The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-19
AS WE SEE 1T
BY T. J. o'FLAHERTY.
fcontinued from Page ID

CONTINUED from Page H.
ing in their agitation for the over
throw of the monarchy.
BERGER has rather nov
v ell idea of running a column.
Only very rarely does he write any
thing original beyond an introduction
to a clipping from some other pa
per. In a recent issue he quotes a
certain Frank Putnam on the Dawes
plan. Berger is opposed to the plan,
not because it adds new burdens on
the German workers, but because it
imposes new burdens on the mighty
German race!" This is about as far
as the Socialism of Victor Berger
really ever got. Scratch a Socialist
of the Berger type and you will find
potential Fascist. Like another An
glo-Irish alleged radical, writing in a
Hindoo sheet on the Irish and Indian
questions, who weeps over the spec
tacle of his race" fighting each other
and asking that God rest the souls"
of the foolish statesmen who signed
the peace treaty with England in 1921,
Berger is for a united front in Ger
many Of the workers and capitalists
against the allies.
THE radical movement in all coun-
l tries has suffered from an over
dose of these muddleheaded bufoons,
but the longer they are tolerated the
worse for the movement. Berger was
always an eye-sore in the Socialist
Party, but anything went in that or
ganization, with the inevitable result.
Berger was not against the war for
the same reason that Karl Liebknecht
was against it in Germany. Berger
was merely against the Allies and
realized that when America entered
the war on the side of the Allies, the
Kaiser's goose was cooked.
DACIALISM, nationalism, or any
N other superstition that divides the
workers of the world against each
other, has no place in the Communist
movement. Anybody suffering from
any of these diseases should not be
tolerated in a position where he is al
lowed to mislead the workers with a
perversion of Communism. National
ism is one Of the evils we must fight.
Religion is another. Color and race
distinctions are others. It is true that
the fight on the part of the Irish ma
tionalists and the Hindoo nationalists
and the colonials against the big cap
italist nations should be supported by
Communists, but for Communist to
blubber about his race" and talk of
unity of workers and capitalists is an
entirely different matter.
THE Irish struggle against the
l Black and Tans supported by the
Irish labor movement, offers a good
example of the folly, of the working
class sacrificing themselves in bour-
geois quarrels. After the treaty Gre
ating the Free State was signed, both
factions, those who were opposed to
the wording of the treaty and those
who favored it, entered into a COM
pact which was to eliminate the Irish
Labor Party from the political field in
the coming elections. The workers
were told to sit back and let the bat
tie over the treaty be fought free from
"class issues" The workers, after
their big sacrifices, were rewarded
with insults, by both factions. Since
then Republicans and Free Staters
have united in local cases to rob the
workers of their standard of living
1t is sheer treason to talk of a united
front of all Irishmen against the Brit
ish Empire. There must be a united
front of all Irish workers and pea
SAINTS against British rule. There can
never be a united front of all classes
in a capitalist country except to the
disadvantage of the workers.
The Chicago Federation of Labor
l was always slow in making prog