The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1921-11-21
THE SENATE AND THE sURrAx

THE SENATE AND THE sURTAX,
The vote in the United States senate
on the surtax feature of the revenue
bill indicates a possible reversion to
conditions which brought about the
political calamity of 1912. In opposi-
ton to the well known position of the
president, who usually is considered
the party leader. and in opposition to
the vote Of the house, whose member
ship usually is regarded as being
nearer the people than is that of the
senate, enough alleged Republican
senators Joined with the Democrats to
change the surtax rate fixed by the
house. This change the house has
been compelled to accept or delay rev
enue legislation.
The country demands lowering of
taxes The voters look to the Repub-
lear party to bring this about. In
pursuance of this duty the house
placed the maximum rate of the sur
tax at 80 per cent. The senate has
voted to make it so per cent on the
specious plea of the minority and a
few persons on the majority side that
they will be making the rich pay.
This action marks a continuation of a
policy that already has done much
damage to the business of the coun-
try.
The obligation of the individual
member of congress as representa-
tive OF his party was forcefully indi-
Gated in an address delivered by
President Harding Chen senator), at
Niles, Ohio, in January, 1920, when he
spoke at Mckinley Memorial dinner
Among other things he said:
I had rather trust the ma jority in
any party, even the Democratic party,
than rely on any outstanding person
atty in any party, superman or other
wise. This decision by the majority is
the underlying theory of representa-
tive popular government, and makes
our government sanely responsive to
deliberate and dependable public opin-
len. If there is failure of our party
today to meet the fullest expectations
of the American people, it is due in
the main, to the fact that we have So
called Republicans in our ranks, and
some of them in authority, VINO seek
to make the party policy, and failing
in that. assume a superiority to party
judgment. Such a course not only en-
dangers party success at the polls, but
destroys party effectiveness in official
performance. I commend independ-
ence and fearieSsn eSS of thought but
I invite the party devotion of McKin-
ley as the highest guarantee of kept
pledges and helpful accomplishments.
Few men have been elected to COLI
gress solely on their personality. The
great majority have been elected be
cause they stood for the principles OF
enc party or the other and promised.
by inference at least, to work in co
operation with other members of the
sa me party for the practical adoption
of the party principles in legislation.
The inevitable logical deduction from
the action of one member who breaks
away and acts independently is that
he assumes a wisdom greater than
thet of his party. He asserts by i'll
ference. If not directly, that a part is
greater than the whole.
When a man breaks away from his
party and acts independently lie vir-
tually says, ST am right and my party
is wrong. If had the power would
put my will into effect in defiance of
the will of my party" By necessary
inference he even goes farther than
that, for If he refuses to be bound by
the decision Of a party major-+y he
would also refuse to be bound by the
decision of a national majority
would defy the expressed will OF the
people and put his own will into. eff
feet If he had the power. The man
who refuses to abide by the dec sion
of the majority, honestly arrived al. is
not a very valuable asset to any po-
htical party.