davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19
new YORK IRON
LEAGUE TRIES
TO SPLIT UNION
Red-Baiter Howard Is
Bosses Tool

NEW YORK, Nov. IT, The crea-
ton of an independent union led by a
former business agent who sought to
call off the strike against the Iron
League, is the latest attempt to break
the iron workers union. The new ven
ture is receiving considerable atten-
ton in the capitalist press, but so
far seems to have made little head
way with the boys who rivet the gir-
ders fast to the sky scrapers.
Charles A. Howard, the father OF
the new. movement, is denounced by
representatives of the International
Association of Bridge, Structural and
characterization Workers as tool Of
the Iron League against which the
union has been striking for the last
year. 8 rstga.
Howard, as business agent for Lo-
cal No. 40, the big local of New York
sought to break the strike last win
ter by urging the members to go
back to work. The strike was called
for union recognition and a raise in
wages. Howard spoke to many work.
ers personally and he sent them post
cards with his back-to-work appeal
Some members were influenced but
he had no general success and in
the ensuing controversy he turned in
his resignation as business agent and
tha rauinuo+,ov, urac ou;olyIv oooant a a
by the local union. He was later ex.
PEELED.
Later he toured the country from
coast to coast, at his "own" expense,
at least not on union expenses, and
spread his arguments for an indus
trial peace policy, swinging in the
suggestion that the time was coming
for another union that would end the
taxing of western members for the
New York strike. In addition to these
activities, Howard, on his return be-
gan figuring as red batter and agi-
tated particularly for the expulsion
from the union of Joseph Manley.
In his campaign to build the new In.
uepenuoHJ uOH WOlheIs OhLOn VI
Greater New York, Howard is con-
tinuing his end-the-strike talk. He
urges iron workers to join union
that will be more pleasing to the non.
union contractors-the Iron League,
and tries to persuade iron workers
that the bosses don't want to sign
agreements with an organization con.
tanning officials who haye been in
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19

lied there is no ground for pessimism
just because the reformists are
against unity.
The greater part of the French pro-
letariat is still beyond our influence,
and for that matter, of the reform
lists. and here lie our chief tasks in or
ganization. To get the whole 100 per
cent of the French proletariat drawn
into the unions, that is the basic task
marked out by the congress.
Our other task is to strengthen the
revolutionarily minded opposition in
the reformist unions. 1t Is already
we'll on the way to setting up its own
center, issuing it's own organ, etc.
But the speed at which it is develop
ing is too slow and It Is up to us to
assist the opposition in its difficult
work.
1t is most important that serious
attention be directed to educating our
union members. Hitherto very little
has been done in this direction, as
was to be seen from the discussion on
the reelection OF union officials. Even
the Communists attenting the con-
gress were unable to find their right
bearings at times on the question Of
organization.
THE reformists in France are strong
4 by reason of the fact that they
depend on the machinery of the bour-
geois state. In this Respect reform
ism has far firmer roots not only in
civil service circles, but even among
certain working class strata as well.
The French bourgeois parties still
get many of the workers votes, re-
formism still represents a force of
some strength.
But there is no comparing French
reformism with the German brand.
There is no such powerful social-dem-
ocratic party in France as in Ger
many. In France reformism is greatly
handicapped on the one hand by the
influence of Communism which is dis
migrating its political organization,
and by the Unitary Confederation Of
Labor, on the other, which is attract
ing all the revolutionary elements.
while yet again by the events taking
place overseas.
The drive Of the British trade
unions to the left has made tremen-
dous impression among reformist
workers In France. The Scarborough
congress will exercise a powerful in
fiuence as far as theological re.group-
ing and the desire to look for support
to the British unions are concerned.
The reformist congress minority
wrote the British unions heartily well
coming their struggle against dlsrup-
tion and describing the split in
France, and appealing to them for ad.
vice and assistance. Again the lead
ers Of the General Confederation Of
Labor are so intimately bound up
with the heads of the French govern
ment that even for the rank aud file
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19

