davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18

Agriculture was, so to speak, under
the yoke Of industry. We can and
shall free agriculture from this yoke
to the extent in which we get rid of
this disproportionality Of capitalist
methods of production. If from the
view point of economic nationality,
we stand to lose something by parcel
ling the estates of big landowners, we
shall be compensated, and compensat-
ed generously, thru the abolition of
absolute rent, thru cooperation with
the peasantry and the systematic in
PREVENTION of socialized industries in
agriculture. l think that in this con
nection, we must bear in mind what
Lenin said in his last article. We
had special form of so.called agra.
rian socialism in the countryside
even in the time of capitalist pros
perity. This was a very peculiar
theology. 1t had its material basis
in the growth of peasant organiza-
tons which were under the hegemony
Of big landowners, priests, etc. There
were agricultural syndicates, coop
eratives, and various other forms of
organization, as in Denmark, for in
stance. 1t is on this basis that the
so-called agrarian and cooperative So
cialism developed. All this, of course,
was utopian. To believe that tend
encies coming from this side would
develop into Anti Capitalist organiza-
tons, was a semi-capitalist illusion.
But comrades, the establishment of
proletarian dictatorship changes the
situation in this respect The former
development of all these institutions,
was the only possible development in
capitalist organism and under a
capitalist state power. All these in
situations became part and parcel of
the organism and economic body of
the capitalist state. But, under pro-
letarian dictatorship, when industries
are socialized, the growth Of these in
situations wherever it is possible to
replace the hegemony of the big land
owners, ETC., by the economic hege-
mony of the proletariat) means that
these institutions become part and
parcel of the proletarian economic
body.
That is why this question has a
very different aspect in the epoch of
oroletarian dictatorship And this is
very important.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18

Big production is more progressive
than small production.
Well, we are now in a different
epoch. Our task does not consist in
prognosticating the development Of
agriculture. Our task is to find an
ally and we must adopt a different
orientation to be able to break down
the power of capitalism. For this pur-
pose we are even entitled to parcel
out farms at the expense of big land
ed property, in order to secure an al
ly. For this is the main point. At
present, it is not question of prog
nosticating if big enterprises are SUI
perior to smaller enterprises, but, of
finding means to overthrow capital
ism. This is our present orientation,
and everything else is based on it. To
win over the peasantry, we must be
able to give it something, in accord
ance with the nature Of the various
countries and the social Importance
Of the peasantry in these countries.
For the high price we have to pay
now for the progress Of revolution,
we will be compensated later, when
we shall have the prerequisites Of
dictatorship-the entire industry in
our own hands. Then we shall be
able to introduce more progressive
forms of agriculture. Why? With
your permission, l will make a very
important but purely theoretical re-
mark. One of the greatest contradic-
tons in the capitalist system, especially
during the last decades Of capitalist
methods of production, consisted in the
gulf which existed between industry
and agriculture. During that period we
witnessed an ever-growing dispropor-
tion between the growth of produc-
tive forces in industry and the growth
of productive forces in agriculture
Why? l am unable to give a detailed
answer to this question. The most
important phenomenon in this con-
nection, is the appearance of new
factor, the so-called absolute-rent
Comrades will find this subject fully
explained in the third volume of
Capital" But this is an absolute
fact. Thus, the obstacles in the way
of technical progress, of the applica-
ton of modern machinery in agricul-
ture are connected with absolute rent
in agriculture. And that is why we
have disproportionate development
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18
The Musicians Wages

Musicians used to consider themselves 'profes-
sional men," not workers, just many teachers
and intellectual workers still do But capitalism,
thru its ruthless greed for surplus value, forces
the most conservative workers of all kinds to
realize their common foe and resort to common
tactics to fght-sooner or later they must come
to the strike which in turn leads to other methods
of struggle.
These observations are called forth by the news
that the Chicago Federation of Musicians is going
strike on Labor Day to enforce its demand for
1917 increase in wages from the musical comedy
shows and drama houses in this city. The employ
ing theatrical managers seem to be organizing an
"open shop" drive, under the leadership of Geo.
NJ Cohan who has become rich thru writing silly
songs that wave the ''red, white and blue" wall
about Broadway, and proclaim the virtues of
1907 ism. Cohan's affinity to a 1907 Americanism
seems to put him in unaterable opposition to a
1927 wage increase.
All of which shows that the theatrical business
follows the same laws as the steel industry. And
all of those who work for wages forced, sooner
or later, to recognize this fact and to organize
themselves for struggle against the employing
class.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18
Bukharin's Report on World Program

