davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
, 1924-09-10
Not Soon Enough

what did you think of my death
scene?' asked the actor.
well, II seemed to me 1t came A
little late in the piece" was the reply.
, 1924-09-10
Just What She Wanted

Dear Mother" writes a Kars,.
City girl who is teaching in Honolnlu
Il received your letter thanking mo 70,
the lovely fancy hairpin l SEM you for
your birthday.
THAT'S all right, mother dear. I'm
awfully glad you like 1t and IL II +,
becoming l hope you will continue Ia
wear 1t In your hair. But, mother.
Just must tell you that the little two.
2ronged ivory piece that sent Won
really Is Intended for a lemon.fork.~
There is nothing more satisfactory
after a day Of hard work than a line
full Of snowy-white clothes. For such
results use Red Cross Ball Blue.-Ad.
vertisemeut.
The daily worker., 1924-12-22

MOST complete discussion policy possible
n because the DAILY Every party
DAILY every
he English will
Importance to the theoretical development
DAILY party many ways
all the around the
propagandst-and it chain,
member city city district district
helps centraIze
We must DAILY WORKER o
do this dollars
then the DAILY WORKER
WORKER victory ornothng
INSURANCE POLICIES o They
$1o IS and ST. The
that shall
SIS POLICY.
party policy
and tasks Policy which
That is POLICY INSURE
DAILY WORKER FOR 1925.
William z Foster Chairman.
c. &. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary.
The daily worker., 1924-12-22
A Communist CatecI1ism
More. Questions and ANSWERS.

70 Question--How much truth is
" there in the contention Of the
Foster-cannon group that since there
is no other party at present ready to
lead the workers, then the workers
will have to turn to the Workers
Party for leadership?
Answer-Such an attitude is trav-
esty on Marxism. 1t is confession
in bankruptcy. This argument might
hold water if the workers were con-
scious of their lack of leadership.
The workers being conscious of their
lack of leadership, in some need Of
leadership and with no competition
in sight for us, would of course, then
turn to the w. P. But that is Fata
Morgana mirage which haunts the ma
jority. The sorry fact is that the
workers, as a mass, as class, are not
at all conscious of their need for new,
revolutionary, proletarian leadership.
The working masses still follow cheer
fully and quite often blindly the lead
ership Of capitalism. To wait for
them to turn to us for leadership is
equivalent to a declaration of bank
ruptcy of our party--to liquidation of
our party.
n Question-Is the C. E. c. majority
" fooling the members when II
maintains that "The c. E. c. is seek
ing the advice of the comintern on the
labor party policy which will become
known in due time"
Answer-Of course, the Foster-Can-
non group is fooling the membership
when it says that they are simply
misrepresenting the facts. At branch
meetings, in an effort to create favor
able sentiment thru the cheapest kind
Of gutter demagogy, C. E. c. majority
flogicians," like Bittelman, yell that
they are taking their case to the mem
bership while the minority is always
talking about the C. |. The Foster
Cannon group voted again1t the mo-
ton the minority of the c. E. c. made
to accept the proposal Of the E. G. of
the G. |. to have it consider and act
The daily worker., 1924-12-22

charged with violation of trade un7
on discipline because Of our support
ior Comrades Foster and Gitlow. Our
campaign meetings held during the
campaign were not much more than
party membership meetings. The La
toilette wave swept everything before
It, even the unions that had previous
ly been classed as left wing fell in
line. Active trade unionists were sup
porting Comrades Emme and Young
dahl, but at the same time were sup
porting LaFollette. We found that all
we had was a house Of cards that
crashed on our heads as soon as the
I.aFollette wind came up. Commun-
ism had made no inroads on the mass
es We had captured conventions,
The daily worker., 1924-12-22
Discussion Of Our Party's Immediate Task

