The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-07-16

report-to our experiences.
After the incidents in Bulgaria, the
Bulgarian Communist Party proposed
to the Bulgarian aI-Democratic
Party, which had at one time sup
ported zankow, to form bloc That
is the first point. Next we decided
here that the German Party was to
take part in the Saxon government.
After the defeat in Saxony our French
comrades, with our consent, offered
to form an election alliance with the
Social Democratic Party in France,
whe-e this is only possible by putting
forward common tickets. Comrades,
let us first examine the two steps
which were taken without any catas-
trophe resulting, where a bloc was
not formed, because the opposition
did not wish it. People talked in this
sort of way: Comrades, the labor
government is the dictatorship of the
proletariat. 1t is synonym; it is
pseudonym." l always understood
that one used pseudonym when one
wanted to conceal something. But if
say, my name is Hasse, but l am
Radek, then surely, comrades, this has
no sense.
Now for the third point to be ex-
planned: how are the social democrats
to be unmasked? We know that the
social democrats can and will never
fight. But we propose to them that
they should fight with us in order that
we may then unmask them. Comrade
TRENT knew perfectly well that the
social democrats would never join
with us in forming bloc, and so we
were able to permit ourselves the
luxury of offering them this union.
They have refused it, therefore, they
now stand unmasked. But we rather
spoil the effect Of this unmasking
when we announce beforehand: "Our
object is not a common struggle, what
we are out for is to unmask you" The
whole point in our being genuinely
and honestly ready to go a bit of the
way with every working class party
which is ready for fight.
Unity of the Workers.
| Exclamation: "But the social demo-
Gratis will never fight.")
We should be trampling the interests
of the working class under foot if we
did not honestly and without reserva-
ton aim at the unity of the proletariat
at every stage of its battle.
4 III
the Bulgarians and the French to do
this, it cannot turn around now and
say: "This was a proposal made with
good intentions; but Ike knew all along
that it would not be accepted"
In September we decided that the
German comrades should enter the
Saxon government. They did enter it
and the whole Executive was con-
WINGED that they had managed the af-
fair very badly. We had suffered a
crushing defeat. And what did Com
rade Zinoviev write about our entry
into the Saxon government after his
defeat? In his pamphlet on "The
Problem of the German Revolution
he says in the introduction, which was
written after the defeat:
Useful Experience.
"The comrades who look only at the
situation in Germany from the point
of view of Saxony are making the mis-
take Of provincials, they have not got
their perspective right. The Saxon
experiences were not accidental, and
they were not useless to the party.
(Hear! Hear!) The most important
task in Germany is to capture the
workers who support the Left wing of
the social democracy-the present
Left wing OF the social democracy is
playing the same part as the indie
pendent socialists played in 1920. The
masses of the workers are clinging to
the left social-democrats as they might
cling to life buoy, still hoping to get
salvation without the bloodshed of a
civil war. All these sections of the
working class would have held us
Communists responsible if we had re-
fused to try in company with the left
social democrats to bring the country
out of its crisis by peaceful means"
Even after the Saxon experiences
comrade- Zinoviev did not hold our
entry into the government to have
been a mistake, but even tho it
brought defeat to our party he regards
it as great victory.