The New York herald., 1921-04-24

of the feelings of the average Frenchman
whose very existence to his mind Is com
promised by the document?
In my judgment, then. it would be mis-
take to overlook the fact that one conse-
quence of the positive declarations of the
Harding Administration Of foreign policy
may be the "scrapping" OF the Treaty or
Versailles by the French. / do not think
that there can be much debate over the
assertion in French lips that France ratified
the treaty under total misapprehension.
She was promised certain benefits and she
paid in advance. But the benefits have
been withheld and cannot now be obtained
under any conditions.
The way out, as 1 have said is plain.
The road to Berlin is open. and a treaty of
Berlin can easily cure the defects of the
document made at Paris and signed in
Versailles. The United States has repudiated
the Treaty of Versailles Germany has de-
iiberately defied its provisions. The benefits
France claimed and believed to be assured
are lost. Why should France "stick" when
the United States has quit" on far less
impressive reasons?
Business Bound to Suffer
If France Goes to Berlin
OF course if France goes to Berlin Ameri-
can business will suffer. So will British.
There will be criticism in London and in
Washington. But will either Britain the
United States undertake to secure for
France the things which every Frenchman
holds essential essential as the United
States has held those rights, to preserve
which it has repudiated the Treaty of Yer
saies, in all the essential details? Will
either the American or British Government
consent to share with France the expense
of a joint military and naval operation to
bring Germany to terms? Will the United
States guarantee to France any of the things
which France believes she obtain by
action now?
What has happened is that just as in the
United States the Wilsonan doctrine of
world association under sthe League of
Nations has been repudiated in France, the
Clemenceau doctrine of Anglo French Amer
lcan association has been abandoned as
phantom not a reality. We asserting
here in Washington over and over again each
day policy which we describe as American.
But every returning traveller from Paris can
testify that in the French capital one hears
just as frequent iteration of policy which
is there named French.
The course of the Harding Administration
in repudiating the League of Nations and sll
but American circumstances of the Treaty
of Versailles, which amounts in reality -
abandoning the treaty, whatever the dis
guise of language employed, must supply the
French with precisely thatswarrant in fact
which they desire for similar policy based
upon even greater material considerations.
IL the American believes the Treaty of Yer
sailles did violence to American independ-
ence, the Frenchman is not less firmly con
vinced that the same treaty created a per-
manent menace to French safety that II
left France at once financially ruined and
mifitarily indefensible
Now. exactly this state of mind and state
OF facts will have to be faced by Mr.. Har-
ding, by Mr.. Hughes, by whatever distin-
guished statesmen ii may send to Europe
to represent the United States in any new
or old international commission. America
is to GO so official Washington asserts, to
protect and advance American interests.
But these interests have no peculiarly sacred
character. They must take their place
alongside British French. Italian and Bel
gian interests. When there is a confllct
there will have to be a compromise. When
we maintain our interests we shall have to
pay for 1t.
Allies Having Failed to Deliver,
France May Make Treaty of Berlin
At Paris in 1919 France desired to fortify
her future by taking certain precautions.
Lloyd George and MIR. Wilson persuaded her
to abandon her purposes, but only by
promising something specific in return.
something equally good" But both have
failed to deliver and France from her
point of view has regained her freedom of
action She is undertaking in 1921 to seek
the same things she was deprived OF IN 1919
She has the power and she believes she has
the right She is strengthened in her con-
yiction by the course of the United States in
repudiating q transaction which 1t held in
furious to national interest. What vii
Great Britain and the United States Offer
now. If anything? And If they offer nothing
why should France hesitate?
one danger in the whole situation lies in
The wholly exaggerated notion Americans
have Of their own power in the situation
Washington believes America has only 70
ask to receive. Mr.. Wilson believed the
same thing but discovered at Paris that Il
was a case of pay as you enter" and at
each fare zone thereafter. We have far less
power now than then, but otherwise the
situation remains the same. We can obtain
a reduction of the total of German repara-
tfons. but only by making a similar reduc-
ton in the total of American loans. We
can persuade the French to relax military
preparations against German attack but
only by guaranteeing American aid. What
W. cannot do Is 10 persuade any English
man r'renchman, Belgian, Italian or Pole to
give ~ something vital to him solely be-
cause the sacrifice might benefit us.
In the last analysis the action of the
Harding Administration has done something
more than kill tho League Of Nations-it has
slain the TEcaty of Versailles. In rejecting
the document because of purely American
reasons IL has supplied the basis for similar
reflections in Europe. Our participation was
one Of the fundamental circumstances In
ox,n n1ar,, taI 1p