The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1923-08-20
j. 5. WATCHING
COAL FARLEY
LEADERS
Coolidge and Lewis Compared
As Anthracite Conference
Begins.
Continued from First Page.)

Workers. Gompers, who has two
supreme prejudices-namely, one
against Bolsheviks one against
injunctions-went to that convention
and made terrific speech agaist
new injunction which Judge Ander-
SON was about to issue, and said:
Here you are enjoined from or
ganiZing and from doing anything or
saying anything that shall have any
influence in organizing the miners
of West Virginia; and 1 do not know
what you are going to do about it:
but. John Lewis, 1 say to you that
in defense Of that principle-the prin-
ciple of resistance to such Injunc-
tions-I would like to visit you in
TAIL"
Lewis at once interrupted and ex--
claimed to the convention:
Il have every expectation that
President Ccmpers wiz be afforded
that privilege"
Lewis, it is believed today, stands
absolutely with Gompers in breath
ing death to communists and rad
icals and defiance to injunction
judges. In these circumstances, it
is thought by some admirers of
President Coolidge that If in
anthracite coal strike is called he
will Immediately by, means OF an
injunction allow Mr.. Lewis and all
his fellow-leaders of the United
Mine Workers to go to the cells in
which Mr.. Gompers wishes to visit
them and will thus destroy the
strike by incarcerating and elm
mating it's leadership and manage.
ment.
Other admirers Of President Cool.
idge declare that his record contains
no evidence that he would ever thus
make a move which would expose
him in fact to q great risk Of get
ting check-mated. It Is known to
all familiar with the mining situa
ton that the rank and file miners
do, In fact, frequently conduct
strikes totally without the help and
even against the will OF their
leaders.
It is realized that If their leaders
were Jailed they might take it into
their heads simply to go to their
homes on individual vacations"
and stay there until their leaders
were released.
Students Of the record which
President Coolidge made in the Bos-
ton police strike, when he was
Governor Of Massachusetts,, are firm
in pointing out that he did no. at
that time do any of the impulsive
things which a certain sort of Cool.
idge mythology attributes to him.
In fact, the Boston police strike
performance of Governor Coolidge,
as now thoroughly scrutinized and
analysed here, is taken as indi-
eating a remarkably deliberate and
cautious habit OF thought and Of
action.
It is noted to contain the follow
Tuesday. On Monday Governor
Coolidge refused to intervene. On
Tuesday he again refused to inter-
vene. On Wednesday the Mayor Of
Boston, after night of riot and
tumult, used his statutory powers
and called out some State troops,
and the police commissioner of
Boston began employing volunteer
policemen.
It was not till Thursdays that
Governor Coolidge took charge after
the local officials had made their
proper contributions to 1t and after
1t had become a State situation
beyond doubt. He then did a
manifestly feasible thing. He kept
order; and the mere keeping of
order, by putting soldiers and
volunteer policemen in the places
of the strikers, Eroke the strike.
On this precedent it is pointed
out that there IS no analogy be
tween q police strike and a coal
strike, because no keeping of order.
as President Harding proved lest
year. has any effect on a coal
strike, and 1t Is also pointed out
that on his record President Cool
idge would seem likely to let the
anthracite danger Gomez up close
enough to him to show him the
white of it's eyes and some real
vulnerableN spot in it's armor before
he makes any deadly thrust at 1t
with the Presidential sword.
Copyright, 1928. Washington Press
Service.)