davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17
HEN AT WORK
"Covers" sos, 900 Eggs at One
Setting on Big Poultry Farm.

Undoubtedly the largest electrical
chicken-hatching plant in the world is
located at Petaluma, Cal, where a
great new hatchery is rapidly being
completed which will house an cleo
trio hen capable of covering" $685.
900 eggs at one setting. That would
indeed be the talk of the barnyard
if it could be visualized before the
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17

about $4,000 with no insurance. 1t is
not known how the fire originated
Republican.
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17

After his steEographer tells you
that the boss lis out somewhere in
his car" she thinks she has explained
everything.
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17

Many man who knows exactly how
to preserve the peace of the world
doesn't know how to preserve the
same thing in his family.
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17

After you have done your best you
will find that you could have done
better.
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17

In climbing the ladder of fame
watch out for the rungs that enemies
have sawed nearly in two.
Then there is the man who talks
so much about his futures that he
gives the idea he is proud of them.
Maybe call things come to him who
waits" but only brickbats come to
him who makes others wait.
Movie studios are suspending bus
mess To the actors thrown out of
jobs that is indeed moving picture.
A fat man doesn't necessarily
laugh because mes happy, but because
everybody expects him to.
You can't drown your troubles in
a flood of tears.
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17

cat last it works. There are the
last two sobbing notes of a saxo-
phone. Then, clear as a bell, voice
comes from the horn. Ed bites his
Iips to check back a smile fsatis-
faction; his wife, choking sob,
speaks in hushed voice:)
Wife: l knew it knew it!
ed bushes her All listen, rapt)
Voice from John: H. B. G. B. on the
air. This station will close down for
the night Good night,
lads and lassies of radioland-g-o-o-d
night!
Host: (SnappirG off everything)
Aw, hell-let's play the photograph.
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17

junior Beavers Christmas tree AT
Iiyues nall Tuesday eve, Dec. 23d. Ali
juniors and parents invited
Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1924-12-17

r ro SAI4E-Holstein-F riesian hru .
eN,s OLD, from dam 42O pound q n
this ,iS,pS in year. If interested in
nest My individual kindly See Fr-
Farrneres ,,a Lancaster. Wis n
Adno
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09

And so the old men quarreled end
lessly.
MCGOWAN of Pennsylvania said. 81
convention we did not show as much
enthusiasm as the Communists did at
their st. Paul convention. We came
committed to a labor party, and we
didn't get it. My hopes were not full
filled. l don't know how ! am going
to go out and tell the crowds that
somebody prevented the building of a
labor party, unless we attach the
same odium to ourselves. They will
be disguised"
William H. Henry declared that he
believed that most of the comrades
are against it. / believe that west of
the Mississippi we will lose every &C
tive comrade, except in California. I
don't want to lose most of the Social
list party just to swallow Bob LaFol-
lette. -. l heard Comrade Hillquit's
eulogy of Bob LaFollette, and l
thought about Gene Debs, and l don't
feel good about it. l don't believe
there is any unusual chance for a big
gathering in January, 1925, nor do l
believe that LaFollette will get big
vote. / don't believe the big railroad
unions will be there at all, and you
can go there and capture yourselves"
Hillquit closed for the majority re-
port, with an argument that must be
admitted to be one of the most skill
full ever heard at a convention. It's
substance was an elaboration of the
arguments already developed, but so
concisely put that there is no doubt
that many wavering delegates were
brought over at the last minute for
the sinking of the Socialist party into
the non-partisan plan of political kite
flying which was more frankly ex-
posed by Mr.. Cahan.
The business of the convention
the last real business of the Socialist
party has ben done. All that remains
is empty routine.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09
NORTHWEST OHIO
TO HOLD FARM
LABOR MEETING

Especial TO the DAILY WoRKER)
TOLEDO, Ohio, July S.-The Lucas
County Farmer-Labor convention is
to be held here this coming, Sunday,
July 10, at P. NJ. in the Labor Tenn
pie Hall A. Over one hundred dele
gates are expected to attend and en-
dorse the work Of the national Farm
er-Labor convention held June II, at
st. Paul. The delegates so far have
expressed the sentiment of their local
organizations for the pushing with ut
most vigor Of the campaign of Dun
can Mcdonald and William Bouck,
the miner and the farmer for presi-
dent and vicepresident, respectively.
The call to the county convention
has been sent out by the Provisional
Arrangements Committee, of which
II. p. Brucken is secretary -treasurer
at 216 Irving St., Toledo. All labor
unions, workers political parties,
workers cooperative associations,
fraternal and farmers organizations
in Lucas county have been invited to
participate. The committee in charge
anticipates the launching OF a live
Farmer-Labor party in northwest
Ohio.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09
Rx c. E. RuTHENRERe.

