davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-06-28

nOmlc program of such character as
to attract both peasants\ and workers
1t Is further alleged that the organ
ization was to have botfa legal and,
an illegal basis, and attempt was to
be made to secure control of the In
dian National Congress. The con
spiracy Git is further alleged) was to
be financed by the revolutionary or
ganization in Russia, and an agree
ment constituting conspiracy was
arrived at by means of letters writ
ten by the accused to one another
from various places, one of which was
Cawnpore. 1t is also alleged that the
accused introduced and circulated in
to British India prescribed newspa-
pers, pamphlets and circulars of a
revolutionary character"
AS proof of these allegations, six
ty out Of eighty intercepted letters al
legged to have been signed by Mana
bendra Nath Roy were presented,
either in manuscript or photograph,
with the following explanation by
Col. Kaye on CT. ex. Information was
received by the government that some
persons whom the latter considered
as Indian revolutionaries from Europe
called meeting in 1921, at Moscow,
with view to making arrangements
for the furtherance of Bolshevik pro
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-06-28

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The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
In Pittsburgh

The Pittsburgh city council, living up to all the
bloody traditions of Pennsylvana's steel and coal
czardom, has voted $4,000 for the purchase of
tear gas equipment, riot guns and other murderous
munitions of war, to crush the street car strike
that started on Saturday.
Murder has always been the weapon of the steel
barons and the mine owners, and Pittsburgh is
their capital city. 1t is promised that the power
to KILL in the hands of the employers dictatorship,
will be brought to bear over the whole city today,
in effort to start running scab street cars, in
place of granting the few cents wage increase de-
.manded by the carmen.
Mayor William A. Magee has ordered that the
cars be started running at the earliest possible
moment, with whatever forces are available" So
spoke candy" Carnegie at Homestead and the
steel profteers at McKees Rocks, and the mine
owners in Fayette and Westmoreland counties,
and in many other industrial centers crimsoned
with the blood of labor, scenes of the massacres
of workers, struggling for little more bread
The Pittsburgh pIutocracy has armed itself with
the latest weapons of war-tear gas, riot guns,
armed tanks.
1t is inconceivable that single worker should
remain on a street car in Pittsburgh under these
conditions. 100 per cent strike would tie up the
traction system, so that Mayor Magee would have
to run his own cars And he'll find that tear gas,
riot guns and armed tanks can't run street cars
any more than court injunctions.
'Pittsburgh's ruling Glass; in this street car
strike, challenges the whole working class thruout
all of Pennsylvania, if not of the nation. Let the
reply of the workers be united front in support
of the carmen. They are today waging the fight
that may yet result in the 100 per cent Organiza-
ton of the steel workers and coal miners of this
satrapy of American profit.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
MundeIein Comes Home

George Cardinal Mundelein arrived in Chicago
Sunday, fresh from the presence of the Roman
Catholic Pope at Rome where he was crowned
with a red hat, insignia of the new honors thrust
upon him.
Mundelein came home lifted to higher place
in the Catholic Church, and with the power to lift
others to seats of eminence And he has already
used that power But how?
Mundelein gives no honors to the masses of
workers, of many nationaities, still in the black
grip of the Catholic Church
Recently he was banquetted by James Farrell,
president of the United States Steel Corporation,
for his brilliant services to the bosses during the
steel strike.
And now we notice that E. f. Carry, president of
the open shop, labor-crushing Pullman Company,
has been selected to be a Knight Of st. Gregory,
whatever that may mean
That will be something else for the strike pickets
at the gates of the Pullman Company to think
about this morning The Polish, the Italian the
Lithuanian and other Catholicenslaved foreign
language workers among the strikers will under
stand better why the Catholic Church has not
leaped to their defense in the present struggle.
Instead of pledging aid to the workers, in their
righteous cause the Catholic Church makes new
alliances with the unholy trinity-Rent, Interest
and Proft-the pillars of capitalism.
1t is the lackeys of the profit system that the
Catholic Church honors. Two other selected
knights of st. Gregory are Robert NJ Sweitzer, the
Chicago Tammany Hall politician, and Anthony
Czarnecki, kept newspaperman, who was es-
pecially sent to Poland, to help buttress Polish
Catholic white terror rule against the Russian
Workers Republic.
Mundelein comes home cardinal, the red hated
cardinal of the employers not red-blooded fighter
for the workers. The workers at Pullman know,
and other Catholic workers will learn
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
Get the Difference.

