Richmond planet. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1883-1938, 1923-03-24
ing fundamental right principles II
the background, He continues;

sing Imperialism public man from
the South cautioned me against laying
too much emphasis upon the Declare.
ton of Independence, adding that in
the States where the blacks menaced
white supremacy it had been found nee
essary to ignore the doctrine that all
men were created equal. replied that
limitations upon the exercise of SUI.
based upon denial OF the doctrine Of
equality as found in the Declaration Of
independence but upon the real fOun'
dat:0n, which in no way contradicts
or weakens the Declaration Of Indeper
dence. defended the doctrine Of
equality in the inalienable rights
enumerated in the Declaration of In
dependence and explained to him that
the problem which the whites of the
South had to solve did not involve the
question OF equality before the law;
that no one denied that the blacks
were entitled to equal protection in
their rights. The question Isl which
race shall control the Government
and make the laws under which both
shall live? The more advanced race
will always control as a matter Of self
not only for the benefit
OF the advanced race. but for the bene.
fit Of the backward race also.
This is a distinction with . di@sR.
ence that the average Negrohatsk WIN
not understand. II Mr.. Bryan ha4 bAa
ed his contention upon intslligNnCq
rather than upon racs. h1s argument
would stand four-sQuaxs. IntslliGS1el
will rule and - tho white MAN q
more intelligent ard progressive than
the average Negro. he will keep in the
forefront until the conditions of intel
ligence change. But he bases It upon
race. He holds back the most intelli-
gent OF the black race to keep step
with their more backward brothers. He
continues:
In the States where restrictions are
placed upon suffrage for the purpose
Of excluding enough blacks to pre-
serve white supremacy, the blacks
have the advantage Of living under
laws that the white man makes for
himself as we'll as for the black man.
The laws make no distinction in the
matter Of crime between whites and
blacks. r-'.',-.' =: !:
Suppose. for the sake OF argument.
that no limitations were placed upon
suffrage and that the blacks, voting in
masses for officials of their own color
took charge OF the Government and
made laws for both blacks and whites
Is there any white man who believes
that the laws made under these cir.
cumstances would be better for both
or administered with more fairness
than now?
Hon. William Jennings Bryan. not
having lived In the Southland long
enough does not seem to know that
when the Negroes exercised the right
OF suffrage they elected white men q
office and were controlled by white
men and these white men were con
demned by white men of their own
race and kind. Gen. William Malone
an ex-Confederate had a devoted black
following which were never surpassed
by any white man curing the palmies,
days of "carpet-bag" rule. These Negro
es never voted in masse ten years aft.
er the war to the extent of electing
all Of the men of their own race an
color to office. Southern Negroes have
always shown n disposition to accep,
the leadership of white men and II
has been only in late years that color.
ed leaders have secured the control OF
their black followers in aspiring to
leading public Offices.
1t was the Malone rule to have
white men for elective Offices and
black men for some of the appointivn
ones. Mr.. Bryan continues:
AT the Southern banquet, I enforced
my argument by suggesting that Massa
CHI sets would do exactly as Virginia
and South Carolina had done if CON
frOnted by the same conditions. There
Is not State in the Union in which
the whites would permit black suprem
acy. This ought to be admitted with
out argument but it could be easily
proved If proof were necessary. Repdb
leans are constantly coming South
and they at once adopt the Southern
view on the race question, as soon as
they have to meet the race problem al
a practical question. The fact that the
Republican States of the North never
send black men to the United States
Senate and House Of Representatives
is conclusive proof either tina: the
blacks are inferior or that race pref,
dice keeps them in the background
The race riots in Illinois, the home Of
Lincoln and Grant, showed that race
feeling is just as strong in the North
as In the South when a condition arts.
es that gives 1t expression.
This then is the statement of a fact
With all Mr.. Byran's religion and his
weekly dissertations upon the saying
of the blessed Master, he does not ask
II this position is right and he does
not argue that 1t is wrong. He accepts
what is observed by him and he bows
to the Baal Of race prejudice. AS he is
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