THE convention of the Conference
1 for Progressive Political Action,
held in Cleveland last week, makes an
event of great political significance in
the political life of the United States.
1t is not to be ignored nor lightly laid
aside. The movement which had its
first capitalization there is destined
to play a considerable part in the life
of this country in the future.
No one should have any illusions
about this convention being a labor
convention, nor was it convention
of farmers. Labor was strongly rep
resented there. The railroad unions
were represented in full force, and be-
sides some II other international Ia
Dor organizations had delegates. The
farmers were conspicuous by their alb
sence from the convention. Not sin
gle farm organization of any impor-
lance sent delegates to the conven-
ton.
1t is an anomalous situation that a
convention of which labor unions were
the basic foundation should in all its
utterances, its candidates and plat
form, be completely dominated by the
class interests of the petty bourgeoi-
sic, for that is what this convention
represented. 1t was not a labor re-
volt, but a petty bourgeois revolt
against the dominant political parties
in this country.
Little Business and Labor Unite.
There was no attempt to disguise
the fact that LaFollette and the lead
ers of this convention intended to
make their appeal to little business as
well as to the industrial workers and
farmers. Rather was this fact empha-
sized thruout the entire convention.
Chairman Johnston, in his keynote
speech to the convention, said:
Where is economic freedom and
equality of opportunity for the in
dependent manufacturer who must
buy and sell in a trust controlled
market and is suffered to exist only
on condition that he does not engage
in active and effective competition?
Where is economic freedom and
equality of opportunity for the small
merchant who finds his wholesale
and retail prices fixed by trusts and
combinations, while he himself is be-
ing slowly but surely crushed and
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09
La FoIlette's Conventional Petty Bourgeois Revolt

forced out Of business?
Where is economic freedom and
equality of opportunity even for the
independent banker, who is per-
mitted to participate in the sale Of
bonds and the financing of new en-
terprises only by the grace of the
great banking syndicates, while he
already foresees his early extinction
by resistless competition from the
branches of the great centralized
financial institutions?
We may not all know it, but we
are all in the same ship-farmers,
industrial workers, salaried en-
ployes and professional men, as we'll
as independent manufacturers, mer-
chants and bankers.
Want Antitrust Action.
The entire statement to the con.
vention by Senator Robert M. La
Toilette is an appeal for enforcement
of the Sherman antitrust law and the
destruction of the great productive or
CARNATIONS which have been built vi
in the form of trusts and great corpo
rations during the last quarter of q
century in this country.
Senator LaFollette states this issue
as follows:
With the changing phases of 30
year contest, l have been more and
more impressed with the deep I'M
DERIVING singleness Of the issue.
The supreme issue is not railroad
control. It is not the tariff, bank
ing or taxation.
These and other questions are but
manifestations Of one great strug-
gle.
The supreme issue, involving all
others, is the encroachment of the
powerful few upon the rights Of the
many. This great power has come
between the people and their gov
eminent. We must, with states
manship and constructive legisla-
ton, meet these problems, or we
shall pass them on, with all the pos
sibilities of violent conflict and
chaos, to our children.
Democracy cannot live side by
side in any country with the pres
ent system of control of government
by private monopoly. We must
choose, on the one hand, between
representative government, with its
guarantee of peace, liberty and eco
nomic freedom and prosperity for
all the people, and, on the other,
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09

store Tree cOmpeJltlOn and demOc-
racy in government.
Why the Railroad Unions?
Accepting this analysis of the basis
Of the movement, the question natur-
ally arises, what are the railroad
unions doing in an alliance of this
character? Why is it that these
unions particularly are in a fight such
as that which Senator LaFollette is
leading?
This is not difficult question to
which to find an answer. The railroad
unions during the war and since have
met governmental Intervention in the
affairs affecting their wages and
working conditions. During the Pc
riod of the war, they secured many
concessions from the government con-
trolled railroads. Since the end of the
war they have found as their most
powerful enemy in their struggle over
wages and working conditions gov
ernmentally created railroad labor
board.
Given these conditions, and there
could be no other outcome than that
the railroad unions would enter poll
tics in an effort to control the instru-
ment thru which the railroad owners
were fighting them. The railroad
unions want to abolish the railroad la
Dor board, and remembering condi-
tions which existed during the war pc
Rod, they are favorable to govern
mental ownership of the railroads.
That the railroad union representa-
tives were not interested in much else
than their own fight against the rail
road labor board testifies to this fact.
They manifested the greatest enthusi-
asm when speakers touched upon the
activities of the railroad labor board.
It was the railroad question that they
were fighting about and it was quite
apparent that they didn't care much
about anything else.
It is significant that the only mo-
nopoly which the LaFollette program
demands that the government shall
own is the railroads. All the others
are to be "busted" thru enforcement
of the Sherman antitrust law This is
a concession to the railroad unions
and also part of the demand of little
business, which feels that as long as
the railroads are in private hands they
will discriminate in favor of the big
trusts, and the only way to prevent
such discrimination is thru govern
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09

