davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
BY DAVID A. eoRMAN


THE supporters of the minority the
/ sis contend that dropping the
farmer-labor party slogan means the
reputation of the united front tactic
on the political field. There are no
farmer-labor parties in Germany.
France or Italy, and yet the Commun-
list Parties of those countries are car
rying out the G. !. program dealing
with the united front on the political
field.
Comrade Ruthenberg states there is
a conflict between the analysis Of the
economic and political developments
in the United States and the policy
proposed in the majority thesis. To
prove that there is a conflict, he states
that the majority agrees that the con-
ditions which created independent DO
litical action on the part of the work
ers and farmers still exist and, in fact.
they will be intensified, and yet the
majority concludes that the farmer
labor party slogan is obsolete.
Now let us see whether the con-
clusion of the majority is correct or
not. The farmer-labor party move
ment that developed in the last few
years was a revolt on the part of
workers and poor farmers against the
old parties. Then when the LaFol.
lette movement appeared it absorbed
the farmer-labor party.
But Comrade Ruthenberg says that
the conditions that Jared the work
ers loose from the democratic and
republican parties will jar them loose
from the LaFollette movement and
the farmer-labor party slogan is the
instrument with which to do it. What
are the facts. The workers that split
from the old parties lost faith in them
as a result of those parties being in
power and proving to be parties of
big capital. But they have confidence
in the LaFollette movement. The
majority thesis is correct when il
states:
"And for some time to come, that
is, until the LaFollette movement
will begin showing concrete and
practical signs of its antagonism to
the workingclass, the great bulk of
the laboring masses of this coun-
try will progressively accept the
LaFollette movement as their po-
htical expression. This means that
the question of trying to build
farmer-labOr marty which shall hasa
itself on the mass organizations
of the workers and poorest sections
of the farmers is definitely out of
range of practical politics for the
immediate FUTURE
The minority also contends, that in
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
COMMUNISM VERSUS OPPORTUNTSM

our party within, organize the unem-
ployed, ETC., etc.
1t is clearly understood that the
adoption of program is not measur-
ed with immediate results, because it
is the basis on which the party rests
upon, while a slogan is a question of
tactics and may be changed at times
due to conditions which arise, tho
not at the expense of our fundamen.
tails.
The attitude of the majority is
clear, pointing out that the present
time is inopportune for the slogan of
a farmer-labor party.
Communists have proved the world
over that thru strong disciplined
workable party it is possible to exer-
else more influence over the great
masses Of the proletariat and the poor
farmers than thru a loose formless
organization and that is exactly
what the comrades Of the minority are
seeking to build if their thesis Of
farmer-labor party is adopted.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
How Shall We Fight the LaFOIlette Movement?

coming national convention tentatively
set for January by the LaFollette pro-
gressive organization, our policy shall
be, that wherever party members are
in organizations affiliated and entitled
to send delegates, to have our party
members elected with instructions to
make the same criticism against the
LaFollette progressive organization in
its national convention and raise the
the slogan of class-farmer-labor par
ty' in order to build a left-bloc and
split it away. e) We shall mobilize all
the class farmer-labor elements with
which we have contact and which are
now affiliated with the LaFollette pro-
gressive organization for the same
campaign against this as a liberal,
third capitalist party and not a labor
party and to have them raise the
slogan of a class farmer-labor party
and to split with the LaFollette pro-
gressive movement"
l shall not attempt to expand on the
contradictions within section e of the
minority thesis. Let us examine the
two programs and see which furnishes
The more effective methods of fighting
the LaFollette movement.
Comrades, here we have the whole
thing boiled down. Here we have the
two proposed methods for fighting the
LaFollette movement. Il scarcely
seems necessary to expand on the
subject. However, a little further
Qualification will do no harm and may
be of some benefit.
Our party is distinguished from
such parties as the proletarian party
and the socialist labor party by one
thing among others. This is, our con-
ception that the masses of workers
do not learn thru abstract propaganda
and theoretical education. That is
why we aim to win the masses by es-
tablishing our leadership in the every
day struggles Of the workers and to
give them experience by putting them
into motion against their exploiters as
well as against their misleaders. This
conception OF mass education in the
class struggle also holds good in re-
lation to the LaFollette movement.
What does the minority propose?
Read each section OF their proposal
above quoted and you will find repeat.
ed, I'VE shall conduct a strong cam
paign OF criticism against the LaFol-
lete movement, pointing out that Il
is a liberal capitalist third party and
not a farmer-labor party and raising
the slogan Of a class farmer-labor par.
ty." Comrades, what does this mean
but that we must give to the workers
a theoretical exposition OF the pos
sible virtues of a farmer.labor party as
against the vices OF the third party
movement? How many workers could
be moved to action by an analysis OF
the economic bases OF the two types
of parties? Yet we cannot point 70
the achievements of a farmer.labor
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
NO SUBSTITUTES!

