New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1921-08-18
Settle!

be, in American opinion concerning
the latest phases Of the Irish ques-
ton it should not be difficult for
them to arrive at fairly accurate con-
illusions. The evidence is clear that
the great mass of Americans, in
Guiding large majority of those of
Irish extraction, believe that the
present opportunity to settle should
be seized-that the British offer en-
bodies about all that can be expected
at this time.
De Valera's rhetoric seems to
Americans a trif1e unreal. His
periods lose force because at odds
with his conduct. He would die for
Irish independence, yet he negotiates
with a power that makes no secret of
it's unshakable determination not to
grant it.
Not only is the oratory of De
Valera thus quite cold, but even
the oath taken by the members of
the Dali Eireann is ambiguous
merely declares opposition to any
governmental power in Ireland "hos-
tile and inimical thereto" The door
is thus open for saying, in re-
gard to any particular government,
that it is not rated as hostile and in
imical. No, the sticking point is not
independence, but Ulster. Were the
Ulster question settled dominion
status would be deemed tolerable.
The Sim Fem leaders may pru-
IDENTIFY proceed on the assumption
that the American public perceives
this inconsistency and indefiniteness.
To rely much on the advice of Frank
P. Walsh, who occupies a front seat
in Dublin, is of doubtful wisdom.
The American people have never re-
posed any striking degree of con-
fdence in Mr.. Walsh, and his in
terpretations of American opinion
are presumptively wrong.
Few reasonable Americans, it NAV
safely be said, fail to understand
why Great Britain will not concede
to Ireland the right of secession.
Neither Andrew jackson nor Abra-
ham Lincoln, though believers in the
principle of elf-determination ac-
knowledged South Cardinals right to
quit the Union. We scarcely expect
Great Britain, or any other nation,
to do what we wouldn't do. Those
who have encouraged the idea that
this country would bring pressure to
bear on Great Britain to consent to
the creation of fully Independent
and possibly hostile nation out of
territories over which common flag
has floated for centuries have hardly
been kind to Ireland The dispute
not being our affair, Americans arr
properly averse to intruding, but if
their judgment is sought it seems
permissible to give it.
If Wolfe Tone, or Robert Emmett
or O'Connell, or Biggar, or Mitchell
or Parnell, or Redmond had been of.
iered SUCH terms as are now on the
table Of the Dali Eircann, would
they have rejected them? Who will
so say? They would have jumped tt
accept them. Is De Valera the first
Irish patriot? Were his predecessor
all wrong? And is the result OF ar
election held two years ago, wher
there was hysteria and the counting
was informal and terrorization was
general, sufficient basis for a tota
disregard of scores of contrary dec
larations?
Finally, few Americans can see
wherein a dominion status implies
tyranny. We don't think of the
Canadians as oppressed, nor the
Australians, nor the New Zealand
ers, nor the South Africans. 1t i.
possible the southern Irish would
also find dominionism tolerable.
SO the advice of America to DE-
Valera and the Dali Eireann is sim
PIE and short: "Settle."
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