The toiler. [volume] (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, 1921-04-16

strictly defined aims and concrete wOrked-Out
program of its immediate actions in the domains
of both internal and external policy, only in that
case will the conquest of political authority be not
an accidental episode but will serve the starting
point for an extended period of communistic con-
structon on the part of the proetarat.
That same class struggle demands that the
various forms of he movement of the Proletariat
the professional and trade-unions, co-operatives,
factory committees, the cultural and educational
work, the elections etc. should be unified in one
center and be directed in common. Only political
party can be such a common unifyiug and directing
center. The refusal to create it, strengthen it, and
submit to it signifies the refusal to accept tht
unified direction of the separate fighting detach-
ments of the prOetariat operating in the different
arenas of the struggle. Finally, the class struggle
of the proletariat demands concentrated agitation,
which would illumne the various steps of the strug
gle from single point of view, and would con-
centrate the attention of the proletarian at each
given moment the definite problems which are
common for the whole class. This not be ac-
compshed without centralized pOiticay isp-
paratus-that is without political party. There
fore the propaganda of the revolutionary Syndi-
calists, the followers of the Industrial Workers of
the World, against the need of an Independent
labor party has been effectively of assistance, and
is still of assistance only to the bourgeosie and
the ounter-revoutonary Social Democrats. In
their propaganda against Communist Party, for
which the Syndicalists and the Industriasts wish
to substitute only the trade and professional unions,
some fcrmless universal labor association" the
Syndicalists and the Industriasts touch hands with
Tho JoI;b % ftos
yiks, after the defeat of the revolution of 1905,
preached for number of years a s0-called labor
congress which was to have taken the place of
revolutionary party of the working class; all kinds
of yellow labortes" in Great Britain and in Amer
lea, who in reality follow deliberate bourgeois
policy, preached to the w0rkmen creation of
fOrmless labor associations or of indefinite excu-
sively parliamentarian fOrnations, insttad of
truly proletaran political party. The revolutionary
Syndicasts and Industrials desire to struggle
against the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie but do
not know how to do it. They fail to note that the
working class without an independent political par
ty is body without head.
Revolutionary Syndicalism and Industrialism con-
stitute in this step forward in comparison with
the old and stale revolutionary deology of the ii
International, but in comparison with the revolu.
tionary Marxism j. e., with Communism, Syndica-
ism, and lndustrialism constitute a step backward.
The declaration of the Left" Communists Of Ger
many (made by them in the program declaration
of their constituent Congress in ApriD, in which
they say that they create party, "but not party
in the usual traditional meaning of that word"
(keine Partei i'm ueberlieferten SiRne), is captu-
latiOn, from the point of view of ideoogy, before
those views of syndcalism and ndustrialism which
are reactionary views.
The working class can not triumph completely
over the bourgeosie through the use of only the
general strike and the tactics of CROSSED arms.'
The proetariat must have resort to armed up
rising Those who understand this must also under
stand that out of this inevitably flows the necessity
of an unorganzed political party, and that the
fOrmess labor associations are insufficient for
this purpose.
The revolutionary Syndicalists often speak of
the great significance of determined revoIutio-
nary minority. but in reality determined reyolu-
tonary minority of the working class, a commun-
istic minority, ready to act, having program
placing before itself as its object the organization
of the masses, such minority will be the Com
munst Party.
6. The most important object of the true COM
munst Party consists in being in close contact
with the widest circles of the proletarat
In order to achieve this the Communists should
work also in those associations which, while they
have no elements of party character, cover large
working masses, as, for example, the organiza-
tions of the old and wounded soldiers, in various
countries, such committees as the Hands off Rus
sia" in Great Britain and Association of Prole-
tartan Tenants etc. Especially important is the
example of the Russian so-called 'nonparty con-
ferences" of workmen and peasants. Such con-
ferences are called in almost every city. in every
labor quarter, and in every village. The widest
circles of the most retrograde working masses take
part in the elections to these conferences. These
conferences discuss the most pressing questions,
such as the questions of food supply, the housing
question, the problems of education. the military
situation, the political problems of the day, etc.
The Communists strive in every way possible to
make their influence felt at these "nonparty con-
ferences,' and they do this very effectively so far
as the party is concerned.
The Communists consider ii their most important
task TO conduct within these mass organizations
systematic organizing and educational work.
4. The Communists do not in any way scorn the
mass nonparty labor organizations even when
under certain circumstances they have clearly
reactionary Back-Hundred character Qhe yellow
associations the peasant unions, etc.) The Conf
munst Party conducts its work constantly within
these organizations, always trying to prove TO the
workmen that the idea Of nonpartsauship as a