Atlanta tri-weekly journal. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1920-19??, 1922-05-13
4 Pretext of Profteers


ing tariff bill the minority, or Democrat
ic, report on that high-handed measure
makes. short work of the contention that the
extremely high rates proposed are necessary
to enable protected industries to pay wage
in keeping with the American workingman's
standard Of living. That argument is de-
scribed as rather strange" in light of the
fact that these selfsame industries are to-
day engaged in an intensive drive to reduce
wage Standards and the further fact that
"the scale Of wages in foreign competing
countries is today more nearly equal the
American than ever before"
No longer is European labor content with
old-tlme plttances. The war that drew so
vastly upon it's sineW and it's life-blood
quickened its aspiration, widened it's view,
steeled its purpose. Not in a mood of Boil
shevlsm but at a matter of common sense
and just dealing, millions Of toilers across
the sea have effectually insisted upon a
fairer share in the fruits of production and
closer approach to the living -standards of
American Labor. The likelihood, according to
thoughtful observers, is that those gains
will be held, If not increased, and that the
wage tendency of the world will be toward
a basis of "relative international equality"
This aside, however, the new tariff does
not suit it's rates to the difference in costs
Of labor and of production here and abroad.
1t sweeps radically beyond that principle
and proposes rates that will enable the favor
sumner what they will or at least, as much
as they can collect. Thus on the pretext of
protecting labor, it is really intended to pro-
tect the profteer. The rank and file of in
dustrial and business concerns are content
with fair earnings, but some look greedfully
back to the exorbitant prices and trimming
fleshpots on which they fed in war times.
1t is to these, not to the workingman, not
the farmer, and certainly not to the consum-
er, that Republican tariff makers have de-
ferred. And if their bill be enacted it will
add to the burdens of the American public,
according to conservative estimates, between
three and four billion dollars, or more than
what is imposed by the direct taxes of the
revenue measure itself.
Touching the claim that these excessive
import duties are needed to safeguard Ameri-
can markets against foreign invasion, the
minority report points out that whereas our
imports for the last year accounted were two
and half billion dollars, our exports were
sixty-two billion four hundred and eighteen
million. (The latter figure is from statistics
of 1919, the latest available) upon that
basis our imports represent four per cent of
our production, while our exports, which
were $4,379, 100000 in 1921, represent
seven per cent Of the domestic production.
If importations amounting to four per cent
of our annual production is such an invasion
of our markets as calls for further restric-
tlons, is not the expectation of seven per
cent of our annual production a twofold
greater invasion by of the markets of the
rest of the world? In 1921 we invaded Eu-
ropean markets to the extent Of $2,363, 0OO,-
600 while European countries Including
Germany, invaded our market to the extent
of only $764,0O0,000. If these importations
from Europe show or argue underselling in
our markets, our threefod greater exporta-
ton to Europe upon a parity of reasoning
show that we and do undersell Europe
in her own markets. In 1921 the United
Kingdom of Great Britain invaded our mar
ket to the extent of only $23S, 900, 900, and
in the same year we invaded the markets of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain to the
extent of 100000.
1--WE do not sell our goods in foreign mar
kets at loss. On the contrary we are sell
ing them at such high basis of profit that
our manufacturers and producers show both
zeal and eagerness to further extend their
foreign business. If American goods can COM
the world, is it not folly to contend they
our own market without entailing national
disaster?"
In this, as in most matters, inordinate
selfishness would prove it's own undoing To
make American import duties so high that
foreign goods could not enter would make
our foreign markets so dull or unfriendly
that the outlet for surplus production
would be dangerously curtailed. Where then
would be the advantage of high tariff to
American labor with factories closing for
lack of overseas fields in which to sell?
Where would be the advantage to American
business? Where, indeed, would be the ad-
vantage to the seekers of privilege them
selves?