Evening journal., 1921-08-27

profoundly ulSdppoihtVn 'S 80"
letter OF August "a. You write OF
the conditions Of the meeting be-
tween us as though no meeting had
ever taken place.
II must remind you, therefore,
that when asked you to meet me
six weeks ago mad no preliminary
condition of any sort You came 10
London on that invitation and ex-
changed views with me at three
meetings Of considerable length.
The proposals / made to you after
those meetings were based on fuh
and sympathetic consideration OF
the views which you expressed.
They were not made in any hag-
Cling spirit. on the contrary, my
colleagues and ] went to the very
/ limit OF our powers in endeavoring
TO reconcile British and Irish in
terests our proposals have gone
far beyond any precedent and have
been approved as liberal by the
whole civilized world. Even in
quarters which had shown sympa-
thy with the more extreme Of the
Irish claims they arc regarded as
the utmost which the empire can
reasonably offer or ireland can res
onably expect.
"The only criticism Of them !
have yet heard outside Ireland is
from those who maintain that our
proposals have overstepped both
warrant and wisdom in their liber-
ality. Your letter shows no recog-
milton Of this, and further negota-
tions must, / fear, be futile. unless
some definite progress is made to-
wards acceptance Of basis.
"You declare our proposals in
volve the surrender Of Ireland's
whole national tradition and reduce
her to subservience. what are the
facts7 Under the settlement we
outlined Ireland would control every
nerve and fibre Of her national ex-
istence. She would speak her own
language and make her own reli-
gious life; she would have complete
power over taxation and finance,
subject only 10 an agreement for
keeping trade and transport as free
as possible between herself and
Great Britain. her best market.
"She would have uncontrolled
authority over education and all the
moral and spiritual interests OF her
race. she would have Il also over
law and order, over land and agri-
culture. over conditions Of labor and
industry. over the health and homes
of her people and over her own de-
fense.
"she would. IN fact. within the
shores OF ireland be free in every
respect OF national activity, national
expression and national develop
ment. The states OF the American
Union. sovereign though they be
enjoy no such range OF rights.
"Our proposals 20 even further,
for they invite Ireland to take her
place as a partner in the great com
monwcalth Of free nations, united
by allegiance TO the king.
I'VE consider these proposals
completely fulhl your wish that the
principle OF government by consent
of the governed should be the broad
kand guiding principle OF the settle
ment which your plenipotentiaries
are to negotiate. That principle was
first developed In England is the
handspring Of the representative in
stitutions which she was first e
create. II was spread by her through.
out the world and IL now the vers
life Of the British commonwealth.
I'VE could not have invited the
Irish people to take their place In
that commonwealth on any other
principle. and we are convinced thai
through il we can heal old misun-
derstandings and achieve an endur.
ing partnership as honorable TO Ire
land as to the other nations ol
which the commonwealth consists.
But when you argue the relations
OF ireland with the British empir'
. are comparable in principle TO thos'
of Holland or Belgium with the Ger
man empire, / find it necessary &
, repeat once more that those ar
/, premises which no British govern
ment, whatever its complexion, car
n ever accept
4 IN demanding that Ireland shoul
I be treated as a separate sovereig
power. with no allegiance to IA
l. crown. and no loyalty TO the siste
nations Of the commonwealth, yo
n are advancing claims which IN
,s most famous nationalist leaders
"a Irish history from Grattan TO PA
" nell and Redmond. have explicit
i disowned.
"Tho British government Is M
only by unqualified demand that y
should recognize ireland az a 10
eign power. II Is playing wi
~ phrases to suggest that the pri
II ciple Of government by consent
the governed compels recognition
that demand on our part. or that
~ repudiating A we are strainii
IN geographical and historical consi
h. Grafton to justify claim to ascen
e. ancy over the Irish race.
he There IS no political princip
however clear. that can be appli
az without regard to limitations n
o. posed by physical and historic
ID facts. These limitations are
H. necessary as the very principle
n. self TO the structure Of every fr
le nation. to deny them would invol
re the dissolution OF all dem
xe cratic states. It was on the
military grounds that we call
attention TO the governing force
the geographical propinquity
these two islands and OF their lo
N and historic association. despite Z
1 great difference OF character OF {
races.
sWe do not believe a permane
II reconciliation between Great Brita
"a and Ireland can ever be attain
di without recognition OF their phy
Is cal and historical interdependens