The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-02-02


requisite for the assumption Of po-
litical power in society by the work
ing class. We are therefor interested
in this decay not only as complacent
onlookers but we must help to hasten
the process of decay. We should not
confine ourselves to interpreting his
tory, but our task is to make history.
Wherever there is a possibility Of
furthering the inner process of de-
cay, yes, the inner dissolution of the
ruling class, it is our duty to take
hand at it. Naturally none of US
has the illusion that the ruling class
will of itself collapse from this de-
cay. But the continuation Of this de-
cay brings the development of the
deciding factors Of the social revo-
luton, ''the formation of the prole-
tariat into a class" which stands up
independently and in the end fights
the class struggle inexorably to its
logical conclusion under the leader
ship of a MARKHAM, revolutionary
party.
Thus the growth Of the political
self-consciousness Of the workers
goes hand in hand with this inner dis
solution of the ruling class. The pro-
cess Of dissolution within the capt.
talist class of the United States mai
nifests itself concretely, partly in the
stubborn movement which aims at
the founding Of Third Party, while
the political awakening of the work
ing class finds its expression in the
movement for working class party
in alliance with the poor farmers.
These two phenomena appear IN
parallel lines. No, parallel is not
exact. Yes, simultaneously, but not
beside each other. Rather with each
other and in each other. That makes
our task harder. But then, politics
is not so simple. It's all very well
to sit home and lay out the formula:
Here the working class-there the
capitalist class. But in actual reality
it is absolutely impossible to find a
solution Of the political problems Of
the class struggle on the basis Of this
formula.
1t shows a very praiseworthy in
stinct for antiquities when our COM
rades dig up again the Lassalean
formula discarded and buried fifty
years ago, of zone reactionary mass.
And so we have two simultaneous
tendencies before us. The tendency
Of the lower middle class to emanci-
pate itself from big capital. And the
tendency Of the working class to
emancipate itself politically from the
whole capitalist class. These ten
denotes seem to run into each other
inextricably. There may be differ
ence Of opinion among us over the
question of whether it is part of our
task to further the first tendency and
assist at the formation of a Third
Party. But, with the exception Of a
few incurable "lefts', we are un-
animous on this, that it is our task
to further the tendency Of the work
ing class to emancipate itself from
the leadership Of the capitalist class.
But when the ugly reality insists
stubbornly in presenting the working
class to us, not as pure, filtered and
crystailized group with which and in
which we can maneuver without hav-
ing to come near any impure lower
middle class person; and on the con-
trary, the working class and It's ten
dency is permeated with the lower
middle class and its tendency, what
ought we to do? That is our pro-
blem. And here Comrade Wenderich
lays down our duty categorically:
Hic Rhodus, Hic Salta. Yes, we must
do our part. But not like the cat
before the hot .porridge, to stink off
finally because we don't like to risk
burning our mouth. No, the por-
ridge must be eaten. The question is
not whether we should eat it, but
how can we eat it without spelling
our stomach.
don't want 10 dispute with Com
rade Wenderich over his character
ization Of the great Peasants Revolt
when he off-handedly turns that
heroic peasant movement against
serfdom into reactionary movement
against the rising power of industry
(power Of industry in the Sixteenth
Century7??)
Nor do want TO dispute with him
when he makes out the fight of the