The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-21


eminent can never maintain itself by
the strength of Parliament. It must
base itself on the support of the or
gans OF power Of the revolutionary
workers outside parliament; the soviet
congress and the arming Of the pro-
letariat. The period Of real revolu-
tionary workers governments cannot
last long as Comrade TRENT said: the
workers government is Dictatorship
in process Of formation. In many
countries Of western Europe, the fight
for the possession of power will i'm
mediately develop into the fight for
the establishment of the proletarian
dictatorship In other countries it
will perhaps have to pass thru the
workers government stage.
Pacifst-Democratic
do not think that the pacifst-dem-
ocratic wave, regarding the impor-
lance of which the opportunists are
so eloquent, is very powerful or can
last very long. Basing myself on this
conviction, I am of the opinion that
every spark of power the proletariat
can win must be exploited to the full.
The world domination of the bour-
geoisie has been shattered to its
depths. 1t no longer maintains itself
by the strength of its legal and Illegal
instruments of power but by the op-
portunist, reformist contamination of
the workers. The ideas of the Social
Democrats cripple and deaden the
faith of the workers in their own revo-
lutionary strength and degrades them
to body-guards of the bourgeoisie.
Therefore the Communist Information
al must regard it as it's first duty to
root out every trace of reformist-op-
portunist tendencies. We must also
be perfectly clear that such tenden-
cies are not merely an inheritance of
the past, but that they continually
arise out of the present situations.
They are based on the desire of I'M
enlightened workers to escape from
the hell Of poverty as quickly and as
"cheaply". as possible. On the other
hand, the same situation, the hesitat-
ing progress of the revolution, gives
rise to another danger, danger from
the Left. It is the danger of the point
of view which leads to Putschism; in
other words, the conviction that the
party must undertake revolutionary,
and decisive action without the
masses and for the masses; that mass
action can be replaced by party ac-
ton.
Masses Necessary.
have noted this point Of view run
ming as an undertone to the asser-
lions that the German Communist
Party in October should have at
tackled in the fight for power even
though the masses stood passively on
one side. 1t was the concealed cause
of the offensive in the March action.
Our attitude to the masses must
be such, that the party should become
the planning and leading brain, the
organized backbone and the passionate
forward-driving heart of the masses;
the life of the party must become
the life of the masses.
BoIshevik Partyl
Masses and party, as active sub
jective factors of the revolution, be-
long together For this purpose the
communist parties must become
steadily bolshevised. They must be-
come permeated with the attitude and
adopt the practice of what in my opin-
ion is the organizational and political
superiority Of bolshevism. 1t is the
principle that a revolutionary party
cannot tolerate merely paying mem
bers, that every member must be an
active, working, fighting member, full
filling definite party duties. We must
| fill every party member, every work
ing man, and every working woman,
with the conviction that altho their
will and their deeds may be but a
drop, nevertheless it may be the drop
which will fill the cup of the revolu-
tionary will-to-act to overfiowing. II
we succeed in working and fighting
in this manner, the revolutionary
wave will again well-up from the
depths of objective forces and to 1t
will unite itself the will Of the masses
under the leadership of the Commun-
list Party, tense for the fight, driving
the wave of revolution forward with
irresistible power, so that it swallows
I1.. 4. 4aNr nj
every effort to make the wonderful,
proud slogan of the young soviet
pioneers a reality in our party: al.
ways ready"
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