The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-15


between the Free State and the north
ern government over the fixing of the
boundary between the twenty-six
counties under the southern govern
ment's jurisdiction and the six coun-
ties under Orange rule is growing in
intensity. When Lloyd George divid-
ed Ireland into two parts and set both
fighting each other, he performed a
service to the British ruling class
that they should not soon forget. No
doubt Mr.. George has long ago re-
ceived material compensation, tho the
tickle voters have consigned him to
comparative oblivion.
The Irish question no longer is an
international thorn in the British i'm
perial foot. After the treaty was
signed a factional struggle between
rival groups of bourgeois nationalists
eliminated in civil war. When the
Republicans were defeated, the ques
tion of the border boundary assumed
importance. The British rulers sim
ply say, "The Irish cannot agree
among themselves"
The radical Irish workers are not
shedding any tears over the fact that
the Irish bourgeoisie are disunited. To
them a united front means unity
among the workers against the cap
italists, to secure possession Of their
rightful heritage, the land Of Ireland
and its wealth-producing machinery
AS the Voice Of Labor said in a re
cent issue, there will never be salts
factory solution of the boundary dis
pute until the workers and peasants
on both sides Of the border are in the
saddle.
Capitalists Worried.
Since the British Labor party as
sumed office, the workers in Belfast
have made considerable political
gains. This has produced nervous
feeling among the big Belfast capital
lists. Sir James Craig is more afraid
of his own exploited wage slaves than
he is of Cosgrave and the Catholic
south. He could get along much bet
ter with capitalist adherents of the
Roman church than with radical
workers, who would hang his holiness
on the nearest lamppost, provided the
latter was without his Fascist body
guard.
1t is not surprising therefore to
have Craig suggest to President Cos
grave of the Free State that they both
meet "as Irishmen," without Having
any Englishmen butting in" afraid
that some progressive British labor
tie might be appointed as the third
member of the boundary commission
Since then Sir Robert Borden of Can
ada has been invited, and perhaps
Craig's patriotic Irish heart may in
duce him to compromise on the Ca
madam.
A Reactionary Prelate.
/ The boundary dispute is aggravated
by the position in which Cardinal
Logue, the Catholic primate of Ire
land, finds himself in. His palace is
in Armagh (being a prince of the
church, he must live in palace, and
republican America is learning lit
tie about papal titles these days.
right close to the Protestant cathe
dral, which once belonged to the Ro
man church, but was lost to it when
the British rulers changed their re
ligious clothes. The greater part OF
his flock is in the south of Ireland
but quite a number are in the six
counties and are very much at the
mercy of the Orange wolves, who moi
alone interfere with their spiritual
rights, but even subject them to phys
ical violence.
Cardinal Logue is one of the most
reactionary dignitaries in the most
reactionary political-religious institu
ton in the world He is a dyed-in
the-wool imperialist and was always
against the movement for Irish indie
pendence. Today he sides with the
Free State because the interests OF
his church demand it. No cardinal
can be appointed in Ireland without
the sanction of the British govern
ment, and since that government
granted its first subsidy to Maynooth
college, the Roman Catholic semin-
airy, in 1S45, the Catholic church has
been very efficient police force and
information service to Downing
street.
Plutes Like Him.
In a statement recently issued by
the cardinal, he deplored religious
strife and pointed to his three visits
to America, where he was treated
more generously by the Professionals
than the Catholics. The cardinal has
no reason to complain of his treat
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