The Devils Lake world., 1921-06-01
SECOND INsTALLMENT

SECOND INSTALLMENT
Throughout the late war the Presi-
dent of the United States, speaking
officially to the congress, to the Allies,
ead to the world, and speaking often
with the evident purpose of having his
declarations appeal to and influence
the German army and the German peo-
pie, proclaimed from time to time the
objects and purposes to be achieved
by the war. AS President and Com
mander in Chief, he repeatedly pres
ented to Congress the basis upon which
the war would be terminated and a
lasting peace assured.
The Congress Of the United States
neither by resolution nor otherwise
asserted its authority in the premises:
or in any manner expressed dissent
from or questioned the declarations
Of the President, the Commander in
Chief of our armies.
Congress hesrd the Presidents dec
larations day after day. He address
sed them almost entirely to the Con-
xress.- He kept them constantly before
the Congress, the Allies and the World.
And the Congressday by day voted for
all measures, enacted all laws, grant
ed all appropriations requested by the
President, to the end that he might as
President and Commander in Chief Of
our armies the more certainly achieve
the objects Of the war and the con-
summation of precisely the kind Of
peace which he had so fully ard ex-
plicitly pledged in the name of our
government.
Can Congress be heard now to say
that it was not committed by its own
acts in support Of the Presidents spe-
cific declarations?
If anything could bind this govern
ment, then such record committed us
to abide by those declarations in let
ter and spirit in any peace in which we
participated or to which we shall
hereafter be party.
The declarations of the President, ac-
capted by Congress, by the American
people, by the Allies, and the world
as the responsible voice of our gov
eminent pledged us to conduct the
war with mo selfish ends to serve,"
and pledged US absolutely to peace
expressed in the formula: mo annex
ations, no contributions, no punitive
indemnities."
Again and again the President of the
United States, the Commander in
Chief Of our armies, declared that:
"The day of conquest and aggrand-
isement is gone BY"
That there should be
Impartial justice in every item Of
the settlement no matter whose inter.
ests are crossed; and not only impair
tial justice but also the satisfaction
Of the several peoples whose for
tunes are dealt with"
That-"the war shall not end in
vindicictive action Of any kind; that
NO nation of people shall be robbed
or punished"
And that-"we shall be free to base
peace upon generosity and justice to
the exclusion of all selfish claims to
advantage even on the part Of the
victors."
In November, 1918, on the eve Of the
signing Of the armistice, our allies
specifically accepted the fourteen
points, which we had given our pledge
should be writetn into the peace treaty.
Great Britain at the eleventh hour
reserved the freedom Of the seas and
some questions as to indemnity for
subsequent discussion.
Great Britain had given her open
consent or silent approval to the
Presidents peace proposals, indemn-
'ity, freedom Of the seas, and all. And
: by every canon Of law and every prin.
,ciple Of honest dealing between mer
and nations, she was forever estopped
from raising any question as to any
and every construction which those
proposals covered.
On October 6, 1918, the German
Government wrote it's first note to tn
President requesting the immediate
conclusion Of an Armistice. The not
read in part:
1t 1.-THE German Government) &C
acepts the program set forth by tn
President Of the United States in hi
message to Congress on January 8tf
:and its later pronouncements especial
1y his speech Of September 9th a
n basis for peace negotiations"
Replying to his note on October 9tl
ston behalf of the President" Secre
stary Lansing asked:
'Does the Imperial Chancello
mean that the Imperial German Go,
a9nment accepts the terms laid dow
by the President in his address to Il
Congress of the United States on Ja1