Comrades, we believe that In ac-
cordance with the decision of the
Fourth Congress, we must also have
tactical strategic section in the plan
of our program. l think that we shall
have to discuss this section Of our
program a little later, when the COM
mission will have made some head
way in it's work and when the final or
almost final draft will be before you.
think it will be more expedient to
do this after the discussion, for l.
hope that there will be a discussion.
To re-capitulate my main ideas:
think that the reports presented at
the Fourth Congress must be the
basis of our new attitude towards
this question. What is actually new
is the declaration of our philosophy
and the more comprehensive treat
ment of the new economic policy
which l propose should be regarded
as the economic policy Of the victori-
Gus prq1etariat.
This is the most important part of
my report, and l think that in draw
ing up our plan, we must elaborate
these points very carefully in order
to clear away any possible doubts on
this subject. am absolutely opposed
to raising the question of the elabora-
ton of the program. think we shall
do the right thing If we go from here
with the approval plan which the con-
gress shall decide should be dis
cussed, and if we leave the final de-
cision to the next congress.
What we need now, are definite
lines for our future activity. 1t is not
an easy proposition, but this should
not alarm us. We will elaborate this
program, provided that comrades
show little interest in it. Surely 1t
cannot be that the critical capacity
of the international should be cen
tered in Boris alone. This lack Of in
terest in theoretical questions which
was always a characteristic of re-
formist tendencies, is a dangerous
symptom. Nearly in all parties, in
Guiding the Russian Party, lack Of in
terest in theoretical questions was
always sign of opportunism. We
must do our utmost to combat theo-
retical opportunism and scepticism.
There are enough forces in the Inter
national to solve ALSO theoretical
problems. (Applause).
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18
MGtteOtti HauntS MuSsOIini

With the finding of the mutilated remains of
Matteotti, murdered Italian deputy, the longsuf-
fering working class of Italy has found symbol
around which to crystalize its rage grief, and
burning hatred against Mussolini and his Fascist
brigands, accumulated thru three years of murder,
arson, and rapine perpetrated by these hangmen of
capitalism against the toilers.
And again the socialists are attempting to play
their historic role of tightening rod to divert the
anger of the masses. The party to which Mat
teotto belonged has refused to cooperate in the
public funeral arranged as the beginning of a
desperate struggle against his murderers.
Fortunately the italian workers have the Com
munist Party of Italy, which has issued a call for
general strike the day of the funeral and
which is taking the lead in the tremendous wave
of indignation that is sweeping the masses of Italy
into revolt against their murderous oppressors.
If Latin brother workers have fully learned the
lessons of the last years, then not only ussolini
but also his cowardly accomphces, the socialists,
will soon be swept away.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18
Wood and Gold

Again the news dispatches carry the name of
Lieut. Osborne c. Wood, of Maj. Gen. Leonard
Wood, governor of the Philippines. And again
the stories are of fabulous winnings Wall Street,
in transactions carried out by cable supposedly
bringing his winnings" over the million dollar
mark
If there any workers so supplemented as to
believe that Wood any other bourgeois block
head, can become modern King Midas overnight
producing gold to order over the cables for these
such stories will be acceptable. They take the
place of the tales of Grim and Hans Anderson, or
the 'Thousand and One Nights" But if one is in
terested in reality rather than fairy tales it is evil
dent at once that, in Wood and his gold, we have
another of those instances of public position being
cashed in thru the hurry-up methods of a Walling-
ford.
The origin of Woods million is yet shrouded in
mystery. If we might hazard guess, it will ul-
timately be traced to manipulations in American
Imperialism, and the merciess exploitation of
starving natives in the fabulously rich colonial
possessions Of the United States. Until some public
benefactor comes along who disclose the actual
facts, the workers will beg to be excused from be-
eving the fantastic stories Of the capitalist press
Between young Wood and his million lie connec-
tons that involve the whole fabric of the rule of
American business in South America and the Far
East.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18
Haunted Cities

Industry is slowing down. Unemployment grows.
Down state in the Illinois coal fields it is estimated
that 10000 miners are idle. In the big cities the
jobless army hovers continually about the gates
of the shops and factories. The jobless wait and
wait and wait for the "opening" that never comes.
In the small towns, especially. the mining towns,
the idle workers just haunt the street corners They
have no other place to 60 The whistle on the mine
tipple doesn't blow, calling them to work There
are no other jobs. They just hang about and wait
The small bank account disappears, credit at the
store exhausts itself, hunger sets in at home.
This condition is labor's big problem this year
1t is Illinois labor's biggest problem right now.
This must be given thorough consideration at the
state convention of the Illinois Federation of La
Dor to meet next month at Peoria. Delegates now
being elected to go to the Peoria convention should
be instructed to push this issue, and demand that
something be done.
Up to the present time the Workers Party is
the only organization that has taken up this prob
lem seriously. The Communists have taken the
initiative in the drive to protect the obless But
this matter must be considered by the whole of
organized labor. Action will only be secured as n
result of tremendous pressure upon those in power
from an aggressive rank and file movement.
Workers Unite in fighting the growing spectre of
unemployment that haunts the land!
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18
LaFollette Plays with Old Party Corruption