One round.the-world aviator is lost along the
icy coasts of Alaska and every resource is draft
ed in the effort to save him from death. The daily
press dramatizes the possible danger that beset
him and all the nation is expected to hang on the
fringe of nervous hysteria.
But when the department of interior issues its
memorandum for the press" at Washington, D..
c., giving the latest statistics Of the slaughter
of workers in the coal mines, mention is made
of it. The yellow press is mum.
When Major Frederick Martin started on his
globe girdling fight he knew the dangers he faced.
He accepted them. He knew that he was engaged
in lingo venture, planned to lure the youth of
the nation thru an appeal to its spirit of adven-
ture, into the military service of the capitalist
IT, S. government. So we have worry for the
major He and his will be well taken of.
But where are the widows and orphans of the
1852 coal miners who lost their lives at their
work place last year? Somewhere, trying to earn
some sort of a livelihood, under a government
that never troubled itself about their well-being.
A million miners in the United States go to
their work places facing death. They know it.
The government knows it. The bosses know it.
The worker cannot help himself. He must live.
He must provide for those dependent upon him.
The government cares little if he is Killed The
boss cares less
Little attention is paid to the fact that $50 coal
miners were killed in March. Some months the
figures go higher. Other months they may drop a
little lower. But always the toll goes The
life of the miner is cheap There are always live,
healthy, strong coal miners to take the places of
the dead ones carried from the smoking pit scene
of the latest explosion. There is plenty of new
fodder for the capitalist industrial machine.
But capitalist and militarism must be glori-
fed. For it is the military arm of the BOSSES
dictatorship at Washington that let's the worker
know his place in the coal mine and at every
other work place that he is needed. 1t is the
most powerful weapon of the employer to make
the worker take wage cuts, and toll thru the long
workday. Only when capitalism has been abolished
will the life of the worker be valued above all
else. That will be the day of Communism.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12

and inheritance taxes and other is
sues.
But he shows his real position when
he urges that the United States
should get into the League of Nations,
of the international bankers, and join
the World Court, of the capitalist rul-
ers everywhere.
In discussing international relations,
Gompers conveniently sidesteps the
Morgan-Dawes plan for the enslave-
ment of the workers of Germany.
But Morgan is for "The League" and
"The Court" and in this he shakes
hands with Gompers and the A. F. of
L. offcialdom.
1T is also significant that the Comp
l ers-A F. Of L. statement does not
take up the war against the Recogni-
ton of Soviet Russia. This has been
one of Gompers' pet themes, violently
stressed at all A. F. of L. conventions
since Soviet Rule came into power in
Russia.
Under the high sounding declara-
ton that Tabor favors peace, oppos-
es militarism and frowns upon pacif-
ISM" phrases worthy of the late
Woodrow Wilson himself, Gompers
plays the game of Hughes, Hoover
and other anti-Sovietists in the Cool
idge cabinet, who now openly admit
that arms and munitions of war were
! furnished the counter-revolutionary
generals, Yudenitch, Kolchak and 9th
ers, in their attacks on the First
Workers Republic. This is the kind
of peace" that Gompers favors.
And since the furnishing of NUM-
tions to the white terror against Sow
let Russia, is made the precedent for
supplying the friends of j. Pierpont
Morgan, in Cuba, Venezuela and other
Latin-American countries, with SINH
lar aid, it is significant that Gompers
has nothing to say in this national
campaign about the depredations of
American imperialism in many help
less lands. But Tammany Hall never
did trouble itself with anything out
side the immediate problem of get
ting the votes and the jobs.
NOMPERS and the A. F. of l.. Of
NJ fcialdom have not offered the
working class of this country pro-
gram on which it can wage an effec-
tive fight. The program as announced
is just as sterile as the document will
be, that comes out of the July 4th
gathering at Cleveland.
The class program upon which the
workers and farmers of this country
can unite this year will be drawn up
and adopted at the st. Paul National
Farmer-Labor convention, June 18th.
It is in that direction that the latest
proclamation of Mr.. Gompers should
turn new masses of Americas work
ers and farmers.
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
THE VIEWS OF OUR READERS ON
LIFE, LABOR, INDUSTRY, POLITICS

