The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-02-16
WHAT IS BOLSHEVISM?


ton Of the reciprocal relations be-
tween working class and farmers,
constitute a factor especially calcu-
lated to ENLARGE the international
and universal character Of Bolshevist
tactics.
The relations of the workers to
the farmers-this is the most vital
thing in Bolshevism. Those who are
DESTROYS of compromising Bolshe-
vism, and those who sincerely wish
to become adherents of Bolshevism,
must study this side of Bolshevism
above all others, must grasp the fact
that this is the factor determining
the essential character Of Bolshe-
vism.
This is by no means asserting that
Dolshevism has created, all at once,
complete and finished tactical formula
on the relations between the workers
and the farmers. Two decades of
profound political significance passed
between the issue of the slogan of
the dictatorship of the workers and
farmers" formulated for the first
time by Lenin in the year 1904-5, and
the issue. of the slogan of the work
ers' and farmers government, re-
allied in Russia, and now proclaimed
for the whole Communist Interna-
tional by International Communism.
But even at the very beginning Of
it's political existence, Bolshevism
represented a real approach to the
solution Of this problem-the prob
lem that dominates all others. The
first sign of life in Bolshevism may
he s~id to have been expressed by
this fact.
Bolshevism has developed in the
highest organic manner in regard to
the question Of the estimate of the
part played by the farmers. In the
year 1905, Bolshevism regarded the
farmers solely as possible tempo
rary allies for the proIetariat in the
bourgeois democratic revolution. The
farmers were ANXIOUS to aid the pro-
letariat in making clean sweep of
Czarist despOtisSn, and in solving the
agrarian question in a "plebeian
fashion" They were anxious to re-
lease the productive forces Of Russia
from their restraining letters, and
to lead the country thru free class
struggle to a democratic repub ic,
which was again to serve rs the
arena in which the working class was
to fight for socialism. By the year
1917, Bolshevism was already accord
ing a much more important role to
the farmers, a role corresponding to
the fact that social development as
a whole had in the interim attained
a much higher stage, and that the
main class-the proletariat-was al
ready at work on the immediate So
cialist revolution.
But if this be the case-many Of
our readers may retort-were not the
adherents of the permanent revolu-
ton" theory right with regard to
the Bolsheviki in the year 1905?
By no means.
The theory Of permanent revolu-
ton" ignored the farmers. 1t fail
ed to observe the enormous signifi-
eance-in many respects the decisive
signifcance-of the farmers in a
country like Russia, and not only in
Russia.
Yes, in the year 1905 the view held
by Bolshevism was that the impend-
ing revolution would only be a bour-
geois democratic revolution. Even
as late as 1916 Bolshevism still held
to this viewpoint to a great extent
(see the well known theses issued
by the central organ of our party,
published in the collection against
the Stream,") and in the year 1917,
after the February revolution, Boil
shevism took an abrupt turn towards
the idea Of immediate socialist revo-
luton. The difficu ties of the tran
ition were exceedingly great. These
difficulties caused the committal Of
many errors, and especially of err
rors made by the author of these
lines in the autumn of 1917. But it
is only phrasemongers and super
fetal observers who can maintain
that this change took place Sudden
ly," and that it supplies a proof that
Bolshevism was wrong in 1905.
Those who so judge forget one thing:
That 1905 and 1917 are divided by
an epoch-malking decade Of decisive
significance for the whole politics of
the international nrolef ariat-and