ator Irvine L. Lenroot, of Wisconsin;
Miles Poindexter, Washington; Gift
ford Pinchot, now governor of Penn
sylvania; William Allen White, Of
Kansas, and Medill Mccormick of In
ternational Harvester Trust fame.
Finally, at this very moment, the
differences between the cogs in the
wheels of the LaFollette machine and
the active supporters of, and work
ers for, Coolidge in Wisconsin, are so
thin and so vague, that Mr.. Arthur
Evans, was led to the following view
of the situation in the Chicago Tri-
bune of August 10:
"Thus the Coolidge movement in
Wisconsin is being directed largely
by elements quite as closely identi-
fed with the progressive legislation
that made the state famous ten and
twenty years ago, as were the pres
ent LaFollette captains, and even
closer.
"The regulars scorn the word con-
servative' in this state, and they
make much of saying the active Cool
idge workers here are advanced, con-
structive, and up to all Wisconsin's
standards Of progressivism."
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18

Editors Note.-Here is the con-
GLIDING installment of the report
given by Nicholas Bukharin on the
question of the world Communist
program to the Fifth World Con-
gress of the Communist Interna-
tional. This will be followed by the
supplementary report made by the
German Communist, August Thai
heimer. 1t will appear in an early
issue of the DAILY WORKER.
Bukharin said:
Comrades, l am coming to the end
of my report But l should like to
say few words on the agrarian ques-
ton. This question was very fully
discussed at our congress. We have
before us Comrade Lenin's theses and
the results of the work of our vari-
GUS commissions. Nevertheless,
should like to say few more words.
There is a certain tendency within
our ranks, which, think, constitute
considerable danger. On this ques-
ton there was very great differ
ence between the Second and the
Third International. 1t is certainly
true, that the Second International
paid very little attention to the agrar-
ian and peasant question. But there
is already a-tendency among some of
our comrades to deduce from our atti-
tude towards the peasantry, that in
agriculture, there is no difference be-
tween small and big enterprises.
These comrades contend that we
need only organize the peasant par
ties or re-organize our own parties on
a proletarian-peasant basis. In the
face Of this tendency, we must state
here most emphatically that we adj
here to the principle of big enterpris-
es in agriculture. We believe that
the development of big agricultural
enterprises is the only means to in
crease agricultural production. But
the solution of this problem is diff
ferent now than in the pre-war per-
iod. Before the war, during the per-
iod of so-called healthy capitalism,
our main task consisted in getting rid
of all relics of fuedalism, of sweep
ing away all obstacles which stood in
our way. We asked Does victory
belong to big or small production?
Contrary to the revisionists, we said:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18
New Russian Film

The Beauty and the Bolshevik is
the title of new, fascinating Red
Army romance, that has arrived in the
United States from Russia and will be
shown at the Lenox Theater, 111th
Street and Lenox Avenue, New York,
August 22nd to Goth
Story Based on Civil War.
This story is based on the events in
Soviet Russia toward the end of the
Civil War. A Red Army brigade set
ties down after four years of fighting
in a little village-there it becomes
the center of the village life. 1t brings
joy to the poor and rouses the resent
ment of the rich landowners.
The Red Army soldiers are seques-
tered in the homes of the villagers.
Kombrig Ivanov, the Red Army Com
mander, finds himself housed in the
home of a rich priest-Kulak. And,
as inevitably happens, there is young
daughter--the Beauty.
Counting With the YABc OF
Communism"
In a short time Kombrig and the
Beauty find much in common. The
Red Commander interests her in com.
munism and they are seen together
making love with Bukharin's "ABC."
And then, as you would expect, Kom-
brig asks for her hand in marriage.
Marriage Old and New.
AS an orthodox bourgeois young
lady, she proposes high church cere-
mony, with full ritual. Kombrig, how
ever, has thrown off the superstitions
Of the past and insists on a civil mar
riage.
A break is imminent.
How Kombrig finally wins the
Beauty, the ingenious scheme he car
ries out, can best be known by seeing
the latest Russian Art Production, The
Beauty and the Bolshevik.
The picture Is replete with stirring
scenes OF the Red Army in action, Of
the struggles between the poor peas.
ants and the rich landowners and
many other events typical OF the new
life In Soviet Russia.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18

