The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-04
CONTINUED from Page 81

IL Is pOllCy LnAL. Will demand bLIA-
tegy and maneuyring such as the
party has never known before. And
we have no doubt that the party win
accept the position of the C, z. c.
Support Without Reservations.
In asking support for the position
of the C. E. c., wish to state that
what we request is conscious, whole
hearted agreement with our position,
that is, support without reservations.
If there is a tendency in our party
which does not fully agree with the
position of either the c. 3. C. or the
minority, this tendency is in duty
bound to submit its views to the par
ty and have the parry pass upon
them.
The theses Of the c. e. G. is what
the C. E. c. stands for in all the major
phases Of our activities. One section
of it is inseparable from the others.
Consequently, agreement with one
part Of our theses and disagreement
with another part Of it is tantamount
in our opinion to complete disagree
ment with the @. E. G..
Position Of Minority. s.
The minority wants Farmer-Labor
party. And if they cannot have the
party, give them at least the slogan.
The minority stands for the advocacy
of Farmer-Labor Party.
What is the basis of their position!
They have two great ideas-both
wrong-upon which they base their
proposed policy. One is that the only
way the American working masses
can participate as class in the DO.
litical struggle is thru a Farmer-La-
Dor Party. This is the so-caI1ed the.
DRY of their thesis. The other idea is
that there is actually such move.
ment on foot and it is our duty to steI
into it and assume leadership.
The first idea is monstrous, un
heard of among Communists and is
in diametrical opposition to every
fundamental Of Communism. To say
that farmer-labor party is the on
ly medium thru which the American
workers can participate as class in
political action is theoretically the
same as saying that the Workers
(Communist) Party cannot be the
leader of the class struggle and prac
tically it means to reduce the w. p
to a propaganda club for the fna
aims of Communism.
The second idea that there is now
actually a mass movement for a farm
er-labor party or that there is likely
to arise such movement for new
political party, in the near future, is
without any basis or foundation.
The c. E. c. maintains that the
coming months will see severe strug
giles, of the workers against the CAPT
talists, but these struggles must not
necessarily express themselves in d
movement for new party. In fact
the FL. P. idea is the most unlikely
form that the coming struggles of the
toiling masses will take.
We may expect a movement fol-
shop committees as organs of direct
struggle, we may expect strong re
vival of the movement for amaIgama
ton of the craft unions into industrial
unions. We should expect and pre-
pare ourselves to lead sporadic tout
law strikes and movements of the
unemployed. In short, we should pre-
pare our party and the workers fol
the creation in the coming fight OF
direct organs of rank and file strug
gle, and not bother our heads with
dead slogans. The minority will say
in fact they do so-that all this is
not political action, that only cleo
ton campaigns thru a farmer-labol
party is real" political action. Il
they really mean it, then the party
may at last begin to know who its
real right wing is.
5oIshevIze the Party.
The Bolsheyization of our party il
one of the great tasks of the c. E. C
In sense, it is the only great task
because the BoIshevization of the
Workers Party will mean the making
Of it a mass Communist Party. II
is a process of organization, political
training and theoretical education all
along the lines of the principles ant