Twin city review. [volume] (Champaign, Ill.) 19??-1929, 1923-06-29

The experience OF twage-earners
from the beginning OF modern indus
try has been that political parties
come and 20, that the political success
OF today Is followed by the political
defeat OF tomorrow; that legislation
placed upon the statute books can be
repealed, and In other ways nuilitied.
or so construed by the courts, that its
original intent has been DESTROYED. in
perchance the courts do not declare
the legislation unconstitutional Fur
thermore that the enactment of salts
factory legislation may be followed
oy the coming into power of execu-
tlves whose hostility towards the
legislation prevents 1t from operating.
Dependence upon the state Tor the
correcting OF any injustice arising
through the relationship of employers
or employees, their dependence upon
the men who for the time being hold
administrative and judicial positions:
men, the most OF whom are politi-
clans, and owe their position TO parti-
san political influences.
New YORK Bakery Law An Example
The distinction between the two
methods under consideration and the
philosophy upon which they are based
are clearly indicated In the now classi-
cal illustration of the New York
bakery law. The bakers in New York
City, placing their confidence in the
legislative method, and believing that
the state should assume certain
wardship over them, contributed
money Tor legislative purposes, and
finally secured the enactment of the
;en-hour law for bakers. The appar-
ent success was soon turned to dis
NAL defeat, for this law was declared
unconstitutional by the Supreme Court
OF the United States, which left the
bakers exactly where they were be-
fore the law had been enacted.
Realizing by this time the unwis-
dom of the method they had adopted,
they formed strong trade union or
ganization, and then as trade unisn-
lists negotiated directly with their en-
ployers, and as one immediate result
established an eight-hour day, and
many other conditions greatly to their
advantage. Where the legislative
method had proven complete failure,
the trade union method was a COM
plete success.
II the American wage-earners are
incapable of organizing successfully
and of protecting their welfare
through trade unionism, they will,
whether they wish it or not, become
wards of the state occupying a stage
of degradation and inferiority which
would compel them to depend wholly
upon the political methods for what
ever protection they receive. They
would be compelled to admit their
inferiority as citizens, and frankly
confess their dependence upon the
fuctuation of partisan political senti-
ment, and the constant changes which
take place among those occupying
legislative, executive and judicial po-
sitions.
The policy of the American trade
union aims to make the wage-earners
more and more independent, and COM
petent to protect themselves and THEN
interests in the relationship which ex-
lists between employers and employees.
1t aims to place the American wage
earners in a position where, in add.
ton to enjoying every right and priv
ilege enjoyed by any other citizen,
they will be fully competent to pro-
tect their interests and determine
under which conditions their labor
will be given to the employer, as
fully as the employer determines the
price which will be placed upon what
ever they have to sell.
The distinction between the two
schools of thought is clear. The
American trade union movement, as
represented by the American Fedora
ton of Labor, is opposed to having
the state do anything for adult wage
earners which they are capable of
doing for themselves. Those who
place their faith in the legislative
method, or the wardship of the state,
believe that the state should be used
to do everything it can be prevailed
upon TO do in determining terms Of
employment and conditions of labor
for wage earners. The fact is the
position of free men, conscious OF
their citizen rights and of their in
dependence. The other is based upon
an admission that wage-earners are
not competent, are either mentally or
in other ways inferior or subjected to
such opposition by employers that II
is necessary for the state to extend
wardship over them.
Employers Have Reason to Prefer
Legaiism
There is also a group favoring the
legislative method which is not COM
posed of wage-earners, but lnciuues
those employers who are strongly OPP
posed to the building up OF thorough
trade union organizations. Their Cd
ject in having the state assume ward
ship over wage-earners is based upon
the belief that if the state will pro-
tect the wage-earners in unempioy-
ment, in sickness, in old age, and IN
death, that the state will give sucn
guarantees of protection to LABOR, tnat
labor will become so c0ntented with
its position in industry that effective
trade unionism would be impossible.
The first man to evolve and apply
this conception was no one less than
Prince Bismarck who, when he found
that his anti-associatiOn Legislation
failed to prevent the spread OF dls-
satisfaction among the wage-earners,
introduced that form of paternahstle
legislation which made the German
workman the particular ward OF the
state. His motive was not a humanl-
tartan one; his purpose was to nave
the state protect the wage-earner 70
such an extent that the employers
would not be troubled with industrial
organizations brought into existence
by the employees, by which they eoulu
directly have a voice In determining
the terms of employment.
The American trade union phiioso-
ply and policy for direct representa-
ton of the wage-earners, has guarah-