The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-11-05
By Max BedGcht

by the bourgeoisie, the revolving
workmen and soldiers created the in.
strument of a revolutionary govern
ment of their own, workers and
soldiers council, Soviet The bourge-
oisie had it's general star in its Duma
committee, while it found its instru
ment of power in the existing machin-
cry of government. Counter-revolution
airy as it was, the Duma committee
found willing accomplice in the old
machinery OF state. The revolution
airy masses of workers and soldiers
on the other hand. had their general
STAFF in the leading proletarian parties,
but they lacked an instrument of
power and struggle. They had to
create one. ea
4 The Soviets of workmen and sold
iers came into existence in answer to
that need. They became the organiza-
tional instrument through which the
/ fight against the old order could be
carried on and, with the final de-
feat of this order, they became the
basic structure of the new one. The
Soviets represented the authority of
the forces of revolution, just as the
machinery Of government under the
car and under Miluikoff or Keren-
sky were representing the authority
of the ounter-revolutionary forces. A
fight to the finish was inevitable.
Either the old order would succeed
in defeating the Soviets, then revolu.
ton was doomed and the old govern
ment would remain in power-or the
Soviets would be victorious, would
destroy the old order and its govern
ment; then these Soviets would be-
come the government of the new or
der. The hesitating leadership of the
Soviets, that OF the Mensheviks, pre-
vented the facing Of this conflict. They
desired to solve it not by a victory
Of the Soviets, but by their abdica-
ton.
Thus the conflict between revolu.
ton and counter-revolution manifest
ed itself not so much in the struggle
between the Soyiets and provisional
government, but in battles for lead
ership of the Soviets between the
henchmen of the bourgeoisie, the
Mensheviks and the representatives
of the Revolutionary proIetariat-the
Bolsheviks.
The Mensheviks at first denied that
support Of the provisional government
was tantamount to betrayal Of the
revolution; but when the language
fof the facts began to thunder so loud
that they could no lonl claim ignor.
ance, then they maintained that vic
tory Of the bourgeoisie is necessary
and consequently their support of 1t
was justified.
The revolutionary masses did not
share this treacherous opinion. They
refused to fight on the battlefelds Of
imperialism for Constantinopole while
their revolutionary land committees
at home were sent to prison by the
former cars jailers wearing red
cockades.
The logic of the struggle drove the
Soviets into the hands OF the BoIshe-
viks. Created for struggle, the So.
viets followed the most aggressive
leadership and elected Bolsheviks on
all committees.
Now the decks were cleared for
action. The conflict became a clear
one between the working class fol-
lowed by the poor peasantry and the
allied bourgeoisie and landowners,
with the Mensheviks and socialist.
revolutionaries as their henchmen.
The revolution could proceed.
Like lightning penetrates darkness
so was the counter-revolutionary at
titude Of the Mensheviks and socialist.
revolutionary leadership of the So
viets Illuminated for a moment by the
Korniloviade. Here were the COM
manders Of the army using their man
date from the republic to overthrow
-