Evening star., 1925-11-15

along very different lines from that
which created our own Union. Never
theless. l venture to say that more and
more the United States will find itself
in all of its foreign relations conscious
Of a great and growing solidarity
amongst the European states. Eco
nomically, politically, financially, il
will discover that it is dealing not with
scattered, divided and rival nations
bidding against each other for Amer
lean favor, but with states united by u
common necessity to maintain or re-
gain what has been challenged or lost
by reason Of the rise of American
power.
Rstween the German who lost the
wa sgnd the BritOn and F'renChmau
WhfSEon 1t there is nothing like the
funN, ~xntal difference that there Is
between all three and the American.
because materially the American
alone emerges from the period of con-
f1ict in anything like the posture OF
victor; while If the German is CON
demned 10 pay tribute to his con-
querors, they must make similar
contributions TO us, and all Of the
German payments are unlikely 10
spare them from the necessity OF put
ting their hands into their own pock-
cts TO foot our bill. And in this sense,
as in many others. the F'renchman.
the Brlton, quite as much as the
German, has the sense. not Of gain,
but of loss: not Of victory, but Of de
feat.
War Was Disaster.
Every sensible European now
knows that the World War. far from
being a victory fo- any European ma
ton was shattering disaster for all.
It's results represent a collective loss
Tor all European states, and a repeti-
ton might easily mean complete ruin
from Brest TO Warsaw and from Ham
burg TO the Piraeus. America. Asia.
possibly even Africa. may he counted
as victors. The position of Europe
on the planet was diminished perhaps
for all time
And precisely such documents as
the famous protocol. which was not
adopted because of British objection.
but survives in spirit ana NAV vet
reappear in some accepted form: such
agreements as those OF I.ocarno
which are but partial applications of
the protocol spirit and principle, dis
close powerfully and prCphetically the
new European spirit, the CROWNS
sense of European solidarity
The United States is. then infanibly
bound henCeforth 10 face a Europe
which quite naturally and humanity
resents our growth at its expense, our
prosperity, which includes the taking
from Europe OF tribute i'll the form
OF debts; our competition, which has
replaced Europe in many markets OF
the world; our supremacy in fields
which from the days OF Rome onward
have been peculiarly and exclusively
areas of European control. ,rot 10
recognize this fact, to proceed under
the old impressions born of conditions
OF European paralysis. may well lead
10 unpleasant experiences.
Solidarity. Certain.
Precisely as Europe is on the edge
OF new era aud exactly as we have
now TO confront 1t new Europe, in the
sense of Europe quite different from
the Europe most Americans now alive
have known. it becomes a matter OF
vital Importance for our public opin-
ion and our statesmanship to apnre-
Clate the realities of the change. We.
nave taken from Europe. not. to he
sure, deliberately or by design. hut
not less Enthusiastically, much Of the.
position which 1t has occupied III
all modern history; we have i'm
posed upon 1t servitudes which il
has never known, and we have now
to face the growing solidarity of Il
Europe resolved to regain the lost
ground. Already in SO relatively
minor circumstance as the question
of disarmament we have encountered
the vigorous negative not of one. but of
most of the European states. who re-
serve to themselves the solution of this
problem, which our Government and
administration have hoped 10 deal
with on this side of the Atlantic. we
shall have other and more impressive
evidences of this new-found European
solidarity at no distant time
Copyright. H. L. GatesD