OF the workers these connections are
becoming somewhat too obvious.
TT is worth noting that the delega-
: ton sent to Geneva on behalf of
the French government consisted of
Messrs. BRAND, Loucher and Jouhaux.
This unnatural alliance of leaders Of
the trade union movement with state
ministers is particularly repugnant to
the workers at present belonging to
the reformist organizations.
The reformists attempted to ar
range a demonstration to come on
during the sessions Of the two con-
crosses which was intended to 90
beyond the boundaries of France
itself. They invited representatives
from ten or twelve countries who de-
livered speeches fully harmonizing
with the spirit of the right wing of
the Amsterdam International. But
there were no representatives from
the British unions, little item that
did not pass unnoticed by the work
ers.
The reformists did not succeed in
this effort to lend moral and political
support to the Amsterdam right wing,
for the speeches directed against the
British unions and against unity only
compromised them and their congress
in the eyes of the workers. The
Unitary Congress, on the other hand,
not only did not weaken the Red In
ternational of Labor Unions, but actu-
ally strengthened its position.
THE present political situation in
= France is exceptionally favorable
for our Confederation Of Labor. The
Communist Party and the Unitary
Confederation are the only bodies at
present leading the struggle against
the war, and as this is very import
ant question for the French proletar-
lat we have all the requisite condi-
tions at hand for strengthening our
influence among the masses. During
the past the influence OF the Com
munist Party and the Unity Confed-
GRAFTON has grown to a considerable
extent, but there can be no stopping
at that.
Should there be rapid develop
ment Of events, IL the war is fought
with increasing bitterness. should
there be a further fall in the rate OF
exchange with consequent financial
crisis, then the broad working class
masses thus set in motion will find
their leaders in the Communist Party
and will rally around the c. G. T. U.
But at the moment only a section Of
the French working class is under
our influence and our principal task
is to go on with the organization OF
the wide masses, getting them into
the unions, getting the masses lined
up behind the unions, a task the sue
cessful carrying out of which win be
OF the utmost importance for the fur
Their fate Of the working class OF
France.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19
Chicago Typo Union
Decides to Reopen
Scale Negotiations

At special call meeting at Brick
layers Hall, corner Monroe and Peoria
Streets, the Chicago Typographical
Union No. 16 decided to serve notice
on the Chicago Newspaper Publishers
Association that it desired to begin
negotiations for new contract to
become effective at the expiration of
the present contract May %, 1925.
In the proposed contract, of which
a rough draft had been submitted to
the membership by the newspaper
scale committee, the Objectionable
bonus feature was missing. The pro-
posed contract calls for a shortening
of the work week of the day workers
from As to az hours. Workers on the
night shift will work AZ hours but on
the lobster shift, which starts at mid
night, are to work but 61a hours per
night and are to receive a 45-minute
lunch period on the bosses time.
The Question of wage scales and a
number Of other demands have been
referredh to the scale committee
with numerous recommendation by
means ofwhich the union will be able
to safeguard the conditions it has
won in the various newspaper offices.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19

