The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-12-03

THE resolution for a labor party
L adopted by the Boston convention
of the International Furriers' Union is
an important step in the movement to
break away the masses of labor from
the deadening influence of the old par
ties. The Furriers' resolution should
be utilized by every revolutionist and
progressive in the trade union move
ment to get local unions and central
labor bodies to endorse it, thereby
laying the basis for concentrated
drive toward the realization of a labor
party After large number of local
unions and some internationals are
on record in favor of labor party
conference should be called for the
purpose of laying plans to carry the
fight into every section of the labor
movement.
Out of such a conference a central
directing point should be established
from which to coordinate the senti-
ment into a powerful movement.
Many Obstacles.
THERE are many obstacles to be
4 overcome in the struggle for la
Dor party. In many local unions the
question cannot be raised for the
s mple reason that there are laws upon
the statute books forbidding the rails
ing of political issues; a heritage of
the baneful influence of Gompers. This
must be overcome by candidates to
international conventions bringing the
question before the membership in
the form of platform containing the
labor party demand. In unions where
political questions can be discussed
there is usually present some lackey
of the employers who opposes any sug-
gestion of class action and who offers
the most vicious resistance to the la
Dor party demand. Usually the prin-
cipal opponent of class policy is one
of the satellites of the officialdom of
the central labor council.
The professional clique of local la
Dor leaders act as watch-dogs for the
capitalist class. They are the back
bone of reaction in the labor move
ment. In order to understand why this
is so it is necessary to examine the
structure of the American labor move
ment.
Industrial Treachery.
IETE must start our investigation
w with the American Federation of
Labor itself. Just what is the Fede-
ration? Is it a machine for consol-
idating the ranks of labor into pow
erful movement against the capitalist
class? Everyone knows it is nothing
of the sort. 1t does not even recog-
nize the fact that a class struggle
exists. 1t is primarily a political ma
chine polluting the American labor
movement with the most incredible
venom Of ruling class prejudices. In
every conceivable manner it plays the
game of the capitalist class. In pc
RODS of the most intense industrial
strife, when great international unions
affiliated with 10 are struggling for
their very existence, the officials of
the A. F. of l.. seldom show their
faces. Take as one example the pres
ent mine strike in the anthracite re-
gion. William Green, president Of the
American Federation OF Labor, rose
to his present position from the Sec
retaryship Of the union that is now
waging the fight against the mine ba-
rons OF Central Pennsylvania, but he
remains in his Office at Washington or
travels from city to city addressing
bodies on the identity of interests Of
capital and labor instead of fighting
the battles of the miners in the coal
fields. IL the organization of which
he is the head really functioned to