order to build a mass Communist Par
ty it is necessary to create farmer
labor party. Comrade Ruthenberg
states in the December issue of the
Workers Monthly that the differences
Of viewpoints in regard to the applica-
ton of the farmer-labor united front
policy developed in the central ex-
ecutive committee of the party i'm
mediately after the formation of the
federated farmer-labor party, and he
refers to thesis in which the present
minority, and at that time, the major
ity, stated their position. We quote
from that thesis, known as the Angus
thesis, written by Pepper and Ruthen
berg: 1T is our duty to attempt thru
very careful, cautious propaganda to
transform the federated to Commun-
list mass party"
Apparently, the minority of the CEN
trail executive committee, or at least,
Comrade Ruthenberg, still supports
the above statement Of the August
thesis. Comrade Pepper in defending
the thesis compared the federated
with the Norwegian labor party. stat
ing that the Norwegian labor party
was based on the trade unions and
when the International, with which
the Norwegian labor party was afiliat-
ed, instructed them to reorganize on
the individual membership basis, and
when the leaders refused, the minority
through careful and systematic cam
paigns withdrew from the Norwegian
labor party all these members who
accepted the G. l. decision, and formed
the Norwegian Communist Party.
Pepper believed the same thing was
possible with the federated. But Com
rade Pepper just overlooked a few
facts, and that is, in Norway, there
was no Communist Party based on
Individual membership, and the c.
|. was absolutely correct in demand
ing reorganization because a Commun-
list Party to function must be based
on individual membership. But in this
country alongside of the federated was
the Workers Party based on individual
membership. This theory of convert
ing the federated, no matter how
many unions would have affiliated
with it into mass Communist Party
was a political pipedream, because
those Communists in the federated
were already members of the Workers
(CommunisD Party. The radical
workers Of the trade unions who might
have affiliated with the federated will
come into the Workers Party prac-
tically as quickly without the fedora
ted as with it. No substitute for the
Workers Party is necessary in order
to build mass Communist Party.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
By IDA pAILEs


IN the heat of defense and attack of
| the conflicting views of the question
of our party's policy, many comrades
are losing sight of the main issue be-
fore us, or else they are pushing it
into the background of the discussion.
When we eliminate the past misdeeds
that each side hurls against the other,
the whole controversy centers on the
question, How can we separate the
workers and poor farmers from the
LaFollette movement"
Under the heading, Immediate
Tasks of the Party" the majority
thesis states: 81. Exposure of the
bourgeois nature of LaFolletteism.
This becomes the central problem of
our agitation and propaganda. It
must be carried out along the follow
ing lines: AZ Formulate concrete
political demands based on immediate
burning needs of the masses; b. pop
ularize these demands among the
masses; g call upon the rank and
file in the shops, unions, among the
unemployed, to address resolutions.
petitions, and to hold mass meetings
demanding that the labor wing in
the LaFollette combination and the
LaFollette group in congress propose
legislation along the lines of the de-
mands of the masses, at the same time
creating the necessary united front
rank and file reorganization for the
struggle; d. by these campaigns I'M
mask the nature of LaFolletteism and
of the labor lieutenants Of the LaFol-
lette movement, expose the futility OF
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS parliamentarism
and demonstrate the necessity of fol-
lowing the leadership of the only class
political party, the Workers Party. -"
and then 1t continues, giving slogans
for these immediate united front
struggles.
The minority thesis offers, in op-
position to this, the following: IS. The
concrete steps which we must take in
carrying out the policy are the fol-
lowing: al Our members in the trade
unions shall conduct a strong cam
paign Of criticism against the LaFol-
lette progressive movement, pointing
out that 1t is liberal capitalist third
party and not a farmer-labor party
and raising the slogan OF q class
party and splitting these
trade unions away from the LaFollette
movement. (b) Wherever
labor unions are affiliated with units
Of the LaFollette progressive organ
ization, our members shall seek to
become delegates and to make in
these organizations the same criticism
and raise the slogan of the class farm
er-labor party and TO split them away
from the LaFollette progressive move
ment. @ We shall oppose the affilia-
ton with the LaFollette progressive
organizations Of any unions not al.
ready affiliated. d. In relation to the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
BY GEORGE MAuRER


