Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-08-20

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mon sense and high purpose, to Gem
BAT strong leadership tending towards
disintegration.
He has this in Calvin Coolidge and
the platform on which he stands.
Neither President Coolidge nor his
party platform assumes. that the Con-
stitution of the United States is an
cutworn document of old-fashioned
ideas, to be discarded for the princi-
pies of the new socialism.
Robert NJ. LaFollette, leading the
army of extreme radicalism, has a
platform demanding public ownership
Of railroads and attacking our courts
which are a fundamental and consti-
tutional safeguard of American citf-
zcnship..
Our nation is asked to leave impor-
tant constitutional moorings to en-
bark again into those contests through
which it has fought up to the estab-
lishment of good gcvt rnIrent. Through
the War OF the Revolution, through the
Civil War. and through the World
War, our people have struggled to es-
tablish and maintain on. constitutional
principles. They are asked to follow
into an attack upon them, massed be-
hind an aggressive personality. het-
erogeneous collection Of those oppos-
ing the existing order Of things, the
greatest section of which, the social
lists, flies the red flag: and into what /?
Into confusion and conflict of ideas
and ideals and into the reopening of
war upon those fundamental principles
of human liberty and the inalienabl
rights of men which are giving in this
country safety and opportunity to the
humblest, and to establish which the
blood of our forefathers was shed.
This Is the predominant issue In this
campaign.
The League Of Nations ana the World
Court
The League of Nations, however
noble may have been its intentions,
was not approved by the people Of the
United States because it did not make
clear to their minds that it did not en-
croach upon the sovereignty. and the
power and right OF independent deci-
sion of the United States. as to its
own duty and action under all cir
cumstances.
While many men, after study, be-
lieved that the League Of Nations did
not encroach upon the sovereignty and
right Of independent decision Of the
United States. the fact that there was
just doubt as to this stamped the
plan as one which could not be accept
ed by the citizens Of the United States.
Our people, by an enormous MAORI
ty in 1920. fearing ENHANCEMENT in
foreign difficulties, properly decided
that they would not trust their future
to document involving a question
so momentous, which needed a law
yer's explanation to be read with the
instrument itself. And that mandate
of the people. so clearly and forcibly
expressed. must be respected and
cbeyed.
Perhaps IL those who drew the
League of Nations plan had felt IL in
cumbent upon them to make it's exact
meaning as clear to the average man
as to those who drew it, the United
States might have been spared INNER
sion for five years in the immense fog
bank Of the debate upon the League of
Nations. But they did not do so.
The Republican platform is right in
assuming that the United States, in it's
own interests and the interests of the
world, il it is to play it's part and
perform its duty in international mat
ters, must do so outside of member
ship in the League of Nations.
The position taken by the Democratic
platform upon the League of Nations
is an invitation to again enter that fog
of debate in a public referendum, for
which there exists neither law nor
procedure, which means that the pro-
gram OF the present administration of
constructive action for the United
States in its foreign relations, becomes
paralyzed in time of crisis in the
worlds affairs, when action rather
than debate Is demanded In the inter-
ests Of all civilization.
in the United States, in regard to
the question of foreign relations, gem
eral public opinion seems to have set
tied upon two great fundamental prin-
cipIes: First. that whatever be our
form of contact and conference with
foreign nations, the independence and
sovereignty of the United States, with
the right to determine it's own course
of action. must at all times and under
all circumstances, not only he pre-
served by it, hut recognized by all
other nations; and second-that with
its sovereignty always unimpaired.
the United States should undertake 10
meet its international duties unfiinch-
ingly, exhibiting no moral cowardice
and welcoming. in the interests of uni
versal peace and progress. that contact
with other nations by which alone
relevant facts can be fully developed
and common sense methods adopted
for the solution of questions of COM
mon interest.
With these two great principles in
mind and taking things as they were,
the present administration. under
President Harding and President
Coolidge. entered upon constructive
n41t fo,- L. ca
ternational relations, which is giving
our nation it's place of leadership in
the betterment of the world.
The four-pact naval treaty was the
first great accomplishment of this poll
cy, insuring peace upon the Pacific, re-
ducing the burdens of taxation upon
the peoples by stopping competitive
increases in navies and creating a
precedent for dealing with the ques-
ton of international disarmament in
the future.
1t was in pursuance of this con-
structive foreign policy also, when the
Allies resolved to summon an expert
committee course which Secretary
Hughes had long before recommended
to prepare plan which might form
basis for the settlement of the rep
arations problem, that President Cool
idge and Secretary Hughes approved
the invitation of the Allies to Ameri-
cans to assist in the work. They not
only approved this call of the Allies
from distressed Europe that Americans
assist in it's time or great crisis, but
gave specific advice as to the men to
be invited, thus giving them, in the
eyes of Europe. as they had in fact.
the background of the Stars and
Stripes and the American people.
Our opponents have referred to this
as an act OF cowardice. Upon what
theory was 1t an act of cowardice? If
the work of that mission was not now