The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-11-26

idium of the Comintern and by every
leading comrade on it was "Is there
a mass movement for farmer-labor
party?" us the organized labor move
ment tending in the direction of a
farmer-labor party?" and Would a
farmer-labor party policy enable the
Workers Party to link itself UP with
this mass movement for the further
development of the class struggle,
and for the extension of the Communist
influence over the working masses ?"
And when the Comintern finally ag-
reed to the Workers Party adopting
labor party policy, it was mainly on
the strength of the information sup
piled to the Comintern by our del
egates, that there was in existence
strong mass movement towards a
farmer-labor party.
Now the situation is totally changed.
There are no longer present the basic
conditions which moved our own
party and the Comintern to adopt a
farmer labor party policy. The COM
ing of this charge was foreseen by
the Communist international when the
American question was last discussed
in the Comintern, that is when the
judgement was passed on the pro
posed third party alliance" In the
theses then adopted by the Comintern
jointly with the c. E. c. of our own
party, in that section of it which deals
with the June II convention, we find
the following very significant words:
"In case of split Eat the June II
convention) the question of whether
or not the Workers Party shall act
altogether independently in its own
name, in the election campaign, or
whether it shall launch campaign
under the name of the farmer-labor
party, will depend largely upon whe-
Their or not it (the Workers Party
is successful in the split and will
depend on how far it maintains con-
tact with the working masses at the
June II conference"
With its usual far-sightedness, the
Comintern distinctly foresaw the pos
sibility of the farmer-labor movement
being swallowed up by the petty
bourgeois LaFollette movement, and
in such case provided that our party
enter into the election campaign and
take the political field under its own
name, on its own program, and with
its own candidates. This is conclus-
i've proof of the fact that tie Comm
terms main guide in the question Of
farmer-labor party is the existence
Of mass movement taking the form
of such a party, and that in the alb
sence of such movement the Work
ers Party cannot continue the use Of
the farmer-labor slogan and must look
for other slogans and tactical means
to mobilize the masses for the class
struggle under its leadership.
The policy outlined in this thesis is
based precisely upon the principle Of
the Comintern. Our approach to the
question, our method Of handling 1t,
and our solution Of it, which is that
the present conditions no longer justi-
fy the use of the farmer-labor party
slogan, is in complete accord with
the position taken by the Communist
International. The Communist Inter
national, proceeding upon its estab-
lished principles for the labor party
policy, will support the position Of
the G. y, G. as expressed in this thes-
The United Front and Our Present
Objective. W
The united front policy remains the
central tactical means for TIE mobil--
ization OF the masses for the class
struggle and for the building Of the
Workers Party into mass Commun-
list Party. We accept the united front
tactics as elucidated and explained
BY the Ftfth Congress Of the Commun.