The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-05

tories Not one of the gentlemen from
Amsterdam take it seriously. They
don't believe it themselves. That
much sanity they possess.
It is true that the resolution speaks
of a general strike, thus making it
obligatory upon the whole working
class to put out its fighting front
against the war 1t is not difficult to
prove, however, that their speeches
concerning the general strike differ
very little from their speeches with
reference to the strike in munition
works. A general strike, they seem
to believe, is such a powerful instru-
ment of the proletariat that it can
prevent the bourgeoisie from &C
complishing it's will in the most i'm
portant question in the life of capital
ism-war and peace. It would seem
that the proletariat organized by the
Amsterdam international is able to
paraIyze the will of the bourgeoisie
at any moment. If so, why does it not
act in this manner in questions of
lesser Importance? Prolongation of
working hours, growth of military ex-
penditures, etc. Where did the Am
sterdamers get their splendid assur-
ance that in the "a hours before
the bourgeoisie decides to throw the
peoples into war again, the prole-
tariat will be powerful enough to
paralyze this plan with the help Of
general strike?
During the pre-war period the bour-
geoisie, as was mentioned before, con-
centrates all power into its hands.
A general strike under such eondi-
tions signifies revolution. 1t seems,
therefore, that the noble Amster-
damers bind themselves at the proper
time, chosen not by them, but by the
bourgeoisie to make a proletarian
revolution. 1t would seem, however,
that the necessary strength would be
an indispensable factor. And if such
strength exists, then pray why post
pone the revolution to the approach
of war? Is it not better to accomplish
the revolution beforehand, and thus
by this very fact prevent the POSSIBLE
ity of war? This question can be bet
ter understood from another angle.
The French General Federation of
Trade Unions led by Jouhaux is close
ly bound up with the French Socialist
Party, just as the English trade
unions are closely connected with the
party of Macdonald, and as the Ger
man trade unions stand in the closest
relation with the social-democracy
The military budget, the very same
budget which guarantees, by the way,
the work of the munition factories
comprises the most important part of
the budget of Mr. Snowden. the ia
Dor" minister executing the tasks of
the imperialists of Great Britain.
Thus the Amsterdamer, Snowden,
first compels the English workers to
pay taxes to cover the needs of the
English munition and military works
And then, as soon as the feverish
time arrives, when it will be neces-
sary to begin action, those very same
English workers will Immediately
have to go on strike in those same
munition works and in industry in
general
And this is not only so in England.
The French Socialist Party decided to
vote for the radical budget. This
radical budget includes quite radical
expenditures on militarism. At the
same time Mr.. Jouhaux, pursuing the
same policy as he French socialists,
wishes to make the French workers
strike as soon as it becomes clear
that the radical army is not built
for amusement but for serious action
for war. Can one imagine a baser
form Of charlatanism?
During peace times we will collect
the budget for the bourgeoisie. We
will urge the toiling masses, by the
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