Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1924-12-16
FIGHT OVER POLICY
| OF GOMPERS seen
Conservative Aims of Leader
| to Be Tested Severely,
Observer Feels.
BY DAVID LAWRENCE.

2 BY DAVID LAWRENCE.
tWiU the policies of Samuel Comp
ers live after him?
American labor's answer to that
question does not depend so much or
one who is chosen as president or
the American Federation as upon the
circumstances both political and eco
Homic, which in the last four years
welghed so heavily on the veteran
leader who is to be buried in larry
town, y. y.
= Few people know the inside poll
tics of the American Federation of
Esbor, its clash of viewpoints be-
tween mcderates aud extremists, and
Few people know that II was by sheer
force of personality that Samuel
Gompers restrained his own lieu
tenants. Ever since the war the
G0mpers policy has been one Of pre-
MENTION and when the federation in
forsed La Toilette it was Gompers
&ho thought that very act would find
rs own remedy. For he was against
Tie organization Of labor party in
Relitics, though he was being con-
stantly pressed from within TO join
with the railroad brotherhoodS in an
effort TO WELD the maximum pofti-
cal influence.
Wanted United Front.
70 IN recent years Mr. Ciompers found
the brotherhoods- powerful ally, but
somewhat vcNatiouS one, because
the policies of the two groups fire.
oucntly were opposite. Samuel Com
pcrs, however, felt more the need of
presenting a united front for labor
than to reconcile even fundamental
differences between the brotherhoods
and the American Federation of
Labor.
3 The problem that now comes up
may affect the entire labor situation
for years to GENE. Will this cohesive
power be held together or will the
labor groups be divided and even
work against eeach other? Capital
would profit by such a situation,
even as labor would lose. Yet the
currents of dissension are strong and
Only a Gompers can keep labor united.
Even a Gompers. however, has to
have a favorable atmosphere.
The last year saw the Gompers
policy OF harmony tried to the ut
most. For the sake Of harmony in
side the ranks. he agreed to permit
the American Federation of labor to
Endorse the La Toilette candidacy. He
Had the cunning OF practical poll
tician and even those who bitterly
criticized his occasional waverinGs
and even reVerSals knew that with
Gompers the end justified the means
and that he usually was indicated.
Anticipated This Ciimnx.
For many years, as Gompers has
been advancing toward the end of
his career, the leaders of the labor
movement have been discussing what
would happen when he left. 1t has
not been unlike the discussion of 90
years ago as to what would happen
to the loosely constructed Austro-
Hungarian monarchy when Franz
Joseph died.
Predictions have been made that
the American Federation of Labor
would split off into two groups-the
conservatives and radicals. There is
no doubt that within the federation
there is already such a sharp division,
but it was the Gompers policy to
yield O. point here and there to the
radicals and thus keep labor's power
unimpaired. Will his successor be
able to do it even il he follows the
same policy?
The test may not come at once.
for just now there is no extraordinary
period of prosperity or imitation. I'm
employment is not altogether removed
IS factor and immigration restric-
ton is not yet accomplishing all that
labor set out to achieve. The real
troubles usually occur in q time of
Initiation and shortage of labor when
higher and higher wages are de-
handed
Politically. Samuel Gompers leaned
toward the Democratic party. He was
a powerful influence in the Wilson
administrations, an experience, how
ever, which tended to make him even
more conservative than before, for he
was often given the responsibility for
the settling of a troublesome situa-
AZ h Y7r
defensive. But Samuel Gompers was
not able to deliver the labor vote in
elections, valiantly as he tried. His
was rule over Ia Dor leaders and not
the rank and file, though he had
thousands of admirers in the local
unions from coast to coast.
Gave Leaders Able Advice.
He had a knack with the leaders
He showed them often how they could
retain power. He taught them labor
politics. It was TO his interest to do so.
The longer the chieftains STAYED on the
Job the stronger was the political or
ganization working for Csompers inside
the American Federation of Labor They
were proud, too, Of the position he won
IN the public eye, the forcefulness of his
public statements and his keen under
standing of the changing currents of
public opinion
When some of the employees of the
washington navy yard, 2for example.
lmplored him to act in their behalf and
keep labor from mixing up in the move
ment to reduce ornaments, Gonpers
was not dtssuaded, but gave his hearty
support to the proposals of President
Harding and even agreed to sit as a
member of the advisory commission.
lie felt that labor, which had AL
ways argued for world peace. could
not be inconsistent and that in the
lonS run labor would benefit through
the expanded commerce and shipping
OF peace time prosperity.
Questions like these. conflicts be-
tween administration policy and Ia
bor's objectives frequently happen.
there is always straining a the leash
on the part of the radicals Gompers
has gone. Will his philosophy and
policy be adopted by lahHr leaders or
will they begin the inevitable quar-
reltng which characte-izes minority
groups? The death of Gompers is not
merely the passing of an individual.
1t is critical point in the labor his
tory of America.