davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1921-08-14

member they started back in 1908 or there
abouts, with Ford cars?'
eyes, and they didn't have any garages, but
let their cars stand out in the back lots
Exactly. Then Wylie sold three magazine
articles quite unexpectedly and he traded in
his Ford car and began making payments on
a better model"
"And when Mrs. Deming saw the Wylies in
the larger car she called up her husband, and
he ordered a better car than the Wylies new
and drove home in it that very night"
eyes, and the next year it was the same
performance again--this time the Wylies
getting six-cylinder affair which was quite
gorgeous"
"And Immediately after that the Demings
got their first limousine, with the upholstering
that did not match Mrs. Deming's gowns
at ALL
''I don't remember the color of the uphol-
stery, but do remember the first excursion in
plate glass effects and how the Wyes pro-
ceeded to go it one better the next year.
"Aso it was about that time that both the
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1921-08-14

eyes which led the guests, stirred by COM
mon instinct, to draw away and leave the
salon.
Without word they went into the dining
room and seated themselves at the big table,
each in his place. Even the children were
silent
Some minutes passed. Then the servant en-
tered, bringing the soup tureen.
There is no bell tonight" she murmured
Nobody answered her. Carrying out orders
which she had evidently received, she placed at
the foot If the table-opposite Nine. Lger's
place--a seat a glass, a plate and white
napkin.
A timd voice asked: "Whose seat is that?"
The servant shrugged her shoulders if to
say, II don't know Again there was deadly
silence about the table.
AS they began to eat their soup the boarders
glanced toward the door. Nine. Ligier ap-
pcared, followed by the stranger.
"Sit here" she said, showing him his place.
III at ease and frightened, he settled down
in the chair. And when he was seated there,
still slovenly -ooking, his hair rumpled, his
beard tangled, his dirty collar showing against
his bare neck, the old lady, enveoping the
company with an icy glance made sweeping
gesture with her head and hand Her beau
tiful curls of snow trembed little. In tone
which was entirely unaffected but infinitely
courteous and noble she made the announce
ment:
my hrshandl"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1921-08-14
~ HE GUESTS of the pension respected,
and even loved, it's elderly proprie
tress. Men, women and children, they

~ HE GU ESIS OF the pension respected,
and even loved, it's elderly proprie-
tress. Men, women and children, they
all simple people, belonging to
what we call 'the little world" And certainly
it is there, rather than in the great world, that
one finds those qualities of heart which snobs
smile at, but which, after all, are what human
ity prizes most among it's poor mundane bag
gage
The old lady always dressed in black
three beautiful white curls each side Of her
waxen face. Behind her spectacles her eyes
still sparked, although her expression was one
Of high dignity, tempered by some ancient sad
ness. About her neck long gold chain,
to which medallion attached. 1t was her
habit to play with this chain as she talked in
her SOFT voice.
The guests knew that there was tiny photo.
graph inside the medallion, but they had never
been able to get look at it.
They said among themselves that the por-
trait was probably that some finance, dead
for more than forty years. For they had
decided, on the strength Of some very vague
evidence, that she was really an old maid, and
that if she had them address her as ina
dame" it was only for the sake Of imposing
on them a larger measure Of Difference
This conviction, like all convictions which
arc based on nothing substantial, was very
firmly established in the pension. And the sup
posed romance of tho old maid hostess in
creased tho affection and sympathy they all
felt for her.
ThoJvh she the object Of a manifest
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1921-08-14

fugle
mo, but we are now," pursued the Colonel
and, dwelling on this topic, have you noticed
how closely it parallels human experienced"
"Do you mean it's like the Sullivan law
making people give UP their guns in order to
make more pocket space for bootleg whisky
bottles?"
Nothing of the sort. What I mean is that
the various nations which talking of
cutting down their batteship expenses are in
the position of the automobile owners right in
our little suburb"
"Do you mean that they are stngy about
offering rides? 1t does seem as if our neigh
bors have great difficulty in seeing as far as
the sidewalk sometimes when walking.
Not all of them can be so dreadfully near
sighted"
NO. no-once more you have the idea
wrong! What I refer to IS the gradual in
crease of expense, due to rivalry. For in
stance, the Demings and the Wyies. You
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1921-08-14

kk~ PEAKING of disarmament" observed
Colonel Beanfugle
~ 81 wasn't" answered Mrs. Bean
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09
BANKRUPT BUSINESS
men POOR ADVISERS