on their side" august 10, 1905).
And in the Milwaukee Sentinel of
October 1, 1905, we are given the fol-
lowing insight into the reign of hon
est government in the model common
wealth: "The grand jury which has
been in session since early in June.
probing graft in city and county gov
eminent, made it's final report to
Judge Brace of the Municipal Court
at ten o'clock last night and was dis
charged. Twenty-four indictments
were returned with it's final report, as
follows:
William Murphy, former alderman
of the third ward, two indictments,
charged with perjury in connection
with testimony against two reform
ers' before the grand jury.
Zone of the sensations of the even
ing was the indictment against Will
liam Murphy. 1t will be remembered
that several days ago Murphy wrote
a letter to the grand jury saying he
was ready to furnish it with some in
formation. He was summoned, but
as soon as the jury ascertained that
he had evidence of bribery to furnish
against two 'reformers' and LaFol-
lette leaders, the jury excused him.
He told his experience to the news
papers, and the jury, finding public
sentiment aroused, thought best to
let the former alderman testify, es-
pecially since for weeks the district
attorney had been trying to get Muir
ply to testify on graft.
Murphy went before the jury and
said that one of the so-called re-
formers had given him $4,000 for
his vote for the Wells tunnel grants.
He also charged that another reform
err had given him, through his agent,
$4,000 for his vote for a sidetrack."
The orgy of corruption in LaFol-
lette's Wisconsin commonwealth, par
tcularly when Battling Bob" held
undisputed political sway, is summed
up in this fashion by the Social-Demo.
cratic Herald, of October 81, 1905.
THE bribery, stealing and open de.
bauchery in Milwaukee was suoh that
even the bribers could not stand il
any longer Public opinion compelled
the district attorney about two and a
half years ago to ask the criminal
court for grand jury. Since then
several indictments have been re-
turned. Over hundred city and
county officials have been indicted.
They have been indicted for almost
any crime that public officials could
possibly commit"
Campaign Funds Are Secret.
Despite all the demands of the La
Toilette forces for publicity in con.
gressional and senatorial campaigns
these "progressives" have not been
so anxious to put such policies into
feffect in Wisconsin where they are
masters of the political situation. In
the Milwaukee Journal of January, 8
1922, we are given the following in
dictment OF the LoFollette machine
For nearly two years the Wisconsin
Progressive League worked in the
state to bring about the LaFollette
Blaine victory The league now says
It was educational and II has failed
to file record Of its expenditures
NO one knows to what extent money
Influenced the primary. nor the source
whence the money came. The LaFol
lette candidates filed personal reports
for the period OF the campaign only
----.z
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-08-18

/ but nothing is disclosed relative to
the prolonged period of preparation"
Backs Capitalist Politicians.
In essence, LaFollette's political
machine is like the political machines
of the corrupt and reactionary cliques
dominated by the biggest capitalist
interests. The Wisconsin senator has
been rather glib talker for many
years against big whips, bosses, and
misleaders utilizing their hold on the
government either for service to big
corporate interests or for their own
ends. Looking into LaFollette's ac-
tual doings over a span of years in
politics and power, we find that his
machine has served to build gods and
make bosses out Of as many tools Of
chimes of the democratic and repub-
lican parties.
Thus the Milwaukee Leader Of
March IA, 1918, unfolds the following
tale of Battling Bob" placing himself
squarely behind the worst type of
employing class politicians and tools:
$50 Senator Robert Marion LaFol-
lette, according to the Free Press,
places himself squarely back of the
candidacy of James Thompson.
That's an old story. Bob placed
himself squarely back of Isaac M.
Stephenson in his day. Bob placed
himself squarely back of Jim David
son little later. Bob placed himself
squarely back of Francis E. McGov-
ern. Bob placed himself also square
ly back of Irvine Lenroot and Bob
placed himself squarely back of Paul
o. Husting as a fair-minded' Demo
crat.
we could mention a dozen other
prominent politicians in Wisconsin
behind whom Robert NJ LaFollette
placed himself squarely With the
exception Of those who have died
all Of these proteges of Bob are
great jingoes, reactionaries, and pro-
fiteer patriots today. AS a matter of
fact, every one of them, after Robert
nj. LaFollette had placed himself
squarely behind him, turned clear
around and placed his right foot
squarely upon the solar plexus of
Bob with telling effect.
"The only exception to this rule
that we know of just now, is Colonel
John j. Hannah, 'Boo's' purveyor of
good will and who sticks to him with
remarkable fidelity. But it is not
quite clear whether John is squarely
behind Bob or Bob squarely behind
John.
And now Robert M. LaFollette
places himself squarely behind Mr..
Thompson. This gentleman at least
cannot disappoint Bob much. Thomp-
son already promises the most vigor.
GUS prosecution Of the war, and,
therefore, II he wants to be consist.
ent he must oppose Bob after cleo
ton"
Among the progressive saviors OF
honest men in capitalist government
with whom LaFollette associated him
self at one time or another, in his
program or whom the LaFollette ma
chine supported are the following
men who blossomed out into supine
servants and vigorous defenders OF
the blacklist employing class inter
ests: Albert j. Beveridge, OF Indi
ana Albert 3. Cummins, Of Iowa
author Of the Esch-Cummins act; HI
ram w. Johnson, of California; the
flake Teapot Dome investigator, Sen