The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-05-23

union. Though the movement for a
Labor Party is not universal among
the American working class, the more
awake, virile sections favor it,
despite their knowing that it cannot
succeed at the first election, and their
wish to have voted for the winning
party at each single election
The farmer, on the other hand, is
up against the capitalist on all Sides
He is literally crushed by the trusts
and the banks, and every attempt to
get legislation in his favor has met
with rebuff both from the Demo
cratic and the Republican govern
ment. AS a consequence, he has
naturally turned to political action and
the many movements in the past
thirty years indicate his determi-
nation to do some things for himself
Hence we find in the movement
throughout the middle and far west
that the farmers are going into the
movement by the tens of thousands.
But an even more significant pheno-
menon is manifest today. Whereas in
former times, the farmers had their
distinct movements and were little
inclined to cooperate with the work
ers, the attacks of the trust and the
feeling of common suffering, are
uniting them with the workers. Move
ments like the Non-partisan League
are doomed in America. Their place
is being taken by the farmer-labor
movement-a movement of revolt
against the trusts-the enslavers of
the workers and the farmers. 1t is a
cropping revolt, not the product of
consciousness-an surely bereft of
all understanding that behind the
trust and big capital is the GOVERN
MENT, representative of wealth and
power. The making and unmaking of
laws, the issuing of injunctions, the ig-
noring of the sufferings of the farm
ers deliberately and savagely by the
government, have fastened the eyes
of the workers and farmers on Wash
ington. Senators and representatives
have been sent to Congress and
presumably have put up a militant
fight particularly in behalf of the
farmers. They are few in number,
and only fortuitous situation has
placed them in the position of power;
the balance that they WELD thay have
exercised with great shrewdness and
acumen. The movement, however,
that has placed them in Congress,
and the sufferings and the movement
that they ostensibIy represent are far
stronger than the group itself. The
revolt of the farmer is clear, for it
is based on the economic condition
of the farmer. The revolt Of the work
err is more vague, for economically
he has not yet felt great pinch and
he feels only the pressure Of the law
particularly Of the injunction, which
he tries to evade.
The movement is just taking form;
it is impelled by economic motives
and by the fact that this is an election
year At least four million workers
and farmers have openly expressed
their will to undertake independent
political action. These workers and
farmers are more or less clear on the
proposition. The more militant and
nearly class-conseious of them are
for the Immediate formation Of a
farmer-Iabor party; the others express
it in a less distinct form.
The Electromagnetic, professionals
and liberals, who suffered during the
war and have not recovered, are seek
ing redress in some form or other.
They are totally unorganized and
filled with the same democratic
illusion that good" government
will give proper attention to their
situation.