The Republican., 1925-02-26
POPULAR MISAPPREHEN-
STONS


The famed Americans of the past,
from Washington to Lincoln, would
fail to recognize themselves if they
could know how they are cited and
pictured by the speakers of the pres
ent time in support of their varying
views. For example in addresses on
his recent birthday Abraham Lincoln
would have been proved a marvel of
contradictions if all the views attrib-
uted to him were accepted as we'll
founded. He was made, in turn,
progressive, a reactional, a believer
in disarmament, big army and navy
man, world court advocate, a rigid
isolationist, a reformer through con-
stitutional amendment, warning
not to change the Constitution. He
was even made a prohibitionist, al
though it is on record that when the
beginnings Of the issue came to his
notice he deplored it and described
prohibition as "a species of intemper-
ance within itself, for it goes beyond
the bounds of reason in that it at
tempts to control a mans appetite by
legislation and makes a crime out of
things that are not crime" being
therefore certain to "work great in
jury to the cause of temperance"
Strange to say, misleading impress
cinyc Of tho ,-in,r o,,I aLiof
of Lincoln are not confined to the
addresses of politicians with some
campaign to push. His very title of
great emancipator" is coupled with
a widespread popular misapprehen-
sion. 1t has been believed by hosts
of Americans as well as by practical
ly all negroes that his chief and un-
wavering purpose was to free the
slaves, and yet the records show that
his one great aim-beside which he
counted nothing else as important
was to save the Union. His emanc;-
patton proclamation itself was a
means to that end-a war measure
pure and simple, designed to embar-
rass and weaken the seeded South
ern States in their struggle for indie
pendent existence outside of the
Union. The very letter of his various
pronouncements indicate this, and
even the final proclamation Of Janu-
ary 1868, decreed freedom for the
blacks only in the States "in rebel
lion," leaving them still slaves in the
''loyaT' secti ons of Southern and
border States. The document itself
shows that its main purpose was not
emancipation.
Lincoln's real aim, and his readi-
ness even to sacrifice if need be the
aim of the abolitionists, was plainly
avowed in his letter to Horace Gree
ley of August %, 1862, with which
the emancipation proclamation in the
following January was altogether
consistent. Il would save the Union,"
he wrote to Greeley ~ would save
it the shortest way under the Consti-
tuition. The sooner the national
authority can be restored, the nearer
the Union will be the Union as it
was If there be those who would
save the Union unless they could at
the same time save slavery l do not
agree with them. If there be those
who would not save the Union unless
they could at the same time destroy
slavery l do not agree with them.
My paramount object in this struggle
is to save the Union, and it is not
either to save or destroy slavery. If
/ could save the Union without free
ing any slave l would do it; and if
could save it by freeing some and
leaving others alone l would also do
that. But what l do about slavery
and the colored race l do because it
helps to save the Union; and what l
forbear, l forbear because l do not
believe it would help to save the
Union"