NOMRADE RUTHENBERG says
~ it's logical" What? The bust
ness of keeping the slogan and work
ing for class farmer-labor party. He
says, in effect, oh! Mr.. Majority!
Look to your logic. You admit that
all the conditions and reasons which
made for our united front farmer
labor party activity in the past still
remain but yet you draw the opposite
conclusions to drop the slogan, etc. "
Really, and oh, Comrade Ruthenberg!
Did you read and understand the
majority thesis, does it say that all
the conditions are now the same, that
the particular condition necessary, a
mass sentiment for a farmer-labor
party, now exists?
You started this "logic" business,
Comrade Ruthenberg, and then one of
the minority supporters, Comrade
Harold John, came along DAILY Work
er, December 10) also with the boast
of logic, and said "the left wing, out
side the w. p, must be organized
politically in sorder that it can be lead
by anybody and the w. P. must be
included in that organization so that
Communists can lead" Did you of the
minority start with such an assump-
ton and then try to give your thesis
plausibilty by pointing to six state or
CARNATIONS called farmer-labor parties
ri wrrIs III i'm. IN az 70
LaFollette third prty movement and
for class farmer-labor party?
To be sure your minority thesis
does not go so far as Comrade John.
You say that actual organization Of
"a farmer-labor party, fighting the
class battles of the workers and farm
ers" may never take place and that
it is possible that the best elements
can be absorbed into the Workers
Party, without passing thru the stage
of actual organization into separate
party. Do you affirm that the Work
ers Party cannot lead the left wing
and absorb its best elements without
the slogan "for farmer-labor party?
vi uO JOu ChClC 10 q mass UCCd
(viewed from a Communist stand
point for a "cIass farmer-labor par
tyr?
Since your thesis is so logical
what about your assertion that if we
abandon the united front policy pol
itically by abandoning the slogan for
a class farmer-labor party, we will
surrender the most effective agitation
al weapon we have for drawing the
workers close to our party and build
ing the Workers Party" Do you really
mean that the sole and only united
front tactic politically, is the business
of working for a class farmer-labor
party?
No, probably you were careless in
wording 1t, perhaps you meant ION the
parliamentary field" as Comrade
Wicks puts it. You do think, tho,
that there is lots of sentiment ain the
left wing" for class farmer-labor
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
SIX STATES AND ONE COUNTY
OR WHO is LOGICAL AND
WHAT ARE THE FACTS