ment ownership.
Third Group in the Convention.
Besides the petty bourgeois progress
sive leadership and the railroad
unions, there was a third group repre-
scented in the convention. This group,
however, was relatively very weak. 1t
was made up of the delegates from the
needle trades and the insignificant in
ternational unions which were repre-
scented together with the Socialist Par
ty. This element showed no ability to
fight in the convention. 1t accepted the
program of the petty bourgeois prog
|ressive leaders and the railroad unions
without struggle. After talking loud
ly about the intention to fight for the
formation of a labor party" it abject-
ly surrendered itself and became the
tail to this petty bourgeois movement.
viii Party Come From c. p. P. A.?
The report of the Organization Com
mittee provides for another conven-
ton in January, 1915, to take up the
question of forming a permanent par
ty. 1t is upon this clause Chat the
Labor party element in the convention
places its hopes.
Whether or not party is formed at
the proposed January meeting, it will
not be Labor Party. The movement
which entered the political arena at
the Cleveland convention would have
to experience an internal revolution be-
fore it could be of labor character
1t is not Labor party movement, but
a movement for the formation of a
petty bourgeois party that will fight
the battle of this element against the
domination of big capital in the United
States. 1t is very likely that new
party will be born out of the Cleveland
convention.
Those who look upon it as merely
another manifestation such as that
which took place in 1912 in the Roose-
welt campaign leave out of considera-
ton the development of economic
forces which has taken place since
1912. Roosevelt's Progressive party
was, in part, petty bourgeois revolt
against big capital, but the petty bour-
geois were not dominant in the Roose-
welt party. The LaFollette party is
a new expression of the petty bour-
geois revolt, but this time the leader
ship and domination of the movement
is in the hands of the petty bourgeois
progressives, with section of the la
Dor movement tagging along behind.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09
Abe Cahan Confesses Socialist Party Collapse

movement of force-anarchists that
came to it's end in Cook county Jail in
1884," and later on the fight about
the Kangaroos," and then the !. w.
w. split, and finally the fight with
"the Communist lunatics that left us
in 1919" Oneal said: 1--WE succeed
ed in separating ourselves from the
Communists, and we have at last won
the confidence of these people (the
heads of the c. P. P. Al, and here is
another tiny group which proposes to
wreck the whole thing"
Herbert Quick, Socialist candidate
for governor of Wisconsin, said he adj
mitted the Socialist party "is not
much of a party, but it ought to be
preserved" Comparing the LaFol-
lette scheme to a game of solitaire in
which the player cheats himself, he
said: 'If you can do it so slick that
you can fool yourself, there is nothing
wrong about it," but that those who
know the political gang" behind La
Toilette would not believe that La
Toilette will help the Socialist party.
mo, the Socialist party will only help
LaFollette." Read the history of la
Dor legislation in the Wisconsin legis-
lature, where LaFollette had the ma
jority. He speaks of national owner
ship Of water power, but he doesn't
tell us why his son and his attorney
general lobbied against the water
power bill in the Wisconsin senate.
hope" he said, that we will not tie
ourselves onto the tail of the capital
list politicians kite and lose all that
we have built up. That is not going
to build up labor party. That gang
has made us agree that to build la
Dor party we are going to wait until
after election, when all the lame
ducks Of the Democratic and the Re-
publican party will have chance to
crowd in. When the lame ducks do
come into this organization, the COM
rades will find out they are mis-
taken"
Warren Atkinson expressed the
opinion that the so-called left wing
"in the long run will quit the Social
list movement" I'VE are constantly
moving to the right because the left
wing has left u.s." he continued, and
said he wanted party referendum on
the question.
Victor Berger. Socialist congress-
man from Wisconsin, said that La
Toilette was the most dangerous
man against us because he was near
est to u.s." and that the Republican
senator went around the country
making almost a Socialist speech.
He could criticize the system better
than u.s." Berger said he had always
fought LaFollette, "but during the
war he was the only man who took a
stand He stood better than our own
men. $50. (. Now we are put in a queer
position in Wisconsin. We will have
to vote for LaFollette, and at the
/ same time will have to fight his state
ticket" Pointing to Cahan, Il said
TO that old man there"
Il am not much older than you'll"
angrily interrupted Cahan.
well. he acts much older than me.
I told that old man there that | am
convinced this is new step, the be-
ginning OF new time, that II is the
reincarnation Of the Socialist party"
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09

