The Pensacola journal. (Pensacola, Fla.) 1898-1985, 1921-08-15
HERE is MORE ABOUT
IRISH QUESTION
STARTS ON PAGE ONE

ninions came by consent. the document
continues:
In no conditions can the consent to
any proposals which would kindle civil
war in Ireland. Such a war would no.
touch ireland alone for partisans would
flock to either side from Great Britain.
| the empire, and elsewhere with conse-
/ quences more devastating to the welfare
both of Ireland and the empire than the
conflict to which truce has been called
this month"
The document concludes as follows:
1.-THE British government win, there
fore, leave Irishmen themselves to de-
termine by negotiations between them
whether the new powers which the new
pact defines shall be taken over by Ire
. land as a whole and administered by a
single body, or taken over separately by
Southern and Northern Ireland with or
without joint authority to harmonic
their common interests. They win will.
ingly assist in negotiating such settle
mont If the Irishmen should so desire.
by these proposals the British govern
nent sincerely believes they will have
shattered the foundations of that ancient
hatred and distrust which have disfigured
our common history for centuries.
THE future of Ireland within the COM
monwealth is for the Irish people to
shape. In the foregoing proposals the
British government have attempted no
more than a broad outline of a settle
ment, the details of which they leave for
discussion when the Irish people have sig
nified their acceptance of the principle of
this pact"
The following is a part of the state
ment made to Eamonn DeValera by
Lloyd George:
These facts permit of one answer, and
only one, to the claim that Great Britain
should negotiate with Ireland as a sep
arate and foreign power.
when you, as the chosen representa-
tive of Irish national ideals, came to
speak with me, made one condition only,
of which our proposal plainly stated in
effect-that Ireland should recognize the
force of geographical and historical facts.
cit is those facts which govern the
problems of British-Irish relations. If
they did not exist there would be no
problems to discuss. I pass. therefore,
TO the conditions which are imposed by
these facts.
1--WE set them out clearly in six clauses
in our former proposals, and need not
restate them here. except to say that the
British government cannot consent to the
concern Great Britain and ireland alone
TO the arbitration of foreign power.
1--WE are profoundly glad to have your
agreement that Northern Ireland cannot
be coerced. This point is Of great i'm
portance, because the resolve of our peo-
pie to resist with fun power any attempt
at secession by one part CT Ireland car
ries with it of necessity IN equal resolve
to resist any effort to coerce another part
of Ireland to abandon its allegiance to the
crown.
1--WE gladly give you the assurance that
we will concur in any settlement which
Southern and Northern Ireland may make
for Irish unity within the six conditions
already laid down, which apply to South
ern and Northern Ireland alike; but we
cannot agree to refer the question of your
relations with Northern ireland to foreign
1.-THE conditions of the proposed settle
ment do not arise from any desire to force
our will upon the people of another race
from facts which are as vital to Ireland's
welfare as to our own. They contain no
derogation from Ireland's status as a do
minion, no desire for British ascendency
over Ireland, and no impairment of Ire
lands national ideals.
sour proposals present to the irish
people an opportunity such as has never
dawned in their history before. We have
made them in a sincere desire to achieve
peace but beyond them we cannot go.
I'VE trust you will be able to accept
them in principle. i shall discuss their
application in detail whenever your ac-
ceptance in principle is communicated to
me-"