The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-17

/ OSAA~A AN4OAuJAOndly COU-
cepts But such is not the case In
addition to the ultimate revolutionary
program, the w. P. and the T. u. E.
l.. have program of everyday work,
attuned to the prevailing discomfort
and the backward state of the work
ing class. The latter can and do un-
derstand the need for amalgamation
and the labor party, and they are fol-
lowing the left-wing lead in the cam
paign for these and other measures.
With such a program of practical
work, coupled to our general revolu-
tionary teaching, we can say, yes, the
sentiment is here, what we have to
do is to organize and lead it. The
proof of the pudding is in the eating
thereof. The fact that hundreds Of
thousands of workers are following
the lead of the w. P. and the T. U. E.
L. on the political and industrial fields
is the best possible proof that they
are ready for our program and leader
ship.
n S for your second objection, that
IA our rank and file cannot keep
pace with us, your fears are ground
less. If third party is formed with
LaFollette or some similar at it's head,
and the Workers Party has to sup
port it, the latter will not demoralize
itself thereby. Quite the contrary
would be the case. The best proof of
this is our practice at present. Look
at Minnesota. There the w. P. is
deeply involved in the Farmer-Labor
Party, which is third party, as we
understand the term. But, is it weak
ened or demoralized by this fact? Not
at all. The w. P. has more real power
and influence in Minnesota than in any
state in the Union, and it's members
are intelligently following the strug-
gle. Altho supporting the third party,
they are pointing out its weaknesses
and limitations. The same will be done
in the coming national campaign If
the w. p. co-operates with the third
party thru an alliance. The tactic is
not complicated. The time was when
revolutionists held the notion that
they could not participate in the mass
unions and still maintain their revo-
lutionary purity, but that has been
thoroughly exploded. The same fate
awaits the idea that they cannot safe
ly take part in the mass movements Of
the workers on the political field. If
the w. P. and the T. U. E. l.. cannot
function and prosper in the everyday
political and industrial struggles of
the masses, then they have no right to
life.
A AS a natural consequence of your
- conception that the only available
revolutionary force in the American
labor movement is the small body of
conscious revolutionists, you outline
plan for the careful education, or
ganization and development of this
precious little nucleus. You say, "our
task involves first, education and Sec
ond, organization" You say almost
nothing about utilizing the organiza-
ton in the struggle. This is because
you can conceive it fundamentally as
an educational group, standing apart
from the great masses and dealing
largely with the theoretical aspects
of the struggle. You would build it
up slowly and cautiously. You would
make Of it, if your program were fol-
lowed, simply a Communist sect.
NOV, with such a conception, the
IN modern Communist movement
has nothing to do. Above all, the left
wing is fighting organization. We
are soldiers in the class struggle, not
merely students of it. The left wing
is the vanguard of the proletariat, not
simply in a theoretical. but also in
an actual sense. 1t must not stand
aside performing mental drill stunts
and awaiting the great day, but it
must participate increasingly in all
the struggles of the workers. Edu-
cation we must have; likewise organ
ization; but both are futile without
action The struggle ia the hraath of