The Birmingham age-herald., 1924-08-31

ally than the solution of the repara- ton question for both in America and in Europe we have looked upon repara- tions not merely as a question in itself but also as a question which, by reason of its relation to other questions, was delaying and hindering and generally threa tening the world outlook for peace. When reparations is out of the way, or even when it appears to be out of the way, the major question must be faced, writes David Hunter Miller in the New York Times.
 In America we are apt to think of this greater question in terms of dis armament. Generally speaking, we feel that disarmament is one of the two roads to peace and to many Americans there does not seem any difficulty in the way of disarmament. Phrases have great effect upon American public opinions and just as, nearly fifty years ago, an American statesman changed the fiscal history of our coun- try by saying that the way to resume specie payments was to resume, just so do Americans think that the way to disarmament is simply to disarm.
 The other general American idea of the road to permanent peace Sis also summed up in a phrase "outlawry of war" When I say that this is a most curious phrase, l do not mean that it does not have behind it a very real and common sense idea, for it has; but it's meaning is derived from that common sense idea and not from the words themselves; the expression is cryptic and wholly American.
 Europe Wants To Disarm
 That Europe is going to make a real effort toward disarmament, now that reparations is out of the way, is unques- tionable. We cannot foresee what measure of success may be reached but we can now see when, and in general how, the attempt is going to be made.
 It is of great interest to us on this side of the water that just as the Dawes report incorporated American ideas, so this coming effort in Europe to achieve something along the lines of disarmament will be influenced by an American propOsal-a proposal that is unofficial, just as American co-opera- tion in the Dawes report was unofficial, so far as our government is concerned.
 The question of disarmament is com ing before the assembly of the league at its September meeting in two en. tirely distinct forms. The history of one of these goes back almost four years to the first meeting of the assembly in 1920-when the study by the league of the question of disarmament was com menced. 1 need not go into details of the various committees, technical and otherwise, which worked on the ques- tion. Tine chief among these bodies was perhaps the so-called Temporary Mixed Commission called temporary" be- cause it is not n permanent committee under the league; and called 'mixed' because it's members (not, strictly speaking, representatives of govern ments) were eminent individuals, civil ians and military men, some of whom were at times connected with their own governments and some of whom were | not.
 I may, however, sum up the results of the work of the temporary mixed commission very briefly. Two plans were submitted to it.
 The consideration of these two plans brought about their amalgamation, in | form at least; but an amalgamation in which much more was left of the Re- quin plan than of the Cecil plan. This amalgamation is the well-known Treaty of Mutual Assistance which the fourth assembly of the league, in 1923, or dered circulated to all the governments of the world for an expression of their views.
 Perhaps the only one thing certain as to the September meeting of the assembly is that this league plan has no chance of general adoption. Replies of various governments to it have been sent in; some have been published in whole or in part; and some are known to be unfavorable. Great Britain and the United States have said that they could not accept this league plan of guarantees. The British IDominions are all against it. The French attitude toward the League Treaty of Mutual Assistance will probably be more favor able; but without British support nc such plan can go into effect.
 Important Factor Of Security
 The American plan, for reasons which need not discuss, is in the form of a draft treaty. It is not very long somewhat over a column of The New York Times. am going to attempt not to discuss it's text and it's language but to set out the few and simple prin ciples on which it is based. Before doing that, however. l want to point out ont consideration which the American plar takes into account, very necessary consideration and one that American public opinion is apt to lose light of It is the factor of security.
 This factor of security is both objec tive and subjective. Most of all, how ever, it is a state of mind it is ques ton as to whether people think they do or do not have national security In other words, it is a state of minC which is absent from any serious senti ment in the United States. We havt two long land frontiers that have nc military meaning and on the east anC west of our country we have two grea oceans there have been no hostile for eign troops within the United State: for over a century and the possibility of an invasion of our country is some thing beyond the widest dreams of thu average citizen.
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