In view Of the number of bank
rupt business men, these individuals
are bad advisers to labor. writes
President Perkins of the Cigar Max
ers' International union, in the Of
ficial journal Of that organization.
1T is admitted even by the cham
Der Of commerce repre- sentatives
when they talk without thinking -
said the unionist, that 81 per cent
of those engaged in manufacturing
and in business fail. Why is it that
33 per cent Of those who engage in
trade and commerce and manufac-
turing can succeed. while 81 per cent
fail. The answer, and the only an
swer, is incompetency. in so far as
those who fail are concerned.
''The thing we rebel against is that
these incompetents ask US to reduce
wages to a point where they can con-
tinue in business and at, profit.
Against this labor protests. We. de-
cline to carry the burden of the in
competents."
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09
THE NATIONS REAL ENEMIES.

Samuel Untermyer, counsel for the
Lockwood committee, has developel
some astonishing and important infor.
nation affecting the conduct of certain
large insurance and banking concerns,
principally to the effect that they have
been robbing the public by resort to
the despicable methods Of the loan
shark and note-shaver. His most i'm.
portant contribution, however, has been
to reveal the state of mind of large
business interests toward the public.
1t may be briefly described as ute.
defiance of the law and cynical coli
tempt for what decent people may
think of them.
When rich men arrive at point
where they feel that their affairs are
sacred from the prying fingers Of those
who represent the public it is time to
call a halt and take serious stock of
ourselves.
That such was the attitude Of the
president of the Prudential Life Insur.
ance Company he took little pains to
conceal. -Four times he placed himself
in contempt and consistently showed
by his attitude that he could see NO
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09
CHALLENGE TO AUToCRAcv

Inc convention Of the American Fed
Grafton of Labor has restated in nlain
language the objective for which o..
ganized labor strives, and in that 'rs.
statement builds again on the princi.
pies OF those who founded this GOV.
eminent.
Organized as democracy, our gov.
eminent is based upon the conception
that all citizens enjoy an equality of
opportunity in their industrial relations
with each other. It was instituted for
the common good-for the protection,
safety, prosperity and happiness of the
people, and not for the honor or profit
of any man, family or class of men.
All Americans will subscribe to the
following as a declaration of sound
principles: "The prime purpose of gov
eminent is to give security to life,
liberty and enjoyment by the people
Of the gains Of their own industry. -
As readily will they agree that we as a
people have departed from it..
The convention by feahirminz the
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09

were all there was to it there might be
less apprehension as to tho effect Of its
application.
In practice it would be used to per.
secute persons advocating radical ideas
in general, and not merely against the
advocates of violence specified in the
bill. It Furnishes words merely for
their supposed tendency; not for their
actual meaning. It leaves to prosecu-
tors, judges and juries the definition of
what constitutes the crime. That is
properly the function of Congress.
More Objectionable still is the pro-
vision that establishes a censorship of
the press in advance of publication,
which is violation Of all previous
laws on the subject and Of the con-
stitutional provision for freedom of the
press.
The history of prosecutions for the
use Of forbidden language proves con.
clusively that they can never be con-
fined to the language Of the act. They
always reach out to Jail any person
against whom the forces Of prejudice,
class-interest or hysteria can success
fully be brought.
The secretiveness that surrounded the
introduction and reporting Of the Sterl-
ing bill arouses suspicion that soma
sinister force is behind it. It should
not be transferred to the statute books
in its present form, and it will not be
if the public can be brought to apprs-
ciate it's real purpose and the menace
that is written into its rigid provisions.
Write your congressman and senator
that the Sterling bill is bad in every
way and urge them to vote against it..
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09
WAR DAYS. INITIATION
CAUSE Of HARD TIMES

