The Richmond palladium and sun-telegram. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1907-1939, 1922-07-15
REPUBLICANS
HOLD GROUND
IN ELECTIONS
Political Survey After II
States Have Held Primaries
Shows Little Dissatisfaction
Exists Within Party.
RESULTS CONTRASTED
nv MARK SULLIVAN

WASHlNGTON, July 15.-We are
now close to the middle of the cur
rent political year. Eleven states
nave held their primaries, and those
II states are so widely distributed
geographically and so diverse in their
economic interests and political tenn
peraments, that it ought t. be possible
10 make some generalizations about
the present political temper of the
country.
1t ought to be possible, but it isn't
Many things are happening and some
or them are strange, but they have
little relation to each other Later on,
this article will attempt to make some
reflections on what is happening; but
these reflections will not be in the
nature of generalizations. What most
impresses the present writer is the
looseness and inexactness of most of
the generalizations that are commonly
made.
The most frequent of the generaIi-
cations commonly made on the re-
suits of the primaries is one which
Jumps the victories of Beveridge in
Indiana. of Pinchot in Pennsylvania,
of Brookheart in Iowa and of Frazier
over McCumber in North Dakota, and
treats them as if they were similar.
1t is true that there was some SINH
larity between the victories of Pin
chot and Beveridge, but the victory of
Brookheart in Iowa, had no relation
to the other two.
Brookhart, when he comes to the
senate, will be no more like Bev-
eridge than he will be like Wadsworth
of New York, or like Pepper, of Penn
sylvania In fact, so much that is mis-
leading has been said on the basis OF
treating these three political events
as group, that there is no safely
accurate way of covering them except
one by one.
Beveridge, when he comes to the
senate, assuming that he wins the
election in November, will come close
to being representative of the bulk
of the Republican party as it is likely
to be in the future. 1t will not be the
old stand-pat Republicanism of 10 or
20 years ago. 1t will be as far from
the Republicanism of Cannon and Len
root as the times have moved during
that period. At the same time, it most
decidedly will not be the Republican,
ism of radicals like LaFollette. The
Republicanism of which Beveridge
will be the spokesman will not be the
Republicanism of Fordney, which
looks upon an extreme high tariff as
a simple talisman capable of accom-,
plishing all possible good.
Recognizes Changes.
Beveridge's Republicanism will be
one that will take account of the
changes in the country's business
structure and in its relation to the
&c ~, ho -1,ay
Mckinley advocated protection for &
country which was then in its infancy
as a manufacturing nation. There was
time when the Republican party call
ed itself the business mans party.
1t may be that the Republican party
as it exists today in the lower house
and the senate would like to continue
to call itself by that name. But tht
other party to the comparison, the
business man, is not willing, as thing!
stand today, to admit the relationship
does not look to the Republican part,
as its protector and savior in the senst
that it did in the days of McKinle!
and Mark Hanna. The state of minC
OF business about the Republican
party is much more nearly an emotion
of dismay and resentment
If the Republican party shoult
again become the party of the bus
ness man. Beveridge will come a
nearly as any other man now in pub
lie life to being the spokesman of it
policies. Beveridge, during the
years he has been out of the senate
has had, through his writing of tn
four-volume life of John Marshall.
bath in constitutional history whic
has, to degree, made a change fror
the Beveridge of Is or 20 years agc
Orthodox Speeches
The speeches which Beveridg
made during his campaign last sprin
would. if collected, make a bette
textbook of orthodox Republicanisr
adapted to present-day condition
than any other in existence. Bevel
idge, when he comes to the senate
will be a good Republican in regula
standing. The rest of the Republ
cans will accept him as such. Nc
only will they accept him as fello'
Republican; it may readily turn OF
that they will accept him as leade
Between the success of Beveridg
in Indiana and the success of Brool
hart in Iowa there is no commo
point whatever Brookhart is a raj
ical. He belongs in the school of l.;
Toilette. He made his campaign b
two appeals, one to the radical ell
ment among the farmers and the otl
er to the radical element among tn
workers in Iowa cities. He was su
cessful in an effort which is the dreal
of all radicals but which can only I
achieved by an accident.
The economic interests of the farr
ers and of the city workers are fund
mentally irreconcilable. They nevC
can be permanently united in cor
mon party or behind common lea
ership. The hopes which Brookha
aroused among the farmers, and tt
hopes which he aroused among II
laborers in the cities, cannot possib
be fulfilled. AS one of the Iowa p
pers remarked the day after Broo
hart won:
Vote of Protest
'It was vote of protest from II
farms against low prices of farm pro
ucts and high prices of farm laoo
From the cities it was prote
against the high living costs and 10
wages-confiicting interests but unite
in the hope that changes in the COVER
CONTINUED on Page Five)