Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1921-11-04
RUSSIA AND COMMUNISM

nS0SIH ANS WIN w SiNI0"
1.-THE Bolshevist regime has been
SO often described from different and
even opposite points of view that the
general public got astray and did not
know what or whom to believe" said
Prof. Paul Miliukov in his third lee
ture in Boston on the Russian Ca
tastrophc."
There will be no dissent to that
among any considerable number of
people. But few are now astray.
They may know very little of how it
all came about, the various graduation
in Eussia's national degradation but
they entertain little doubt respecting
the colossal crash of civilization in
that country.s Milfukov tells US how
it came about, and while he is not
an altogether unprecedented observer,
having participated in the days of
Kerensky in the effort to establish
constitutional government. he is re-
gardcd as both fair minded and we'll
informed.
He tells US that the Bolshevist
regime has had opportunity in the
four years of it's existence to carry a
unique experiment to it's last conse-
'quences and he argues that it has
about arrived there. He insists that
Bolshcyism is essentially Russian and
differs somewhat from communism
in it's conception. In the beginning
the peasants said: I'VE are for Boil
shevism but down with Communism"
Their leaders planned t. postpone
their communistic utopia until they
might get firm control. not only of
Russia but by revolution, in other
countries as well. Such he says was
Lenin's plan from the first. Miliukov.
who knew him well, says he was a
heavy debater and a slow thinking
scholar, but by 1917 his ambitions
had grown enormously, and while he
realized that the revolution in Russia
would stand or fall with revolution in
Europe he began to believe that Ef-
rope was ripe for the revolution. And
though he might indulge in ideals
respecting other countries his mind
with regard to Russia was cognizant
of realities. He is quoted as saying
that 'as the state is only a transit
tional institution which we are
obliged to use in the revolutionary
struggle, it is pure absurdity to speak
of free peoples state. To crush the
antagonist is the principal aim Of the
proletarian dictatorship"
The possibility of crushing antag-
cnists outside Russia having gone
Climmering Lenin is busy attending
to those at home. The latest at
tempts with those outside have been
through promises, force having failed.
Russia's condition being what it is
the promises have little exchange
value in the countries outside. Mean
while how may the people be fed and
clothed, railroads be built and armies
be supported? To strengthen their
state power meant to renounce COM
munistic experiments, says Niliu-
kov; to try those experiments meant
to rcnounce political power.
The Brest-Litovsk treaty with Ger
many providing that state monopo-
lies should be free from treaty dis
positions, Lcnin determined to ma
tionalizc the industries completely
and at the close of 1919 4,OGO con-
Germs and all their property were de-
clared to belong to the communistic
republic. They haven't dared abolish
money but by flooding the country
with paper rouhlcs they have made
1t practically worthless. TITO at
tempt to control the distribution of
commodities has been dismal fail
ure. Winter before last two thirds of
the necessities of life had to be OBJ
tanned by secret trade, only about
enc third being obtained through the
government. The number of those
who are avowea communists is small.
A census in Moscow showed among
100 from labor unions IS were non
party, and only were avowed COM
munists.
But the communists have the or
ganization, they elect their members
to the soviets and place them in the
provincial administration. But while
they have political power their pow
er over production Of the necessaries
of life is seen TO be so weak and fu-
tile that believers in the reconstruct
ton of a sane Russia have cause for
rejoicing.
Nine. Kajima, here in her Goth year