The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1921-05-20
WHEN YOU DO AND
WHEN YOU DON'T
by Charles NJ. kelley

made by the four outstanding State
legislatures outstanding because
two of them were made up in large
part of progressive members and
the other two were dominated by
"hard- boiled" reactiOnaries, controll-
ed by selfish business and political
interests.
In . New York and Pennsylvania
scores of progressive laws, secured
after years of struggle, have been
wiped off the statute books and evil
laws substituted. In Iowa and Wis
cousin, where the workers and farm
ers co-operated in political effort
and stood guard in defense of popu-
lar rights and liberties, reaction was
checked and turned back.
The moral is that the people get
exactly the kind of government they
deserve.
In Wisconsin, where the general
assembly in winding up it's term,
efforts were made to get through
some characteristic reactionary pro-
posals, but all failed. Had the re-
suit been otherwise, Governor Blaine,
fearless and progressive La Toilette
supporter, would have been ready
with the veto axe.
In Iowa the farmers and workers
made brave fight last fall and,
while they did not defeat Senator
Cummins or elect their candidate for
governor, they did secure a sub
stantial representation in the e1egis-
lature and by their brilliant and ag-
gressive campaign put the fear of
God in the hearts of weakened re-
dictionaries and time-servers and per-
suaded them to be good" when the
lines were being drawn between pop
ular government and special privi-
lege.
One incident strikingly illustrates
this point. The lower house of Iowa
had approved public utilities bill
containing joker extending indefi-
nitely the life of public utility
franchises. 1t was caught by Sen
ator Brookhart in the Senate and
exposed by the Iowa Homestead, a
courageous, progressive farm paper.
The members of the House We're
frightened and requested by vote
of 70 to %, that the bill be re-
turned from the Senate, where it
was being considered. The Senate,
controlled by reactionaries, refused
to comply with this demand and the
Objectionable bill was passed.
Gov Nate Kendall, who was relied
upon to do what the interests want
ed, promptly vetoed the measure,
which was a hard blow to the reac-
tionaries. He was told that he was
digging his political grave, but was
disturbed not bit, calmly remark
ing that it would be an illustrious
grave.
The reverse of this picture, as
presented by Pennsylvania and New
York, is not so pleasant.
More than dozen progressive
measures have been removed from
the law books of Pennsylvania, which
| has practically reverted to he con-
dition that obtained 25 years ago.
Every law providing for nonpartisan
elections has been repealed and the
| judiciary and municipal offices have
returned to the political pie counter.
| legal textbooks charged that the
Pennsylvania Railroad operated the
courts of that State as successfully
as it operated it's own railroad
trains" movement began for the
reform of the judiciary, and before
it was successful the dominant po-
litical machine suffered two crush
ing defeats. 1t required more than
| 20 years to secure reform election
laws, and they have disappeared in
session lasting less than hun
dred days.
The workers sustained their most
serious reverse when the full-crew
bill was repealed depriving 1900
men of employment and removing
safeguards for the general public.
This leaves this question exactly
where it was 16 years ago, when
the first attempt to secure its enact
ment failed. After one of those
spasms of reform for which Penn
sylvania is noted, the legislature of
1911 approved the workers proposal.
Two succeeding legislatures repealed
it, but each time a governor saved it
with a veto.
The New York Legislature did not
pay more attention to the demands
of labor than it did to those of the
| advocates of so-called welfare bills.
| One of the noticeable features of
the session, in fact, was that the
leaders turned deaf ears to nearly
everything laborities had to say, a
rather novel situation for organized
labor, which for some years has
had some influence in New York af-
| fairs. This time Governor Miller
was in complete control of the sit
| uation.
New YOrks Anti-Labor Measures
Among the bills passed by the
Legislature, in spite of the opposi-
ton of labor, were the following:
Amendments to the labor law to
permit women to be employed at
metal polishing; allowing women to
work all night in printing plants;
authorizing the payment of wages
by check; permitting construction of
water works without regard to the
eight-hour and prevailing wage law;
removing great number of en-
ployes of the State Labor Commits
sion from civil service rules; the
Lusk bills censoring teaching and
school studies; halving appropria-
tiops for the State Labor Depart
ment; removing hotel employees from
the day rest law, and restoring
boss-controlled nominating conven-
tions for State and judicial officers.
Combination of labor and farmer
forces defeated bills proposing to
establish State police systems in
Ohio, Indiana and Montana. In
Michigan the State police law, in
operation one year, was defeated by
a decisive vote The Governor of
New Jersey vetoed the constabulary
bill passed by the legislature.
In several states unsuccessful at
tempts were made to pass Industrial