belgian security to insure
tho Rhine situation, nevertheless he
IL bound to perceive that France her
aelf has by treaty pledged her sup
port to the Poles and Czechs for the
maintenance of the integrity Of both
those states. Thus, in practice, to
guarantee the Rhine would mean to
guarantee the Vistula and Bug.
Moreover, for the Briton there Is
q marked distaste, now, for any spe-
claa private alliance. Millions of
Ehglishmen believe that the last war
was precipitated and Britain's par
ticipation insured by Sir Edward
Grey's various more or less secret
understandings with France and Rus
sia. They believe that separate al
hances made war inevitable, that a
repetition of that policy would insure
repetition of ultimate calamity. For
these millions, too, there is no basis
In sentiment for any guarantee of
French security, with a resulting
condition which would approximate
an anti-German coalition.
EnElishman's Only Choice.
Nevertheless, the farther the whole
situation is explored, the moro con-
vinced the Englishman becomes that
he has only choice between a direct
Franco-Belgian guarantee and the
omnibus protocol commitment What
is even more annoying, as I have
tried to make clear, is that in the
end both alternatives seem to arrive
at about the same point, for there
Is no vast dissimilarity between guar
anteeing the security of France
directly, when France is bound to
protect Poland, and guaranteeing the
existing state of Europe, thus by in
clusion that of France and Poland
There is a remark attributed, with
what accuracy l cannot say, to
Austen Chamberlain, the foreign
secretary, which puts the problem
with the utmost clarity. Chambe rlain
Is reported to have said: ITO reject
the protocol would be disaster to
rstify it seems now impossible; the
wit of man has not yet been able to
discover a'third possibility"
would BE Deadly Blow to League.
No one in England mistakes the
fact that rejection of the protocol
would be deadly blow to the lea que :;
It would in reality be blow wholly
analogous to that struck by the
United States when it rejected the
covenant and definitely stepped out
side the circle. The league might
survive British as 1t outlived Amer
lean detection, but it would then be-
come a wholly continental. European
Institution. and Britain would cease
% be Z factor. even IL 1t remained
. tsI1t member.
xMt fne British do not want to
abandon the league. 1t is true,
think, that the fortunes Of the league
ut the moment are relatively at a low
point, In this country. The protocol
mas proved a shock to It's friends, a
reinforcement TO its enemies. Eng
liahmen, quite as much as Americans
have been wont to think of the league
~ a permanent conference rather
than as an association of nations
undertaking very specific, not impos-
sibly onerous. duties to preserve
peace, Responsibilities which might
conceivabIy be tremendous.
Nc Escape for the Briton.
=. But where the American, with his
5000 miles OF sea, can draw back,
no such escape is available for the
Briton. II he should adopt this policy,
then. as Herriot's recent speech indi-
Gated, France would stay on the
Rhine Indefinitely as the solo method
OF guaranteeing her security; real
peace in Europe would be impossible
at 4 date early or late. q new con-