n the party controversy at it's enlare
ed session scheduled for February. In
the discussion of this motion, Foster
the public leader of the Z. q. G. ma,
jority, and Cannon, the leader behind
the back-drop, even accused us of try.
ing to cheat the membership by re.
ferring the question for decision tc
the G /. prior to party convention.
These comrades might have made the
effort to learn that the G. l. has time
and again made it it's business to CON
slider the problems of its various sec
tions in order to help them and In or
der to prevent their making mistakes
IN QuestIon--Who Il Is responsible
iVI for the lie that the minority
members Of the c. E. c. were opposed
to giving the membership the chane
to discuss?
Answer-The membership know
exactly who was responsible for this
lie. The facts are these. Immediate
ly after the publication of the cleo
tion statement tho minority members
of the G. E. G. insisted on the pub
lication of its election statement and
a discussion of these two documents
in the press. Our subsequent efforts
to have the c. E. C. act on this mat
ter, as we requested, failed. When the
C. l. proposal to consider our question
arrived we declared to the c. l. that
we are planning to open the party dis
cussion Immediately and will be glad
to comply with it's decisions. 1t was
the minority pressure that forced the
majority of the c. e. G. to print oul
election statement and thus practical
ly bring about the opening of discus
sion thruout the party.
At the political committee Of Decem
Der II, it was the majority Of the
C. E. c. that forced the adoption of q
motion over the opposition of the
Marxist group to limit discussion tc
one page. We made every effort tc
have the DAILY WORKER continue
to allot two pages for the party dis
cussion, at least until after all the
meetings are over. Az
parently the ideas entertained by Il
Foster group of giving the membe
ship chance to discuss are about as
correct as its views on the united
fl ont tactics.
The daily worker., 1924-12-22

but we had not succeeded in winning
the workers to a revolutionary pro
gram.
The experiences in Minnesota con
vinces me that the majority is cor
rect in their position. There is NO
class farmer-labor movement in Min
nesota. The federation has become
the Minnesota c. P. P. A. If our
party is to take over the leadership
Of the workers in this state it will
have to form its united fronts on the
basis of the immediate economic and
political needs of the working class
BY fighting on that basis we can most
effectively destroy the influence of
LaFolletteism and develop our party
into mass Communist Party.
The daily worker., 1924-12-22
SLOGANS, SENSIBLE AND OTHERWISE

less, tis said they might incidentally
be told that these self-appointed dis
ruptionists all belong to the DAILY
WORKER staff. Out of the minority's
sentimental sense of duty, perforce,
might they hear of the DAILY WORK
ER, as of an old-time sweetheart
whom one remembers fondly, tho
mostly in ones dreams. What the
Mahoneyites would be proragandized
with of course, would be a "class
farmer-labor press" And yet, upon
more careful reading of the minor
ity thesis, one might conclude that
they wouldn't hear so much about
this, either. For the minority might
not have a shred of a suggestion as
to how the "class farmer-labor
press" should be organized; in fact,
might not be at all sure if it ever
would be organized-that's the hell
of it.
What the minority thesis might re-
mark is: 1.-THE inevitability of the
formation of farmer-labor press is
not the basis of our campaign. We
use this slogan as means Of agita-
tion and to establish contact with
workers who are moving toward inde-
pendent newspaper action, to win
them for the DAILY WORKER and
to build our paper It is quite possible
that the actual organization of a
class farmer-labor paper which will
establish itself firmly and function
over a period of time will not be the
line of development, but that the best
of those elements which we bring un-
der our influence and leadership thru
the campaign under the slogan For a
class farmer-labor press" can be alb
sorbed into the DAILY WORKER
without passing thru the stage of ac-
tual organization into a separate
paper"
So, coming down to just plain news
paper facts for workers." what the
Mahoneyites would hear, all-in-all and
above all and beyond all, reveals it.
self as naught but a slogan, a naked
fleshless skeleton of slogan, and this
slogan, friends, Romans and mega
phone men, is, as has been mention
ed before, nothing more nor less than
For class farmer-labor press"
What effect its reiterated utteranc-
es would have on the Mahoneyites,
am at loss to predict (tho they have
bad reputation for knitting Commun-
lists in the back, just how they would
handle mesmerists is problematical.)
But ! am wondering a little what is
TO become of the DAILY WORKED in
the meantime. Whether there would
be any paper left or not would depend
on how many journalists and readers
the minority could mobilize into be-
coming phrase-mongers. Perhaps,
after all, the loss of those who would
be tempted by such word-salads would
be insignificant, and the DAILY
WORKER might discover that It's sub
scription list would grow fatter and
healthier on better-balanced diet.
But forget, my analogy has carried
me away; 1t is not the DAILY WORK
lcR that is at stake, but only Cd the
Workers Party. We all agree on the
policy to insure the DAILY WORKER,
but minority comrades refuse to ac-
cept the slogan Of insure the Workers
Party. While rejoicing over their
consistency with Communist prin-
ciples in supporting a Communist
press, and none other; nevertheless,
how can we help but despair at this
spectacle OF the minority's mind di-
vided against itself. penny-wise and
The daily worker., 1924-12-22

