The Dallas express. [volume] (Dallas, Tex.) 1893-1970, 1922-11-18

ofiiceholders, by the very nature Of
their appointment and tenure, are
disqualified to demand or contend
for the rights Of the people
There remains but one ray OF
hope amidst the encircling gloom,
of the Negro voter in the North.
The race must seek elective posi-
lions which rest directly upon the
suffrage of the people. Unless the
Negro is able to send his own menu
bers to city councils, to state legis-
latures and to the Congress OF the
United States there is little hope
for further political progress.
No white man, however kindly
disposed can speak for the Negro
or impress his claims upon the
mind and heart Of the American
people. He may indeed speak about
the Negro, but he cannot for him.
The black man must plead his own
cause with his own voice. Whenever
the white man essays to speak Tor
the Negro his words are discounted
in advance. The nation therefore
pays little heed to such artificial
plea. The world expects to hear the
voice Of the Negro, for the Negro,
and by the Negro.
We may judge in some slight
measure the political benefit which
two or three Negro congressman
might bring to the race by what a
few Negro representatives scattered
throughout the several state legis-
latures have already accomplished A
Negro "bloc" in Congress of several
loyal. alert and sensible members
would be worth more in constructive
advantage than all Of the appointive
positions within the widest hope OF
the political optimist.
There were in 1920, $4,000 Ne
groes in New York City, $4,000
in Philadelphia, 100000 in Chicago
and 10000 in Baltimore. These
census figures were probably un-
derestimates. BY 1924 it is reason
able to believe that the figures will
have been materially increased. We
NAV, therefore, estimate for 1924,
100000 Negroes for New York,
10000 for Philadelphia, 10000
for Chicago, and 10000 for Bal
timore There will be a suffi-
cient number in each city to de-
mand a member Of Congress for the
Negro group. While it is true that
the Negro voters may not constitute
the majority in any given congress-
ional district, yet the regular party
nomination will carry with 1t the
white contingent by sensible inter-
change of political advantage. These
Negroes are sufficiently congested
in restricted localities to give some
thing of the power Of political SOL
idarity. 1t does not require ma
jority in any group to command
political control Of geographical
unit, but merely a majority of the
major party. This may not be much
above a fourth OF the total popu-
lation. Let 1t also be borne in mind
that there is larger proportion
of adults in the Negro population
of these cities than among the
white race. This fact gives the Ne
gro contingent greater political po-
tentiality. But this question rises
above the level of district politics.
The Negro voters throughout these
several states should make a united
demand upon the state machinery
of the Republican party to throw
the regular congressional nomina-
ton in the heavy Negro districts to
member of the group. The Ne
gro vote is essential to Republican
success in all of these states under
normal political conditions. The
party managers would not dare re-
fuse such request IL presented with
unity and earnestness.
Here then is the Negro platform
for the campaign of 1924.
Let us have Republican adj
ministration for 1924 with
"block" Of three or four Negro
congressman.
Signed:
KELLY MILLER,
Howard University, Washington,
d. G.
Convriphted 1922 PITTSBURGH