davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

A. ]. Barton of BOngor was a bust
ness visitor in the city Tuesday.
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

Coffee party this evening at 7.S0 at
ahe Old South yestry. Fine musical
program and refreshments. Price
% cents. feb27d1t
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27
Mems Supper at Methodist Church

heard her Sunday will know how in
teresting a speaker she Is.
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

Mrs. James Leighton, ST.. was re-
ported some what improved yesterday.
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

Mrs. Roland True OF Lchfield was
calling on Gardiner friends TUESDAY.
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

Lebanon Royal Arch. chapter. No.
1s, special convocation Wednesday
evening. Feb. 81 at Masonic hall.
Work In the Mark and Past Master
degree.
PEARL BLACK. II. P.
II +. LARRABEE, Sec.
Feb26-27
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

No need of wet feet now. Just
the thing for Spring weather. Read
White Front Shoe Store ad.--Ady.
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

The annual meeting OF the Gar
diner Library association will be
held In the Public library on Thurs
day evening, Feb. 2sth, at s o'clock.
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

Spot dance at Granite Cutters hall,
HaIIoweH, Thursday night. Music by
peaslce's Novelty Orchestra.
FahaT-1e
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27

Mrs. A. A. Hodgdon II the guest Of
friends In Portland.
Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1924-02-27
LOCAL NOTICE

EOCNI NOIICE
w. c. T. u. sale of aprons. cooked
food and candy at G.. A. r. hall.
Thursday at go p. NJ. Evenings en-
tertainment at 40. admission 2Oc.
Children under twelve. 10c. Febo7 %
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27
Significance Of June 18th Farmer-Labor Convention

difference between the ThEd Party
movement and the Farmer-Labo1
movement in the ranks of the latter
Before the July 4th Convention OF
the C. P. P. A. was called the Farm
er-Labor convention promised to
have a strong admixture of the petty
bourgeoisie. In fact, it was a ques-
ton whether that class would not
dominate the convention and take the
leadership. The calling of the July
4th c. P. P. A. convention has served
the purpose of eliminating a large
part of the Third Party group from
the June 18th Convention. 1t is the
representatives of the exploited
farmers and industrial workers who
are coming to the Twin Cities, June
18th. The March 10th Conference
already showed this process of elimi-
nation. 1t was the groups who were
for a class Farmer-Labor Party who
were represented in that conference
and the Third Party elements were
absent.
This cleansing process makes the
opportunity which the June 18th
Convention presents greater than it
otherwise would have been. With
a strong admixture of Third Par
tyites in the convention it would
have been necessary to sepa-
rately organize the petty bourgeoisie
elements from winning the leadership
over them. AS the June 18th Com
vention now promises to be, there
will be represented the exploited
farmers and industrial workers who
are ready to organize a class party
with a class program and a class
leadership to fight against the rule Of
the capitalists and for workers and
farmers government.
Fight Against the c. p. P. A.
The immediate work before the
farmer-labor group is a strong often
sive against the c. P. P. A. The
Cleveland Convention can have all
the Third Party elements. It can
have the representatives of the we'll
TODD farmers, the small business men
and the broken-down old party poll
ticians who are looking for new fields
in which to conquer. 1t can even
have the labor aristocrats, the ten
thousand year labor leaders, who
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27
By c. E. RUTHENBERC

are petty bourgeoisie in all there
ways of living and thinking.
But the G. P. P. A. Cleveland Com
ference must not have single ex-
plotted farmer or industrial worker
without fight. The exploited farmers
and industrial workers belong in the
june 18th Convention.
From now on there will be a strug-
gle between the two conventions for
the support of the masses of ex-
plotted farmers and industrial work.
ers. While the G. P. P. A, has barred
the rank and file from its convention
by refusing to grant representation
to local trade unions, it will try 70
still hold the leadership over them.
But its past history is against it. 1t
has met three times and three times
betrayed the workers and farmers
who are for independent political ac-
ton. Who knows that it will not
again play the game Of old party
politics and again betray these work
'ers and farmers?
The June 18th Convention has the
advantage in the struggle with the
C. P. P. A. 1t has a clear cut pro-
gram. There is no vacillation nor
hesitation connected with it. June
18th is a convention pledged to in
dependent political action. There is
organization and enthusiasm behind
the June 18th Convention. There is
an active driving force in the Feder-
ated Farmer-Labor Party and the
Workers Party. With all the forces
behind the June 18th Convention
thrown into the fight it will win the
fight for class Farmer-Labor party
against the G. P. P. A.
For the members of our Party, who
see clearly what the June 18th and
the July 4th Convention stand for.
the fact that there is July 4th Con-
vention competing for the support of
the exploited farmers and industrial
workers should serve as q stimulant
to more intensive work. It is our
task to organize the class Farmer
Labor Party. In the June IL Con-
vention there is the greatest oppor-
tunity yet presented to achieve that
end, and to help the American work.
ers and farmers make their first great
stride forward to the Workers and
Farmers government.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27
Welcome Evidence