the most Probationary elements in
France, all stressed the exclusive
wisdom and sane, statesman-like out
look of M. Jouhaux,r who publicly
acknowledged the errors of his youth
and condemned the plainly utopian
and simply Bolshevist character Of
The decisions of the c. G. T. U. con-
gress. SD
These sympathetic views of the
bourgeois press on the one hand, and
the merciless campaign of lies against
the Unitary Congress on the other,
give us better idea Of the two CON
crosses than any number of explana-
tory articles would.
The Unity Conference.
THE G. G. T. U. broadcasted the
4 slogan for the closing of the two
congresses by fusing them into a joint
congress and making a unity confer
ence of it. This proposal was turned
down and it became clear that such
a congress was out of the question. A
congress was fixed for August 81.
Fifty-six representatives of indie
pendent unions and of trade unions
belonging to the reformist conferation
turned up. Representatives were
thereupon appointed from the Unitary
Congress and a unity conference or
ganized consisting of 35 delegates
from the reformist and, independent
unions and like number from the
Unitary Congress.
by not observing the decision Of
thc reformist congress and comiag to
the conference, the reformist Unions
showed how close they approached to
us. The proceedings showed that the
independent, mainly, the anarcho-syn-
dicalist unions had no following.
When they broke OFF from the G. G..
T. U. they had some. 10000 workers
with them-today they have only two
or three thousand.
A T the conference the question was
"A raised as to the basis on which
unity could be set up, Some attempt
was made to bring forward the aged
Amiens charter as q sort of unity
platform, but was opposed not only by
the unitary representatives, but by
many Of the reformis.s and independ-
ents as well. The Amiens charter was
thus accorded decent burial while
the conference confined itself to pass
ing a resolution on unity.
Altho not big as far as members
go, this conference was very charac-
teristic OF the present state of the
trade union movement in France.
There are many reformist unions de.
sirous OF seeing unity achieved. but
only an inconsiderable number Of
them dared to attend the conference
fearing expulsion from the reformist
G. G. T. 10
But the very fact that such a con
ference could be convened and joint
resolution worked out by such varying
elements in the trade union movement
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19

stop to all discussion.
1t was stated at the c. G. T. con-
gress that unity with the Unitary Con-
federation members was impossible be-
cause they were under the influence of
the Communist Party so as to be able
to pursue bourgeois line of policy
with greater ease!
TN addition to issues of general i'm
port the agenda of both congresses
featured questions of practical ma
ture: Wages, the eight-hour day, So
cial insurance, immigration, etc. It
would seem that there could not be
differences of view on such points.
Surely it is precisely on the question
of the eight-hour day, social insurance.
and immigration, that agreement could
have been reached seeing that Jou-
haux and his followers are agreed
that the unions must deal with those
problems, and these problems only.
But here, too, the fundamental diff
ferences between French reformism
and French Communism made them
selves manifest. The difference lay
not in our congress having pressed
for other demands, but in HOW 1t
proposed to enforce these demands.
It is noteworthy that in connection
with the fall in the rate of exchange
the reformist congress did not move
for the calculating of wages on the
gold basis. According to the reform
lists such a system would "be imprac-
ticable" %, while Ee Dauple, organ
of the G. G. T. bluffed as usual with
it's statement: I'VE know why the
Unitary Confederation people are de-
handing gold. It is because they are
accustomed to get gold from Moscow"
Such cheap demagogy is, however,
no reply to the question of how the
unions are going to secure certain
decent standard for the working class
Of France while the country is suf-
fering from falling rate of exchange.
IMMIGRATION is an especially inn
! portant problem for France. How
exceptionally important it is becomes
clear when 1t is remembered that
there are nearly three million foreign
workers in France, that they are help
ing to lower wages, that strikebreak-
ers are recruited from their midst,
and that it is extremely difficult to
carry on any political activity among
these workers.
But what does the reformist Con-
federation OF Labor propose to do in
the matter? Nothing at all. Our CON-
rades, on the other hand, moved for
the complete emancipation of these
workers, for their being granted equal
rights with the French workers, for
the founding of press for the for.
eign workers, for their having equal
rights in respect to the employers,
etc.
BY their very existence the two
considerations have grouped around
them all the revolutionary elements
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19

hese sixty peasants who had not
fought against the soldiers, were sim
ply murdered and not given over to
the courts. the Lieutenant answered:
Work With Terror.
I'VE had to work with terror. The
population was our enemy and we
have treated it as such"
AS the defence stated that even
hostile prisoners are not killed in
war, the worthy member of the Rou-
manian army answered:
Under certain circumstances one
is allowed to kill ones prisoners in
war Certainly, however, in civil war"
The chairman interrupted these
statements with the remark. Thank
you. Mr.. Lieutenant. There are still
thirty other witnesses to be examin-
ed"
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19

