New-York tribune., 1921-02-06


the Bolsheviki there can be no diff
Guilty in fixing the responsibility for
the second reason.
s. The fear Of losing che acquisi-
tions Of the revoIution.
One should not minimize the sig
niticapce of this reason of the com
parative longevity of the Bolshevik
regime. The extreme parties had
fostered class hatred, which was the
handspring of the Bolshevik coup
d'etat. Owing to this factor even
the moderate Socialists, not to speak
OF the bourgeoisie, lost the confidence
of the masses, who could not olsen
tangle the complexities of constitu-
tional issues and were intent upon
immediate class privileges and gains
derived from the revolution. 1t can
not be denied that these gains have
been attained to a considerable de-
gree, and that he will lead Russia in
the future who will acknowledge
them as an accomplished fact and
will thus recapture the confidence
Of the people. 1t must also be ad-
mitted that there is no group at pres
ent, social or political, which can
claim to have regained that conf
dence. The masses, therefore, how
ever much they may suffer from the
Bclshevik oppression and lawless-
ness, instinctively shrink before real
craftsmanship as soon as it comes
to them with the attributes of the
past, and more especially when it is
supported by the old privileged So
cial layers. The military leaders of
the struggle for liberation might
have overcome these suspicious. But
they Immediately revive them if they
bring in their trail representatives
of class that by the verdict of
history is doomed to disappear.
rear OF Revenge
There is another side to this fac
tor, and it is by no means trifing.
All the Bolshevik elements that are
enjoying privileges under the Boil
shevik regime Numerous new bu-
reaucracy, nouveau1 riches, the new
bourgeoisie, the cadres of the Red
army are afraid of losing their
privileges and perhaps of suffering
from the revenge Of the power that
may replace the Bolsheviki. Any
power in the future which would aim
at overthrowing the Soviet should
make it a fundamental point to show
the broadest possible leniency to-
ward these involuntary tools Of Boil
shevik tyranny.
/. The conViction that Boil
| sheOk phase is inevitable IN every
revolution not only IN Russia but IN
the aDhoIe aUorId.
The Bolsheviki, who were prepar-
ing world revolution, have con-
tributed to the spread of this con-
viction. 1t would have been sur
prlsing if the proletariat had not
been SO convinced. On the other
hand, what is not less surprising is
that kind of fatalistic belief in the
coming victory Of the proletariat has
sprung up-for a wilhelm various
groups and among individual think
ers far beyond the proletarian
circles. This fatalism has led to a
passive attitude of humbly awaiting,
with hands folded, the impending
revolution in the countries where it
is anticipated. The same feeling as
sumed the shape of kind of malign
JOY IN the countries where, like in
Russia, Bolshevik revolution had
already taken place. at the prospect
Of others being fated to undergo the
same experience. In both cases the
fatalist, instead Of taking the neces-
sary precautions, bowed his head and
hoped that somehow the storm would
pass in due course as spontaneously
as it seemed to be coming.
The force Of this motive is ap-
parent from the fact that it explains
to certain extent
S. The sOaUering policy of our for
ner Allies toaDard the Bolsheviki.
This policy has many other
grounds, upon which I cannot here
dwell-the dread of strong recon-
structed Russia, the fear of ones
own public opinion, real material
exhaustion and moral fatigue after
protrscted war, etc. Had this
factor been absent and had the readi-
ness to combat Bolshevism been equal
to the understanding Of it's interna-
tional danger, Russian Bolshevism,
in spite Of the conditions outlined
above, would have been crushed long
before IL could organize for it's de-
tense q Red army, q network of
"Chresvychaikas" and the 10000
Communists to whom Mr.. Wells cor
rectly reduces the probable nucleus
of the partv.