Evening star., 1924-06-22
By FRANK III. SIMONDs,
OW that the American cam
paign is we'll launched, one
of the Drohlems which iS


submitted is obviously
whether the American democracy will
in any measure follow the British and
french. Recent events in France
demonstrated in a striking fashion
the degree to which the French peo-
pie have moved away from their con-
servattve Political leaders of recent
years and turned not exactly to new
men, but to men and parties which
were dominant at the moment when
the world war broke. In a word,
france has done two things; she
mas turned to more radical leaders
and she has broken with the war
psychology.
In many ways the French election
or May was no more than a close i'm
ltatlon of that in Great Britain in
december, with the patent difference
that Britain, being an island and
having thus no contiguous German
neighbor, could afford to go further
than France, with an open eastern
boundary. The difference between
Ramsay Macdonald and Edouard Her
riot pretty fairly indicates the differ
ence in degree between the two bursts
OF radicalisn, for while Macdonald
represents the party in Great Britain
which Is farthest to the left, excep-
ton being made for the communists,
OF course, the Socialist party in
France, with 104 members in the
Chamber of Deputies, intervenes b.
tween Herriot's radical party and the
Communists of France.
Subject for Thought.
Yet, all things considered, the an
alogy between the French and Brit
ish experiences must give Americans
something to reflect upon. When the
world war broke Britain was gov
erned by a liberal cabinet, which,
since labor was in those days an in
considerable factor really represent
ed the left in British politics. Lloyd
George and not the prime minister,
Mr.. Asquith. was actually the con-
spicuous figure, and Lloyd George had
just been carrying on his battle with
the House of Lords and having en-
acted into law his pension schemes.
The British ministry of ten years
ago was liberal, with a radical tinge.
1t was essentially peace loving and
even tinged with pacif1sm, since two
of it's conspicuous members actually
resigned rather than stand with their
colleagues in making war, even after
Belgium had been invaded. Across
the channel the Viviani cabinet had
been elected upon a radical program
which included a reduction Of the
service in the army, which had newly
been increased from two to three
years. A marked reaction from the
vigorous policies of Poincare, who
had recently been premier and had
become president in 1913, had taken
place.
When the war came it found two
utterly peaceful ministries in power
in Britain and France and both
countries in a clear reaction from
the extreme Imperialism and nation
alism of the still recent past When
war did come the two radical par
liaments made themselves over al
most instantly. Domestic political
considerations gave way to patriotic
duties and, as was inevitable, rad
ical parliaments were forced to con-
cur in the adoption of methods which
were as drastic as any that had ever
been imposed by monarchiesL
PROMPT Change in Ministries.
In England and In France there
were prompt changes in the minis
tries: in Britain Mr.. Aisquith re-
mained premier, but he was con-
Grained to invite assistance from the
Conservatives, and various Tories
ioined the new coalition ministry In
1915. while two years later Lloyd
, George supplanted AisQuith, and, with
the change, Tory influence increased
dacisively In France the VIVIAN
cahinet was made over in advance
~ The battle of the Marine and the
+bree conspicuous ministers to take
,,o-+fo,ios were Mi1lerand. Delcasse
[now dead) and BRAND. This meant,
in political terms, that raolcai
French Chamber had done e1actly
what the British were to do later
namely. called in more conservative
nublic men. You had the OLD spec
+acle in both countries OF Lett par
I;aments voluntarily calling upon
Right leaders.
Dr,r the course of the war
r~rancs had many other cabinets, un-
-, after a long British ministry and
sborter cabinets of Ribot and Pain
,sye. Clemenceau came, bringing VIC
tory. but finding his chief support
from the Right. In reality BEFORE the
r,.r was over and in the period OF
.ba neace-making, C1emenceau was
di-.,toy of France and Lloyd George
~ Britain, although both represent
% radicalism and both had oeen
called TO power by radical houses OF
1,.r,iament. Actually with the pass
~ time. both House of Commons
"a the Chamber of Deputies aool-
Gated. not without strussle al
France, passively in Great Britaih'
with the victory Lloyd George
rushed Britain into the notorious
.Khaki" election, which resulted IN
the choice by an electorate stlli IN
famed with war passions and senu-
,nents of the most reactionary house
~ Commons Britain had seen IN
more than a generation. 1t was the
chang the kaiser election and LLOYD
George. whatever his own DESIRES
was henceforth the captive OF tne
chamber he had elected. Not only
the captive, but ultimately the VIC
tim. when, nearly six years later, the
Tory wing of the Coalition revolted
and upset him, and, having upset
him. carried the ensuing election for.
their own leader, the late Bonar Law.
In France the same process was
discoyerable. Clemenceau stayed un-