The New York herald., 1922-03-08

hC lCH5 VI luC sOuLl VI Il
riveters of the Belfast shipyards," sa
one Of Ireland's recognized econo-
mists, the other day, and he is right.
1t remains accurate to say that
pending the development of latent
Irish natural resources in fuel and
power, pending the organization Of
new industry in Ireland and pending
the organization of Ireland's own
representation in the markets Of the
world her closest economic as well as
her closest physical neighbor will be
Great Britain.
May Rival England.
During this transition stage the
leaders in Ireland are confident that
much new prosperity will come to the
country, relieved, as they say it will
be, of many British burdens. Beyond
that transition period they have
schemes that verge on tie grandiose
If they come to fruition, If British
natural resources begin to touch upon
exhaustion, and If Irish effort is wisely
directed it may well be that Ireland
will appear as real economic rival
to Great Britain in the scope of the
worlds affairs. Sim Fein has often
quoted the British statesmen of Pitts
time to tie effect that the union was
accomplished for the rape of Ireland
because she thus threatened Britain
at the close of the Napoleonic wars.
In the meantime the life that is
now known as Irish will go on. The
leaven Of the new status Of affairs
will be working in tie loaf and its
working will be Of extreme interest.
But during this time men and women
will continue to hunt and shoot and
fish and course as they have done in
ireland since the days OF Finn Mach
Gull.
Socially the changes in Ireland are
likely to be volcanic. The ascend
ancy" has been a real one Power was
ministered down to Ireland not only
from above but from overseas, and
not only from overseas but from a
source that has shown itself tempera-
mentally incapable of understanding
the Irish temperament unless 1t is
translated into terms of it's own We
neer. Irish law for generations has
been made by stout weavers from
Lancashire and astute gentlemen from
the city of London who never heard
of leprcchaun and never saw. the
blue of the Connemara seas. 1t is a
fact that the Ministers of this power
were either English, Irish by planta-
ton only, or Irish raised into the
"ascendancy" and transmogrified into
English. Between the Irish and their
rulers there was a wide, deep and un-
bridgable gulf And it was social
gulf more than anything else.
Generosity, Not Equality.
Actually the measures passed at
Westminster to ameliorate the condi-
ton of Ireland between. O'Connelrs
time and the time of John Redmond
We're rather magnificent achievements
in government. Irish land law alone
is a monument to English generosity.
But it was English generosity never
theless. 1t was bestowed Irish mem
bers OF Parliament had a full political
part in carrying such legislation. so
the gulf could not have been political.
But the benefits of the legislation were
bestowed. The social gulf remained.
Irishmen and the people OF the as
cendancy hunted together, raced to-
gether, coursed together. but seldom
il ever was one invited to the dinner
table of the other. Now Michael Col
lins is far more important person in
Ireland than Lord Lascelles or Lord
Decies. And the Protestant Primate
of All ireland was a caller at the Dub
lin Mansion House TO pay his respects
to Arthur Griffith, the twelve ~bob-a-
week printer of q few years ago.
Irish titles. as such, will probably
develop as French titles have. Those
with rights to them may use them as
q matter of courtesy. but not of law.
Tenure of vast estates. like that OF
Lord Barrymore's, between Cork and
Queenstown, utilized almost wholly for
game, will not last In the face of an
undehected economic demand. These
great landowners and their sons will
have TO contribute to the economic
wealth Of the country more than their
graceful and charming and wonder
fully divcrting hunting and shooting
and fishing and racing.
sound Economically.
Even in her present depleted state
ireland is sound concern eco
nomically and financially. Fiscally,
she paid into the British Treasury in
1918. the last year before the costs Of
the guerrilla warfare In ireland were
also included in Irish local expcndi-
ture. the sum OF 26.s65 900. Out OF
this Irish services cost the same treas
ury f13,002.000, leaving a balance of
ft3.s63, 900 in Whitehall. During the
three recent years the disparity will
appear even greater. In fact so con-
fldent is the Provisional Government
that II can more than pay its way,
even assuming q share of the British
imperial war debt. that some Of the
most careful men about Michael Col
lins are already talking of an income
tax for ireland of two shillings in the
pound as against the present six shill-
ings in Grcat Brltain and ireland.
Tho thargc is made that British Of