Albuquerque morning journal. [volume] (Albuquerque, N.M.) 1903-1926, 1921-08-27
PREMIER CLAIMS
IRISH TERMS DO
NOT SURRENDER
Continued from Page one.)

"Our proposals go even further.
for they invite Ireland to take her
place as a partner in the great
commonwealth Of free nations.
united by allegiance to the king.
1--WE consider these proposals
completely fulfill your wish that
the pri ciple Of government by
consent of the governed should be
the broad and guiding principle
of the settlement which your plen-
ipotentiaries are to negotiate.
THAT principle was first devel-
oped in England and is the main
spring Of the representative insti-
buttons which she was first to Gre
ate. 1t was spread by her through
out the world and is now the very
life of the British commonwealth.
I'VE could not have invited the
Irish people to take their place in
that commonwealth on any other
principle, and we are convinced
that through it we can heal old
misunderstanding and achieve an
enduring partnership as honorable
to Ireland as the other nations OF
which the commonwealth consists.
"But when you argue that the
relations of Ireland with the Brit
ish empire are comparable in prin-
ciple to those of Holland or Bel
gium with the German empire,
| find 1t necessary to repeat once
more that those are premises which
no British government, whatever
its complexion, can ever accept.
I'm demanding that Ireland
should be treated as separate SOW
ereign power, with no allegiance to
the crown and no loyalty to the
sister nations of the common
wealth, you are advancing claims
which the most famous nationalist
| leaders in Irish history. from Graf
tan to Parnell and Remond, have
explicitly disowned.
"Grattan, in famous phrase,
declared that the ocean protests
against separation and the sea
against union Daniel O'Connell,
most eloquent perhaps of all the
Spokesman of the Irish national
cause. protested thus in the house
of commons in 1890: Never did
monarch receive more undivided
allegiance than the present king
| from the men who in Ireland agi-
| tate the repeal OF the union. Never
was there grosser calumny than to
assert that they wish to produce
separation between the two coun-
tries. Never was there a greater
mistake than to suppose that we
wish to dissolve the connection
The premier then quotes q let
ter written in 1854 to the Duke of
Wellington by Thomas Davis, "a
fervent exponent Of the ideals of
young Ireland" as advocating the
retention of the imperial parlia--
ment and the giving to Ireland OF
a senate selected by the people; the
right OF levying customs ana ex-
else and other taxes; the making
of roads, harbors, railways, canals
and bridges; encouraging manufae-
lures, commerce, agriculture and
fishing, and the settling of the
poor laws, tithes,, tenures, grand
| juries and franchises.
"The British government" the
text OF the reply of Mr.. Lloyd
George continues, Offered ireland
all that O'Connell and Thomas Da-
Wis asked, and more; we are met
only by an unqualified demand
that we should recognize lrelanc
as a foreign power. 1t is playing
with phrases to suggest that tn
principle of government by consent
of the governed compels recognl
ton Of that demand on our part
or that in repudiating it we ar
straining geographical and histor
ical considerations to justify CLAIM
to ascendancy over the Irish race
There is no political prinei
ple, however clear, that can b.
applied without regard to limita
tions imposed by physical and his
torical facts. Those limitations
are as necessary as the very prin
ciple itself to the structure OF ever!
free nation; to deny them woulc
Involve the dissolution Of all demo
cyatic states. 1t was on these ele
naentary grounds that we called al
tention to the governing force o.
1.-THE geographical propinquity or the
1.-TWO islands and of their long ant
historical association, despite th'
great difference Of character Of
the races.
1--WE do not believe a permanent
reconciliation between Great Brit
ain and ireland can ever be al
tanned without recognition Of theli
historical interdependence which
makes complete political and eco
nomic separation impracticable fol
both.
II cannot better express the
British standpoint in this respect
than in the words used Of the
northern and southern states by
Abraham Lincoln in his first in
augural address. They were spoken
by him on the brink of the Ameri-
can civil war, which he was striv-
ing to avert: -,
Physically speaking he said,
we cannot separate. we cannon
remove our respective sections
from each other now and build an
impossible wall between them.
: 1t is impossible then to make
that intercourse more advantageous
or more satisfactory after separa-
ton than before. Suppose
YOU go to war, you cannot fight
always; and when after much loss
on both sides and no gain for
either you cease fighting, the iden-
tiCdl Olu QuCotlOiio 90 " W. A'S
intercourse again are upon you.'
II do not think 1t can reason
ably be contended that the relations
between Great Britain and Ireland
are In any different case.
IT thought I had made 1t clear,
both in my conversations with you
and in my two subsequent commu-
nications, that we can discuss no
settlement which involves a. re-
fusal on the part Of Ireland to ae.
cept our invitation to a free, equal
and loyal partnership in the Brit
ish commonwealth undone sove-
ereign.
am reluctant to precipitate this
issue, but just point out that a
prolongation of the present state
of affairs is dangerous. Action is
being taken in various directions
which, . 1t continued. would preju-
dice the truce and must ultimately
lead to its termination. This would
indeed be deplorable.
"Whi1e therefore prepared to
make every allowance as to time
which will advance the cause OF
peace, we cannot prolong a mere
a. lei