party and therefore it is desirable to
go along as before. And this, after
the experience of July Bird, 1924, the
growth of the LaFollette third party
movement, the disappearance of all
national farmer-labor parties, and
non-development of the sentiment
which had been labelled farmer
labor" toward a real sentiment and
demand for a distinct "class" farmer
labor party.
Don't you know that the sentiment
for real class political action is that
of Communist sympathizers, that
mass sentiment aside from this will
be satisfied with third party, speak
ing in the name of labor. Do you want
us to cover up our Bolshevik "whis
kers" and with the weapon" of the
slogan "for class farmer-labor par
ty" gather together some masses of
class-conscious workers, then uncover
our whiskers and have those masses
say I'VE knew it was you all the time !;
why kid us?"
Now about those farmer-labor parties
in six states and Washington County,
Pa, land the demand for revival" in
Buffalo, N. " as sufficient proof that
the required mass sentiment exists,
lives, and is growing as living things
should. First let me say that to hear
Bob Minor tell it the masses are vel
ling for farmer-labor party. 1t looks
like necessity was the mother of in
vention. The minority wanted to yell
for it Ga two year old habit) so they
began hearing things-yells. Tell us
your secret, Bob, from where do you
get the gift of hearing the loud yell?
From the same source as you get the
never-to-be abandoned magic" slogan ?
Please, Comrades Ruthenberg, Be-
dacht, Lovestone, land Wicks) in the
name of Marx and Lenin, give us the
dope on those farmer1abor parties in
six states and one county land Buff
falo). Show us that these numerous
and "staunch" upholders of a farmer
labor party are spreading the germ
and getting themselves, stauncher. Elk
plain how they are holding out for a
class farmer labor party as against
the third party movement of LaFol-
lette and the c. P. P. A., against
the DISQUALIFICATION peoples govern
ment, ideas of the trade union leader
ship, aristocracy, and followers, and
Of the farmers. Will the revolution
airy farmers" see to it? Or the masses
of unorganized workers? Or are we
(the Communists) running the unions
and these six state parties and there
fore able to dictate?
What's the sentiment, or demand, in
the unions, farm organizations, farm
er-labor parties" that you are in
touch with? How big is the left bloc in
the labor movement that possesses a
real sentiment for a real F. L. P.
which you say our members in the
trade unions must split away from
the third party movement and crystal
lie into a farmer-labor party: that is.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
MMemoriam-Lenin

On the 21st of January the workers
the world over will hold memorial
meetings for Nicolai Lenin, the
leader and fighter for the Liberation
of the laboring masses. In connection
with these memorial meetings, on
Thursday, Jan. is, moving picture,
ain Memoriam-Lenin," will be shown
in the Gartner's Independent Theatre,
3725 Roosevelt Road. Two other pic
lures will also be shown: "Polikush.
ka," and Soldier VANS Miracle"
Admission will be SOC. Tickets are
for sale now at Russian Technical
School, 1902 w. Division St., Russian
Cooperative Restaurants, 1874 W.
Division ST. and 760 Milwaukee Ave,
at 166 w. Washington ST.. Room 307.
at the DAILY WORKER, lib w.
Washington Blvd, and by all mem
bers of the Technical Aid Society,
U. S. S. r.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
BY A. wINlcK.

y ~ WtNtONs
n T this critical time when the des-
"A tiny of our party is discussed in
reference to the adoption of either the
majority or the minority thesis, it is
highly important to analyze the fun
damental differences of the two
groups in the C. E. C. of the Work
ers Party.
Both factions of the C. E. c., pre-
sumo, agree that our aim to which
we are striving is the dictatorship of
the proletariat, thru which the Com
munistic state will be established
This can only be accomplished thru
organizing a strong Communist Par
ty of the vanguard of the working
class and poor farmer, which will
finally realize their aim Mention
ing these axioms which no true Com
munist can afford to ignore, is sim
ply to remind some of our comrades
who seem to be forgetful regarding
the old truths. Now let us look into
the thesis of the minority and see
their inconsistency.
The thesis of the minority does not
take into consideration whether the
present time is opportune for the slo-
gan of farmer-labor party, yet they
proceed arguing in favor of such a slo-
gan, and it is only as the result of
severe criticism from the comrades of
the majority that, no other, but one of
the authors of the minority document
Comrade Jay Lovestone in an article
printed in the DAILY WORKER, De-
cember 8, confesses that the slogan of
farmer-labor party cannot be ex-
pected with immediate success"
But allow me to quote a paragraph
of his splendid article. He says:
Communists do not measure the
validity of their tactics and program
with the same yardstick that the vul-
gar bourgeois pragmatists do. Com
munists do not test the revolution
airy value of their slogans or princi-
pies by the chances Of immediate
success"
Comrade Lovestone forgets that
Communists are not utopians and
good party tacticians are not adven-
turists, any comrade who is endeavor-
ing to revive a slogan which is dead,
at, least for the present, seems to be
either a utopian or at least poor
tactician, but Comrade Lovestone
does not belong to neither category
J because he asserts himself that he is
not expecting from the minority pana-
cea an Immediate success"
The LaFollette petty-bourgeoisie
combination have received the sup
port of the working class of America
the recent election showed clearly
and definitely, the fighting line is dis
tinctly outlined for the Workers
Party, on one side the big capitalist
monster" in the center the yellow
plague" and on the left the vanguard
of the working class and the poor
farmers under the banner Of the
Workers Party. No retreating into a
half-baked farmer-labor, semi-Com-
munist Party will bring good results
but will only weaken the Workers
Party.
Our next practical step is call
to the workers and poor farmers to
join the Communist ranks, strengthen
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09