Two facts just disclosed in the Teapot inves-
tlgation overshadow nearly all Of the revela-
tons brought out by the Walsh committee to
this day. When Hays, former chairman of the
national committee of the republican party,
admitted under pressure that Sinclair had
donated $4,000 to cover the deficit incurred
by the 1920 Harding campaign, and when
Sinclair himself confessed to giving another
sum OF $4,000 to the party which handed him
over the Teapot lease, we were introduced to
basic fact explaining the wherefore and the
why of the whole mess
This evidence, tho less sensational than some
of the other facts adduced to date, is far more
fundamental and is most welcome. The fnan-
clal facts thus established should make every
workingman and poor farmer think It is evil
dent that such level-headed business men as
Sinclair would not invest 100000 in business
proposition which wasn't sound. The repubi-
can party has proved to be a mighty sound
source of profit to the capitalists The Hard
lng-C Coolidge administration will 20 down in
history as an example of the most brazen form
OF capitalist control of government in the
United States, in all its vilest and most cor
rupt forms.
Just now itseems as if the democratic party,
competing for the favors of the big interests,
will soon be chosen as better field of invest
ment in the capitalist game of control of gov
iAiiOAA. asoilloC LIE WOIklngclaSS some OF
the employers, like Sinclair, had been financing
the two parties for some time. The late
Franklin Lane, who was a consummate oil
politician, once well said: "The donkey and
the elephant feed from the same crib
BY this time it is plain to every worker and
farmer that the democratic and republican
parties, owned and controlled by big business
interests, can only serve the exploiters against
the working masses. In practice Gompers'
policy of reward your friends and punish YOUR
enemies" has been translated into reward
your friends and hang yourselves" The Tea
pot exposure has thrown the last shovelful of
earth over the carcass of this dangerous illusion
spread amongst the working people of this
country by the enemies of the workingclass
masquerading as its saviors
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27


THE June 18th Farmer-Labor Con-
4 vention in the Twin Cities (St.
Paul or Minneapolis) Minnesota, will
be an event of historic Importance in
the development of the movement for
class political action against the eapi-
talist system.
The five years since the end of the
war have been a period of develop
ment of the Farmer-Labor movement.
Under the spur Of economic forces
which made the farmers and workers
more intensively conscious of their
exploitation and oppression by the
capitalist class many sporadic efforts
to organize for independent political
action have developed. On June 18th
the isolated organizations scattered
thruout the country will combine for
joint action. The June 18th Conven-
ton will be the elimination Of the
movement which has been developing
during the past FIVE years.
Why June 18th Holds Great Promises
Doubters may we'll ask why the
June 18th Convention promises so
much when other national conven-
tions called for the same purposes
have failed in creating permanent,
mass political organization of farm
ers and workers.
The old Farmer-Labor party tried
in 1920 to create a national organ
ization of farmers and workers, only
to see the organization disintegrate,
so that today practically nothing re-
mains. The July 3rd Convention last
year created the Federated Farmer
Labor party, which, while it has been
a powerful organizing force in the
Farmer-Labor movement, was not,
however, able to organize itself as
nationwide party.
In view of these experiences, why
may we expect different results from
the June 18th Convention? What
right have we to believe that the
June 18th Convention will create
powerful national organization of
farmers and workers?
There are number of reasons:
First, the Farmer-labor movement
is more developed. The economic ex-
periences from which it springs have
created wider basis than existed in
1920. Both the farmers and workers
have learned new lessons about what
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27

, the enforcement Of privileged
class and governmental power in the
hands of chat class means to them,
Economic forces have pushed for.
ward the movement, it IS riper. more
prepared for definite organization.
Second, the Twin City Convention
is called by already existing organ.
lied Farmer-Labor parties. 1t has as
its basis practically al. that there is
of an organized expression of the
movement for farmer-labor political
action. The six state Farmer-Labor
parties, Minnesota, North Dakota,
South Dakota, Nebraska. Montana
and Washington, give the national
organization foundation such as has
not existed before. The Federated
Farmer-Labor Party convention had
very few organized farmer-labor
groups. It was gathering of repre-
sentatives of local trade unions more
than anything else, and these had to
be organized locally after the con-
vention in order to create a party.
The existing of six state parties, to
which another eight or ten will prob
ably be added before the national
convention, gives a solid organization
basis for the national party.
Third, this is a presidential year.
Political interest runs high. There
will be immediate work to be done
after the June 18th Convention. To
enter into the national campaign
means creating election machinery
everywhere. There is an incentive to
action which did not exist after the
Federated Farmer-Labor Party con-
vention. The presidential campaign
will create the opportunity to more
easily build q permanent organiza-
ton than would otherwise exist.
Class Party or Third Party.
The fact that the June 18th Con-
vention is being held separate and
apart from the July 4th Convention
of the Conference for Progressive Po-
litical action is a fact Of great i'm
portance. Strong efforts were made
to join the two conventions, by fore
ing the farmer-labor group to give
up its separate convention.
The failure of this attempt to pre-
vent the holding of the Farmer-La-
Dor convention shows that there is
already some consciousness of the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27

