The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-31

No comrade will be able to say that
we have invented the above SIX points.
Every serious Bolshevik viii have to
admit that the struggle between the
feminist @. @. and Comrade Tr0tsky
turns precisely upon these points. and
not upon the question of personal
prestige, as the philistines think.
What would be the state Of affairs
In our country If, In these six ques-
tions, we had followed the road urged
by Trotsky? 1t would have become a
Russia of the Nep, In the sense and to
the extent which the theology of the
new bourgeoisie reckoned upon. And
the prospects of the transformation of
Russia of the new economic policy
into a socialist Russia would have
been very remote, and would even
have entirely vanished.
If we add to all this the opportunist
errors of Comrade Trotsky In the
questions Of International politics,
toyer-estimation Of the democratic
paciflst era, over-estimation of the
miraculous peace-making quality of
American super-imperialism, under
estimation of the counter-revolution-
airy nature of social democracy, under
estimation of the duration of fascism)
and the fact that he supported all
right, semi-social democratic elements
in the various sections of the Comin-
tern, then 1t is clear in what direction
Comrade Trotsky Is drawing our
party.
In this heaping up of one error
upon another Comrade Trotsky has
lis own system. AS a whole that
iystem is: right deviation.
The new bourgeoisie of our country
precisely a new and not the old
0ourgeoisie. 1t has seen a variety of
things and has also learned something
from the Lessons of October. 1t
saw the masses in action. It saw the
ruthless handling of the bourgeoisie
by the Bolsheviki in the first period Of
the October revolution, and the con-
cessions of the Bolsheviki to the bour-
| geoisie in 1921, when these same
ruthless Bolsheviki were compelled to
introduce the new economic policy. It
now knows the value OF the real re-
lation Of forces which, among others
consists in the international bourN
geois environment of the first Soviet
country. 1t has it's new intelligenzia,
educated for the most part in our edu-
cational establishments. 1t has
learned to penetrate into the struggle
of tendencies within our own party,
it has learned to take advantage Of
Soviet legality.
1t is a bourgeoisie which has passed
through the fire of the greatest revo-
luton; a bourgeoisie which under
stands how to bring about it's alliance
with the leaders of the international
bourgeoisie. In one word, it is bour-
geoisie with a keen class-conscious-
ness; an adaptable bourgeoisie, which
has become more clever through the
experiences of the revolution and bet
ter understands the Importance of the
workers party and the currents with
in this party.
We must not disguise the fact: the
social composition of our state appar-
atus is such, that an important part of
the personnel of this apparatus must
be considered as an agency of this
new bourgeoisie. The same must be
said regarding certain section of the
/ students and Of the intelligenzia in
general.
To demand from the Bolshevist
Party in the years 1921 to 1924, in the
period of transition, the before men
toned six points, means nothing less
than to help, even if unwillingly, the
new bourgeoisie.
Comrade Trotsky has taken wrong
turning. He wants to fight against
the exaggerated "sectarianism" of the
old Bolsheviki, which appears to him
as "narrow-mindedness", and in re-
atty he is fighting against the bases Of
Bolshevism. AS a matter Of fact, of
course without wishing 1t, he is rem
dering the class enemy an invaluable
service.
We ask the former and present fol
lowers of Comrade Trotsky, whether
! they are aware that every attack of
Comrade Trotsky against the Boil
shevik c. G. since 1921 has been hailed
throughout the whole Of the non boil
shevik camp with ever-increasing Joy?