The Richmond palladium and sun-telegram. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1907-1939, 1922-07-26

ated any conduct that would have
thwarted what l was doing. Probably
no man in congress would have raised
his voice against me-"
Between the coal strike that Roose-
welt ended and the present coal strike,
there was, as to the strike itself, much
similarity; but as to the steps the ne
gotiations followed, there were differ
ences. In 1902 the miners accepted
the presidents offer to arbitrate; in
theh present case the miners declined.
In 1902 the operators were solid in
their refusal to. arbitrate; in the pres
ent situation, considerable majority
OF the operators are willing to arbi-
trate, but minority has refused
In the 1902 case, as in the present,
the initial attempt to bring about ar
bitration failed But in the 1902 case
President Roosevelt, to use his own
words, refused to accept the rebuff,
and continued the effort to get an
agreement between the miners and
operators
He finally manoeuvred both parties
into belated acceptance of his order
to arbitrate.
1t is within the possibilities that
this analogy may again be fulfilled in
the present case. In the 1902 case, as
in some aspects of the present case,
the real obstacle to arbitration, sim
mered down, in the end, not to mat
ters of real Importance, but to what
seems at this distance an absurdly
small point of prestige, of face"
How Roosevelt Won
As Roosevelt described it: 1.-The op-
orators positively refused to have me
appoint any representative of labor on
the commission of arbitration. Hour
by hour went by while | endeavored
to make the operators see that the
country would not tolerate their in
sisting upon such conditions; but in
vain. They had worked themselves
into a state of mind where they were
prepared to sacrifice everything and
see civil war in the country, rather
than back down and acquiesce in the
appointment of a representative of
labor.
1T looked as if a deadlock we're in
evitable. Then, suddenly, after two
hours argument, it dawned on me
that they were not Directing to the
thing, but to the name. l found that
they did not mind my appointing any
nan ACthCl AC W dS d ldDOE man OF
not. so long as he was not appointed
as labor man. or as representative
of labor.
Solved Difficulty
shall never forget the mixture of
relief and amusement | felt when I
thoroughly grasped the fact that,
while they would heroically submit to
anarchy rather than have TweedIe-
DUN, yet, if I would call it ,Tweedle-
dee, they would accept it with rapture.
In order to carry the great and vital
point and secure agree ment by both
parties all that was necessary for me
10 do was TO commit a technical and
nominal absurdity, with a solemn face.
rms gladly did ] announced at once
that l accepted the terms laid down.
With this understanding l appointed
the labor man l had all along had in
view, z. E. Clark, the head of the
Brotherhood of Railway Conductors.
calling him an eminent sociologist-
term which l doubt whether he had
ever previously heard.
In publishing the list of the COM
missioners, when I came to Clark's
appointment, | added: LAS a sociolo-
gist, the president assuming that for
the purposes of such a commission the
soc1ologist means a man who has
thought and studied deeply on social
questions and has practically applied
his knowledge"
The relief of the whole country
was so great that the sudden appear-
ance of the head of the Brotherhood
of Railway Conductors as an eminent
soclologlst merely furnished material
Ior puzzled comment on the part of
the press
Copyright 1922 by the New York
Evening Post, Inc.)