amply proves that there is a profound
urge towards unity among the work.
ing class masses who care not jot
whether the G. C. T. leaders want
unity or not.
Weak Points in the French
Trade Union Movement.
TT must be quite openly stated that
out trade union movement in
France possesses many weak points.
The first is the low percentage of
workers organized in the unions; the
second the continuous change In the
makeup of the union membership in
France generally and in the unitary
unions in particular. Among the metal
workers, for instance, the compost
ton Of the membership changes dur
ing the course of every two or three
years.
1t looks almost as if one man
walked out of the union while an
other man was joining up, much as
if they were attending short-term
courses. This is an old weakness of
the French labor movement. The
composition of the unions changes be-
cause the worker has no material
considerations to bind him to the
union except that of his own member
ship dues. When sick or out of
work, the worker cannot reckon on
getting any help from his union as
in the case in Great Britain and Ger
many.
A MOTHER weak point that must be
"A noted is that among the local or
CARNATIONS general issues predomi-
nate over the questions of the day-to-
day struggle. We, least of all, can
object to the unions devoting atten-
ton to issues of general nature, but
in some Of the French unions this is
done to such an extent that they are
occupied exclusively with world
problems while all the time they are
steadily losing influence in their own
trade or industry.
Lastly, our organizations are partic-
ularly weak in the most important in
dustrial centers, with the exception
OF the Paris district In the North,
for example, where our problem Is to
gain influence in the mining industry,
our unions, II will be found, are con-
siderably weaker than the reformist.
In conclusion II has to be admitted
that in our trade union movement
there are numerous defects demand
ing the most drastic remedies II our
organizations are to be raised to their
true level.
Summary and Future Prospects.
THERE were some in the Unitary
4 Confederation who thot that Au-
gust 81 would have seen the attain
ment of unity, and when the 31st
had come and gone and no unity was
arrived at, they were seized with dis
appointment and fell into despair. In
country where 80 per cent OF the
working class remains still morgan
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19

on the one. hand, and all the reaction.
airy, on the other. At neither con
gress did the various theological tend.
encies Show themselves to any great
extent. The Unitary Congress showed
almost complete unanimity on the
main questions: The war, general tao
tics, etc.
THAT is not to say that there was
= absolute agreement. The revoIu.
eionary trade union movement in
France is not yet single homogene.
GUS whole; it includes all kinds of
elements, ex-syndicalists, former an
archists, all shades in the rainbow of
French socialism, which has given
representatives to the revolutionary
labor movement.
There is at present a right wing
in the French Communist Party with
one part inside the party and another
part outside. These right wing ele.
ments succeeded in welding consid.
cradle influence on the question of
the reelection of trade union offici-
ais. This is question that has
always played big role in France.
The old anarchist principle of syn
dicalism was that everyone should
take his turn in leading the unions.
1t was on this issue that differences
arose at our congress. In point of
fact the opposition of the right wing
ers on this issue was a political mis-
step. By making a stalking-horse
Clearing to call spade a spade). of
this issue, they thereby raised the
question of the Communist Party's
policy in the trade union movement,
as we'll as of the line taken by the
confederal bureau, members of which
had Joined the Communist Party a
couple of months before the congress.
DUT so weak were the right wing
- ers ideologically that they were
unable to raise the question in its
broadcast aspect as a political issue.
BY utilizing the confusion prevailing
in this sphere of the trade union
movement. they managed to get a
third of all the votes cast. But the
votes so cast represented no opposi-
ton or any sort of theological tend.
ency.
These votes against the confederal
bureaus resolution only represented
a temporary bloc between the differ
ent elements who for various reasons,
mostly because they were not aware
of the political implications, voted for
the old prewar principle Of anarcho-
syndicalism.
Doth congresses are exceptionally
- characteristic for the whole Of the
world trade union movement; they
show at glance what reformism Is,
at bottom, and what the revolutionary
trade union movement really is.
Jouhaux's speech was warmly APP
plauded by the whole Of the bour.
geo.s press. The whole Of the Goa
seryanve and monarchist prsss, all
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19

