The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-02-10
Leninism or Trotskyism

party history, and not merely becOm-
ing apparent on one single question
or on one single occasion, then even
the more philistine and sluggish
mentality cannot explain away
this circumstance by reference to
momentary anger, accidental conflicts,
and the like. Even the most sluggish
mind must recognize that If Lenin con-
tinued for fifteen years to enlighten
the party on Trotskyisrn, and his char
acterization proved correct at every
turning point of party history, wheth-
er the tide of revolution was rising,
falling, or rising again, then it is not
a case of animosity, of personal opin-
ion, but it is perfectly obvious that
Trotskyism represents a trend of poll
icy which reappearsi Systematically,
and that the foundation of Bolshe-
vism as theory and practice Of the pro-
letarian Communist revolution can
only be laid down by fighting against
this trend of policy.
Comrade Trotsky confined himself
to defending to the Russian workers
the standpoint which / have above
characterized in Lenin's words. The
position held by the Bolsheviki in the
Second International lis well known.
Even at that time the Bolsheviki, es-
pecially Lenin, were hated by the lead
ers of the Second International. Even
at that time these leaders felt that
Bolshevism, and again especially Len
in, represented some new force des-
tined to supplant them, and therefore
the press organs Of the Second Inter-
national opened their pages to every
SANDER against the Bolsheviki and
Bolshevism. But during the whole
period of Lenin's exile, during the
whole period Of the revolution and
counter-revolution, Lenin was never
given even one single opportunity Of
appealing to the workers from the
tribune of the press organs of the
Second International, and of telling
the German, French or Austrian work
ers the truth about Bolshevism.
In actual fact we were boycotted
by the Second International. But on
the other hand Lenin's opponents,
Martov, Dan and Trotsky were given
every opportunity of expressing their
abroad any amount of lies and sland-
ers, since they were, assured in adj
vance that Lenin would not be per-
mitted to reply. Trotsky availed him
self of this opportunity to lay the
philosophy" of Bolshevism before the
international labor movement in some
thing like the following form: The
feminist clique of intellectuals who,
under the leadership of Lenin, a man
who shrank at nothing, were holding
the Russian proletarian movement in
their hands in some obscure manner,
whilst it was only the ignorance and
backwardness of the Russian prole-
tariat which made il trust the Bolshe-
wiki. The most important task was
to rescue the proletariat of Russia
from the power of this clique and its
leader, Lenin.
This is the conception of Bolshe-
vism which Comrade Trotsky forced
upon the international at that time
This is the manner in which he rep
resented the historical victory of the
inner party struggle in Russia, the
import of the struggle between the
Bolsheviki and the mensheviki, to the
socialist workers of Europe. With
reference to the articles sent on this
subject to the International by Martov
and Trotsky, Lenin wrote the follow
ing in the year 1911.
"Martov expresses the view of the
menshevists; Trotsky clings to the
mensheviki and hides behind particu-
larly sounding and hollow phrases.
For Martov the Russian experience
meant that the 'Blanquist and anarch-
list unculture had won the victory
over Marxist culture (read Bolshe-
vism over Menshevism). Russian So
cial democracy had been too zealously
Russian THAT is, revolutionary. l.. X. }
as differentiated from the general
European (that is, parliamentary
methods of tactics. We find Trotsky
representing the same historical phil
osophy.' The 'sectarian spirit, intel
lectual individualism, theological fet-
ishism are placed in the foreground
The struggle for influence over the
politically immature proletariat'-that
is the core of the matter to him."
After describing the views thus pre-
sented to the German workers by
Comrade Trotsky, Lenin continues:
"The theory that the struggle be-
tween Bolshevism and menshevism is
struggle for influence over an i'm
mature proletariat is by no means
new. We find it in innumerable books,
pamphlets. and articles published by
the liberal press since the year 1905
(if not since 1903).- Martov and Trot.
sky lay liberal views, trimmed with
Marxism before the German comrades.
1t is an illusion to believe de-
clares Trotsky, that Bolshevism and
menshevism have struck deep roots
in the proletariat.ll This is a typical
example OF the sbunding but empty
phrases Of which our Trotsky is mas
ter IL is not in the depths of the
proletariat' that the differences lie
between Bolshevism and menshevism.
but in the economic conditions of the
Russian revolution, Martov and Trot-
sky, by ignoring these conditions.
have deprived themselves OF the pos
sibility OF compromising the histori-
cal import of the internal party con-