The Washington herald., 1921-03-27
CHESTERTON SEES LAND
ASKEY OR BAN TO AMERICAN
FRIENDSHIP FOR ENCL AND
Famous Writer Grows Sad Over Mistakes on
Visit to New York.

our common sense an unconscious
but fundamental comprehension OF
the unity of Israel: a sense that
some things could be said, and some
could not be said. about the Jews
as a whole. That is exactly the
impression We produce on the peo-
pie of the United States when we
say, as we do say in substance,
something like this: I'VE mean no
harm to the poor. dear Irish, so
dreamy. so irresponsible, so incapa
BILE of order or organization. II we
were to withdraw from their coun-
try they would only hght among
themselves; they have no notion of
how to rule themselves. There is
something charming about their
unpracticality. about their very in
capacity for the coarse business Of
politics.
Rest of Argument.
"But for their own sakes II is
impossible to leave these emotional
visionaries to ruin themselves in
the attempt to rule themselves.
They are like children: but they
are our own children, and we un-
derstand them. We accept full re-
Fsponsibility for acting as their par
ents and guardians"
But the point is not only that
this view of the Irish is false, but
that 1t is the particular view that
the Americans know to be false.
While We are saying that the Irish
could not organize, the Americans
are complaining often very bitter
ly of the power of Irish organi-
zation. While we say that the Irish
man could not rule himself, the
Americans are saying, more or less
humorously, that the Irishman rules
them.
A highly intelligent Englishman
said to me in Boston. I'VE have
solved the Irish problem here: We
have an entirely independent Irish
government" While we are COM
planning. in an almost passionate
manner, of the impotence of mere
cliques of idealists and dreamers,
they are complaining. often in
very indignant manner. of the pow
er of great gangs of bosses and
bullies.
American Sentiment.
There are a great many Ameri-
cans who pity the Irish, very nat
urally and very rightly. for the his
toric martyrdom which their pa
triotism has endured. But there
are a great many Americans who
do not pity the Irish in the least.
They would be much more likely
to pity the English: only this par
ticular way of talking tends rather
to make them despise the English.
Thus both the friends of Ireland
and the foes of Ireland tend to be
tn foes of England. We make one
set of enemies by our action and
another by our apology.
1t is a thing that can from time
to time be found in history; a mis-
understanding that really has
moral. The English excuse would
carry much more weight IL it had
more sincerity and more humility.
There are a considerable number of
people in the United States who
could sympathize with US IL we
would say frankly that we fear the
IrishN Those who thus despise our
pity might possibly even respect our
fear. The argument 1 have often
used comes back with prodigious
and redoubled force, after hearing
anything of American opinion: the
argument that the only reasonable
or reputable excuse for the English
is the excuse of a patriotic sense
Of peril, and that the Unionist. il
he must be a Unionist, should use
that and no other.
Draws Parallel.
When the Unionist has said that
he dare not let loose against him
self a. captive he has so cruelty
wronged, he has said all that he
has to say: all he has ever had to
say; all that he will ever have to
say. He Is Ike a man who has
sent viril. and rather ,vindictive
rival unjustly to penal servitude,
and who connives at the continu-
ance Of the sentence, not because
he himself is particularly vindic-
tive, but because he is afraid of
what the convict will DO when he
comes out Of prison. This is not
exactly a moral strength. but 1t Is
a very human weakness, and that
10 the most that can be said for It.
All other talk, Celtic frenxy or
Catholic superstition, is cant invent
ed to deceive himself or to deceive
the world. But the vital point Is that
10 10 cant that cannot possibly de-