The Catholic bulletin. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1911-1995, 1921-06-04
THE INNER AND THE OUTER IRE
LAND.
BY George w. Russell GA. E.") in
Pearson's Magazine.

The Irish character anciently was
full of charm. The people were lively,
takers possible, but their very power
of sympathy and understanding, their
capacity of seeing both sides of a
case, made them politically weak.
The oppression of the last years has
made a deep and | believe an endur-
ing change in that character. It has
strengthened the will. The political
rebels l meet today are the highest
types of Irishmen l have met in my
life of "a years. l think Of these
young men, so cheerful, so deteTmin-
ed, so self-sacrificing, and | grow more
and more confident that something
great must come out of race which
produces such men in multitude.
think the rank and file are even finer
than their leaders. But perhaps l
should not say that. The real leaders
are unknown almost. 1t is not time
when orators can make their voices
heard. The press publishes daring
utterance only at the risk of sup
preston, and many papers have been
suppressed. 1t is impossible to hold
political meetings. Those who lead
and inspire are nameless. They work
in secret. They can only convince by
their presence" But l divine ardent
and selfless leadership because of the
spirit of the rank and file, just as
when / see the clouds warm at dawn
/ know the glow comes from a yet
hidden sun. The Paddy of British
caricature, based on the Handy Andys,
Micky Frees and Charley O'Malleys
of old novels, if there ever were orr
ginals of this type, have certainly left
no successors. l find only quiet, de-
termined, much enduring people, so lit
tie given to speech that it is almost
impossible to find among Sim Feiners
an orator who would attract crowd
or speak of Irish wrongs as the Red
monds, Sections, O'Briens and billions
of the last generation did. Ireland
has become for the present all will. I
have no doubt when a settlement
comes that the ancient charms of
Imagination and sympathy will be re-
newed, but they will spring out of a
deeper life and literature, art and So
ciety will gain.
What Right Has England in Ireland?
am trying to explain the mood of
my countrymen today. l think high
ly of them but l do not think ireland
is by any means an Island of Saints,
and things have been done by Irish
men which I at least will not attempt
to defend. That may be because l am
a pacifst by nature and l prefer to
use intellectual and spiritual forces
rather than physical force. But it is
only fair to say that two years of
raids, arrests and imprisonments, of
which there were many thousands,
preceded the adoption of their present
method by the Volunteers. If it ever
is right to use physical force, which I
doubt, because I feel there are other
ways by which right can find it's ap-
propriate might, then, when consider
ing the tragic happenings during the
past year in Ireland, praise or con,
demnation can only rightly be award
ed when we have decided who have
a right to govern Ireland, the Irish
people or the English people But
where does the right of England to
govern Ireland come from? On what
is it based? Not on the will of the
Irish people certainly. On ancient
possession? But it is not generally
conceded that burglar who has long
had stolen property is the more en-
titled to it the longer he possesses it.
AS to Ulster.
"Oh," it will be said, there is vi
ster!" Ulster is Unionist. Even in
that province the balance of opinion
is so even that the whole province
could not be included in an Ulster
Parliament lest it might at once vote
itself in with a Southern Parliament
1t is certain that if the Ulster coun
ties we're allowed to vote freely
neither they would unite with Ma
tionalist Ireland not more thar four
would remain out, and / think it high
ly probable that only three would sc
vote This would make the partition
vi lTSlduu 81 luuICIOuS IudI lISS WI
ing was not allowed, and counties
predominantly Sim Fein were includ
ed against their wish with the Ulster
Unionist counties. The British Gov
eminent which partitioned ireland
ostensibly because the Ulster people
desired it, did not dare to allow q
vote to be taken by the people in the
counties included.
Why the 1.-TWO Nation" Theory Was
Started.
/ think the British Government de
sired to retain a garrison in Ireland
The aristocracy we're first its garri
son. With the downfall of feudalism
the aristocracy lost it's power and a
new garrison had to he found, so I'll
ster was informed that Nationalist
Ireland would tyrannize over It and
rob it, and the two nation" theory
was started in Great Britain and given
effect to in the last Home Rule bill.
think the government has overreached
itself, and in three years Ulster, even
the now Unionist Ulster, will be as
strongly anti-British as the rest OF
Ireland. If contented Ulster garri
son was wanted, the financial provi
sions of the act should have been such
as recommended themselves to Ulster
business men. But the six counties
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