The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-24

that comrade. No, there exist indis-
putable objective pre-conditions there
for.
What constitute the essential differ
ences between the present state of af-
fairs in our party and the position Of
our party before the October revolu-
ton?
First: The mensheviki, the S. r.
the anarchists and the remaining
groups have disappeared from the
open political life of our country. In
the interest of the successful carry
ing out Of the proletarian dictatorship,
the victorious working class, under
the lead of our party, had to render
illegal the S. r. the mensheviki, the
anti-Soviet section of the anarchists,
and other groups opposed to the idea
Of the dictatorship of the proletariat
Only the Russian C.,P. is legally ac-
tive. Today 1t cannot be otherwise.
With such a state Of affairs it is I'M
avoidable that many elements enter
our party, who, in the event of the
existence of other legal parties, would
aot be with us.
Second: We have ideologically
shattered two important parties which
turing two decades were our rivals;
he S. r. and the mensheviki. Some
en- thousand members of these par
les have come over to our party,
mong them many very active mem
,ers, as for instance COmrade Trott
Ky. considerable portion of these
comrades have been completely assim-
81 nv nd ar o0nd
6olsheviki. But we must not disguise
the fact that the humiliation of the
5. r. and the mensheviki as legal par
ties does not serve to promote the
homogeneous composition Of our
party.
Third: Our country is passing thru
transition period. Up to October,
1917, the situation was in many re-
spects more difIicult, but clearer. The
party was confronted with an imme-
date task: the overthrow Of the bour-
gcoisie. The present situation is more
complicated. The Nep, the bourgeois
environment, all these factors render
our situation extremely complicated.
Never in the history of the struggle
Of the international working class was
a WI AUD RttA - IA oeSA 0OAAAkANS@s(0
transition period.
Fourth: The social composition Of
the party has become heterogeneous.
Up to October, 1917, cur party was al
most entirely a party Of workers. Az
ter 1917, the situation has changed.
We have at present over hundred
thousand peasant members, some
thousands of members from the high
er educational institutions, and many
thousands OF Soviet employees.
What is the meaning of all our ef-
forts to purge our party, the Lenin
recruitment? The aim of all these
efforts is to render the composition of
the party as homogeneous as possible,
to prevent a di,ution of its social COM
position.
All these together create the pre-
requisites under which the formation
Of right wing is possible in the party
created by Lenin-and is now with
out Lenin.
When we deal with the attacks of
Comrade Trotzky upon the Bolshevist
G. c. with the greatest obiectivity,
then we see that their content is the
following: During these years Com
rade Trotzky gave expression to ev-
erything which is not strictly Bolshe-
visit, and which feels itself cramped
within the frame of the old Lenin tao
tics. Trotzky is sincerely convinced
that the old methods Of Leninism can
no longer today fulfill their task, when
the party is acting in such vast
arena. According to his opinion, the
party must become a block of various
tendencies and fractions.
We all know that all those process
es which are developing in our coun-
try are reflected in our party, which
is in possession of power and which
has suppressed all the other. anti
Soviet parties. We Leninists draw
from this the conclusion that it is all
the more necessary to preserve the
greatest possible homogeneity Of the
party, the greatest firmness of leader
ship and the greatest possible devo-
ton to Leninism. To maneuver, some
times even to make concessions. Is I'M
avoidable. But IL is necessary that
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