davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05
CRITICISING OUR CRITICS.

sued against striking waterfront work
ers; and to the workers in the New
England states whom we united in
temporary common action against the
wage cuts Of the textile mills; and
to the workers In West Virginia whom
we united in temporary common ac-
ton against the open shop offensive
OF the mine operators, we suggest to
the workers in San Francisco, to those
in the New England states, and to
those in West Virginia that outside
Of their immediate local problems
there is still the great general prob
lem which must unite the workers
on the Pacific with those on the At
lantic and those on the Gulf of Mex
leo; the problem of united indepen-
dent political action of all the work
ers everywhere. The minority main
tains that the slogan of the farmer
labor party supplies the element
which tends to unity the immediate
local actions on a national scale and
suggests preparation for future bat
ties.
All the sophistries of Comrade Bit.
lehman will not absolve him from the
duty of answering the question. What
is your proposal for the solution OF
this problem?
The minority maintains that the
need of independent political action OF
the American proletarfat can be best
established in the minds of these
masses If we Communists wind up ali
propaganda and all action in the field
Of political united fronts with a mod
ern version of Cato's famous slogan
"As for the rest Carthage must be
destroyed As for the rest, you neet
a political party Of labor which will
unite your West virginlan's struggle
with that Of the San Franciscoans ans
which will turn the fight against oper
shop mine operators into a struggle
against the open shop government o.
the United States.
If Bittelman says that the minority
claims that the American workers
can exercise independent political &C
ton only thru a labor party, he mere
~ constructs a straw man. And wher
he knocks it down, he knocks dowr
if not his own image, at least his owl
creation.
Now, few words about facts per
tanning to the group lined up agains
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05

the leadership of the working class.
The minority very kindly leaves to
the Workers Party the work Of agi-
tating for the dictatorship Of the pro-
Ietariat At least they have not as
yet suggested that their "class farmer
labor party" shall have this in its
program. But they do look upon the
"class farmer-labor party" as the par
ty that shall raise the slogans around
which the workers and farmers shall
be rallied in immediate struggles.
This can mean but one thing-that
they have lost faith in the ability of
the Workers (CommunisD Party to
raise these slogans of the daily strug-
giles and to rally the working class to
itself.
Put It another way, this means that
the Workers Party shall remain the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05
By VIM. z. puNNE.

The minority thesis states that the
minority raises the slogan Of "For a
class farmer-labor party"
The Central Executive Committee
thesis majority raises the slogan of
Against the LaFollette or progressive
party, tie Workers Party"
The use ar The term "ciass farmer
labor party" by the minority In its
thesis Is concrete evidence of the ut.
tor confusion in its ideas, and of the
general confusion that the farmer-la-
Dor movement created in the ranks
Of our party--a confusion that the
Communist International noted and
corrected
What is class party?
The only class party Of the prole.
tariat Ia the United States is the
Workers (Communist) Party, because
It alone complies with the require
mcnts Of a class party--lt is compos.
ed of class-conscious workers. It recog.
nizeH and leads the class struggle, and
Il has a class program with which II
opposes tho parties of all other social
groups.
There cannot be two working class
parties in existence at one and the
same time-the Communist program
IL the only class program; all others,
whether they make their appeal to
workers and farmers or to the petty
and big capitalists and the. dupeH
and laokeys, are non-working class
and therefore, opposed to the Com
munist program.
What is, then, the real meaning Of
the term "class farmer-labor party
as used by the minority?
In essence it means that the Work.
ers (Communist) Party shall take the
lead in creating under this name q
party that is not and cannot be a
class party, but which shall enter into
competition with the Workers Party
for the leadership Of the masses.
The manner in which this "class
farmer-labor party" is to function is
further proof that the minority has a
on-Coinmunist conception Of the role
of the Communist Party in the daily
battles Of the class struggle and also
a false conception of the manner in
which the Communist Party attains
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05

