The Republican., 1922-06-29
WHAT THE FOURTH OF JULY
MEANS

Declaration of independence, on July
A, 1776, marks the birth of this ma
ton. Before that act and that day
the rebellious patriots were still col
onists. They were still British sub
jects, fighting to obtain what they
deemed their constitutional rights as
British subjects. But on and after
that day they became citizens of the
United States of America, fighting for
the absolute independence which they
so gloriously achieved some years
later.
1t is we'll each year to recall these
facts and to try to realize just how
they came about Before the skirmish
called the battle of Lexington, when
the American revolution actually be-
gan, many of the most patriotic of
the colonists still hoped that England
would see the error of her ways and
would remove the grievances she had
imposed on them, without being for
ced to do so by armed resistance.
And after April 10, ITS, although
the colonists' cause was decisiveIy
committed to the stern issue of war,
many still cherished the hope of vic
tory without absolute political sepa-
ration from the mother country
For it seemed reasonable to expect
that after such proof that they never
~.
resentation or to any other important
encroachment on their right Of self
government. England would decide
that the costly game of war was not
worth its candle. Even if England
still felt that she had a technically
legal right to rule her colonies as
she willed, and even if she believed
that her troops could finally overcome
American resistance, it yet seemed
reasonable enough to hope that she
would before long come to the con-
clusion that a liberal course toward
the colonists was the wiser as well as
the nobler way out of the struggle.
But after year or more Of armed
conflict it became pretty clear that
the policies of George III and his
ministry We're as obstinate as they
were blind and autocratic Even the
most optimistic of the colonists were
driven to perceive that their cause
was broadening out into a new and
more national aspiration. For, sup
posing they should triumph, it began
to seem an insufficient outcome that
would simply force England to restore
rights which the colonists had so long
enjoyed and considered themselves
entitled to as a matter of course. If
England had violated these rights
once, might she not do so again, even
if she yielded this time to force?
And, on the other hand, if England's
armies should finally triumph, the
plight and punishment of the colonies
would be just as harsh as if they had
fought for absolute independence
from the beginning, instead of for
the restoration of colonial home rule.
To puote homely phrase, might not
these rebels as well hang for a sheep
as for lamb?
The Declaration of Independence
was adopted because by that time the
colonies had become morally certain
that only through absolute independ-
ence could political freedom be per-
f1r- Il 1
because the perils and sacrifices of
their common resistance had drawn
them more closely together. Already
they were united for common colonial
defense; and the pressure of the great
struggle made union for complete in
dependence inevitable under the cir
cumstances. By the declaration each
colony became transformed into a
sovereign and independent state. and
the common cause of colonial liberty
blossomed into common and a really
national mission.
Not yet, indeed, was our present
National Constitution conceived by
the fathers. Not yet had even the
less permanent Article of Confedera-
tion been formed and adopted. The
more constructive side of Americas
splendid political mission was yet to
evolve, in the fullness of time. But
the great and primary step of sepa-
ration, the step on which those further
developments were to rest, was de-
iberately and courageously taken at
Philadelphia on July a, 1776.
WAS THIS STRIKE NOBODY'S
BUSINESS?