Greenbrier independent. [volume] (Lewisburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1980, 1922-07-28
SStD0W WITHOUT SUBSTANCE.

After the coal operators had "h-
tanned an injunction in District oi
Columbia Court restraining the Fed
Cral Trade Commission from carry
ing on an investigation into tn,
basic facts of coal production.
neither President Harding nor Con-
srcSS showed the fainteSt sign of in
tcrcSt in the significance of this
legal mancuvcr.
After the RAILROADS had begun to
defy the decisions of the Railroad
Labor Board in respect to contract
repair work, neither President Hard
ing nor Congress protested against
this initial act of notification.
Has the Federal Trade Commits
Sionbeen strongly supported by the
White House and the Capitol. thrc
would be an informed public opin-
ion that could be modified to settle
the coal strike.
Had the Railroad Labor Board
been supported by the White HouS,
and the Capitol when The railroad
managers were turning its orders
into scraps of paper, the AdniniStra
ton would have had precedent OF
ovcrwhclmin. authority to which il
could appeal in the shipments
S.ril..
Having remained supinc when the
employers were the asgresSUrS. the
President is weak and unconvinc-
ing when the employees are the az
2reSSorS. All talk from Washing
ton about the rights of the public
becomes meaningless in the face of
the fact that the Government abdi-
Gated its authority when the mo-
ment came for a first test.
The limits of the Federal power
III case of a strike involving inter-
state commerce or an agency of in
tcrState commerce have never been
precisely defined and never can be
precisely defined; but the most val
liable assets that the United States
government can possess in time of
industrial turmoil are not it's ulti-
mate legal power but general conf
dcncc in its fairness, it's sense of
justice and its complete impartiality
between the contestants.
In the present case it is fair TO
say that the Administration is not
trusted by either side The men be-
ileve lis SNinpathies are all on the
side OF property and that its is
secretly committed to the policy of
debating wages, regardless of the
standard of living. The EMPLOYERS
coal as we'll as railroads, SUSPECT
that it is thinking more about the
iaii electlons than about an cquit-
able settlement of the strikes.
This may be wholly unjust to the
Administration, but the lack of con-
hdcnce is fact that can not be
lightly dismissed and it has contri-
buted enormously to the complica-
lions of the situation. Both the coal
strike and the railroad strike will
eventually be settled by reason of
economic pressure, regardless of
what Is done in Washington. Then
II Will remain TO be seen whether
the Administration has learned any,
thing from the two conflicts.
IN SO far as protection to the pub
nc is concerned against railroad
strikes, the Transportation Act i q
iallure and the sections establishing
the Railroad Labor Board might
better never have been enacted. In
less the Federal Trade Commission
is vested with power TO do the work
mat 1t was intended to do, it might
bette: be abolished. The country
can derive no benefit from a Trade
commission that can be paralyzcd
whenever it undertakes TO obtain
essential information about COM
monty OF general and necessary
use and a Railroad Labor Board
whose oeclSions are freely nouted
Ey both sides in governmental
fraud.
Mr.. Harding driftcd into two strikes
ana In time he will drift out of
them; but whit is to follow? A con-
tlnuation of the shadow of Federal
authority without an atom of real
SuDstance?-NeW York World.