The Farmington times. (Farmington, St. Francois County, Mo.) 1905-1926, 1921-01-28

to the United States necessarily ar,
I objects of suspicion. Men are judge
not by their motives, but by the thing
they do, and when the things they d.
are fatal to the future well-being Of
their country, they must expect crit
cism. This is more than ever true
when they obstruct the majority ant
employ their technical power of delay
to prevent an enactment favored moi
only by the House Of Representatives
and recommended by the President
but also favored by large majority
of the Senate itself.
There is history back Of this entire
situation. The statesmen who went
to Paris to write the peace treaty
were well aware that a mere physical
disarmament of Germany would be a
grotesque provision against the later
attack by that nation. They favored
not merely the destruction of the Ger
man navy and the disbandment of the
German army, but they also expected
to compel the Germans to disclose
their chemical secrets, vital in war
fare, and the dismantlement of huge
chemical works was contemplated.
This essential and wise course was
prevented by President Wilson, who
advanced the idea that the Allies and
the United States could adequately
protect themselves by building up
their own chemical industries, shut
ting out the German product. He ia
vored compelling the Germans to dis
close their chemical secrets, which
they have not done, but he wanted
each individual nation to protect it.
self.
That is what all of the chief Allies
and neutral nations have done--all ex-
cept the United States. Over in Eng
land the Government listened to all
the arguments against protection of
the British dye industry and then
promptly enacted, last month, the
most drastic sort of legislation to as
sure absolutely that the German chem
ical industry would not ruin that of
Great Britain. She carried out the I'M
Outstanding that had been reached in
Paris. 1t is more than passing strange
however, that every effort to carry out
the same understanding in the United
States has been prevented by filibus-
tiers or threats of filibusters in the
Senate. 1t is amazing, but it is true.
1t is fact that the Germans have
not yet yielded up their war method Of
extracting nitrogen from the air. The
methods we have are obsolete, and we
know it. But the final Haber process
we have not got. II will be got, in one
way or another, but it has not yet
been got.
If gentlemen wish to continue the
on the dye bill, let them do
so, but not with the gates open. The
barriers must at least be kept up until
a definite decision has been reached.
This can be done by passage of a joint
resolution extending the authority of
the War Trade Board and providing
funds wherewith to support it. The
bill itself ought to be
passed. 1t is the sensible and proper
course. But, failing that, the next
best course is emergency protection of
the chemical industry pending a final
decision by the next Congress on a
definite national policy.
The absolutely essential character
of the dye industry in relation to ma
tional defense is not question of con-
lecture or of theory. 1t has been
demonstrated with mathematical ac-
curacy, and it can be so demonstrated
at any time, before any committee or
any jury. Indeed, it is admitted even
by the opponents of the Longworth
bill. They claim, however, that the in
dustry can be protected adequately by
tariffs. The facts are all against
them. Tariffs are for honest men in
pure commerce. Control of the Amer
lean dye market by the Germans is
not inherently commercial undertake
ing at all. Germany can afford to give
away dyes in America if by so doing
she can destroy the American dye in
dustry. Dyes, with her, is prepared
ness for war. Dyes, with US, can be
else.
We would be safer without a gun
factory in the nation, a powder plant |
Or a warship than without a chemical |
and chemical personnel |
EQUAL to any others on earth,