had to go weeks without wages in
spite of the fact that it cost the Work
ers Party approximately 100000 to
operate it for year, would like to
inquire of the minority where all the
Money was to come from with which
to Organize the federated" Perhaps
some few more vague Affiliations,
such as | have dealt with, could have
been secured If the Workers Party
had bled itself further and put up adj
ditional sums. But what of it? We
would only have organized them for
LaFollette anyway. Nothing could
have saved the farmer-labor move
ment from liquidation into the La
Toilette movement. The fact is, some
of those who are shouting loudest
now about mot having organized the
federated" blew right out of Chicago
back to New York the same day after
adjournment of the July 8 convention,
when the national committee OF the
federated met and elected me secre-
tary. For three weeks / was left to
my own resources. Nothing was done
to take advantage Of this post-con-
vention period, the most valuable
time, as every organizer knows. At
the end Of the three weeks Foster and
myself went to New York to a c. E.
c. meeting and there he moved the
three cardinal motions on tactics
which were adopted unanimously and
which served as basis from which the
Federated was operated until it's dis
solution. Later, OF course, the fac
tional tight developed between Foster
and Pepper joined the Pepper
caucus and consistently followed the
leadership Of Pepper until the G. P.
P. A. at Cleveland on July A, 1924.
Build the Only Class Party.
With regard to the present situa-
ton. The farmer-labor movement
that was, is no more. Last year it
existed in the northwest as the de-
scendent Of the long line OF American
agrarian political movements. In the
east IL didn't exist at all as an or
ganized movement Whatever excuse
we may have had for participating in
1t then, we have none whatsoever
now. The minority thesis mentions
the farmer-labor party OF North Dako-
ia as having preserved its indepen-
dence from LaFollette. This is no.
thing short OF Misrepresentation. Our
Workers Party organizer, Comrade
Knutson, and myself organized the
farmer-labor party OF North Dakota.
Had not Comrade Knutson kept it
going by pumping oxygen gas into It,
II would have long since ceased to
exist even in the ford imagination Of
the minority. Today challenge the
minority to prove IL to be any more
than a paper organization.
The fact remains that nothing of
the fiimsy farmer-labor party struc-
ture has withstood the assaults OF
American capitalism and its most
useful agent, LaFollette. We must
recognize this fact and devote our
whole attention to building up the
Workers (communist) Party. It Is
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05

ably become rival to the Workers
(Communist) Party.
This is a danger that cannot be min
imized by grandiloquent phrases about
Communist leadership of the "class
farmer-labor party"-a danger which
the Comintern foresaw when 1t order
ed the Workers Party to engage in the
election campaign under it's own name
and with its own candidates and pro-
gram.
The Workers Party of America is
the only class labor party. Our task
is to bring into it's ranks, thru our
activity in the daily struggles of the
workers and, where necessary, thru
united front struggles on specific de-
mands, every class conscious worker
in the United States--not to organize
them outside of our own party.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05

no conception of the time and energy
not alone of the entire party but espe-
cially of some of its most valuable
workers, whose efforts were devoted
to the building of the farmer-labor
party rather than of the Workers
Party.
It will of course be argued by the
minority that the money was raised
on the strength of the existent farm
er-labor mass movement and that the
effort spent in building up the farmer
labor party increased the prestige Of
the Workers Party with the masses
of workers and poor farmers in the
farmer-labor movement. But this is
sophistry. The same money could
have been raised more easily for a
direct campaign for the Workers
Party, and the results would have
been as good if not better.
A careful examination Of not only
the financial affairs of the federated
farmer-labor party, but also Of its
Affiliations will show that: Not alone
was the Overwhelming bulk of the
finances furnished by the Workers
Party but the membership was also
provided.
The F. FL. P. membership was
secured thru the affiliation of organ
izations, never thru individual mem
bers. The approximate number af-
flliated thru organizations was one
hunderd thousand. OF this hundred
thousand, most were on paper only
The sole organization which paid the
nominal per capita tax was the Work.
'ers Party. A bare 12h per cent paid
per capita tax in desultory fashion.
The organizations affiliated other
than the Workers Party were mostly
fraternal in character and were hardly
without exception under the influence
Of the Workers Party. They could
just as readily have been affiliated to
any united front committee set up by
the Workers Party.
An impossible Slogan.
AS already pointed out, the farmer
labor movement was ideologically a
LaFollette movement. All the north
west farmer-labor parties, tho accept
ing affiliations from organizations, are
essentially parties based upon in
dividual membership. And 1t must be
remembered that this membership
was overwhelmingly farmers. Con.
sequently to promote such move.
ment at present when no organiza-
tons Of labor and scarcely any organ
izatlons Of poor farmers are in favor
OF II, would mean the setting UP Of
non-Communist political organizations
based upon individual membership.
Such organizations would inevitably
tend to take the place OF the Work
ers Party. To promote the slogan OF
a class farmer-labor party" at this
time would entail from us enormous
expense, time, and energy and result
in direct liquidating effect upon
the Workers Party.
Eel. p. Liquidated by. LaFoIlette.
The breakup OF the farmer-labor
movement ~ en- Independent move
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05

