Twin city review. [volume] (Champaign, Ill.) 19??-1929, 1925-10-30
What American Trade
UniOnism Wants
By Andrew Furuseth, President
Internal Seamen's Union of America
BCf0Ie 1 tIdnLlc JII4 7
4. +. Of L.

Before Atlantic City Convention
4. F. Of L.
There seems 10 be a strange mis-
understanding Of the differences that
exist in Europe and America. IN
Europe the fundamental idea Is that
the government can do all things and
the people can DO only those things
which government permits. Hence
there is struggle between the people
and the government for Increasing
power To the people. In the United
States the question was tested long
ago.
The people OF the United States are
free, not because they have a constitu-
ton. Not at all They have a con-
stitution because they are free. You
begin with freedom in one country and
you build from that; in another coun-
try you build from autocraey and
struggle to get away from that.
In Europe they are hampered with
all kinds of legislation that prevents
the people from using their power
In so far as We took our common law
from England we carried over here, Of
course, a tendency in the same direc-
ton. Our system of land tenure, our
system of common law, Is practically
the English system. Hence, evidently,
the misunderstanding and misconcep-
ton which we have, because somebody
else is travelling one way and insist
that we shall travel the same way.
What is it, fundamentally, that we
in America want? We want to estab-
lsh on the industrial field, as far as
it is possible, the same freedom and
equality that exists on the political
field. Now, how was political freedom
attained in Great Britain? By the
maintenance in the house of parlia-
ment of power over the purse. The
purse belongs there; the right of tax
alton and appropriation is exclusively
lodgd in parliament, and it was that
power which was used by parliament
to gradually change the system of
English society from one of pure au-
tocracy to one OF democracy on the
political field.
How was it done? First, by petit
ton; then by electing men to parlia-
ment; then by interchange and dick
ering between parliament and the
crown. The fundamental idea was
that the British people, acting through
parliament, could upset the govern
ment of England any time they want
ed to.
What is the situation here? | want
to call your attention to the fact that
freedom and equality on the indus
trial field have got to be acquired as
they were on the Official field, step
by step, building new roads through
the wilderness.
What is the fundamental distinction
between the king and the arrogant
employer? You bring to Mr.. Gary
or to Mr.. Rockefeller your petition for
redress of grievances and he says:
81 don't know you! Get about your
business, Don't bother me!' That
is what the king said, but there was a
power behind the petition of the peo-
pie which gradually made the king
listen, and that was the power of the
purse.
There is a power which YOU are try
ing to organize that will compel Mr..
Gary and Mr.. Rockefeller and the
tribe generally to listen. We own our
own labor power and we can refuse to
supply that labor power.
In order to carry on that proposition
you must be free men and women; you
must own yourselves.
That is the meaning of the labor
movement in America.