Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1922-02-14
Editorial Comment
The Test Begins
(Puhlic Iedcer

With the conference between the
President and the leaders in Congress
over the legislative program begins
the real test of what may prove a
turning point in American political
history. President Harding made it
plain in his campaign speeches THAT
il elected he would undertake to al
ter the trend of American institutions
froat least twenty years back and re-
verse its tendency. The President for
at least twenty years. and for fifty in
reality. had been assuming new pow
ers, until now he was legislating-
not only initiating legislation. but
actually assuming the conduct of it
through Congress. That body had
been shrinking in size as it grew in
numbers. Harding promised to re-
verse a current that had set in with
the War of Secession and grown in
might under Wilson. People say,
You can't turn the hands of the
clock back" says Chesterton. The
answer is simple: You cam
The mere words Legislative pro-
gram" are new in America, at least
in any such sense as they are used In
referring to Tuesdays conference.
up by agreement between the Presi-
dent and the House and Senate lead
ers. to the execution of which within
a given time all promise to give their
full attention. The President refrains
from framing the details; but so far
as the broad, general forms are con-
ccrned. he proposes some, as on the
treaties, and yields others, as on the
soldiers bonus.
Meanwhile it is becoming evident
that his relations with his Cabinet
and his Ambassadors are on a diff
fcrent plane from those of any Pres
ident in the past. For instance, the
President does not agree with Am
bassador Harvey's views: and when
that diplomat expresses some Of the
more striking of these views, the
President issues a statement setting
forth his own: but he does not rebuke
him or remove him, and apparently
regards his Am bassadors as having
full freedom of speech and as not be-
ing his mouthpieccs: notion that it
may take Europe some time to get
accustomed to. AS for the Cabinet,
he began by backing up Secretary
Mellon, until the House and Senate
leaders assured him that bonus bill
must be passed, when he yielded; but
he did not prevent Mellon from con-
tinuing to issue blasting statements
against the bonus, and therefore
makes the Cabinet Independent of
the Administration. These are not
the only cases Imagine Wilson
adopting such an attitude, or. for that
matter, Taft, Roosevelt, Mckinley or
Cleveland.
The tendency toward concentration
of power in the Presidents hands be-
gan in Lincoln's administration. when
the exigencics of the war forced the
President to many measures other
wise unlawful. The impetus thus
given to what had been a latent Wing
cessors, even though the actual vio-
lations of law We're generally re-
pealed Congress fought Cleveland,
but Mckinley's tact enabled him to
put over" about everything he want
ed. and Roosevelt found the ground
prepared for his masterful and sim
envy hand. BY the time he quit the
presidency there was so little left of
Congress that Taft actually was able
to attain more Legislative power than
Roosevelt had; and Wilson, naturally
autocratic, so used these precedcnts
and the war that until his last year
Congress was a figure of speech.
1t was then that Harding under
took to turn the hand of the clock
back. He has been preparing the
way for eleven months. with some
signs of success and some of failure.
Beginning night before last, the actu-
al working out of Hardipgs issue of
1920 slid off the ways, and by July
We shall probably know definitely
whether he has succeeded or failed.