The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-11-08
Continued from Page ~


lets, representing the masses, and
the provisional government represent
ing the capitalists, landlords and mid
die class groups.
Second, the struggle inside the Sow
lets between the Bolsheviki and the
Mensheviki and other non-revolutiOn-
airy parties.
The cadets and the mensheviks me-
yer understood that following the
overthrow Of the car not only one,
but two governments had arisen in
Russia. The Bolsheviks, the untiring
students of the French revolution and
the MARKHAM method, knew this and
from the first day their strategy had
tive detectives (a) the conquest Of
power for the SoViets and, (b) the cap
ture Of the masses for the overthrow
Of capitalism as represented by the
provisional government and the sub
stitution for it Of the proletarian die
tatorship.
BY May 10, the war policy Of the
provisional government, in spite of
the efforts made to disguise it, coupled
with the agitation of the Bolsheviki,
had so aroused the masses that the
formation of a coalition government
was forced and the first period of the
Russian revolution came to an end.
The Bolsheviki opposed the forma-
ton Of the coalition government with
the slogan of "all power to the Sow
ietsi"
The masses were still confused,
however, and the executive committee
of the council of Soviets. by vote of
Al to 10 decided to allow its repre-
sentatives to participate in the gov
eminent
Three groups composed the Soviet
executive committee. The represent
tatives of the Observation-Disclosures ex-
pressing the aims Of the middle class
peasantry; the mensheviki represent
ing the intellectuals, the lower middle
class and certain sections Of the skill
ed workers.
The Bolsheviki, later joined by the
left social-revolutionists after the
split in that party represented the
aims of the great masses Of workers
and poor peasants.
From this time on the history of the
Russian revolution is the history Of
the conflict between the mensheviki
and the right socialist revolutionists
and the Bolshevih centering around
the program for the Soviets-a strug-
gle between reform and revolution.
The reformists wished to subordi-
nate the Soviets to the provisional
government. They wished to post
pone all such measures as ending the
war, distribution of the land and con-
troll Of the food supply until con-
stituent assembly could be called
they were middle class democrats and
had no higher aim than typical CAPT.
talist democracy.
The coalition government was form
ed and upon Kerensky the hopes of
the world bourgeoisie were pinned
Agreement was reached by the execu-
tive committee of the Soviets upon
three points:
I. The unity Of the allied fronts.
2. The fullest confidence of the
masses In the new cabinet.
3. Full power for the new gov
eminent.
Ostensibly this represented the sur
render Of the Soviets to the new gov
eminent composed of cadets, men
sheviks, populist-socialists and right
social-revolutionists with Kerensky as
minister Of war and marine. This was
the plan Of the reformists.
Actually it served to intensity the
conflict between the revolutionists and
the reformists within the Soviets-
the conflict that Lenin had declared
necessary as far back as April.
Lenin had written in April and
aroused a storm among the Bolshe-
viks:
after the March revolution, the
state power passed into the hands of
a new class, of another class-the
bourgeoisie.