, non-Socialists would undoubtedly de-
velop.
Since, however, I joined the Work
ers Party have changed my attitude
to so-called labor politics, and am
heartily in accord with the view of the
Central Executive Council ON the pol
icy with regard to the third party
race.
My experience in the Workers
Party is contrary to those in the So.
cialist Party. In the first place ]
found that the average member of the
w. P. is far and away ahead in the
understanding of the class nature OF
capitalist society; understands better
the MARKHAM analysis of capitalism;
has consequently a better and more
definite idea of the ultimate issue OF
the class struggle and is in general OF
proletarian theology, being largely
composed Of workers.
Secondly, a very brave attempt is
made at creating strong discipline,
and tho not universally successful as
yet, has nevertheless attained a con-
siderable degree of efficiency. The
Workers Party in comparison to the
Socialist Party is militancy itself.
And, last but not least, the Work
ers Party, being under the jurisdic.
ton of the Communist International,
is thereby assured an even and uni
versal tenor and an unyielding revo-
lutionary level that is of the greatest
Importance and incalculable strength
to us.
Taking all the above agencies into
account-first, the membership, then
| the local and national organizations
with its growing discipline and knowl
edge; third, the tremendous guiding
restraining or encouraging influence
exerted by the watchful Communist
International-one feels that such an
Organization need not be afraid of be.
ing misled or tempted away from its
path.
The w. p. can boldly enter into any
political venture it may think is 60
ing to further its interest, for, at any
moment. it can, when the necessity
rises, cut adrift with organization un.
damaged and principle unsullied.
Therefore am for the policy Of the
G. Il. c., because we go in with oui
eyes wide open; we have no illusions
as to the morality, integrity. honesty
or any other nice and honeyed at
Tribute OF third or any other, except
a real class conscious mass party az
by the w. p. We do not trust them
further than we can see; they will moi
be able to fool US individually or col
IectiveIy, and IL we can benefit by any
such movement, IL especially the ben
ehts accruing to us will be greater
than to our enemies, we go in--ant
when II will suit our purposes we viii
go out. A definite policy that onl,
a well organized, well disciplined
party, such as the w. p, Is fast be
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
Our Little ROws
I'm Australian worker.)

Some members of the Labor Move
ment are deeply concerned about the
fighting that is going on within it's
ranks.
/ must confess I do not feel like
that. In such a cause as ours, internal
|dissension cannot be avoided, and
need not be feared when it comes.
We can quarrel, and still preserve
our unity. We can be convulsed with
fratricidal passions, and nevertheless
be ready, at the first intimation of
common danger, to stand together in
unbroken and unbreakable solidarity.
l don't worry in the least when
Comrade Smith declares that Com
rade Brown is an unmitigated scoun-
drel, and Comrade Brown retorts
that Comrade Smith is a rascal of the
deepest dye.
Each comrade gathers a faction
round him, and the air is clamorous
with the sounds of their contention.
Never mind. Don't grieve about
it. Don't think that all is lost be-
cause of this domestic turmoil.
1t has its uses, brother. 1t shows
that Labor possesses within itself
that spirit of conflict without which
the world would never press forward.
1t shows that the fury of criticism
which smashes old evils, and the en-
ergy of discomfort which creates new
systems, are both existent within our
camp.
They are difficult to manage and
control; sometimes they appear to
overpower us, and we criticize each
other savagely, and discomfort ex-
presses itself in internecine wrang-
ling.
It's alright. A crisis will CONSOLE
date us. And is it not evident, bro
Their, that we need not dread stagna-
ton when Capitalism is destroyed
when the myriad incentives of the
class struggle no longer diversity ex-
istence, and supply it with that i'm
pulsive force which is the guarantee
of progress?
Conflict as well as cooperation is
essential to the higher evolution OF
human society.
But when Labor is universally
triumphant, and has no foe to fight.
it won't decline for lack Of combatiye
exercise, for it can always be depend.
ed upon to have devil of a row with
itself.
Do you see the point brother?
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
THE PIED PIPER OF TAMMANY HALL

