The Rock Island Argus and daily union. (Rock Island, Ill.) 1920-1923, 1922-09-21

OF the industrial controversies that
have rzcked the country for the last
year and threatened = crisis during
recent weeks two distinct schools
of thought have developed One II
militant; the other, pacifist. One
is insistent that the time has come
to fight to . finish the differences
between capital and labor or BE-
tween the unions and the anti-unioa
element The other contends that,
the psychological hour has arrived
to stop fighting-to effect an ar
mistiee and negotiate . peace that
will be permanent.
OF the two schools the militant
has been more largely In evidence
and has asserted its views the more
vehemently. 1t would appear to be
the stronger numericals- Strange
IL enough its membership runs
from one extreme to another. in
GLIDING both the ultra-conserSa-
tives Or reactionaries who believe
in the absolute capitalistic DONNA
ton of industry and those immod-
crate radicals who would destroy
practically all our existing social.
economic and political institutions.
Between these two extremes the
membership Of this element is re-
cruited from the fighting men CAPT
tai engaged In the management of
industry, from the ranks Of employ
ers, large and small. who have al
ways been FESTIVE under the COM
pulsion Of dealing with the unions
and union leaders, and from the
public group that suffers inconven-
fence or loss as a result of the ev-
er-recurring conflicts between CAPT.
tai and labor.
The uItra-conservatives Of capital
say that the hope of civilization
lies in the perpetuation Of the ex-
listing order of things, and that
this means that the growing power
Of unions and unionism must be
crushed, at least to the extent OF
making it impossible for any COM
bination Of workers to grow SC
strong as to be able to- interfere
with capitals absolute domination
OF industry.
The fighting men in management
are even more jealous OF the rights
of capital than capital itself
Moreover, they have a personal in
terest in making good in their
executive positions and Instructive
ly they resent and resist any at
tempt on the part Of labor to as
sert a voice in the control of indus.
try. The employers who have al
ways been FESTIVE under the com.
pulsion of dealing with unions be-
lieve that the man who has jot
to give has the right to fix the
wage and conditions OF work. anG
that labor can take it or leave it
as their saying goes. Their deal.
| ing with unions has always been q
matter of concession, rather thar
of cooperation, and it is human ma
ture not to want to make conces.
sions.
Adverse Public Sentiment
| The public factor in the militant
school is made up of people who
do not inquire into the causes Of
| strikes or seek to ascertain which
side is right. They are opposed te
| strikes because sooner or latel
such industrial upheavals interiors
with business and make living con.
! ditions harder or more expensive
As they see it. We have strikes be
cause we have unions. They argu,
that TO compromise or settle
strikes means merely to invit,
more disturbances Of similar char
acter. and they conclude that thu
war between capital and labor nee
essarilv will continue until on,
side or the other is whipped to ;
standstill. Hence they say tn,
/ time has come to fight it out to
finish
i Lawless demonstrations destruc
tive of life and property which al
most invariably feature all the BIZ
strikes have unquestionably ha
much to do with creating a publ
sentiment adverse to the union:
The fact that the unions and mos
union leaders are opposed to vic
lence does not offset in the publ
mind the fact that the strikes ar
made the occasions for offense
against law and order. and the a,
erage good citizens idea of the wa
, to deal with such lawlessness is I
stamp it out, root and brancl