tive Negroes who had settled on
the lands owned by Gerrit Smith,
wealthy and sincere abolitionist.
John Brown had been of much
practical service to the Negroes
there; but he and his sons, like
every other foe Of slavery, were
deeply shaken by the events in
Kansas.
1t seemed horrible to everyone,
that after twenty years of bitter
agitation, slavery was not waning,
but was stronger than ever-in-
deed, was threatening to swallow
up even the North.
Strong men were needed in
Kansas; and so John Browns
sons went there. They were men
Of peace; they went there as bona
fide settlers, to take up claims, and
to cast their vote, when the time
came, for freedom. But in two
months they were writing letters
to North El5a asking their father
to send them all the rifles he could
collect.
Send Us Arms"
eve have seen some of the
curses of slavery, and they are
many" wrote one of the sons in
his very first letter home. "The
boys have all their feelings work.
ed up, and are ready to fight.
Send US arms: we need them
more than we do bread"
John Brown collected the arms;
and what was more, he delivered
them with his own hands. He
wound up his business affairs, left
his strong, patient wife in charge
of the North Elba farm, and went
to join his sons in Kansas. The
curtain was now rising on the
first act Of the universal drama
called John Brown. The man of
God, the tender friend Of little
slave children, and old, tortured
slave mammies, the man of the
plough and the counter, the pa
triarch and citizen was at last
ready to become Captain John
Brown of 0sawotamie; John
AS"Ait eiO VulAdWg The WaTrlOr,
the soldier of freedom.
At the mere mention of his
name border ruffians and swash-
buckling adherents Of slavery
were soon to trernble and even fly,
as tho a devil were behind. And
he was bowed with cares and rap
idly turning gray; and he had
never handled fire arms; and he
was at the age when other men
begin to talk of retiring from
business and life, when they
long for peace and reflection, in
some quiet country scene, away
from the world and its problems.
He was ffty-five years old.
ITO Be Continued friday
(The Situation In Kansas.)
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27
The Legion Up In Arms

The self-appointed defenders of the country
from the American Legion are in tlt OF rage
over the speech delivered by young paclist,
Brent Dow Atkinson, at the Northwestern Uni
versity. The fumes emanating from the rage
that has overwhelmed these 1ag-wrapped pa
triots are poisoning the atmosphere far and
wide.
This is not the place for an examination Of
the fallacies of pacifsm, theoretically or other
wise. What is of Importance here is that the
reactionary capitalist spokesman and their
lackeys have taken up the cudgels for their
capitalist masters and have forthwith made
class issue out of it. The Tribune is shrieking
vengeance The Herald and Examiner is
swearing volleys at the Communists. The
Young Workers League and its publications
come in for a special lacing at the hands of
this most saffron sheet of capitalist newspaper
dom. The Legionaires are threatening to call
in the notorious red-baiter Comerford. The
black Grove, states attorney, is on his hind
legs sparring for trouble why the rage?
The American Legion officialdom is playing
the game of the capitalist exploiters who are
responsible for having misled this country into
the last imperialist war These sycophantic
lickspittles of the bosses, who are attempting
to build another huge strike-breaking appa-
ratus to supplement and strengthen the al
ready existing powerful state strike-breaking
apparatus the government, are in panic be-
the working-class youth who do the fighting in
wars, are becoming aware of the fraud and
delusion of patriotism as preached and prac-
ticed by the employing class of this country.
The attempt to let loose wave of fiag-loving
hysteria and to flood the district with spread
eagle orators are the first answer of these
defenders of the enemies of the workingmen
and farmers.
These same self-chosen saviors of the coun-
try are the ones who always try to wrap them
selves in, or hide behind, the stars and stripes
In order to smash strikes more effectively, in
order to break up the organizations of the poor
workers and farmers more easily. Just now
they are attempting to utilize their attack on
Atkinson and pacifsm as an entering wedge
for far more deadly onsaught-an attack
on workingclass opposition to militarism. Con-
sequently, all men and women who have to
work for a living, whether on the farm or in
the factory, will not be led astray by this
smoke screen which is merely dangerous
camoufage for general attempt to uproot all
workingclass resistance to capitalist militarism
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27