you are, liquidation. Why don't you
want to suggest this permanent bat
lie formation directly in the form OF
she Workers (Communist) Party?"
| might as well let Comrade Bittel-
man and his friends into little Sc
eret of the minority. The minority
has studied the literature of the Com
munist International on the United
Front and with the Communist Inter
national it is of the opinion that the
Communist Party is the best organiza-
ton for the mobilization Of convinced
revolutionists, Communists, who ae-
cept the direct leadership of the Com
intern; while the united front on the
other hand is one form or another of
battle line, which unites Commu-
nists and non-Communist workers In
common action. That is our secret.
And there is still more to it. These
united front forms and slogans are
not proposed by the Communist Inter-
national because it has no confidence
in the direct leadership of the Com
munists in those struggles. oh, mol
But its confidence in the ability Of
the Communist Parties to lead does
not blind it to the fact that the macs
es yet lack that confidence. The
united front maneuver is method to
establish such confidence. While the
tactics of the majority either presup-
pose this commence or abandon ac-
ton for mere propaganda. The first
is an un-Marxian illusion: the second
non-C Communist tendency.
But" says Comrade BitteIman
why should we not confine ourselves
to this kind Of political action such
as the protection of foreign-born,
etc. ?"
Yes, why?
May l whisper another secret Of
the minority into your ear, Comrade
Bittelman? Here it is: The minority
holds with the Communist lnterna-
tional that all our activities in the
class struggle are not an end in them.
selves, but are means to achieve GER
tain ends. One OF these ends is: to
be instrumental in helping the work
ers to assimilate easier the expert
ences of the class struggle. It is
these experiences that will revolu-
tionize the struggle of the proletarian
masses. The final experience out Of
all these partial struggles here and
there teaches the masses the neces-
sity Of class action on the political
battlefield.
TO get this idea driven home to the
workers in San Francisco whom we
succeeded TO unite in temporary COM
mon action TO fight an injunction H.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05
FIGHT FOR POLITICAL LEADER
SHIP OF EXPLOITED MASSES!

