Bisbee daily review., 1921-08-27

as to the other nations of which the commonwealth consists. e But when you argue that the re- lations of Ireland with the British empire are comparable in principle' to those of Holland or Belgium with the German empire, 1 find it neces- sary to repeat once more that those, are premises which no British govern Nment, whatever it's complexion, can ever accept.
 !. "In demanding that Ireland should be treated as separate sovereign power, with no allegiance to the crown and no loyalty to the sister na- tions of the commonwealth, you are advancing claims which the most fla nous Nationalist leaders in Irish his tory, from GrattanF to Parnell and Redmond, have explicitly disowned.
 "Grattan, in a famous phrase, de- clared that the ocean protests against separation and the sea against union. 7 Daniel O'Connell, most eloquent per haps, of all the spokesmen of the Irish national cause, protested thus ln the house of commons in 1920: Never did monarch receive more undivided allegiance. than the present king from the men who in Ireland agitate the repeal of the union. Never was there grosser calumny than to assert that they wish to produce separation be- tween the two countries. Never was there greater mistake than to sup pose that we wish to dissolve the connection.
 The premier then quotes a letter written in 1854 to the Duke of Vel lington by Thomas Davis, ga fervent ze .l1 cf I,.< land," as advocating the retention of the imperial parliament and the giv- ing to Ireland of senate selected by the people Sthe right of levying GUS tofns and excise and other taxes; the making of roads, harbors, railways, canals and bridges; encouraging. man. ufactures, commerce, agriculture and fishing, and the settling of the poor laws, tithes, tenures, grand juries and | franchises.
 Limitations Necessary
 "The British government" the text of the reply of Lloyd George contin- ues, offered Ireland all that O'Con- nel and Thomas Davis asked, and more; we are met only by an unqual- flied demand that we should recog- niZe Ireland as a foreign power It is playing with phrases to suggest that the principle of government by consent of the governed compels rec ognition of that demand on our part, 1 or that in repudiating it we are strain : ing geographical and historical consid- erations to justify claim to ascen- | dency over the Irish race.
 There is no political principle, however clear, that can be applied without regard to limitations imposed by physical and historical facts. 1 Those limitations are as necessary as | the very principle itself to the struc- ture of every free nation; to deny them would involve the dissolution of all democratic states. It was on these elementary grounds that we call ed attention to the governing force of the geographical propinQuity of these two islands, and of their long and his toric association, dispite the great diff ference of character of the races.
 We do not believe a permanent reconciliation between Great Britain and Ireland can ever be attained with.
 out recognition of their historical in.
 terdependence which makes complete
 political and economic separation i'm
 practicable for both.
 ''I cannot better express the British
 standpoint in this respect than in the
 words used of the northern and south
 ern states by Abraham Lincoln in his , first inaugural speech. They were spoken by him on the brink of the American civil way, which he was
 striving to avert:
 Physically speaking he said w,