to the purveyors of superheated atmosphere
and in some districts where the going has been
unusually tough word comes that bounty has
been placed on the heads Of capitalist party
politicians.
All of which is encouraging to everyone ex-
cept the capitalist class and their army of
thugs, grafters, mental prostitutes-the horde
of camp-followers of capitalism whom the real
rulers retain to do the dirty work of fooling
and expressing the masses
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27
The Story of John Brown

age. They were prosecuted, tarred
and feathered, and in many cases
lynched by the Northern mobs.
Then the Southern slave system
seemed to have reached a t1i-
umphant climax IN rwo events:
the first, the passing of the Fugi-
tive Slave Law, in 1851, and the
other, the battle over the admis-
sion of Kansas as free soil or
slave territory.
The fugitive slave law incensed
John Brown to fury, as it did
every other abolitionist. In was a
federal law forced by the South
which forced the state officials of
every Northern state, however
much they might hate slavery, to
join in the hunt for runaway
slaves and their helpers.
A United States sloop. was sent
to bring back a slave who had
fled to Boston. The abolitionists
tried to rescue him, but were
fooled, with two men killed.
Scene S such as these marked,
everywhere in the North, the en-
forcement of the law. Abolition
lists were arrested in communities
where everyone of their neighbors
were also anti-slavery. Slaves,
who had been freemen for years
and years in the North, were cap
tured and dragged back to bond
age by government officials.
mo, Unionism With Shareholders %
The abolitionists became more
fiery in their desperation. Many
of them, like Garrison, began
preaching that the North set up
government of its own: mo
Union With Shareholders" was
the slogan.
And the Kansas affair heaped
coal on this fire. Under the Mis-
souri, compromise, both North and
South had agreed to restrict slav-
cry within the states already bur-
dened with it; they had agreed
also, that the citizens of a new
territory could decide whether or
not they wanted slavery or free
dom, and would vote their choice
when the territory was admitted
to the union. In other words,
both sides would keep their hands
off new territory; and the federal
government would not interfere.
Kansas was such a territory; it
was being rapidly settled, and in
a Few years was to come up for
admission as a state.
And what was happening was
that the South was flooding this
territory with spurious settlers;
idle, whisaey-drinking rufians
armed with shot guns and revolt
vers, who were intimidating the
Northern settlers who had come,
and were stealing the. elections
from them, by force of arms.
The South was openly breaking
its agreement with the North: Il
was openly declaring its intent to
make Kansas another addition to
the slave states.
Civil War in Kansas.
To the abolitionists in the North
this seemed like the last straw.
The South was at its flood tide of
domination; 1t controlled every
thing in the American union; and
now 1t was moving forward to
make its domination permanent
by any means: even by the means
Of murder and intimidation.
Reports OF transformations,
whippings, and the burning down
Of Northern settlers cabins came
every week from Kansas. The
abolitionists began raising emil
grant companies Of Northerners
who would 20 TO Kansas TO vote
for freedom, even tho the South
sent its cannon against them.
The Brown FAMILY had by now
moved to North Elba, Now York,
a little Adirondack colony Of fugi-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-03-27
The New Year and NouU

In view of the continued disclosures reveal
ing to an open-mouthed nation the exceedingly
spotted record of Attorney General Daughertv
and the prevailing opinion in well-informed
circles that morally he is somewhat below the
level of the white-slavers he has had pardoned
fora consideration while cass-war prisoners
rotted in their cells, it is interesting to read
again the new years statement issued by this
red-balting upholder of the ethical standards
OF the republic. We reproduce this document
for the amusement of our readers but urge
those with weak stomachs to have a large
mouthed receptacle handy while perusing this
masterpiece of hypocrisy:
1T is my opinion that good New Years resolu-
ton for every American citizen to make and keep
IS that he will respect and obey the written laws
Of his country in their letter and spirit and that
ne viii keep constantly in mind that the law and
the constitution the guarantees of his own
peace and happiness well as the peace and
happiness of his neghbors and the nation With
all our people living in the realization of these
truths there is little room for the pessimst in
America.
while republic is blessed with high ideals
and marked material progress, it is always becom-
ing that every individual contribute to the fulness
Of his ability in the attainment of a still higher
standard Of social, political and economical moral
ity. Progress is an elemental factor in the lives
OF nations and men, which even time not check.
But the kind OF progress we should aspire to is
that progress which will establish still more firmly
the foundations of law, liberty and justice"
To any reader who can name the contribu-
ton made by the author Of the above to a
higher standard of social, political and eco
nomic morality" we will present a drop of
genuine Teapot Dome oil.
The American workers and farmers have
been fed for years on this and similar brands
of hokum; morality, religion, the sanctity of
the home and mother love have been the
catch-phrases Of every oeaginous tool Of the
exploiting class, but we predict that from now
on the market price of such platform phrases
is going to drop to zero.
Already loud and cynical laughter is heard
in more than one section where the proletarat