part Of the majority of the central
executive committee.
Basis for Farmer-Labor United
Front Remains.
The outstanding facts which influ
enced our party to adopt the slogan
Of "a Glass Farmer-Labor Party"
were as follows % The necessity Of
applying the united front tactics Of
the Communist International to the
existing conditions in lae United
States. ca The fact that the work
ers in this country were still sup
porting the bourgeoisie political
parties and therefore, the necessity
for Independent political action. ,s)
The fact that the world war has has
tened the decline Of capitalism, re-
sulting in the intensification Of the
class struggle in the United states,
thus developing the political con-
sciousness of the workers and ex-
plotted farmers and laying the basis
for the movement for independent
political action by the exploited
masses.
These three basic factors have not
been obliterated. On the contrary
they have become more acute. At
its Fifth Congress, the Communist
international reiterated the correct
ness OF the united front tactic and
mercilessly criticized deviations away
from the correct application of this
tactic. In the last elections the work.
ers and exploited farmers supported
the bourgeoisie parties and the petty
bourgeoisie progressive" movement.
Capitalism in the United States has
not been revived, but on the contrary
| suffering an acute agrarian and in
lustrial crisis. This together with
I>.he clean sweep Of reaction in the
elections means the intensifcation Of
the class struggle in this country.
Contradictions In the Change Of
Policy.
The very factors which our party
formerly considered the incentive for
the farmer-labor united front, is now
utilized by the majority OF the central
executive committee, to prove the cor
rectness of their theses that the
farmer-labor united front must be dis
carded. Let us consider at least one
|of these facts. Our party formerly
said that a basic factor which neces-
Stated the application Of the farmer
labor united front was that the work.
ers and exploited farmers OF this
country were still supporting the
bourgeois political parties. The pres
ont majority Of the central executive
committee now deduct just the oppo-
site from this fact and say that be-
cause the LaFollette movement has
been able to absorb the former-labor
party movement "by the going over OF
the G. p. p. A. and the Gompers ma.
chine into the LaFollette camp carry
Ing with them the great mass OF or
ganized workers" the farmer-labor
united front has been defeated--and
CONTINUED on Page ~
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05
DISCUSSION Of Our Party's Immediate Tasks

essence Of their movement was petty
bourgeois.
Little appeal as the slogan class
farmer-labor party" had then, it has
none now. Then there was at least
mass movement partly separate
now there is not. The minority wants
to make the moth-eaten farmer-labor
slogan the central slogan OF our par
TVS political activities. If they sue
coed in this. it will most seriously
damage the Workers Party
What We Spent for LaFoIIette.
AL Of us will admit that the Work
ers Party was the dynamic force with
in the so-called farmer-labor move
ment which gave it the appearance
of being real movement apart from
the LaFollette movement This mil
liant effort put forth by our party to
build farmer-labor party was made
at great sacrifice and expense to the
Workers Party itself. The federated
farmer-labor party and the national
farmer-labor party were nothing short
Of parasite organizations, which if al.
lowed to live would have bled the
Workers Party white, and given in
return what in the light of the latest
developments-the liquidation by La
Toilette of the farmer-labor movement
may now be regarded as negligible
results. That the farmer-labor party
even in favorable prediction days
could only grow at the expense of the
Workers Party can readily be seen
from the following figures, which are
very conservative, covering the cost
Of our participation in it. The Work
ers Party paid for the following:
Operating Federated Farmer
Labor Party, July 4th, 1923
to July 4th, 1924 ................ $1,000. OC
November 1928, and March
1924, st. Paul Conferences 2.O00.0C
Publishing FarmerLabor Voice 100000
Field Organizers ....................... 100000
District organizations spent on
the farmer-labor movement
approximately ......................10,00 10000
July 8, 1928, and June IL, 1924,
conventions, approximately 100000
49, nro nho ~
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05
new BRITAIN, CONN.,,
HANDED COMMUNISTS
IS VOTES FOR FOSTER
Especial to The oaily wOrkerl

NEW BRITAIN, Conn.,, Dec. 49,
The votes for the candidates Of the
Workers Party in the town of New
Britain were as folIows:-For presl-
dent, IS; for governor, AZ, lieutenant
governor, AZ; state secretary, 46;
state treasurer, 40; and comptroller,
4s.-siened, v. J. VALLEY, Party
Secretary.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05

the "class party" which masses of
workers are becoming dlmly con.
scious or All our money and energy
spent on a dead farmerlabor slogan
for dead farmer-labor party, will
never arouse the masses like our own
party's participation directly in the
everyday struggles Of the workers
and poor farmers. Goodbye farmei
labor party Long Live the Workers
(Communist) Party.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-05

Total. 100000
The above figures give some small
idea Of the financial burden which
participation in the farmer-labor
movement cost the Workers Party.
However these figures give little or
The Alaska fisherman., 1924-05-15
THE SITKA TRIBUNE

