The toiler. [volume] (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, 1921-07-09
lSecoka Article.l

many at the molhent of its organiza-
ion, was: can It continue policy
If agitation and Waiting, that was car
ried on by necessity, by the Spartakus
as an organizatikn small in numbers,
and as it was cPnducted by the left
part of the IndeRendents, bound arms
and feet by theI rights of the Inde-
pendents, or whit carry on a policy
of battle. The manifesto of the unity
congress Of theI party declared: q |
party counting half a million Of ad- |
vanced Revolutionary workers, leav-
ing the Independents not on theoreti-
cal differences, but because the In
dependents covered their inactivity by
loud revolutionary phrases, it cannot
limit itself to agitation and propa-
ganda. Further more, it cannot limit
itself to agitation and propaganda for
the following REASONS: that the grow
ing need Of the mass, the growing
danger of the mass to fall in a COM
plete slavery of herman and Entente
capital, demands from the vanguard
of the proletariat, that it not by
words but deeds strives to arouse to
its feet the much BETRAYED masses
masses that have outlived, to con-
siderable extent, the democratic illus
ions, but not believing in their own
power, in the possibility of revo-
lutionary struggle. The congress of
the party declared in its manifesto,
that the party will be party of bat
tie, that it will attempt to deepen,
broaden and unite every struggle of
the workers.
How did the party fulfill this task
In the first weeks of it's existence it
showed that it knows not how to ex-
plot the forms Of propaganda; even
such questions as unemployment it
did not understand how to sufficient
ly exploit. In January last it appear
ed that Germany faced great events
Simultaneously drifted on the move
ment Of the railroad workers, the
postal employees aN the unemploy.
ed. The paiS to do every,
thing possible in order to centralizt
and place these movements on high.
er plane than merely struggle fol
+ higher wages. To do this prelimi
nary review of forces was necessary
The party turned to all organizations
resting upon the working class, with
an open question: are they ready tc
take part in the common struggle fol
determined daily slogans, responding
to the most pressing needs of tn,
working class? Putting these ques
tions the party issued from the pre-
| determination that, depending on tn,
answer of the Scheidemanists and tn
Independents, whether to march ou
in common with them, in order il
1 the struggle, depending on conditions
| to broaden and deepen the characte
of this struggle; or, If the Indepen
dents and also the Social
at once reject the common marchin,
out, then attacklthcm on the sam
daily qustions, comprehensive to tn
broadest masses, to acquire sufficient
ly strong influence in this way, owe
large masses of trade unionists t
carry on an Independent struggle
The tactic of the "0pen Letter" wa
crowned with great success. 1t show
ed the tagging masses that not tn
Communists but the Independents an
Scheidemanists are splitting the fore
es, and that when the question is no
; on the problems dividing the prole
tariat, Dictatorship and democracy
that they want no struggle at al
that they are simply parties, holdin
back the workers from all struggl,
During the process ON the "Open Lei
ter the party decided to organic
in the Trade Unions It's communis
factions and to broaden and strength
en- their influence over the broa
, noncommunist inasses. Howeve
further than that the party could ne
go. Partly because, that the part
press and the party organization an
the Central Committee, being in I'll
,. hands Of the moderate communist
to a considerable extent, were not
a position to carry on a live, figh
I, : ing tendency.
: Capitalists Take Offensive.
d During this time the domestic al
7 foreign condition of the German pr
: letariat became worse. The world
economic crisis, Increasing in Ge
t many melted the capitalists to a
$ sumo an offensive against the workir