The New York herald., 1922-06-12
Union Labor in Politics.

| OF years The AmeTlCdH reQeTdllOU
of Labor, under the dominance of the
shrewd SAM GoMrERs, has adhered to
the policy of having no trades union
political party as such. Now al!
signs point to the early plunge of
the affiliated labor unions into poll
tics as regularly organized party.
The Importance of this development
tn the political life. of the country
will be large. The consequences to
American labor unionism itself are
more likely to be disappointing than
profitable.
The long resistance of GoMPERs to
the launching of formal union labor
party on the troubled waters Of ma
tional politics was as fruitful of rich
favors from the established parties
as il was cunning in conception.
Himself born in England and with a
well grounded understanding of Brit
ish social, political and industrial
conditions, GoMpERs had a keen per-
eeption Of the striking difference
in the proportion of industrial labor
to total population in Great Britain
on the one hand, and on the other
hand in the United States.
Primarily a manufacturing, coal
mining and transporting nation, by
sea as by land, Great Britain's indus
trial workers we're the natural ele.
ments to form into powerful trades
unionism. The wonder is not that
union labor, so large a part of all
the British voters once the ballot
was conferred generally, became a
militant political party when il
stepped forth as such but that it de
iayed so long as it did in setting up
in politics for itself, first to make
David Lloyd Georges as leaders in
opposition to conservative govern,
ments and afterward to fight David
Lloyd Georges when they became
responsible Ministers charged with
the heavy burdens of steering the
natlonai snip OF state.
GoMPERs knew that IN this coun
try. sharply contrasted with Eng
land, the small proprietors in the
colossal agricultural industry far
outweighed and always would out
weigh in numbers, stability and in
fiuence all the workers in manufac
lures that ever could be made sub
ject to the laws and the customs of
trades unionism.
GoMrERs knew. furthermore, that
there is and ever will be an irrecon
cilable antagonism between the inde
pendent farmer and the union labor
member based on the Fundamental
fact Of the farmers hard, stubborn
heroic labor of ten. twelve, fifteen
hours day as against the trades
union standard of eight hours or even
less OF actual work, and at that no
harder work than is unavoidable.
So GoMPERs has known in his heart
no matter what his lips have shouted
to the multitudes, that in politics the
American farmer and the union or.
ganizer never would get together
has known that, whenever trades
unionism did stand up as definite,
concrete political party. the Ameri-
can farmer at the ballot box would
come down upon il like a thousand
OF brick.
But, more than all that. the crafty
SAM GoMPERs knew that the real
political card for him to play was to
threaten existing parties with what
his labor organization would do TO
them IL they did not obey its always
strenuous and often insolent orders
to come across with this. that or the
other thing commanded by GoMPERs
and his fellow rulers of the American
Federation OF Labor.
To stand up and be counted as a
vote casting party at the polls would
rob the threat of its terrors II the
actual labor votes were compared in
party count with the votes of other
parties and found wanting. GoMpERs
knew that But to invite other par
ties to bid for union labor support
with legislative and administrative
tribute and privilege was pretty soft
business for the union leaders max
ing dupes OF great political parties
and bagging the game, although the
unorgsnized public might get little
or nothing. GoMPERs knew that too
and he worked II for all it was
worth
In this way, under the serpentwise
guidance OF GoMPERs. national trades
unionism has been cashing in for
years out OF the assets of the regular
political parties, so to speak, to an
extraordinary degree. without main
tanning a party anywhere. But now
comes a much advertised "non-parti =