The toiler. [volume] (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, 1921-06-25

they will remain faithful 10 tneir masters anu Keep
the masses in subsection. In the light of my Obser-
vations this appears absurd. Travelled throughout
Russia from west to east and visited many of the
Red barracks both in the provinces and in Moscow.
The bread rations | found never to exceed pound
and half day, meat was not on the ordinary
menu. dinner consisted of soup and porridge, with
smaller and inferior quantity of the same food left
over for supper. OF Injuries the Red army knew
none. and good coats and boots were received only
BY those who went to the front-immediately before
departure There was nothing in the life OF the bar
racks that would suggest an attempt at bribng the
Red force. And the bulk of them were real, FULL
booded Russians, no Chinese, and no Letts and no
Bashkirs, as was suggested by many clever re-
porter. All those millions, certainly loathlng the
war and still more oathng to suppress the revoits
of Their own brothers in the rural districts, in either
case remained obedent to the orders Of the ruling
party | have heard of no serious mutinies in the
army There were none to my knowledge.
Another explanation explains no more. The Rus
slams are dumb it was said; they are inartcuate
and slavsh by nature; whoever happens to brandlsh
the whip will secure obedience at small cost The
present temper of the Russian masses is in plain
contradiction to this Characterization Six years OF
war and four years of revolution have wrought deep
changes in the minds of the people. They have learn
ed many social and political lesson. Everywhere
they discuss the actions of their administration They
are deeply interested in the business of the nation
They are stirred They are alert. Sometimes they
are loudly clamOrng. Certainly, those who saw--as
did last December-a peasants conference of over
5000 delegates Haunting in Lenns face the over
rigorous handling of the food problem will forever
dismiss the idea of mute obedience on the part of
the masses.
THE REAL SOURCE OF POWER.
Power in Russia is based, not on passivity but on
a final acquiescence after great deal of deliber-
alton and even resistance. Political equilibrium in
Russia does not resemble a dead weight, crushing
every obstacle underneath. 1t rather resembles
sensitive scale constantly losing and constantly re-
gaining its balance.
This equilibrium is entirely due to the program of
the Russian revolution and to the character of the
Communist party. The October revolution embodied
certain number of principles: naturalization of
the land with equitable distribution among the agri-
cultural population whether on the basis of long
term holding or otherwise is secondary prOblem),
naturalization of the of industrial production,
naturalization and socializaton of real property in
the cities-and this program, whatever its neces-
sary notifications, remains ingrained in the minds
of the Russians at present 1t is this social pro-
gram and not the system of voting, whether univer-
sal by sovets that is considered the achievement
of the revolution 1t certainly is this program, and
not the franchise Cat present nearly universally that
even for the outside world marks the difference be-
tween Kerensky and Lenn. To the Russians, social
revolution is no mere abstraction. They are in the
midst of the greatest social change in the history
of mankind. The Central Executive Committee of the
Russian labor unions occupies the former conference
hall of the Moscow nobility. Clubs of the Red army
men have been established in the mansions of the
former industrial barOns. The largest and most
modern apartment houses are occupied everywhere
by families of workers The factory knows no owner
The land knows no owner. Theatres museums, con-
cert halls, schools, universities have been thrown
open to wOrkingmen and peasants. Eighty-one per
cent of the Executive Committees of the SOviets,
the actual local administration, are former clerks,
workingmen and peasants The majority of the Com
munst party itself consists of Red army men, work.
ers and-a few-peasants. The man of the masses,
hampered in all possible ways prior to the revolu-
ton, actually feels himself in new situation. He
may at times scoff at the harangue of Communist
who declares that the workingmen and peasants are
now their own masters" He may perchance COM
pare this tempting declaration with the necessity
of working overtime in the essential industries or
with compulsory peasant labor for the state. Yet,
fundamentally, he is aware of great change. He
has come to the top. He is new man. Everything
is being done in his name and for his welfare. Tn