wonderful campaign and as a ranl
and file member / feel that mucl
credit is due the party for same. We
went thru the campaign and brough
the message of Communism to the
workers and farmers far and near
We are endeavoring to secure large,
membership by reaping the harves
we sowed during the election period
Nevertheless, there is large elemen
in American life that will support Ger
tain policies put forth by our part.
and do this willingly while on th'
other hand they are not ripe enough
to accept our entire program. Shal
we neglect this condition? Shall W.
fail to secure this support for tn,
cause of Communism or shall we lie
the next move come from THEN
rather than our party?
Our party is young and most of o
membership are young folks. We a
all striving to do what is best 70,
our party and to accomplish our task
we must build with the material OF
hand and only thru the combined eli
forts of all can we expand our in
fluence.
We are now engaged in debating
the question and following this W
must ACT. This depends upon tn
merits of either arguments brough
out during this period of debate. Shal
we stand isolated or shall we use thi
opportunity to extend our influence
w ehave taken steps to follow up an
secure what advantages we can fror
our own election campaign. Are W
going to proceed to organize thos
that were bambozzled by LaFollett
an dwho are now in better conditio,
to see our position clearer? Are W
ready to organize them into mas
farmer-labor party?
Are we as Communists prepared t
issue this ULTIMATUM to the e,
plotted farmers and workers that the
can either join our party or renal
outside to be victimized by farmer
residing on Broadway, New York City
and pseudo workers who are in tn,
fight for the thrills it affords? Sh
we do what we can with workers
farmers outside who are more in s.
pathy with our party than others
build up with them a secondary
of defense?
II seems to me, comrades, that
immediate task should be the exten
ing of our lines Of communicate
with the masses and entrenching ou.
party in positions of advantage s.
that when the advance order is give.
the united front will move into act
with uniformity. In order to flha
decide our own tasks we MUST he
understanding Of the problems con,
fronting those we seek to win over.
Our main opposition rests in the work.
ing class itself and our duty as Com
munists is to win as many as possible
to our cause. Some will come half
way and STOP. Does that mean that
we also STOP? Is II not our DUTY
to ALWAYS be the advance guard?
We must extend to the exploited
masses places of refuge and within
such organizations recruit forces TO
join in with the advance guard, which
is our party.
We can either organize th.he
masses or let them continue to be u
Continued on page 81 ~
The daily worker., 1924-12-22
SHALL WE RETREAT?
By wALLAcE 7. MErcALFE.

