The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-02-09

a FTER the smoke of battle and
1 "A the fumes of bunk-laden ora
tory cleared away from Tomlinson
hall, Indianapolis. where the 29th
consecutive and Goth biennial con-
vention of the United Mine Workers
of America was held, John L. Lewis,
representing the reactionary leader
ship in the organization, still held
position was considerably more pre-
carious than when the convention
opened.
The fight at this convention was
not, as in former years, between the
controlling machine and the old pro-
pressives, but between the reaction
airy machine, which has assimilated
or amalgamated the old progressives,
and the rising radical wing, led by
the communists.
The outstanding feature Of tlis
convention was that the radicals
for the first time in the history of
the organization, showed that they
knew that it is not only necessary
to fight, but to prepare this fight.
AS the convention progressed, this
element was gaining in militancy
and self confidence, and tho John
L. Lewis may CAIN v.0eyrs
was truly a Pyhrric one, because his
Nemesis was born when he dello-
erately stole the vote on Alexander
Howat and literally told the dele
gates to ''go to he'll"
With the radicals entering the
next convention as well organized,
disciplined and enthusiastic as when
they left this one, John L. Lewis
may have a different story to tell.
There is greater number of capa-
bic ma4hine lieutenants in the United
Mine Workers of America than in
any other industrial working Class
organization in the United States.
1t was said of the French army under
Napoleon ''that every soldier of
France carried a MarshalPs baton
in his knapsack,' and it can (also)
be said that every member of the
United Mine Workers who can use
his tongue carries an organizers
commission in his portfolio. The
Lewis machine is built on patronage.
Whenever a promising member of
the union shows his head above the
common level, he is gobbled up by
the administration forces, paced on
the payroll if he is for sale, and
if not, war is declared against him.
The political generalship of the
miners union is in the hands of
John L. Lewis and William Green,
assisted by Thomas Kennedy and
Philip Murray. The first three
named are clever, know the miners
and can appeal effectively to their
emotions. They are definitely COM
mitted to the policy of class col
laboration, have no vision beyond
an occasional increase of wages and
improvement of working conditions.
In this respect, they mirror the
views of the majority of the miners
payroll brigade included-at the
present time. They have the ideo-
logical leadership of the membership
as was demonstrated whenever ques-
lions other than those relating pa--
ticularly to the miners organization,
came up for consideration. That,
together with a liberal show of
force, observation-disclosures the payroll
enables them to hold their seats.
On organization questions, how
ever, their hold on the membership
is precarious, only a refusal to
recognize an adverse majority vote
enabled them to retain power.
The Old Progressives
In other days the miners union
was the happy hunting groun ior
progressives. It was the nest where
the industrial chickens Of the social
list party were Matched. What a
brood there was! Thomas Kennedy,
Charles Keeney, John Brophy, Chris
Golden, John Hessler, Otto Gunner,
and hundreds Of lesser lights. Where
are they today? So indisoiubly
bound with the most reactionary ma
chine that ever controlled the Unit
ed Mine Workers of America that
at the last convention there was
only one old progressive DETECTION
from the administration, and that
was in the case Of John Hessler
Of Indiana, whose Ku Klux Khan
constituency obviously instructed