The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-12-03

nomy. Should the A. F. of l.. desire
to step into a strike situation it dare
not do so unless request comes from
the executive of the union involved.
Then if at, any time the officials of
the A. F, of 1. did not carry out the
policy of the International they would
be summarily. kicked out of the strike
and could do nothing about it at all.
In its Constitution the A. F. of L.
claims the right to levy assessments
upon the internationals in "emergen-
cies," but, It is careful that no such
emergencies arise, for fear of alienat-
ing the support of internationals that
might resent such a tax.
Many unsophisticated radicals ina
CINE the A. F, of L. can call general
strike, or bring about the amalgama-
ton Of affiliated unions, or bring the
unions into, a labor party or any one
of dozen. other progressive meas
ures, but such is far from the case
It's only authority is the exercise of
moral force" which is less than
nothing in cases of labor struggles. 1t
can neither call nor settle strikes. It's
resolutions adopted at it's conventions
are not, binding upon one single inter-
national union affiliated with it. At
best they can only be starting points
for agitation among the rank and file
for the measure that already has been
adopted by the delegates to the A. F.
OF L. convention.
Futile Resolutions.
TAKE the question of amalgation for
\ instance. On many occasions the
conventions of the American Fedora
ton of Labor itself has gone on rec
ord in favor of amalgamation of kim
dred unions in a given industry, but
nothing came OF it. These resolutions,
adopted at number of national con-
ventions, never came to life because
very few members of organized labor
outside the delegates in attendance
knew they had passed. The question:
then arises, Why did the resolution
pass? ligsFsae
Simply because someone introduced
1t and the ofiicialdom scanned it and
perceived thatdt meant nothing in the
way of action sand so it was permitted
to pass. Other resolutions were passed
year after year in the same manner,
but meant nothing. They were all fu-
tile as far as action is concerned.
They committed the rank and file of
organized labor to nothing. But when
these same resolutions were brot in
as part of definite program of action
toward revolitionizing the labor
movement, when they were sponsored
by workers striving to establish a DO.
litical movement OF The working class,
they met with the most stubborn re.
sistance, and were defeated as part
Of diabolical conspiracy, a red men,
ace. against the labor movement.
The experience in the American Fe-
deration is duplicated by the various
city labor councils and state fedora.
tions of labor. The Chicago Fedora
ton of Labor used to pass every sort
of resolution presented by radical del
egates. In the launching OF the last
campaign for amalgamation 1t was the
first prominent central labor body that
adopted the resolution. But that by
no means meant that the $4,000 mem
bers of local unions loosely affiliated
with the Chicago Federation or even
an appreciable number OF them were
in favor OF amalgamation. AS a matter
OF fact few Of this number ever knew
such resolution was adopted. It is
seldom that delegates 10 the Central
Labor bodies ever report the proceeds
ings to their local unions.
At best, resolutions in Central Lac
Dor bodies and State Federations Of