BY WALLACE 7. METcALFE.
THE formation of mass farmer
labor party in the United States
must be based upon FACTS. Certain
principles must guide us in the work
Of encouraging the formation or per-
forming the organization of the united
front. A united front based merely
upon exploited farmers that has not
the backing of the industrial worker
back in the mines, mills and factories,
is like going into battle with flags
flying and the troops with BLANK
ammunition.
In the United States most Of our
Communist membership rests in the
cities and towns where industrialism
dominates. Very few of the city or
town workers know anything about
the problems confronting the rural
workers. There is bond of sympa-
thy existing between the industrial
and the rural worker, but there is no
actual CONTACT. Our problem, there
fore, is to bridge this gap and bring
about some understanding between
the exploited industrial and farm
workers, and as Communist Party
we should take the lead and determine
just how we propose to accomplish
this.
The LaFollette retreat from Wash
ington and the solemn edict issued
by Mr.. Gompers that labor will con-
tinue it's policy of "watchful waiting"
shows us that any program of organ
izing a united front between the city
and country must be carried out by
the Communists.
If the Communists fail to tackle
this task then who will? Shall we
detach several, or as many as our
party deems necessary, of our organ
izers and have them organize the
mass farmer-labor party or shall we
do this thru the calling of conven-
tion. The desertion of the St. Paul
convention by the so-called liberal la
Dor and farmer organizations and
their stampede to the LaFollette ban
ners is no reflection upon cur party
for the part it took In organizing that
convention.
Some Of our comrades view with
humor the st. Paul convention and
ridicule our position. The fact is that
the membership of our party respond
ed nobly and viewed with favor the
contact we made. This showed that
our lines OF contact with farmer-labor
organizations were weak and when
the order came to CHARGE we found
that our attacking forces were only
Communists.
Had not LaFollette performed his
la A. Mitchell Palmer act OF de-
nouncing the Communists previous to
the st. Paul convention, our party
would have needed every Communist
delegate attending. We had no FIRM
hold upon the outside organizations
taking part and who deserted the con-
vention and therefore when II came
to the zero hour the farmer-labor par
ty entered into mo mans land"
nominated its candidates and then
beat a hasty retreat home and de-
clared the WAR was over. The ST.
Paul candidates were removed from
the battle zone and we next charged
under our own banners and with our
party candidates.
The Workers Party did carry out a
The daily worker., 1924-12-22
BY GERTRUDE WELSH.


Explanation ALI quoted SEN
tences or phrases are taken from
the minority thesis, tho in every
case, instead of using the words,
Workers Party" or party"
have substituted DAILY WORK
Err" newspaper" party" or
press" Exclamation points are
my own.)
NUR party is now concentrated on
- the task of building up the
DAILY WORKER, putting it on a
financial basis that will guarantee its
continuation as the surest means of
maintaining and spreading the power
of Communist ideology. Upon one
policy we are all united and that is to
insure the DAILY WORKER for 1925;
this is the slogan of the papers APP
peal for support as published daily
on the same page with the discussion
of other party tasks.
Imagine a split on this policy! I'M
agine a minority springing up and
m n t aiming eandiloquently: Of
course, we agree heartily with the the
ory of upbuilding the DAILY WORK
Err; certainly, we know that it is
the only class paper in the United
States; absolutely, we realize that it
alone conducts labor's offensive
against capitalism; but, We gods of
caofo rionfcrx, think Va c,,oh tr,,ft,e
will penetrate" the "proletarians and
poor farmers? Think ye this task
can be performed merely by a me-
chanical addition" of new subscrib-
ers? The Sentiment of the masses"
is not for the DAILY WORKER, but
for class farmer-labor press!
And with this for starter, the mi
nority would set about COMPOSING a
thesis, quite complicated affair,
which might contain, however, the
following epigrammatic summary:
"The campaign for farmer-labor
press if conducted upon a correct
conception of the united front tactic,
gill not obscure and hide the DAILY
WORKER or substitute some other
paper for it Cd On the contrary,
it will bring the DAILY WORKER
TO the fore as never before CD It
will make our paper stand out as
the leader in the struggle in the inter-
est of the workers and poorer farm
ers" CD
What a travesty of wisdom would
this be, what ridiculosity, yet does il
differ in import from the G. Il. c..
minority's attitude toward the plans
agreed on by the majority for
strengthening the Workers Party?
suggest that, If the minority were
scrupulously consistent, (my inn
agination trembles with the strain)
they would not be participating in the
DAILY WORKER drive nor sponsor
ing the undiluted DAILY WORKER
slogan, but instead, would be trying
to form a left class paper bloc" in
the LaFolletteized columns of Ma
honey's Minnesota Trade Union Ad-
vocate, with the view, as they would
say, of splitting away" his readers
and absorbing" them into our sub
scription list!
Strangest OF all reads the analogous
tale of what would constitute this
splitting away" process. Mahoney's
readers would not be referred to the
DAILY WORKER for information or
guidance---by no means; the minority
wouldn't let them catch sight Of IL
for fear of stopping them after they
had been "set into motion" Npnethe-
The daily worker., 1924-12-22