Plain talk by hard-headed finan-
cial writer's is making it increasingly
harder to put over" the claim that
labor is responsible for present in
dustrial conditions The financial
writer in a local paper says:
Every one seems to realize nova
days that the initiation Of the war
days, attendant on the purchase Of
$4,000, 100000 of our goods, with =
like amount Of money loaned by our
government to our allies. was a bit
of unprecedented foolishness from
which it will take years to recover"
Our seeming prosperity. says the
writer, made profiteers and spend
Thrills, and turned some managers Of
great corporations from the straight
and narrow path out into broad fields
Of speculation and induced them to
pay great stock dividends. which have
since greatly strained their companies,
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09
sEDITION CORPSE REVITA11zED

v L
Every argument that was urged
against peace-time sedition bill when
1t was defeated at the last session Of
Congress can be brought with even
greater force against the bill intro.
duced by Senator Sterling and now on
the senate calendar. It is unreservedly
Dad, un'American in its inspiration and
highly dangerous in its implications
against the rights and liberties of tia
people.
Those who forced Congress to aban.
don its purpose to fasten odious re-.
strlctions upon the citizenship had
hoped that all such attempts had been
definitely abandoned. However, there
seems to be determination in some
quarters to maintain permanently reeu.
latlons that may have had some iusti.
f1cation while the nation was at war,
but which in time of peace are utterly
lndefensible. The Sterling bill made
its appearance so unexpectedly, without
hearings or agitation for its passage
as to provoke instant doubt of its sin.
cerity.
1t would punish the advocacy in
speech or print Of the overthrow OF
the government Of the United State.
by force or violence,'' and if tina!
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09
TELL THE WHOLE STORY,

Senator Cummins should have told
the whole story when he took occasion
to say that the public would not realize
what government operation of the
roads had cost until Congress "begins
70 make appropriations covering the
shortage.' He estimates this short
age at billion and half dollars, the
identical sum that is fixed by the rail-
road officials in their ceaseless efforts
to gain access to the federal treasury.
1t cost the taxpayers something to
operate the railroads, for a number Of
reasons. One Of them was clearly
stated by Senator Cummins himself
when he declared that the rental paid
the corporations by the government
was SO large that it "shocked the
moral sense Of mankind. Congress,
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09

reason for explaining or justifying the
financial policies Of his company. His
bearing before tho committee was POM
pous aud arrogant, and he made it en-
tirely clear that so far as he was con.
cerned the public might be damned and
welcome to it.
It was in evidence that insurance
companies have deliberately violated
laws enacted Is years ago when Charles
f. Hughes developed shocking condi'
tions in their management. They are
holding on to speculative stocks for
hidden by statute, and it is more than
coincidence that these stocks are Of
companies in which insurance officials
hold directorates.
This nation faces no menace as grave
as the criminality Of its lawless men
of wealth. They pirate necessarily Of
their 100 per cent Americanism while
they are doing what they can to under.
mine the government and bring it's in
situations into disrepute.
If the public is unable to secure pro-
lection from the rascality that Mr..
Untermyer is bringing to the surface,
how is it to be secured? If it's power.
full lawbreakers can with impunity snap
their fingers at tribunal created by
the highest body Of state we have
come to pass that gives all true and
loyal citizens cause for genuine alarm
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09

