The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, 1924-04-12

letarian class program. They have
not yet learned to rely on their own
representatives as distinct from
and opposed to bourgeois progress
rives calling themselves friends of
labor. The so-called farmer-labor
parties have neither control over
their members nor even a strong in
fiuence over their behavior in times
of election. They are loosely knitted
formations Of very recent origin
which have not yet crystaliized into
effective organizations. Not even
the Federated Farmer Labor Party,
the most radical Of all those not
fully class conscious political forma-
tions, has developed a party loyalty
and conscious party cohesion. This
makes it very difficult, if not utterly
impossible, to use the left wing of
labor as a flexible instrument in
Workers Party strategy concerning
this years election.
c. The Bulk of Labor.
There is a vast difference between
the right wing of labor IN America
and Europe. In the latter, even the
backward workers ha'.a learned to
RELY on their own political lepresen-
tatives, differentiating their parties
however moderate, from the parties
of the lower strata of the bour-
geo sic. Such is the case particu-
larly in Germany and England. In
America the vast masses of the
workers are still deluded by the idea
Of an all-embracing national rather
than a class party. Dissatisfied
with the republicans they vote for
the democrats. Becoming dissatis-
fed with the democrats and repub-
leans they may transfer their vote
to a third, more radical bourgeois
party if such were to be formed.
The only means Of splitting them
away from the bourgeoisie is the
formation of an Outspoler labor
party with form of organization, a
program, line of action and a per-
sonnet of political candidates of
such a clear proletarian class char
acter, as to become an irresistible
force of attraction to the masses OF
/
formation of a liberal third party
which by its reformistic tendencies
may strongly attach to itself large
masses of workers, is a direct men.
ace to the future of a proletarian
class policy in the United States OF
America. 1t will be much more diff
cult to combat third party than il
is to prove the exploitationist die
! tatorship Of the two old parties.
d. Traditional Disgust With
Political Game"
There has been no party life in
the United States congress in re
cent years, j. e.. there has been nc
marked clash of class interests ir
the political s1uabbles of the repub-
lican and democratic parties, botE
of them representing, as they do, 9
united front of various economic
groups and classes. The average
non-socialist worker grew to lool
upon party activities as upon some
thing that has only a remote bear.
ing upon his daily existence. The
attitude is only another form of ex.
preston of american individualisn
which relies upon immediate classic,
of interest in actual life rather thar
upon political clashes in the legis
lative chambers. Taken as a whole
the American working class is fal
more revolutionary and class con
scious in daily struggles agains
capitalism than it is in its politica
expressions. The same workingmel
who wage enormous battles agains
the exploiters by means Of strikers an,
protection Of strikes, submit unhesi
tatingly TO the political leadership o
the exploiters and their agents. "Yo,
cannot beat the politician at the poIit
ical game" is the common conviction