workers by winning the leaders of this
needle trades union What Sigman's
price will be, we do not know. II
will be remembered that Gompers
bought Sigman's predecessor, Benz
amin Schlesinger, with a delegateshir
to the British Trade Union Congress.
THAT Gompers' campaign for AL
4 Smith is well under way is shown
by the statement just issued by
Franklin D. Roosevelt, chairman OF
the New York State Committee fol
the nomination of Governor Alfred e
Smith, to which are appended the
names of practically all labor leaders
of note in New York City.
There are included large number
of officials who met with the N. Y.
Socialist leaders, about a year ago
at Albany, and with the spokesmen
of the railroad brotherhoods, to talk
politics as it is played in the ma
TONS largest state. There are the
Hollands and Sullivans, the Cough,
Inns and O'Hanlons, the Ryans and
Fitzgibbons, the Doyles and the
Bradys, the Cowboys and Murphys, all
cogs in the Tammany machine. The
boom for CAP is on. And Gompers
is one of the chief boomers.
ONCE the A. F. Of L. oficialdom
- thus develops its alliances, it car
be taken for granted that it is moi
troubled much with program and prin
ciples. The slogans advanced for Will
son, in 1912 and 1916, and for Cox in
1920, are good enough for SAP Smith
in 1924. No bother about the fact
that the world has gone thru a great
war, that great strikes have hit and
dismembered some of Americas larg.
est unions, while the working class is
now face to face with new Industrial
depression.
Gompers meets universal wage cuts
with a plea for the revival of the
spirit of honesty, integrity and high.
mindedness in public Office" In the
stern exigencies of the class war, he
makes use of the empty phrases of
the employers chloroforming propa-
gandists.
Gompers' greatest attack is levelled
against the Volstead act, with 2.75 per
cent beer urged as the salvation of the
human race. So how could Gompers
have the vitality to discuss greater
issues.
IN THE A. F. of L. election program
/ we find no mention of the unem-
ployment problem, daily growing
more acute, nor of the housing prob
lem that confronts all city workers.
Instead Gompers polishes up his
time worn policies on the immigration
question, child labor, the bonus, in
functions, the railroad labor board,
he Sherman antitrust law, income
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
BY J. Louis Enudahl.

THERE will be no change, in this
| important presidential year, in the
political policies of the American Fed
Grafton of Labor.
Sam Gompers and the executive
council Of the A. F. Of L. have pro.
vided that the platform, parties and
candidates" will be measured this
year, as usual, by the same old stand
ards.
Gompers and his lackeyS will go to
the republican convention at Cleve.
land, and to the democratic conven.
ton at Madison Square Garden, New
York City, to reward friends and pun
ish enemies in the same old way in
the Wall Street parties.
HESE are conclusions easily
drawn from the political declara.
ton just issued from the A. F. of L.
headquarters in Washington, D. C.
But another conclusion can be just
as easily drawn, and that is That Sam
Gompers will always remain loyal to
his first love, the democratic party,
and that he is even now pulling all
the strings he can to secure the nom
ination Of AL Smith, Tammany Hall
governor of New York State, on the
national democratic ticket
Gompers has always been close to
the Tammany Hall machine in New
York City. The dominating officials
in the New York labor movement are
part and parcel of Tammany Hail.
And AL Smith has always been their
little hero, since he was pushed into
the limelight by the late Boss" Muir
ply.
Gompers and his executive council
will have nothing to do with third
party movement, let alone the drive
for the National Farmer-Labor class
party. The coming months will show
whether Gompers can win any mass
es for his donkey procession. We
predict that few will be cured by the
discordant music of this Pied Piper of
Tammany Hall.
lust how GCmpers is seeking to
- win over the officials of labor to
his moth-eaten program is shown by
the fact that President Morris Sig
man, of the International Ladies' Gar
ment Workers Union, Joined in the
hip-hip-hooray demonstration for AL
Smith at the convention now in ses-
sion in Boston.
None other than Mayor Curley
broke the ice for Gompers' program,
and it was announced that CAP him.
self would appear before the conven-
ton later on.
Thus Gompers not only has the
Irish labor leaders in New York City
under his thumb, but is even trying
to make inroads among the Jewish
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
Labor Elected Him

