The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-12

dicted at the convention in refusing
to take factional stand where no
difference in principle prevailed. If,
then, this tactic, which the admins
tration seeks to junk, is to be laid at
its own door, what fundamental rea-
sons do they cite for abandoning our
two-year old tactic of a united front
from below" for independent class
politics?
An examination Of majority and
minority theses reveals perfect agree
ment as to the sharpening of the eco
nomic crisis. Vargas analysis, ac-
cepted by the Communist Interna-
tional, also bears this out. The eco
nomic foundation existed in 1928 for
a labor party, and it exists just as
strongly today. Communist political
tactic proceeds from a correct eval-
uation of objective economic coldi-
tions. The majority thesis tries to fit
in some meaningless reservations
about great public building programs,
unsupported by any evidence, but it
dare not take exception to the minor
ity analysis, like that of the Commun-
list International, of a continuation
and intensification of the economic
crisis.
Why Are Labor Parties Formed?
A study of the history OF previous
American labor parties reveals that
working class political expression in
this country has always sprung out
of so-called hard times" The rea-
sons for this are rudimentary. In
times of depression the evils OF capt.
talism stand out in sharp relief, the
suffering of the workers is more acute
and more widespread, the forces of
the state are used more openly in
crushing the workers unrest The
demand for political expression is
especially strong in the trade unions
because the purely economic organi-
cations cannot keep up wages, cannot
keep up the price of labor power in
the face of decreased employment
Change of method or of leadership or
both is the demand of the militant
unionists. Canny officials, sensing
in this demand a danger to them
selves, consent to political activity,
take leadership, and betray the move
ment at the earliest opportunity.
This has been the case in the labor
party agitation of 1923-24 just as in
previous periods. Whereas in times
gone by the promising tendency to-
ward class politics was led into Tam
many Hall or again into the republi-
can party, this time the '1iberaP La
Toilette party served the same pur-
pose. If there were no Communist
Party in America we might very we'll
expect that the treachery of these
labor bureaucrats would once more
go unexposed, and that the urge for
class conquest of political power
would dissipate itself in the internal
wrangles and careerism of the old
parties. But there is such a party in
the Workers Party. 1t has already
done tremendous service in clari-
flying a large portion of this rebel
movement to an understanding tina,
what they really want is a class labor
party. It's theological hold upon these
militants is not strong enough to draw
them into its own ranks, nor was it
strong enough to hold them against
the ingrained American psychology Of
getting something now" The masses
still wanted the labor party but they
thought that the road toward it lay
thru the LaFolIette camp.
Our Presidential Campaign.
Practically our whole central ex-
ecutive committee was ready to fol-
low on that road and would have done
SO had ii not been checked fortu-
nately, by the International We
found ourselves in a very difficult
situation but maintained the slogan OF
the labor party versus the LaFollette
liberal party while we practiced class
politics under our own banner and
with our own candidate There is no
sense in making Of necessity virtue
there was practically no choice be-
fore the central executive committee
when the retreat from the liberal coal
ition became mandatory We exposed
the anti-working class character of
the LaFollette movement and its pro-
gram, we pointed out especially that
the treachery OF the labor bureau
Gratis had prevented the crystalliza-
ton OF the deep-seated economic pro-
test OF worker and farmer from find.
ing expression in a class party. We
pounded away at the issue OF Labor
Party versus Liberal Party" On that
basis we held to us the most militant
nome Communist elements that had
been partly won over by our various
united front campaigns, we won the
support Of the die-hard left socialists
(mostly unorganized), and we kept
the respect OF those laborites who
followed the LaFollette rainbow in
the hope that the labor party gold
lay at It's end.
We do not minimize the success OF
our party in waging this, it's first
campaign. That after two bewilder-
Ing changes Of policy we could never