whole flock Of railroads for us; we
forget to ask that fundamental ques-
ton. We ask, instead. How much
money have you got?' and if he can
show a sufficient bank roll We put
the railroads in his hands. Is it any
wonder that the locomotives are run
WE'LL while the railroads as a whole
are failures?''
The whole railroad problem, Mr..
Ferguson believes. will! be solved when
we obtain men to operate them who
know the business. know how to run
them like an engineer runs his loco
motive.
II tell them down in Wall street."
Said Mr., Ferguson, that the only in
dustry which can survive these times
is the industry which is run on tile
principle Of production and service.
But the actual control Of industry
these blind men still hope to vest
that control in the investors aud
characteristic only practical govern
ment Of Industry is controlled by the
men who. know how to run the ma
chine. The engineer, not the finan-
cier,. must sit at the head Of the table
when the directors meet hereafter"
When asked if this meant that the
financier must abdicate. Mr.. Ferguson
replied:
'.He must abdicate power which
he only imagines that he has. He
doesn't run industry today. The best
he can do is to let it run and the
worst to interfere with its being run.
And today, happily, he has no choice,
for he can not hang on to his author
ity and his dividends. too. He must
let one or the other go. And despotio
as some American financiers have
seemed to be, anyone who really
| knows them knows just what they
! eventually will do. They will relin
| quish their authority to the engineer
and be satisfied with clipping cou-
| pons.''
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09
Surrender Control Or Lose Dividends

The only industry which has a right
to survive these times il tho industry
which is run on the principle Of pro-
duction and service. and the only
practical government Of, industry is
one controlled by the mon who know
how to run the machine. We must
get down to simple, human under
standing If American industry is to
survive. This is the opinion advanced
by Charles Ferguson OF New York,
a noted economist and student. and
author of several books. who knows
finance and Wall street methods bet
ter than most men: His view of the
industrial situation was outlined in an
interview published in a recent issue
Of the New York World.
"Our so-called CAPITALISTS said Mr..
Ferguson, ARE blind. They cannot
see this wonderful organism which
they imagine they own. They lack
faith. They are devoid Of knowledge.
Therefore, they do not understand the
principle Of credit and they cannot
read history. Wall street is illiter-
ate. But the light is getting so strong
things pretty soon."
Mr.. Ferguson was asked to give
his views on the railroad situation,
In addition to being an economist,
student and writer, Mr.. Ferguson is
mechanical engineer and says he
knows how to run locomotive en-
Sine, but added that if he wished
to keep locomotive running he would
hire regular engineer. He would
follow exactly the same course if run.
ming the whole railroad.
If we are dealing with a 1ocomo.
tive, we first call for an engineer and
we ask him just one question. We
ask. What can you Go? If his an.
sWer to that question is satisfactory
we give him the job, and the loco.
motive engineer does not fail Bu1
when somebody proposes to run {
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09

principle and resolving that .the
American Federation Of Labor hereby
declares its purpose to secure return
to those principles upon which our gov.
eminent was instituted in order tina,
we may better secure the blessings OF
liberty,' proved that the labor move.
ment is animated with the same high
purpose and patriotic impulse tina:
moved the fathers ttto pledge thei,
sacred honor' in holy cause.
The Fourth Of July was here ana
the labor movement took its place in
the celebration Of the day squarely on
the immortal phrasing of the Declare.
ton Of Independence and the applica-
ton of its deathless principles to mod.
ern industry.
These principles are as new and
fresh today as an answer to industrial
autocracy as they were as challenge
to political autocracy.
Here is a call to service that all men
will heed. That it comes at this sea.
son is the more appealing to all those
who love liberty and loathe and detest
the heresy that it is given unto some
men to order the lives of other men,
to reap where others SOW.
The pursuit Of happiness involves the
possession Of job. Without it there
cannot be life or liberty. The ringing
declaration Of labor's parliament is no.
tice to those who would usurp tyra7
meal powers that this nation will per.
sist, that the things for which it came
into being shall live, and that in sus
tanning the nation that it may work
out its destinies in an orderly manner
the workers purpose standing firmly on
the bedrock Of our democratic insti
buttons.
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09
LABOR MUST LEAD.