INTO people ears.
The president of the court, Colonel
Maxim, tried to smooth the impress
sion of those questions by frequently
interrupting the accused.
A Cynical Confession.
Lieut.. Epimic Apostolescu, leader of
a punishment expedition to the vii
lage of Cismea, described the terrible
things that happened under his lead
ership.
Sixty peasants were locked up. by
us in cellar and the gendarmes re-
ceived the order to throw gas grena-
des into the cellars. The cellar was
kept carefully closed, till the next
day, then it was opened and only IS
peasants were still alive. The others
had died from the gas.
On the question of the defence why
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19
TORONTO LABOR
Halls PURCELL
UNITY MESSAGE
British Labor Head Gets
Ovation
Especial to The Daily wOrKer)


TORONTO, Nov. 17--Albert A. Pur-
CELL president Of the international
Federation of Trade Unions and fra
ternal delegate to the American Fed
Grafton of Labor convention at Atlant-
ic City from the British Trade Union
Congress, received 4 thunderous ova-
ton at his meeting, here where he
urged world trade Anion unity.
Turnout the entire meeting the ap-
proving Hear, hear OF many Engl-
ishmen could be1heard, as Purcell
emphasized the need of uniting all
workers in the struggle against the
capitalist class. fc
When Purcell called for unity of
the working class against capitalist
wars a demonstration followed his
remarks that lasted several minutes.
Purcell's plea for unity with the
Russian trade union workers made a
deep and lasting impression on the
trades unionists assembled.
Purcell ended his meeting urging
the Canadian workers to send dele
cation of unionists to Soviet Russia
so that they can study the develop
ments in the Union of Socialist So
Wet Republics for themselves and see
the Russian trade unions at work.
The president of the Toronto Trades
and Labor Council presided at the
meeting and many prominent Cana
dian trades unionists were on the plat
form.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-19
The Two French Trade Union Congresses

Second and concluding INSTALL
ment of report by Com. Lozovsky
to the Executive Bureau of the Red
International of Labor Unions.
TINE colonial wars formed the most
important question facing the two
congresses. Both met at a time when
preparations were being made for q
big push in Morocco. Both met when
the negotiations between France and
Spain on the question of taking joint
action against the Riffs had just finish
ed. 1t is of interest to note how they
reacted to this question.
AS far as the Unitary Congress is
concerned no difficulties were met with
and no differences of view showed
themselves. There was full agreement
on the need for carrying on an ener-
getic struggle against the war, while
the idea was raised of undertaking
presentations for a protest strike.
This decision was unanimously adopt
ed by the congress.
The congress of the General Confed-
Grafton of Labor was quite different
affair. In it's case the question was
regarded from the purely government
al point of view. There was no thot
of proffering any opposition to the war,
the most important speakers being OF
the view that France had done all that
lay in her power to reach an agree
ment with the Riffs while making out
at the same time that it was a matter
of defensive war. AS if the Riffs had
fallen ON the poor French and were
threatening to conquer France! BY
placing the question in such a light
they demonstrated to the full the true
imperialist spirit of the leading circles
of the reformist trade union movement.
TOUHAUX'S speech on the advisab-
- ility of the General Considerations
present tactics was particularly char
acteristic. In his speeches Jouhaux
emphasized the fact that the reform
list General Confederation of Labor
was pursuing it's old pre-war policy.
We must examine this strange way
of looking at the question little more
closely. Despite all its defects, the
pre-war Confederation of Labor was in
substance a very healthy body. 1t
stood for the class struggle, for carry
ing on ruthless fight against the
bourgeois state, against all war,
against colonial policy, etc.
In order to talk at the 1926 congress
of the reformist confederation apply
ing these very tactics, one must be po-
sessed of some special qualities, abun-
dant enuf in the present leader of the
reformist Confederation of Labor,
Jouhaux, that many reformist does
not possess. Such statement was not
of historic" character, but was an
attempt to politically mask the real is
sue with regard to unity so as to ans
wer to all proposals for unity with the
set phrase: ''If you want unity, then
come back TO the old home" and so put