(Explanation:-All quoted SEN
tences or phrases are taken from
the minority thesis, tho in every
case, instead of using the words,
Workers Party" or party" 1
have substituted DAILY WORK
Err" newspaper" party" or
press" Exclamation points are
my own
Amerikai Magyar hirlap = American Magyar journal. [volume] (Youngstown, Ohio) 1911-1942, 1924-02-28
HARMADsZoR AKARTAK KI-
RABcLNI A DOME SZINHAZAT

Olvas6ink emlekezeteben el
meg, hogy multi ev novembereben
$4,000 keszpenz zsakmamyal me-
nekiiltek ell azok rablok, akik a
betorest vegrehajtattak. Harom
hettel ezelott ismet bet0rtek a
szinhazba. ez alkalommal azonban
eredmenyteleniil, mivel a ianitor
eszrevette a bet0r0t, s Eosszu kiiz-
delem utan azonban annak megis
sikeriilt elillania. Multi csiit0rt0-
fSon ismet bet0r0k jartak ebben a
szinhazban. azonban janitor a
Xxi eppen takaritotta nezoteret, fl
gyelmes lett zajra a levngobe
lott, mire a tettesel nehany bet0-
Amerikai Magyar hirlap = American Magyar journal. [volume] (Youngstown, Ohio) 1911-1942, 1924-02-28
vERHovAL; 321.

A Verhovay Segelyegylet east
Youngstown Silk fi6kja vasar-
nap, marcus 2-an fogja tertanl
rendes havi gyiileset az Italian
Hallban delutan 2 oral kezdettel.
Felkerjuk az osszes tagokar,
hogy ezen a gyulesen feltetelenul
ielenjenek meg, mivel a kozpont-
tol Macy fonsossagu levelek erkez
TEX. melyek minden egyes tagra
nezve nagy erdekkel birnak.
Az6k a tagok, akik felemclt
tagdijak fizeteset mem akartak
vallalni, szinte keretnek, hogy le-
gyenek jelen ezen a gyiilesen.
Amerikai Magyar hirlap = American Magyar journal. [volume] (Youngstown, Ohio) 1911-1942, 1924-02-28
s,staas oily ihse{ttsassl . sgy Aka.
rattal ke2slns i Magyar Haz

x!stAat oily insefttsss>l egy Aka.
fattal ks2slns = Magyar Haz
iigyet,, akkor hAtran merjiik kije-
enteni, hogy. magyarsag kozos
otthona hat honap 1nulva mar biisz
ken hirdethetne AIT, hogy magyar
testvereink megertettek a kozos es
Macy celt s cselakedtek. a
I Kedves epizodja, volt nagybi-
zottsagi gyulesnek, hogy amikor
Homolya Istvan besaedjebenregy
Olcsanyi Janos elott mem nagyon
szimpatikus nevet ejtett XII, ez
ut6bbi csodalatos veletlen folytana
leesett szekerol.
A Nagybizottsag ezuton is fel-
ker mindenkit, hogy azok, akik a
k0z0sen, rendepnd6 marcus 10
Xxi iinnepelyen szerepelni ohaJta-
max, legyenek szivesek ebbeii
szanddA Aukat szombaton, marcus
Len teste Kossuthikor2 kisterme-
ben gyiilest tarto iinnepelyt ren-
dezo bizottsagnak beJelenteni.,
Amerikai Magyar hirlap = American Magyar journal. [volume] (Youngstown, Ohio) 1911-1942, 1924-02-28
MaSsnos tagok: vsjasviss
Istvan Is Molnar Mihaly.

