The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-05

". Party Work Among the non-Pro-
letarian Strata Of the Population.
A party which demands the hege-
mony of the revolutionary movement,
a party which aims at the seizure of
state power and the conversion of the
bourgeois republic into Soviet re-
public-such party must perform
much preparatory work among the
non-proletarian strata of the popula-
ton. The working class and its party
can only put the idea of the proleta-
rian dictatorship into actual practice
if they prove capable of neutralizing
part of the petty and middle bourge-
oisie in town and country, and in
bringing the other part into their
camp. We may as well eandidly adj
nit that up to now our party has done
extremely little towards winning the
sympathy of the man in a small way
OF. business, the employee, etc. in the
cities, and still less towards winning
over those strata of the peasantry
whose class position is such that they
can and must join the working class
against the bourgeoisie. The party
conference must devote it's main at
tention to this problem.
v. The United Front Tactics and the
Transition Slogans.
The most important statements to
be made by the Executive Committee
of the Communist International with
reference to this subject have already
been given in the January theses based
on the Moscow consultation. At
the debates held in January between
the Executive Committee of the Com
munist International and the leading
Representatives of the German left, we
defined the united front tactics as a
method of our agitation, and as a
method for the organization and mo-
bilization of the masses for a long
period in advance. Have we any rea-
son to depart from this formulation?
In our opinion no such reason exists.
If we are to understand, under unit
ed front tactics, such opportunist err
rors as we're lately committed in Sax
ony, then it need not be said that we
are opposed to united front tactics of
this description. Happily, the fact
that opportunist errors have occurred
in this or that country, during the
utilization of revolutionary parliament
tarism, has not yet led anyone to
draw the conclusion that it is unallow-
able to utilize revolutionary parlia-
mentarism at all, and that the party
should not take part in the Reichstag
elections.
The Comintern will not abandon the
continued application of united front
tactics in other parts of the world
simply because this or that great op-
portunist error has been committed in
Saxony.
1t now perfectly clear that the unit
ed front tactics in particular have to
be exactly adapted, in each separate
country, to the stage of development
which has been attained by the labor
movement in the given country. In
Germany the stage arrived at requires
us to adopt the tactics of united
front from below, that is, we can dis
pense with negotiations with the Of
fetal leaders of Social Democracy.
The united front tactics from below
must, however, be carried out sincere
ly and determinedly, down to their
last logical consequence. In this
question all fractional diplomacy is
unbelievable.
1t is equally imperative to arrive
at clear conclusion with reference
to the question of partial demands
and transition slogans. The Russian
Bolsheviki fought against the Men
sheviki for ten years on the question
of partial demands and transition
slogans. What was the attitude Of
the Bolsheviki? They never opposed
partial demands and transition slo-
gans. The Bolshevih themselves even
mt martial dam andc and iccuod frapof-