Evening star., 1924-10-12
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There is. then, no security attain
able by machinery. Nations will
pledge their faith to refrain from ag-
gression, to permit the league to pass
upon any contemplated action, but
they will not surrender their means
to defend themselves, nor, in the case
of the British and OF ourselves at
least, will they turn over any part of
their armies and navies to foreign
control Further, and this Is a vital
point, nations which have common
dangers will not surrender the right
to make agreements among them
selves for mutual cooperation in
case of emergency.
Gives Sanction to Alliances.
This right. moreover the new proc
tocol has had TO recognize. The terms
or the agreement are to be registered
with the league, the agreements must
be patiently defensive, but with these
unimportant limitations since all
agreements and alliances are capable
of such formulation, all the existing
alliances on the continent come into
full force with the added sanction of
the league itself. We have, then, the
definite principle that nations within
the league may form special compacts
of joint defense and can thus, in a
measure, exercise the authority of the
league itself if aggression, established
by the league decision, occurs against
one of the nations thus associated.
In the larger sense, however, it is
manifest, as l have said, that after the
present session of the league the vital
problem of security remains just where
1t was physically as contrasted with
the moral element Nothing has been
done to make automatic and sure the
support by all the league of any men,
Der assailed wantouly. The duty of
the members is made clear, but no con-
tract entered into by them compels
the performance of the duty, and there
is nothing to suggest that any nation
would perform the duty save as it felt
the aggression was a direct menace TO
itself
1t is hard to see, then. how any real
step has been taken toward immediate
disarmament. Obviously the British,
resting upon the Washington agree
ment. will not reduce their fleet. nor
Will the French. confronted with OBJ
/ Vious dangers on the German side. re-
duce their army beyond the point
which seems to them advisa Bile, and
the same Is true Of many other ma
tons with present or traditional rea-
sons for fearing neighbor.
War Causes Not Removed.
one comes back, then, TO the point !
made early in this discussion, namely
! that the league has been able to do
nothing TO remove the causes of war
and therefore the dangers Of conflict 1t
mas provided method by which the
parties to controversy may with honor
avoid war, and may not without dis
; honor and world condemnation provoke
hostilities. But it has not been able TO
I insure that any save moral di-a.van-
tageS VIII accrue to the nation which
does commit an act of aggression. II
| mas LETT the situation something like
that which existed when Germany in
! Vaded Belgium in 1914. That was n
wrong, the German chancellor admitted
lt. 1t was breach of international law,
he also conceded this. but Germany,
being in a state of necessity. as Beth
mann phrased it, had no choice. She
| could so, she did go--and there was a
strong party III England which urged
that 1t was no part of British duty to
| defend International Law or Intervene
on behalf Of Belgium
Looking at the question frankly, more
over, can one ever imagine a time when
the United States, for example. would
consent to supply 100000 or half mil
lion men at the order of the Leagu. Of
Nations, if and when the leag que decided
that an aggression had been committed
| by Russia against Rumania, by Ger
; many against Poland, by Italy against
Greece? But if the lea que has not this
authority, If the member nations do not
| concede 1t, then security in the real
sense does not exist-that is. security
! insured by adequate force. Such security
as does exist must he insured by re-
Eional agreements. by such alliances as
bind France and Belgium. France and
Poland, France and Czechoslovakia
such compacts as bind Poland and Ru-
mania and also the nations of the little
enterte.
Conception of League Broadened.
1t would be a mistake, however in
my judgment TO overlook the positive
while recognizing the negative phases of
the Geneva session. Six years go the
league which was created at Paris was
unmistakabiy an alliance of the victors
directed against the vanquished of the
recent struggle. 1t was detail, itself,
in the treaty of Versailles. which was
beyond debate a conquerors' peace Now
the evolution of the league as disclosed
by the recent meeting has been away
from the war and the wartimes emo
! tions and associations and in the direc-
tion of something far more universal
Already the neutralS of the war have
become influential members of the
save Germany have joined, and Ger
many is on the point OF coming in.
On entering Germany will have to
subscribe to the covenant and to the
new protocol. She will have to pledge
I herself to accept arbitration and to
refrain from aggressive action. These
pledges can be broken as others have
| been, yet such breach of faith must
have grave consequences, especially
for a nation now acutely conscious of
moral isolation and bitterly resentful
of the continued condition of a
! "pariah nation" What is quite as
much to the point, whatever her
eventful development, Germany is
quite as likely now and for the next
few years to need the support if not
the protection as to profit by the
f1outing of the league itself
AS it stands today the league can
offer no physical obstacle to a nation
resolved to force war, as Austria was
in 1914. 1t can provide no physical
defense for nation observing alb
solute good faith and having no ag-
greSSive designs, for Il nation in the
position of Belgium in 1914. All the
talk about economic sanctions is
merest. eyewash, because no nation
will employ the weapon of the embar
go against a good customer in dispute
| with a third nation whose very de-
struction would not affect its trade
or commerce, much less its political
security.
Nor can the league act effectively
in a Situation like that of 1914, for
then Austrian Craftsmanship was con-
yinced, Justly, I think, that unless
Serbia were destroyed Austria would
disintegrate; that the centrifugal
forces of nationalism were bound to
destroy the dual monarchy, unless
they were arrested by the destruc-