Organized labor's oficialdom in Chicago has re-
ceived its to the election endorsement given
Judge Charles NJ Foell last fall. 1t came in the
form of heavy fines imposed upon the pickets of
the striking garment workers for alleged contempt
of the bosses courts.
1t should be difficult for Fitzpatrick, Nockels,
Olander, Nelson and the rest to face rank and
file worker, knowing that they had helped the
bosses put Foell in the job he now holds job that
he uses, at every opportunity, against the working
class.
These labor officials advanced the exploded the
DRY that there are good judges and bad judges to
be had among the candidates Of the old political
parties So ''Dennie" Sullivan was fought, while
Foell was fawned upon.
The garment strikers have learned, as we
pointed out they would learn that there is no diff
ference between "Dennie" Sullivan and Charley
Foell that they both creatures Of the same en-
ployers judicial system, that crucies labor in the
name Of the protection Of private property.
Labor cannot blame Sullivan and Foell They
are loyal to their class, the employing class that
put them in power. They do not bear the brand
Of traitor. But the charge of treason may well
be brought against the officials Of labor, who so
far forgot loyalty to their class interests, as to
throw their support to judicial lackey Of the
enemy.
Let the workers follow more closely the actions
Of labor officials, of the stripe Of Fitzpatrick,
Nockels and Olander, in future elections
The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-12
A Common Problem.

To the DAILY WORKER: I am
writing this on the chance that there
may be many other comrades in the
Workers Party who have been con-
fronted with the same problem, and
therefore the citing of my experience
and conclusions may possibly be of
some use.
Previous to joining the Workers
Party, some six or seven months ago,
] was member Of the Socialist Party.
My experience in the Socialist Party
was, to say the least, very discour-
aging.
The English local to which / be-
longed consisted of motley crowd of
individuals, the largest part of whom
did not understand the least thing
about the class character of society,
had no definite conception or opinion
on the inevitable struggle looming
ahead for the workers, and possessed
in general petty bourgeois theology.
They seemed to me the Peter Pans of
the radical movement-who never
grew up.
Needless to say, there was no disci-
pine nor well formulated national
policy, let alone international disci-
!pline and centralized authority.
For example: A member would
hand the secretary one or more nom
nation cards, with the dollar en-
trance fee for each applicant; the
name would be called out-not pres
ent. One would say, Move the ap-
plicant be accepted" Seconded,
passed, and, by presto, a brand new
rebel registered. Time after time the
same happened without any one ex,
cept the proposer ever having seen
the person before enrolment, or aft.
err; a mere farce.
Another example: A committee
tried to look up registered Socialist
voters. They found, and so reported
that the majority of those visited got
their Socialist education and inspira
ton by reading capitalist-liberal
sheet Of ordinary yellow variety.
Therefore felt that for such a
party to join liberal-labor or third
party would be q very dangerous ex
pertinent indeed. felt that should
such a third party make some head
way that II would swallow the Social
ist Party bag and baggage, and there
fore, as member OF the s. p, op
posed all and every alliance or com
minging with other non-Socialistis
bodies.
! thought that the only way to pre-
serve our existence and continue &c
function as Socialists we must first
educate our members to clear un
derstanding OF Socialism, so that they
may be able to Withstand the pres
sure and temptation of the disinte
grating forces, that an alliance with