Evening public ledger. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1914-1942, 1921-05-26
GIVE Mr.. HARDING TIME;
FORGET COLONEL HARVEY
Properly Enough the United States Gov.
ernment Awaits More Light on
the European Confusion

the European Confusion
LIVER since Colonel Harvey tore loose in
IL London with what seemed to be an
exposition-and a rather astonishing expo
sition at that-of the newer American policy
in Europe. there has been a sense of grow
ing bewilderment in the American mind
A very general mood of uncomfortable mys-
tification is reflected in the news, in Con-
gross, among business men and in editorial
discussion everywhere.
The average man in the street knows and
cares little about the devious involutions Of
international diplomacy. But he has been
hoping, with feeling of assurance, that the
world was moving toward u state Of life in
which industry could be fully revived world
trade resumed. financial nightmares cleared
up, taxes reduced. wars prevented and dig
armament made something more than a
dream Of philosophers.
From Colonel Harvey the man in the
strcet got little encouragement for his simple
and rational desires. From the President,
whose personal representative and spokes-
man the Ambassador is. the public has been
receiving assurances Of the Governments
desire TO co operate with other nations to
eliminate the law Of the jungle from human
affairs.
Whom shall we listen to? Does Colonel
Harvey talk for the inner mind of the
Administration or does Mr.. Harding? That
question is coming more and more to be an
irritation in the collective mind of the
United States. 1t is being expressed in Il
general demand for "a clear statement of
International aims and policy in Wash
ington.
The trouble is that Colonel Harvey was
far more explicit, far more sweeping, in his
first speech than the President ever has been.
The Colonel must be sweeping and explicit
or he cannot be happy. He has a gift of
tongue and he loves to make the most Of il.
Because Of him and the differences that
appear 10 exist between the foreign policy
of President and that of his Ambassador
the country is anxiously curious to know
what is going on in the background
The truth seems to be that the fog which
obscures horizons for the general public
obscures horizons for the Administration,
too. If the President docs not yet know
what he is going to do in Europe he is in
exalted company. Lloyd George certainly
does not know what he is going to do, and
neither does BRAND and neither do the Ger
mans nor the Russians.
The British Government vas forced by the
prospect of another explosion in Europe to
move within the last ten days toward
reversal Of war policies that would have
astoundcd the world. It seemingly was pre-
pared to support Germany in Silesia against
BRAND and the militarists and opportunists
who have been trying to cncrcle him at
nome. Extraordinary courage was demanded
in this instance OF British Prime Minister
who is not always credited with courage.
What large part of the world would have
regarded as a treacherous shift Of British
allegiance was necessary to maintain such
equilibrium as has been established since
the war on the Continent of Europe.
What will come out OF Silesia, out of
Germany, ont Of Russia. out Of Asia in the
next six months or the next year? No one
knows.
Unfortunately for the whole world. the
affairs of nations are not being directed
according to rules Of open diplomacy. No
international covenants are being openly
arrived at Mr.. Harding and Mr.. Hughes
cannot expose their cards on the table while
they are compelled to sit in n vast game
ruled by the poker method and poker tenn
peraments The President need not tell the
world all that he knows. nor is there any
reason why he need define and describe his
methods OF action. But he could define his
aims. That he ought to do.
An expert eye is not needed 70 perceive
the great change that has taken place i'll
the ruling minds of all governments since
the war ended, and particularly since the
Versailles Conference. Because Of the tidal
movements Of capital that took place be-
tween nation and nation during the war,
because of the new opportunities for com
mercial exploitation that victory and a dis
organized world presented to great bankers
and corporations Of Europe and their Gov
ernments because ordinary ethical restraints
were considerably relaxed in the general
melee statesmen have been forced sometimes
against their will and under pressure OF COM
petition, TO concern themselves about the
safety Of loans, about trade routes and COM
merca treaties and sources Of industrial
supplies They have had to vancouver and
compromise or be at loss and perhaps at
the mercy OF more daring and less scrupulous
competitors So the questions Of settle
mcnts in Europe have within q year been
shifted from basis OF philosophy to a
basis of almost purely material interest. We
ourselves have had to change courses or risk
enormous financial losses and partial indus =.
trial isolation.
Too many Governments, left TO them
! selves without the checks that might have
been put upon their politicians by an agency
| empowered to keep nationalstic ambitions
within decent bounds, are thinking of imme =
! date, practical and exclusive advantages OF
| the sort that can be retained only by military
power rather than Of the newer ideals OF
world peace and n universal escape from
| war.
To which philosophy shall we give our
support? Can these two dominating and
conflicting PHILOSOPHERS be somehow recon .
| ciled? Il il any wonder that President
of the United States hesitates and waits for
n little more light upon the hard road ahead
Of him?