IStVAA va &AVL1aA ANAANAJs
A nagybizottsag orommel vsszi
tudomasul, hogy tagjai soraba be-
lepett a Munkas Betegsegelyzo
Szervezet helyi osztalya, valamint
a Magyar Amerikai Athletikai
kor mint maganos tag: Vojdo-
vics Istvan.
Macy sajnalkozassal ailapitja
meg ellenben, hogy a gyiilesen a
magyar egyhazak kozii1 egyetlen
egynek sem jelentek meg a kepv;-
selol.
A mutt gyiiles altal kikildott
hetes bizottsag, mely hivatva volt
a Magyar Haz megvalositasi ker-
deseinek reszeteit kidolgozni, meg
teszi maga jelenteset, mely felett
hosszu vita indult meg. A kerde>t
minden oldalrol alaposan megvi-
.tattak. T0bbekhoZzaszolasa lltan a
Nagybizottsag elhatarozta, hogy
meginditja gyiijtesi kampanyt $
hogy az minden tekintetben sike-
res legyen, ARA nezve egy reszle-
tes tervet dolgoz ki a kikiildott
hetes bizottsag, melynek tagjai
soraban annyi valtozas t0rten5,
hogy Pekarcslk Istvan lemondott
tag helyet Homolya Istvannal t0i-
t0ttek be.
Homolya ! lstyan keresere ismet
lesz0gezte a Nagybizottsag az alap
szabalyoknak anna pontj jat, hogy a
Nagybizottsag tagjai sorabol
egyetlen egylet sem zarhato ki
Semmi k0riilmenyek k0zott. A
Nagybizottsagnak jogaban all,
valamely egylett6l a kikiildott tag
visszahivasat kerni, de magat az
egyletet, soha sem lehet a maga
kebelebol 'kizarni.
A Magyar Haz iigy utan sor
Amerikai Magyar hirlap = American Magyar journal. [volume] (Youngstown, Ohio) 1911-1942, 1924-02-28
REGI Jo VENDEGL0
VI KEZEKBEN.
A Tomory-fele vendeglot P6lya
Janos es Babies Ferenc vettek at
81 East Youngstownban. ~

Az east youngstowni magyar
sag nagyon j6l ismeri a Tomory-
fele igazi magyar +vendegl6t, a
mely Robinson Road 220. szamu
hazban van. ).
Ez vendeglo most gazdat cse-
rtlt, amennyiben Tomory Istvan
a tulajdonos eladta AIT es pedig
ket k0zbecsilesben es nepszeriseg
ben all6 east youngstown magyar
embernek, nevszerint Polya ia
nosnak es Babies Ferencnek. Az
vi tulajdonosok mar atvettek a
vendegl6 vezeteset es arra fogjaS
.helyezni f6sulyt, hogye elsorangu
reteleket szolgalja fel ven
degeknek. Hogy milyen jo kony-
hajuk van, mi sem bizonyitja job
ban, mint az, hogy City Bank
east Youngstown fiokjanaE tiszt
visel0i, valamint sok ismert iizlet
ember oda jar vacsorazni es ebe
delhi. Els0rangu magyar !. gulyas
turos csusza es hasonlo j6 niagya,
etelek iellemzik az vi vezetes alatt
a vendeglot, a melynek tulajdono
sal teljes mertekben raszolgaltak
ARA, hagy a magyarsag partogol
ia oket.