New-York tribune., 1921-01-30
R. BAKER approaches the
~ thorny problems Of American
- industrial nnraa4 NTH n


IN thorny problems Of American
\ - industrial unrest with al
full appreciation Of its seri-
Gus implications and q iaudable desire
to formulate a Just and practicable
program of conciliation. He is in
clined to divide workers and employers
into three groups. First there are the
extremists on both sides. There is the
old-fashioned employer, who will not
tolerate the mildest kind Of unionism,
who insists upon being absolute boss
Of his plant, who treats his employees
more like machines than human beings.
His counterpart is to be found in the
extreme labor leader, who denounces
all capitalists as robbers and exploiters.
This element, in Mr.. Bakers opinion,
constitutes a minority, but a vociferous
and dangerous minority.
Then comes the large group repre-
sented by the average employer and
the average worker. who desire to
treat each other fairly, but who are un-
able to put away the old tradition Of
suspicious antagonism. The last and
most hopeful group consists Of the en-
lightened, progressive employers and
workers who are consciously and in
telligently working out schemes of CO.
operation, conciliation and adjustment
Of mutual interests. 1t is to this last
group, acting in conjunction with en-
gineers and labor experts, that the au-
thor looks for the development Of an
industrial system of law and order
which will reduce the number Of strikes
and lockouts and increase production
without doing injustice to either side.
MIR. Baker does not underestimate
the difficulties involved in any plan for
substituting the reign Of law for the
reign Of force in industry. One of the
most serious difficulties Is ignorance
Even the most we'll intentioned and i'm
partial Judgment may 60 sadly astray
if it is not guided by accurate knowl-
edge of the facts in the case. This
point is we'll illustrated by the follow.
ing anecdote:
"One of the most conscientious
editors in the country told me that he
did not know until some time after
the steel strike began that the twelve
hour day and the seven-day week were
so common still in the steel industry
and that it was a week or more afte,
the coal strike began that he found
out that the demand for a five-day
week Of six hours day--whict
seemed so astounding and unreason.
able-would, il It were introduced
actually mean slightly longer aver
age working week than the miners Q.
J America have had during the last few
} years"
The author does not believe that in
dustrial unrest can be cured by de
portations or drastic sedition laws
He does not subscribe to the theor,
that the guleless workman is seducet
into discomfort by "outside agitators
And he feels that Bolshevism plays
very negligible part in our laho
troubles. On this point he says:
at is the unrest, the unhealthy cor
ditions, that cause the Bolshevism; no
the Bolshevism that causes the unrest
Once the process starts, however, as
disease germ makes easy work Of
debilitated human body, the radica
). agitation increases the troubles-ac
CELEBRATES it.
"lf every radical alien were deporte
from Gary the causes Of unrest woul
still remain. | spent most of the yea
of 1918 studying similar conditions i
Europe. In every country I visited tn
same kind Of unrest prevails-and q
Z one attributes it either to aliens o
? to outside agitators."
Mr.. Baker points to the agreemen
concluded between the Hart, Schatfne
: G. Marx firm of Chicago and the Anal
gamated Clothing Workers as an ex
cellent sign of what can be accom-
= plished when workers and employer
meet as equals and settle their prob
| iems on hasja Of rOSperu tion an