Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-04-04

like a mill stone around the neck OF
the man of moderate means. State
and local taxes are the heaviest part
of the citizens burden. NO system Of
Federal taxation Ii sound which re-
suits in making the local burden
heavier.
I'm the Senate we shall make ar, eff
fort to diminish the damage done to
the Mellon plan In the House but
PRESIDENT and Mr.. Mellon have at
anv rate forced the Democrats into
a position in which they must agree
to a horizontal IS per cent. reduction
IN the taxes payable in 1924 or else
face the wrath OF an angry country.
Income tax reduction Is almost as
important for what 1t signifies as for
what 1t actually accomplishes. 1t
signifies a determination to limit out
20 by restricting government activi-
ties as much as is reasonably pos
sible. One Of our great American
assets is the survival OF the frontier
spirit which makes a man impatient
of control and leads him to think Of
himself as best governed when he is
least governed;
But while We believe in limiting
government activity we know per-
fectly well that there are legitimate
WAYS in which governmental action
may aid business.
We Republicans stand firmly for
wise tariff legislation because we
realize that the protective system Is
an integral part OF our rational life.
Our Democratic friends may debate
It as much as they please but when
the debate Is over the facts remain
as before. The Republican Tariff Act
of 1922 has abundantly justified itself
both as n wise economic measure and
as q wonderful revenue producer.
The debate preceding its passage was
drawn out by the opposition In order
to provide ammunition Tor subse-
ouent campaigns. But as things have
turned out the ammunition has lost
it's kick and there is seldom on this
subject an explosion loud enough
even to be heard.
The Farmer
From the tariff 1t is customary TO
turn to the farmer.
There are farmers and farmers.
Some are struggling against impossi-
Bile odds and nothing that govern
ment can do will help them much.
But 1t Is nevertheless true that, for
farmers In general, government has
done less than for any other group.
To reduce the spread between the
farmers price and the consumers
Price must be the constant effort OF
wise legislators. Four factors are
involved: Available agricultural
credit, effective combination in aid OF
distribution, fair transportation, IA
cilities and rates and tax reduction
all along the line. Two dangers are
to be guarded against: One is emo
tional emergency relief which wastes
money and does no good: and the
other is sectional legislation which
takes the tax money from one part
of the country and uses II for agri-
cultural relief in another with no adj
vantage to the section from which
the money came. The sound things
we must do. The others, even ut the
risk of seeming hard-hearted. we
must decline to do, because II Is the
Republican tradition to check mere
impulse and to act in the interest
of all the people.
The Constitution
The thing that checks hasty and
impulsive action in the case of the
individual is his list Of good resolu-
IlOUS llldue "HtH lie 10 az Aio 'SeN'
The body of good resolutions made
by the people Of the United States is
the thing we call the Constitution.
IL tho states were unchecked they
would strange the Federal govern
ment. II the Federal government
were unchecked II would soon eat up
the states. We have resolved to keep
the two tendencies in balance. The
Constitution is the instrument upon
which we rely to achieve this end.
The supreme court Is the device for
making the instrument effective. The
larty must be open minded respect
ing proposals for the early amend
ment of the Constitutions; but every
proposal to bring the supreme court
under the control of Congress must
b. resisted as n step toward the de-
struction of the states.
Child Labor
Proposals to amend the Constitu-
ton comes from widely different
sources. Some originate in restless
ness and mere discomfort. Some en-
press the aspirations of those who
aim to make our National life hap
pier and more wholesome. one OF
these Is the proposed amendment
giving Congress the power to sup
plement State regulations for the
protection of child life in industry
As a lawyer / felt the full force OF
the arguments against amendments
Ake this one as well as the Eigh'
teenth and Nineteenth. But ms a
Senator I am keenIy alive to the dan
ger of treating the Constitution as
30 inflexible that it will come to be
regarded as a fatal obstacle TO social
reform. / am not much Influenced
by the argument that If some steps
are taken in a given direction we
must so all the way. 1t is ques-
ton of sanity and balance: and m
regard to the Child Labor Amend
ment / stand with President Cool
idge and upon the Republican Plat
form of 1920, which contained .
favoring plank.
NOn-Partisan Issues
have mentioned the Eighteenth
Amendment. The question of pro-
hibition and Its enforcement will not
be a party question unless the DEM
ocrats are foolish enough to make
1t such. Neither Is the soldiers
bonus q party issue. Personally |
am dry and vote dry and 1 do not
favor the bonus. But these are
matters about which there Is div.
sion Of opinion in both parties and
neither party can make political
capital out of the situation. For law
enforcement, however. we take a
strong and definite stand: and for
the care OF the disabled soldier we
ought to pledge our. fortunes and
our honor. To him we owe an
apology for the tragedy OF the Vet
Grams Bureau. But we ought to be
proud that the process of reforming
1t haS been undertaken as a RepuD'
lican task. We mean to strive TO
make up In the future for whatever
has been amiss in the past.
Immigration
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