Considerable literature was in cir culation the day before the election from the pen of William Paul, wherein an editorial which recently appeared in these columns was thoroughly dissected and ridiculed, however, the Tribune is of the same opinion as when it was written" And thus the editor will never learn.
 The answer to the editorial was not intended to ridicule the Sitka Tribune, for in this campaign I have tried to make our appeal to the req son of the voters and not to their animus.
 The mistake of the Sitka editor is that he has forgotten the principles of economies which he learned at school, first, that it is the ultimate consumer who pays all taxes; sec ondly, that it is the producer of vealth who creates the prosperity of every community and not the store keepers, jewellers, tobacco merchants and holders of real estate.
 In the Sitka district, this year, as for several years past the despised illiterate Indian will go out in his little seal boat and at the risk of his life, he will bring in at least
The Alaska fisherman., 1924-05-15

scandalous breakdown floods the State with liquor, but in many other CommonWealths it's willful neglect to use the authority committed to its hands has brought degradation, disease and death upon the people.
 "Since it refuses to do it's duty, the Federal Enforcement Service must be compelled to do it. I cannot make Pennsylvania dry until the li- quor it's slackness allows to flow over the State is checked at the source. Therefore, no defeat at the polls will keep me from insisting on the absolute need for efficiency in law enforcement. will not be sil- enced, and I will not lie down. The American people have right to bet ter treatment in this matter, and, so far as I can help, they are going to get it.
 ''I would not have you believe that our national Government has sunk tt the level of the Enforcement Ser vice. It has not, but it needs to- day, as it has seldom needed before, a re-birth of genuine devotion to the public service.
 'It is not enough to punish crim- inals. It is not enough to keep the public wealth from being stolen. Honesty in government means more than that. It means capable, intelli- gent and devoted service to the pub 1ic IT. means 11CinO ovorv novar every opportunity, to do what the people need. It means doing all that can be done all the time to serve the people.
 "You cannot serve God and mann mon. You cannot serve either God or the people if you put some other service first"
The Alaska fisherman., 1924-05-15
CARD OF THANKS

We wish to thank the many friends who sent flowers and extended sym pathy during our late sorrow, and who in other ways softened our sorrow in the loss of Jack Cool
 Mrs. Jack Cool and family.
The Alaska fisherman., 1924-05-15
''WON'T BE SILENCED."
 PlNCHOT DECLARES
Defines Honesty in Politics; Does This Definition Apply
 To Alaska Officials

question of purpose" continued Gov ernor Pinchot. "What is a public servant for? Theoretically to give the best that is in him to the ser vice of all the people. Actuall, un- der machine control, to do anything and everything that may be neces- sary to help the organization. Prac- to every one, to feather his own nest.
 Honesty in Government means more than public servants keeping out of jail. There has been too much talking as if all that was necessary to justify retaining man in the Cabinet was the failure to show legal evidence that he ought to be in prison. Such standard is wholly without excuse, and nothing could be more dangerous to the pub lie service.
 'The fitness of a public servant, and especially public servant in high position, is not proved by the mere fact that his guilt cannot legal ly be established at all. A man does not belong in the Cabinet merely because he has not been convicted of crime. He does not belong in the Cabinet at all unless his honesty, his capacity and his zeal for the public service make the public inter- ests entirely safe in his hands.
 "Honesty in Government goes far, +ha +0 c+o k1N lie servant is honest in any genuine sense who puts any other interest ahead of the interest of all the peo- pie; no man who serves a political machine first and the State or na- tion second; no man who prefers his monwealth, can claim to be an hon. est public servant. What Govern n1ent in the United States needs just now beyond all other things combined are high standards among public servants.
 'Too many men of high position and responsibility, like Fall, betrayed for private profit; too many men like Denby, in their muddle-headed carelessness of what the people need, have let slip the golden opportunity to check great losses and render con- spicuous service; too many Govern ment organizations fail to protect the public interest committed to their charge.
 "The most conspicuous example in our Government not only of failure but of refusal to do the work com mitted to it is that of the Federal Enforcement Service in Washington, not only in Pennsylvania, where it's