The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1922-01-07
AMERICAN LABOR LEADS W0RLDIN.
PRACTICAL WORK and IN RESULTS

K RESULTS
today that is built consistently on a
democratic foundation, has an ex-
clusively democratic i .licy and goal,
and has never departed from demo-
cratic policies r..
!: = Experience Contrasted.
Contrast the long democratic ex-
perience of America with that Of
Europe. It was between 1857 and
1885 that British labor was even
halt enfranchised and universal edu-
cation established. The Germans
have been educated as long as we
have, but they got democracy only
in 191S-and European labor did all
! in it's power to- prevent that by stop
ping the war with we Kaiser still in
| power. French democracy dates
form 1875, and the only previous
democratic experiences Of that coun-
try were in the brief revolutionary
periods-a fact which has confused
many French workers as to the rela-
tive values Of democracy and revo-
lutionary violence.
It Is true that European labor,
learning rapidly from the Bolshe-
visit fiasco. is now on the democratic
track regardless Of expenses" But
there is scarcely a national move
ment or an "internationale'' of
Europe which has not flirted In the
last two years either with the Com
munist International or with the
Russian soviets, the declared and
deadly foes Of democracy. Gas long
as the lamp holds out to burn the
last poor sinner may return"
American labor will certainly well
come it's sister movements back into
the democratic labor fold. But the
superior steadfastness Of the organ
lied labor Of the worlds. greatest
industrial nation should receive rec
ognition. There must be some sup
eriority in a movement which was
the only one not to founder and
court disruption during the greatest
world crisis in the history Of modern
industrial labor.
BO1shevism Not New.
But Bolshevism was not born, in
a day. It arose, out Of the anti
democratic wings Of the MARKHAM
Socialism and Syndicalism. and
every labor movement of Europe
without exception has long been
tainted with these reactionary doc
trines-the natural and inevitable
results Of the feudalism and militar-
ism of European governments. Now
that many European labor move
ments have split on Bohshevisna,
including the Syndicalists, American
labor will doubtless find much in
| common with the newly formed lem
ocratic sections. But these sections
| must remember that only yesterday
| they were part and parcel Of move
ments which could find no language
too strong to express their hostility
toward the democratic labor move
ment of America.
American labor leads the world
not only in internationalism and
democracy, but also in it's success in
protecting the movement from in
vasion and capture by outside ele-
ments. The invasion Of the so
called "intellectuals" has proceeded
so far in certain organizations IN
Europe that we find executives Of
some Of the leading Communist par
ties, such as those Of Russia, France
and Italy, consisting mainly Of non
labor elements.
| ''Intellectuals'' Lead.
In England and Germany, the
"intellectuals" also have been liable
to exercise an undue influence
through the frequent predominance
Of "the politicar' over the "eco-
nomic'' movement-non-lab ele-
ments themselves into what il
strangely called "the political labor
movement" Nothing similar has
yet occurred in this country. Not
because American labor eschews
politics, and for more than decade
has been gradually and surely build
ing up a political method Of its own
biased not on the European model,
but on our immeasurably longer and
greater political experience, a meth
cd which is still evolving and which
must prove infinitely more effective
in the end.
A fourth superiority Of American
labor lies in the friendships It has
made. For more than a quarter of
a century it has worked, wherever
possible, with American rural labor,
the farmers. While in Russia, un-
der non-labor and largely non-Rus-
sian leadership, has laid tho founda-
ton for decades Of bitter animosity
between town and city workers, and
the Socialists in other European