The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-11-21
BY WILLIAM E. KRusE.

promises in the very near future, as
in the November days of 1918 and
1928, to put the Communist Party of
Germany back into the very center of
the world revolutionary stage. A
hopelessly white Germany closes a
breach. in the iron ring with which the
Allied imperialists plan to crush Rus
STA and thereby, they hope, save their
own dominion. A Red Germany, on
the other hand, would shatter that
ring, would assure a vastly improved
economic situation for both German
and Russian peoples, and would lead
to certain success of the revolutionary
forces in England, France, the Bal
kans, Hungary and Scandinavia. A
white Germany makes possible an
other imperialist war to destroy the
Soviet power. A Red Germany insures
a Soviet Europa Soviet world.
We see in Germany today healthy
revolutionary ferment. The economic
situation takes on more serious
aspect and the political developments
keep even pace. The Dawes plan
brought a temporary partial STABILIZE
ation-but at price that the work
ers pay in unemployment, low wages,
heightened hours, destroyed social
standards, and terrific taxes on their
necessities. The capitalists already
feel their day of reckoning coming,
credit is unbelievably tight, industry
restricted-and soon comes the day
when interest on Wall Streets mort
gage must be met. The government
is shaky, despite the highest taxes in
its history it is driven to running state
lotteries and to offering 10 per cent
interest on its domestic loans. Mean
while the class war sharpens to the
EXTREMIST forms, election campaigns
take on the character of pitched bat
ties between uniformed troops of left
and right, the center contenting itself
with gestures of stately impartiality
and actual support of the most reac-
tionary elements.
AT the same time the proletarian
masses are moving instinctively to-
I'LL "a u q pal tAodA unity VI dCIlOu
in the shops and unions and on the
field of parliamentary struggle The
Communists are fostering this move
ment in every possible way, the So
cial democratic right wing leadership
opposes it relentlessly and thus helps
set the relationship of class and party
still more clearly before the awaken
ing workers.
The Open Letter and its Discussion.
The German party faces this new
developing revolutionary situation
with the benefit of dearly-bought ex-
perience in past struggle. The Co
mintern stands to its aid also in ap-
plying the lessons of that struggle to
the present situation, and steps in to
correct any deviations, called by what
ever name of right or ultra-left, that
would weaken or unfit the party for
its tremendous role. This is the real
and only basis for the much discussed
open letter" and the party discussion
that now takes up its daily page of
tlge Rote Fahne and other party or
gans. Greater mass contact and in
1uence in the trade unions and other
proletarian mass organizations is i'm
mediately essential, this calls for more
adroit and effective use of the united
front in industrial and parliamentary
struggle, and on the. other hand the
fuller use of all available party
strength C'normalization') and the
more rapid Economically centralized
reorganization upon nuclei basis. se-
These are not new decisions coming
like bolt from the blue. They were
hammered out at past congresses and
tested in the fires of the experience
OF the world parties. There was little
open opposition to them, in theory.
but in the German party there seemed
to be definite delay in their execu-
tion. Many elements professed skepti-
cism on the united front" with those
very socialdemocratic and laborite