Milford chronicle., 1921-03-11
THE PURPOSE OF
The ANTI-STRIKE BILL

There are many men of radica.
thought who concede no allegience tC
the laws under which they live. They
proceed to break them whenever the
spirit moves, until they are fOrcibly
restrained by officers of the law. There
are others who, while not as radical
ly inclined as the former class, de-
clare that they owe no duty toward
society in general, and claim perfect
freedom to do as they please so long
as they do not actually break the
peace.
In line with his other attacks on the
railroad anti-strike bill and the Esch-
Cummins transportation act, Mr.
Gompers declares that me law to COM
! pei Workmen to work against their
will or under conditions detrimental
to their welfare or health can be en-
forced
That sort of an argument, convey
ing at it does a misinterpretatiOn of
the anto-strike bill, carries an ap-
peal to those who have wrong con-
ception of the meaning of freedom.
There are forms of industry that
have become known as public utili-
ties because of the direct dependence
of the public upon them for continued
life and comfort. Telephone and tele-
graph companies, gas and electric
light companies, and steam and cleo
trio railroads are examples. Any con-
Germ of that character may be entire
ly the property of private individuals,
but the law says that its service must
be continuous and that its owners
shall not be free to shut down their
plant whenever it may suit them to do
so. The activity of the public utili-
ty has become so necessary part of
the public welfare of the community
that its sudden stoppage would bring
disaster and probable loss of life. The
interests of the people as whole de-
mand uninterrupted service.
There has never been any COM
plant against law that cOmpels the
owners of public utilities to give con-
stant service. Both the owners and
the rest of the people recognize its
necessity, if our social structure is to
remain. The so-called wage earning
class would be the very first to COM
plain were the facilities afforded by |
the public utilities suddenly denied |
them. Yet Mr.. Gompers takes the as
position that law putting |
4 limitation upon the actual owners |
1f a utility must not be made to apply
against the men who work for those
owners and upon whose uninterrupt-
I'd labor the utility's service depends.
'It is estimated that the number of
'ailrOad stockholders is 650,000, but
many of them are banks, insurance
trust companies and other
zig corporations. Every bank depos-
tor, policy holder, trust beneficiary,
md owner of corporation stock is,
therefore,, the owner of an equity in
he rail stock held by those concerns,
that the ownership equities of the
american railways are in the hands
f more than 50,000,000 people, Now,
he law demands and society requires
hat those people shall keep their
roperties in continuous operation for
be benefit of all.
"In 1919, the latest figures available,
here were 1,977,616 railroad employ
es. Mr.. Gompers undertakes to say
hat while law may protect the
hole nation against the action of
ractically half of the people, it is i'm
otent to provide similar protection
gainst the action of the comparative
2 insignificant number of employees.
'obody seeks to abridge the freedom
an individual employe to quit
-Ork, but when a conspiracy is mani
est by which an organized group of
-Orkmen seek to cripple transporta-
on to attain their own selfish ends,
is time for the Government to step
and restrain the forces of labor
as it has restrained the for
rs of capital. That's all that the
lti-strike bill now pending in Con-
ress seeks to do"