There can be no question but that to
organized labor of America falls the
mission Of leading in the great move
ment of guarding the human and civil
rights Of all the workers-the right to
organize, to cease work, to dispose of
patronage, to bargain collectively with
employers, to speak freely, to peace
fully assemble, and to petition the gov
eminent for redress Of grievances.
There are no other means than or
ganized labor: by which labor may
make known its needs, its aims or it's
purposes. Without this voice to speak
for it, it is beyond the power of man
to conceive what the present cond:.
ton Of labor would be, or what the
condition Of the country would be were
the plans of the general run Of labor
haters put into practice
This thought in the minds of stout
hearted and far-seeing men and women
OF the labor movement moves them to
greater activity in their endeavor to
impress the truth upon the people.
This thought, on the other hand, in
spires the weak to look with hope to
this labor movement to stay the hand
of the strong, which they feel will op-
press them unless force from their
own ranks rises up in their Defense.
This fear of oppression is historically
sound. The strong have always
crushed the weak. The strong instituted
serfdom, they established slavery, they
imposed long hours of labor, they paid
low wages, they founded the "pluck.
me' company stores, they exploited
the labor Of children, they robbed the
women workers in the factories, they
have done everything that could be
done to Cypress the weak.
Organized labor has come to their
rescue and has remained on guard in
the life-saving station. It has spor-
sored nearly every law on the statute
books of nearly every state to protec:
the weak against being preyed upon
by the strong.
Organized labor is true to it's histor.
ical mission. The men and women Of
labor know that the safety Of the toll
ers for today, and their hopes Of lib.
erty for the future, are conferred ir
the organized labor movement of gu,
country. Its highest expectations car
be realized, and its great trust can be
discharged through the cooperation Of
all the workers.
| The logic of the industrial situation
should impel every trade unionist, every
representative of organized effort o.
the workers, to use all the powers will
which nature has gifted him to unite
the forces Of labo9 in a solid phalanx
not only to repel attacks directed
against the labor movement, but Il
march steadily forward to the attain
ment of the rights to which the work
ers are entitled.
The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1921-07-09

W0en inc IO&uS went over Co tho gov"
eminent, did not adequately safeguard
the interests Of the people.
During the war the public received
the lowest transportation rates, in com.
parison with the value of commodities
carried, in the history of American
railroads.
Besides, the nation was at war and
cost became secondary consideration,
The roads were broken down, and the
national welfare imperiled when thu
managers surrendered control. It cost
something to get them out Of the hole
and on war basis.
It is the opinion Of all fair men and
women that the deficit incurred during
26 months Of operation should be
charged off as a war expense and as
money well and wisely expended.
But they hold an entirely different
opinion concerning the hundreds of
millions expended during the six
months guarantee period Of the Cum
mins-Esch act. So far as the public is
aware, it cost the people nearly $780,.
100000 to make up for the waste, ex.
travagance and graft that were prac.
ticed during that period, the details Of
which are now being revealed by the
Interstate Commerce Commission.
A considerable portion of the "short.
age' of which Senator Cummins com.
plains while he is trying to defend his
own transportation act occurred moi
while the railroads were being oper
ated by the government, but by thu
private managers under private opera
ton. They poured out money will
such reckless prodigality that the pub
lie must gasp in amazement when thu
complete story Of those riotous 81,
months Of guarantee are finally written
Contrasted with private manage
ment, as we know it during the pas,
year, government operation was eff
| cient and economical Farmers anG
business men who have been ruined BIZ
the inadequacies Of railroad manage
ment' realize this, if Senator Cum
Minis does not.
Private management win be judged
on it's record, not by the propagandis
statements of those who are seeking
to bolster up tottering system.
1t comes with bad grace for mem
Der highly placed in the government tt
be eternally criticizing it for incom
potency and worse.
But what must we think Of those who
in their eagerness to discredit the gov.
eminent resort to half truths and in
nuendo9