Evening star., 1925-05-30

State. We have seen some examples
in connection with the Federal con-
| tributions to road building. Yet there
are constant demands for more Fed
eral contributions. Whenever by that
plan we take something from one
group of States and give it to an
| other group, there is grave danger
| that we do an economic injustice on
one side and a political injury on the
other. We impose unfairly on the
strength of the strong. and we en-
courage the weak to indulge their
weakness.
Starts Disregard of Law.
When the local government unit
| evadeS its responsibility in one direc-
| ton. it is started in the vicious way
| of disregard of law and laxity of liv-
| ing. The police force which is ad-
| ministered on the assumption that the
violation of some laws may be ig-
| nored has started toward demoraIiza
| ton. The community which approves
| such administration is making dan
gerous concessions. There is no use
Disgusting the fact that as nation
| our attitude toward the prevention
and punishment of crime needs more
| serious attention. 1 read the other
| day survey which showed that in
proportion to population We have eight
times as many murders as Great
| Britain, and five times as many as
| France. Murder rarely goes unpun-
ished in Britain or France: here the
| reverse is true. The same survey re-
ports many times as many burglaries
| in parts of America as in all Eng
| land; and, whereas a very high per
cent of burglars in England are
caught and punished, in parts of our
country only very low per cent are
finally punished. The comparison can
| not fail to be disturbing. The con-
clusion is inescapable that laxity of
administration reacts upon public
opinion. causing cynicism and loss
of confidence in both law and it's en-
forcement and therefore in it's observ.
ance. The failure of local government
has demoraliZing effect in every di-
rection.
Liberty is Imperiled
These are vital issues, in which the
Nation greatly needs revival of in
terest and concern. 1t is senseless
to boast of our liberty when we find
that to so shocking an extent il is
merely the liberty to go ill-governed
1t is time to take warning that neither
the liberties We prize nor the system
under Which we claim them are safe
while such conditions exist.
We shall not correct admitted and
grave defects if we hesitate to recog-
nize them. We must be frank with
ourselves. We ought TO be our own
harshest critics. We can afford to be,
for in spite Of everything we still have
balance of prosperity of general well
rare, or secure freedom, and Of right
eous purpose. that gives us assurance
or leadership among the nations.
What America needs is to hold to
its ancient and we'll charted course
Our country was conceived in the
theory of local self-government. 1t
has been dedicated by long practice to
that wise and beneficent policy. 1t is
the foundation principle of our system
OF liberty. II makes the largest prom
ise to the freedom and development
of the individual. Its preservation is
worth all the effort and all the sacri-
flee that 1t may cost.
1t cannot be denied that the present
tendency is not in harmony with this
spirit The individual instead of
working out his own salvation and
securing his own freedom by estab-
fishing his own economic and moral
independence by his own industry and
his own self-mastery, tends to throw
himself on some vague influence which
he denominates society and to hold
that in some way responsible for the
morality Of his actions. The local
political units likewise look to the
States, the States look to the Nation,
and nations are beginning to look to
some vague organization. some nebu-
lous concourse of humanity, to pay
their bills and tell them what to do.
This is not local government 1t
is not American. 1t is not the method
which has made this country what it
Go a int. no tarr,
standard of civilization on that theory.
II it is supported at ALL it will have to
be supported on the principle Of in
dividual nsibiity. If that prin-
ciple be maintained. the result which
l believe American wishes 10 see pro-
duced inevitably will follow.
Must Make Decision.
There is no other foundation on
which freedom has ever found per-
manent abiding place. We shall have
to make our decision whether we wish
to maintain our present institutions,
or whether we wish to exchange them
for something else. If we permit
some one to come to support US. we
cannot prevent some one coming to
govern us. II we are too weak to
take charge Of our own morality. We
shall not be strong enough TO take
not govern ourselves. if we cannot
observe the law, nothing remains but
to have some one else govern us, to
have the law enforced against US and
to step down from the honorable
abiding place of freedom to the
ignominious abode of servitude.
If these principles are sound, two
conclusions follow. The individual
and the local, state and national polit-
ical units ought to be permitted to as
sumo their own sponsbilities. ANY
other course in the end will be sub
versive both of character and liberty.
But it is equally clear that they in
their turn must meet their obligations,
III there is to be continuation Of in
dividual and local f-government and
of State sovereignty, the individual
and locality must govern themselves
and the State must assert its sover-
eighty Otherwise these rights and
privileges will be confiscated under
the ail-compelling pressure of public
necessity for a better maintenance of
order and morality. The whole world
has reached a stage in which. if we do
not set ourselves right. we NAV be
perfectly sure that an authority will
be asserted by others for the p,Jrpose
of setting us right.
Look to Home First.
But before we attempt to set our.
selves up as exponents of universal
reform, it would be wise to remember
| that progress Is of slow growth. and
also to remember that moderation. pa.
| tience, forbearance. and charity are
virtues in their own right. The only
action which can be effective in the
long run is that which helps Others to
helm themselves Reforo u-a a..nn,n