The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-12-24
MINORITY THESIS PROPOSES
PENETRATION OF THIRD PARTY

the future, the minority thesis, by
sort Of leap-the-gap procedure, hops
right to the conclusion that the
class" farmer-labor party slogan
stands justified.
The minority thesis analysis has
great hole in it. AS it stands, It can
not serve as justification for the
use Of the "class" farmer-labor party
slogan. Something is lacking in it.
It cannot show "class" farmer-labor
party movement in existence now.
Therefore. if the slogan is to be of
value, it must demonstrate the inevi-
liability of such Glass" farmer-labor
party movement The minority, typi-
cally evasive upon all major theoreti-
cal points, lack the intellectual cour-
age to defend the unacceptable conclu-
sion from their slogan, that is, that
the class" farmer-labor party is in
evitable. Their thesis now is merely
an analysis of the LaFollette move
ment and a prophesy that it will break
up, together with an irrelevant and
lugged-in advocacy of the "class"
farmer-labor party slogan. The thesis
does not in any sense lay the theoreti-
cal basis for the use of that slogan.
2. disappearing the LaFoIIette
Movement as the "cIass" Farmer.
Labor Party.
Altho the minority thesis fails com
pletely to establish the existence of
a definite "class" farmer-labor party
movement now, as distinct from the
general LaTollette movement, and it
lso fails to show that such move
aent must develop with the breaking
lway of the masses from the LaFol-
cite movement, still, by sleight-of-
land jugglery, it not only seeks to
cave the impression that one day
here will be a mass "class" farmer
abor party, but also that there now
Exists an organized movement CORE
spending to the GLASS" farmer-labor
party slogan. The method is insidi-
ously simple.
In naming organizations and move
ments supposedly giving body to the
class" farmer-labor party idea. the
minority thesis adopts a significant
shift in Technology. 1t drops the
term "class" farmer-labor, which os-
tensibly represents the only form Of
such party that the minority advo-
Gates, and it merely refers to the
farmer-labor party in general terms.
Thus it brings to our attention a mis-
cellaneous collection of granger farm
er-labor parties and tries, by raising
no issue of their "class" nature, to
palm them off upon our party as Sec
lions Of the "class" farmer-labor party
movement. Thus we find cited for
our edification the LaFolIette farmer
labor parties of Minnesota, Washing
ton, Colorado, South Dakota, and
North Dakota. This substitution of
the LaFollette movement for the
'class" farmer-labor party movement
runs all thru the minority thesis. 1t
is but one indication of many that the
minority, while advocating their
mythical "class" farmer-labor party,
are prepared to accept in its stead
the LaFollette movement.
The c. E. G. majority thesis lays
down the correct principle that in or
der for the Workers Party to profit
ably propagate the "class" farmer
labor party slogan, there must be
mass sentiment behind it. It demands
that the minority show the existence
Of such sentiment. The efforts of
the minority to do this are the chief
comedy feature Of the party discus
sion.
The Fabulous Five.
First, their thesis cites the five La
Toilette farmer-labor parties above
noted, together with the defunct
Cannonsburg party. Then, seeing the
glazing inadequacy and incongruity of
this showing, the minority began a
campaign of discovering flourishing
class" farmer-labor party move
ments in various parts of the country.
There was California, for example,
where a bunch of renegade ex-mem-
bers of the Workers Party and social
lists, all of whom supported LaFol-
lette, were trying to revive the social
list party under the banner of the
farmer-labor party. The minority ac-
tually tried to call this contemplate
maneuver a mass demand for their
class" farmer-labor party. After that
came the farmer-labor resolutions of
the moulders, potters, and stone cut
ters, at the A. f. Of l.. convention,
altho these resolutions were adopted
by the T. U. e. L., efforts long before
the LaFollette movement absorbed
the farmer-labor party proper. Next,
was Massachusetts, where even when
farmer-labor party sentiment was ram
pant in the country. not real trace
Of organization could be built up. This
place has just experienced a tremen-
dous outburst Of "class" farmer-labor
party sentiment, TO hear the minority
tell II. The truth Is that Organizer
BALKAN, loyal supporter of the mi
nority, was just throwing out a little
smoke screen for fractional purposes.