The Richmond palladium and sun-telegram. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1907-1939, 1922-08-14

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reform with reverse English nay be
the next movement in American poll
tics. When the campaign for the nom
ination of candidates by direct vote
of the people was started the strong
est argument advanced by its advo-
Gates was that it would eliminate the
excessive use of money and machine
control in political affairs. 1t was &C
cordingly broadcasted as a reform.
Now, after a somewhat extensive
trial of the new system, it is seen that
the lavish expenditure of money has
not been eliminated and that machines
are still doing business at the same
old stand. Hence the champions of
the old order of things are talking o.
ina%ugurating a reform movement that
will seek the abolition of the primary
and a return to the convention system
If nominations.
It is not claimed that the primary
| lends itself to the use of money IN
corrupt ways. There is no suggestion
that candidates have ben buying noml-
nations by purchasing votes at the
! polls. It is insisted, however, that the
system has multiplied the expenses OF
a candidate and his opportunities to
spend money effectively although leg1t-
imately until his chances are in direct
proportion TO the size of the fund
which he or his friends will provide.
Machines Control Primary
It is also contended that machines
lean dominate primaries as well as con-
v~entions, and that a well-oiled, efficient
organization can put over its cdndi-
date or its slate at from one-third to
one-half the cost to individuals.
Thus, the proponents of the new re-
form say the primary has put the
poor man out of politics. 1t is n of
the theories of u form of govern
ment that the humblest citizen can at
tain the most exalted Office in the land
if his constitutional qualifications are
all right, but that theory has been
knocked into a cooked hat by direct
nominations. In fact, it may be main
/ tanned with some convincing evidence
that a poor man has even less chance
in a primary than a rich man has OF
entering heaven.
t Illustrations in point are cited in the
? Pennsylvania battle of the ballots. Gift
ford Pinchot, the anti-machine cand1-
date for the Republican gubernatorial
nomination, spent something in excess
: of $4,000 to win his prize, While
, George Wharton Pepper, backed by the
organization for the nomination for
. United States senator, expended $780,
= 900, OF one-half the Pinchot fund. PIN
i chot won by a comparatively narrow
t margin, while Pepper was overwhelm-
: ingly successful. 1t cost the former
three times the total salary which he
( will receive in his four-year term as
= governor, if he is elected, While the
primary bill of the latter was one-third
more than the salary of a senator for
six years.
: This is urged as conclusive proof of
- the prohibitive cost of primaries. 1t
{ shows clearly that no man who did not
: possess a large fortune could even con-
template being a candidate for either
. 4 ofRce. A moderately wealthy man
d, would be debarred, while n who
would be dependent upon his salary for
t his living would be utterly without
hope. If that sort of thing continues,
il is argued, democracy necessarily
S must give way to an a~ristocracy Of
2 wealth.
l., Advocates Find Comfort
On the other hand, advocates Of the
primary system find some comfort in
the Pennsylvania case. AS they see
f it, Pinchot could not have been nom,
= lHdIGu, except, III d pIluIdI y, anu olhSc
he was a reform and anti-machine car
didate his nomination was a thing
e greatly to be desired by the people
V Likewise they contend that Peppers
personal popularity is such that the
machine can claim no credit for his
e nomination. They admit hat theil
Y system is too expensive, put they say
that a way will be found to cure thai
$ evil while retaining all the good there
o is in the primary,
q The rejoinder of those who favor {
return to the convention plan is tina
q conventions never dare go against
popular sentiment or demand that ha:
If been clearly indicated. and that Pin
chot would in all probability have
n been chosen because it was eviden
that the Republicans of the STATE
wanted him. In any event a preceden
would not have been established tina
makes the governorship solely a ricl
mans prize, for a convention can Civ
the nomination to a poor man withou
II the expenditure of a dollar on his part
y AS to the case of Pepper, they merel,
~ point out that in spite of his high place
in the public esteem, and in spite O
he the fact that the party organization
III supported him. it cost the senate
$50. 900 to ecure a nomination tina
err otherwise might have been his with
e. out a contest.
Where the Money Goes
AS has been stated, no one is SUE
26 costing that money was used corrup
ne ~ in behalf either of Pinchot or Pei
n per. Every dollar of the immens
sums indicated undoubtedly was pJ
ut to legitimate uses, and it is probabl
IN that five times the amounts coul
have been expended without tn
he slightest infraction of the laws.
There is, as a matter of fact, n
lg. limit to the amount of money that ca
be spent in perfectly proper ways