war, tyranny and the impoverish-
ment of the many for the enrich
ment Of the favored few.
Earlier in the same statement Sen
ator LaFollette made clear how he ex
pected to change the situation de.
scribed in the above quotation. He
says:
The private monopoly system has
grown up only thru long-continued
violation of the law of the land and
could not have attained its present
proportions had either the Demo-
cratic or Republican parties faith
fully and honestly enforced the law.
John Sherman, the clearest vi
stoned Republican statesman of his
time, saw the danger to political lib
erty and economic freedom in this
country generation ago and sought
to fortify the government to meet
and destroy it,
For "Free Competition"
There we have the gist of the whole
LaFollette program, which was swal-
lowed by the @. P. P. A.. Enforce the
Sherman aIti-trust law. Destroy the
great trusts and corporations. This
will loosen their grip on the govern
ment Of this country, and restore free
government, and then all will be we'll
for the people.
This is the program of little bust
ness lighting against big business. It
is the program, as one speaker en-
phasized it in the convention, of re-
storing free competition" in the Unit.
ed States. Democracy and free COM
petition existed in 1916, and hence the
convention adopts the slogan, Back
to 1916"
These quotations and statements
clearly stamp this movement as the
revolt of the petty bourgeoisie against
big capital. The quotations above could
be strengthened by a hundred other
quotations from speeches in the con
vention, from Chairman Johnston's
statement, and from Senator LaFol-
lette's statement to the convention.
1t is true that the platform of both
Senator LaFollette and that adopted
by the convention, which is a para
phrase of it, takes cognizance of some
other features. They have thrown in
bait for the farmer and something to
interest the industrial worker, but the
dominant note in all was the struggle
against the trusts, the struggle to
break up monopoly, the struggle to re-
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09
plsrupt themselves.

Snow made desperate plea to the
convention to be careful in this "crisis
in the Socialist party" which "can
mean disruption of the party, with
nothing put in its place." He declared
that he had refused to join the Com
munist party because he did not be-
lieve in dictatorship, land now we find
ourselves under the dictatorship of La
Toilette and have forced upon us a
platform written by LaFollette."
Henry said that the LaFollette con-
vention was not only not a labor con.
vention, but not even a progressive
convention. "If it had been a progress
sive convention he NaFollette) would
not have objected to it's selecting a
vice presidential nominee. Now we
not only have to accept his platform
and program, but we have to wait for
a vice presidential nominee until after
the Democratic convention, when may
be Tammany Hall will have one left
over that we can have. Or maybe we
will find ourselves accepting Bill
Thompson of Chicago.
Then look at the Illinois situation"
continued Snow. There is Newton
Jenkins, who will soon be announced
as Republican candidate for governor
OF Illinois, and behind Jenkins is the
Bill Thompson machine. You know
what the Bill Thompson machine is.
Can you imagine yourself on a soap
box as a Socialist trying to defend
that corrupt and foul bunch, with
Newton Jenkins on one side and
Thompson on the other? IN the east
you have no LaFollette sentiment and
are comparatively free from that"
Snow was nervous, plainly embar-
raised by responsibility in opposing
the great party leaders, and hurriedly
got thru his talk before more than ten
minutes of his fifteen minutes had
passed. He said with trembling voice
Il took an oath years ago when !
Joined the Socialist party that / never
would vote Republican or Demo.
cratic ticket, and, by God. won'ti
And yet the majority report as pre-
sented by Comrade Cameron King
places me in the position where I'll
have to go out and support Republic.
an candidates no matter what | want
to do. You don't know what you will
have to face when you go out and tell
the comrades thruout the country
about this. II will be like shell-shock
to them"
After G. A. Hoehn, old.time st. Louis
leader of the party, had defended the
LaFollette candidacy, Bertha Hale
White, national secretary, read the
telegram from Debs. the hearing OF
which cast visible discouragement
upon the left wing But Delegate
Sidney Stark OF Pittsburgh neverthe
less doggedly renewed the fight, de-
claring that "LaFollette has always
fought Socialism" and II will not &c
along on the band wagon for a polit
zeal charlatan, no matter who he is.
James oneal attacked the minority
calling their obstruction "just another
Chinese wall such as somebody has
always been erecting between us and
the working class just as soon as we
were getting near to. them" He com
pared the present DIRECTORS to the
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-09

without smile, "but they don't own
them. And along comes somebody and
takes away the fiivver and the listen
in,rr - 81. L.