Evening star., 1925-05-30

to admit that they saw there much
that was no good. They CLOSED over
no wrongs. they hid away no skeletons.
They did not pretend that wrong was
right or ever could be right. They
had put much thought to the lessons
of hard experience, and had frankly
acknowledged that they must deal
with crisis in the Nations life.
They were sure that union was bless
ing. that slavery was a wrong, and
that domestic war was the supreme
human tragedy. This settled. they
saw that one Of three courses must be
taken. They could have had peace
peace and union with slavery. Free
dom with union, they saw at last.
meant war. We know how they de
cided. We know at what fearful cost
they supported their decision.
We live far enough away from those
times of test and trial to know that
sincerity and honesty did not all lie
on either side. We know the conflicts
of loyalties. traditions, ancestry. and
interest which drew men to one side
and the other. ! doubt if there ever
was another so great and elemental
conflict from which men emerged
with so much mutual respect. with SO
little of bitterness and lingering hos
tility. The struggle brought the
whole Nation at last to see that its
only assurance was in unity. United
il could go its way in all security;
divided. both sections becoming the
prey OF jealousy and intrigue. would
have dissipated all the power they now
have for good in the world.
Our generation has recently lived
through times still SO vivid as to
seem but as yesterday. which have
taught us deeply to appreciate the
value of union in purpose and effort.
We have come to see as through a
crystal that in the national variety of
talents and resources. of cultures and
capacities. of climates and of soils of
occupations and of interests, lies the
guaranty Of both our power and our
authority. More than that. they have
taught us how heavy and important
is our responsibility in the world.
Helped by NeighbOrs.
Conscious Of a strength which re-
moves us from either fear or trucu-
lence, satisfied with dominions and
resources which free US from lust of
territory or empire, we see that our
highest interest will be promoted by
the prosperity and progress of our
neighbors. We recognize that what
has been accomplished here has
our people for efficient cooperation.
We shall continue prosperous at home
and helpful abroad. about as we shall
maintain and continually adapt to
changing conditions the system under
which We have come thus far. 1
mean our Federal system. distribut-
ing powers and responsibilities be-
tween the States and the National
Government. For that is the greatest
contribution TO the organi-
zation of government over great popu-
lations and wide areas. 1t Is the es-
sence of practical administration for
a nation placed as ours is. 1t has
become so commonplace to US, and
pattern by so many other peoples,
that we do not always realize how
formulated. or how great the prac-
tical problems which its operation in
wolves. Because OF my conviction
that some of these problems are at
this time in need of deeper consider
alton. | shall take this occasion to try
to turn the public mind in that di-
rection.
When dealing with the distribution
of powers between the General Gov
ernment and the States, Chief Justice
Marshall declared:
w Htn lhc pcOpic lcdlcu
a national legislature with certain
powers, it was neither necessary nor
proper to define the powers reserved
by the States. Those powers pro-
ceed, not from the people of America,
but from the people Of the several
States. and remain after the adoption
of the Constitution what they were
before. except so far as they may be
abridged by that instrument"
Alliance is Chosen.
Our constitutional history started
with the States retaining all powers
of sovereignty unimpaired, save those
conferred upon the National Govern
ment. The evolution OF the constitu-
tional system has consisted largely in
determining the line of demarcation
between State and national authority.
The cases involved are many and COM
plicated, but there Is a fairly good
popular understanding of this contin-
uing struggle between these contend
ing sovereignties. Because of better
communication and transportation,
the constant tendency has been to
more and more social and economic
unifcation. The present continent
wide union of 4S States is much closer
than was the original group of l3
States.
This increasing unification has we'll
nigh obliterated State lines so far as
concerns many relations of life. Yet,
in a country of such enormous eX-
papse. there must always be certain
regional differences in social outlook
and economic thought. The most Ia
miliar illustration of this is found In
the history of slavery. The Constitu-
ton did not interfere with slavery,
eycept to fix a time when the foreign
slave trade should be abolished Yet
within a generation the country was
confronting sharp sectional division
on this issue. Changing economic
conditions made slavery profitable IN
the South, but left 1t unprontaole IN
the North. The resulting war might
baya been avoided If the South had
adonted a policy of ultimate abolition
Rut as this method was not pursued
the differences grew sharper until
they brought on the great conhict.
Still Presents Problems.
Though the war ended forever the
nossibility of disunion, there still re-
main problems between State and req.
araI authority. There are divisions Of
interest. perhaps more apparent than
real among geographical sections or
social groups. The seaboard thlhks
II has interests in maritime transpor-
tation and overseas commerce which
differ greatly from these of the inte.
rior which is peculiarly dependent
upon the railroads. Difference IN
climate and physical conditions
throughout 80 great territory tend
To varied social habits and modes OF
living which react upon the economic
and noliticai attitudes. The industrial
deveiopment of some sections con-
Hrasts with the agricultural character
of others. Obviously. these differences
Give rise to many problems in govern
ment. which must always be recog'
n;,ad R,,t it is hardly conceivable