The Rock Island Argus and daily union. (Rock Island, Ill.) 1920-1923, 1922-06-19

w IL ~ -
mary reform with reverse English
may be the next movement IN
American politics. When the CAM
paign for the nomination of candi-
dates by direct vote of the people
was started the strongest argu-
ment advanced by its advocates
was that it would eliminate the ex-
cessiye use of money and machine
control in political affairs. u was
accordingly broadcasted as re-
form.
Now after a somewhat extensive
trial of the new system it is seen
that lavish expenditure of money
has not been eliminated and that
machines are still doing business
at the old stand. Hence the cham
pions of the old order of things are
talking of inaugurating reform
movement that will seek the aboli-
ton of the primary and return to
the convention system of nomlna-
tons.
It is not claimed that the pri-
mary lends itself to the use of
money in corrupt ways. There is
been buying nominations by pur-
chasing votes at the polls. II is
insisted. however, that the system
has multiplied the expenses OF a
candidate and his opportunities to
spend money effectively although
legitimately until his chances ARE
in direct proportion to the size of
the fund which he or his friends
will provide It is also contended
that machines can dominate pri-
maries as well as conventions, and
that a well-oiled, efficient organ
ization can put over its candidate
or its slate at from one-third to
one-half the cost to individuals.
Thus, the proponents of the new
reform say, the primary has Put
the poor man out of politics. 1t is
one of the theories of our form of
government that the humblest citi-
zen can attain the most exalted Of
fee in the land, if his constitution
al qualifications are all right, but
that theory has been knocked into
a cooked hat by direct nominal
tons. In fact, it may be maintained
with some convincing evidence
that poor man has even less
chance in a primary than a rich
man has of entering heaven.
Pennsylvania Cases Cited.
Illustrations in point are cited in
the recent Pennsylvania battle of
the ballots. Clifford Pinchot, the
anti-machine candidate for the Re
publican gubernatoria1 nomination,
spent something in excess of $780,
900 to win his prize, while George
Wharton Pepper, backed by the or
ganization for the nomination for
United States senator, expended
100000, or one-half the Pinchot
fund. Pinchot won by a compare
lively narrow margin, while Pep
per was overwh elmingly success
full. 1t cost the former three times
the total salary which he will re
ceive in his four year term as gov
ernor, if he is elected, while the pri-
mary bill of the latter was one
third more than the salary of a
senator for six years.
This is urged as conclusive proof
of the prohibitive cost of primaries
1t shows clearly that no man who
did not possess large fortune
could even contemplate being
candidate for either office. A mod
erately wealthy man would be de-
barred, while one who would be
dependent upon his salary for his
living would be utterly without
hope. If that sort of thing con-
tinues, it is argued. democracy
necessarily must give way to an
aristocracy of wealth.
On the other hand, advocates OF
the primary system find some COM
fort in the Pennsylvania case. AS
they see it, Pinchot could not have
been nominated, except in a pri-
mary, and since he was a reform
and anti-machine candidate his
nomination was a thing greatly to
be desired by the people Like
wise they contend that Peppers
personal popularity is such that
the machine can claim no credit for
his nomination. They admit that
their system is too expensive, but
they say that way will be found
to cure that evil while retaining all
the good there is in the primary.
The rejoinder of those who favor
a return to the convention plan is
that conventions never dare go
against a popular sentiment or de-
mand that has been clearly indi-