surface of their LaFollette idol and
bring to light the dead wood which is
the real body of this movement so far
as the working class is concerned.
We must choose between these two
methods that one which is most ef-
ficient to accomplish our present aim,
the unmasking of the LaFollette illu-
sion. To me the two proposals resolve
themselves into three words: Talk
versus action. Our slogan must be:
Forward to action.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09

party Because this party has not yet
even been born, much less had re-
cord of achievements which might
draw the workers to it. Any comrade
who stops to think for moment will
see the absurdity and impossibility
of moving masses of workers in this
fashion.
On the other hand, the majority
thesis proposes a campaign of action,
a campaign to get the workers near
enough to scratch the paint off the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
THE DISCUSSION is ENDED

THE discussion Of the parts immediate tasks
l on n columns Of the DAILY WORKER past six
This the decision Of the Central Executive
being prepared by
Committee. will published
is ready
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09
A 12-Page Issue
On the First Birthday of the DAILY WORKER.

THE January
say birthday
Of he DAILY WORKER.
Minors splendid will be leading feature
DAILY WORKER
both--~ll another feature.
Special contributions by VIM Foster VIM r. Dunno, j. Louis
Ensdsh,
birthday
celebration.
o a you DAILY WORKER
reader-and branch Of the member
BUNDLE ORDERS MUST E IN SATURDAY JANUARY 10.
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Make your large possible your
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Sl' " STAT E-.....
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1925-01-09

When you buy, get an "Ad"
for the DAILY WORKER.
Eagle River review. [volume] (Eagle River, Wis.) 1890-1927, 1925-12-17
1T WAS A RAINY DAY

TT WAS pouring. Not a ray of sun
shine greeted Cheerups when he
opened his eyes. All the world was
gray, and nothing could be heard but
the sound Of great drops tinkling on
his tiny roof.
I guess / shall have to stay at
home today, sure enough" chuckled
ne, wagging his topknot; land no Wis
itors will come either, unless the ducks
manage to get out / feel a trifle
moist but it's worse for the Quixies
out there on their spiderwebs in all
this rain. oh, Brighteyes, Quickear,
Softfoot, Sniffsniff; come here and
get under as much cover as this sum-
mer house of mine offers!'
The Quixies didn't take long in an
swering that call. They were all very
wet except Sniffsniff, who said he had
found big mushroom to crawl under
Nov, boys, Old Brother East Wind
has just whispered to me that he's GO
Eagle River review. [volume] (Eagle River, Wis.) 1890-1927, 1925-12-17

with warrior outside your door," said
Hugh, grinning. "Quite like old times"
Then he grew serious mo time for
hot air now, old thing; let's have
look at this jolly old chain effect of
yours. Once we're out of here, you
shall tell me everything and I'll eat
several pounds of mud for having
been such an unmitigated idiot as to
let these swine get hold of YOU"
He was examining the steel chain
as he spoke, and gradually his face
grew grave. The chain, which was
about six feet long, was fastened at
one end to big staple in the wall and
at the other to a bracket which encir-
cled his wife's right wrist. And the
bracelet could only be opened with
key. Any idea of breaking the chain
or pulling out the staple was so pre-
posterous as not to be worth even a
moments thought; so everything de-
pended on the bracelet And when he
came to examine it more carefully he
found that it had Yale lock.
He sat down on the edge of the bed,
and she watched him anxiously.
Cant you get it undone, boy?" she
whispered.
'Not if / stopped here till next
Christmas, darling" he answered
heavily.
"Well, get out of the window and
go for the police" she implored.
"My DEAR" he said still more
heavily 81 had, as I told you, little
difference of opinion with the gentle
man outside the door-and he's very
dead" She caught her breath sharply.
"a nasty man with long arms who at
tackled me. 1t might be all right, of
course-but / somehow feel that this