The toiler. [volume] (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, 1921-05-07


movement in the factories never for
mulated its political principles, nor
produced a program of action. 1t
remained in the realm of generalities
on the one hand and depended upon
immediate issues copping up, of
which there were many, to keep it
real movements 1t augmented these
by stressing industrial unionism, and
developing the idea of control of
industry by the workers.
The Revolution in Russia added to
its enthusiasm, and it early identified
itself with it without getting down
to the task of how best it could
render help. The declaration Of the
armistice again brought about sweep
ing changes. Unemployment swept
like tornado through the country,
shattering all unofficial organiza-
ton of the faeItpries. The hold of
the Government kbon the officials re-
laxed, thus peltaitting the opera
ton of the ordinlafy union machinery
as outlets for gfevances. Even with
the trade recovaE, which came for
short time, tA9 situation did not
resemble that oflthe war period.
The engineering industry lost its
pre-eminence, aid the miners and
the railway workers now held the
key position. Consequently, the re-
covery of the factory committee
movement was very meagre. But the
Importance of the reform commit
tees and the vigilance committees of
the railway men as driving forces
in their unions was enhanced, while
the shop stewards and the revolutio-
nary industrialists in the engineering
industry were compelled to give more
attention to the unions. While all
these movements had much in COM
mon, there was no contact with each
other, even the miners of the various
reform committees of the coalfields
having never succeeded in making a
co-ordinatcd movement Viewing the
industrial movement as whole,
from the armistice to date, we have
t, clseve:--
(1) The rapid growth Of centraliza-
ton of the unions, increasing power
of the bureaucracy;
(2) Big amalgamation, with which
the bureaucracy further enthroned
themselves for long periods Of Of
flee;
(3) The popularization Of the idea
of the control of industry by the
workers;
(4) The passing Of sectional strikes
and the near approach Of the class
strike;
(5) The emergence Of the unions
as definite wAsaans to be used fol
detectives. This has taken two di.
rections-(a) the closer identity Of
the definitely reformist; (b) a chal
lenge to the State arising out Of the
economic struggle, through the
power of the unions as an opposing
force, and the conscious threat Of
industrial strength to achieve a de-
finite political aim such as Peace
with Russia. (c) In these cases il
was Revolution in essence.
| (6) The creation of new forms o.
organizations, such as the Council Of
Action on the stress Of politica
crisis, wherein the whole working
class is aligned against the capital
list government.
| (7) The passing Of parochialisn
and the definite entry of interna
tionalism as a practical and urgen'
policy.
Throughout these developments
two marked tendencies are apparent
one essentially reactionary, the othe
essentially revolutionary.
: The amalgamations the centrali
: cations, Of themselves good, were IL
the hands of leaders who are counter
revolutionists and are a veritabl
: danger, assisting all kinds Of twist
: ing and traitorous deeds to the work
ing class. In this country, they hav
=, assisted the reactionaries, Increase
their power, and turned the health,
demand for the control Of industr.
by the workers, into a means for tn
e provision Of all kinds Of speciou
i schemes of joint control Of industr
n by the capitalist state and the work
: ers, nevertheless; the desires Of tn
n reactionary leaders by the very
weight Of organization produced pc
litcal crisis wherein the existence Q
n the capitalist State was threatened
!. Witness the miners and railwaymen
" strikes. 4
o Must Break Power Of Reactionar
Il Leaders.
N The control Of the machine ei
le abled and does enable the reaction
aries to play a very important pa,
g in the hampering Of the full develop
s, ment Of such crises.
e The three important crises-rai
n ~