The Brookings register. [volume] (Brookings, Brookings County, S.D.) 1903-1971, 1921-03-17
NATIONAL CAPITAL

BY j. +. Jones.
A statesman once said that "a lob
byist is a man who is opposed to your
bills By the same process of rea-
soning he observed that the men who
are supporting your measure are pub.
lie benefactOrs.' In the early days of
the first Wilson administration there
was a big fight in Washington on the
sugar tariff. The domestic producers
were at the national capital in force,
and they used display advertising in
the newspapers every day, telling why
sugar beet growers, the Louisiana
planters, and others, must have pro
lection; and therefore they urged a
tariff on Cuban sugar. In the beet
regions of Michigan and Colorado, and
in the cane fields of Louisiana, and
elsewhere, the very future seemed to
hinge on the activities of the "public
bonefactOrS' who were working at the
capitol. Like a bolt out Of the blue,
there came the charge from the presi-
dent. while addressing a group Of
newspaper men, that IAN insiduous
lobby" was trying to "thwart the will
Of the people" It was the first petu-
liant utterance Of Woodrow Wilson,
who at the time was being given his
own way about everything. Everyone
knew he meant the sugar men: and
congress started an investigation in
%stanter. There was a "lot Of smoke"
but about the only cause for it was
traced to an insignificant representa-
tive of a manufacturers association,
whose main Offense simmered down to
the fact that he lied to senators and
representatives, and then lied to his
employers, in order TO cover up the
fact that he wasn't doing much around
WASHINGTON except to pull a fat salary
out Of some ~good-natured "easy mark.
The campaign Of the sugar men proved
20 be almost free from censure, and
the zeal of its promoters appeared
iustifable in view Of the interests they
were seeking to protect. This instance
serves to d~ifferentiate the point Of
view between lobbyists ard "bene-
factors"
A few days ago q group of the rep
re~sentatives of the "proletariat' gave
out a list of lobbyists whom they
said represented the "capitalists:'
The list included the railroads, manu-
20 cfI1rAr- association nDnRpru tho II
s. Chamber of Commerce, and similar
interests. Another group whose names
were mentioned by way Of retort, in
cluded the railroad brotherhoods, the
American Federation of Labor, spon-
sOrs of the Plumb plan. and numerous
people who were interesting them
selves in the human uplift."
A good many people seem to forget
that the government is a gigantic bus
mess enterprise, and that the capitol
is the forum for all people, and that
the best results cannot be expected
unless each and every phase Of every
question requiring legislation, IS
threshed out.
The line between a lobbyist and
a public b~enefactor" appears to be
very thin, and it seems to depend
wholly upon witch side you are on"
Thomas B. Marshall became vice
president of the United States because
he had made a good governor Of In
diana.
Calvin Coolidge was elected vice
president of the United States be-
cause he made a good governor for
Massachusetts.
Indiana and Massachusetts both
have distinctive claims for greatness,
and so have their sons.
It is doubtful whether Mr.. Marshall
was appreciated as he should have
been. outside of Indiana and Wash.
ington. He is a fine, strong man, at
short range, but some people seemed
to think he did not carry far"
In all probability Calvin Coolidge
had a poorer start than his predeces-
sor. AS a matter of fact he was al
most a local celebrity until the police
strike in Boston; and then he shot
out like a rocket into general view.
He hasn't the geniality Of Marshall,
and he is not apt to mix" as pleas
antly as the man from Indiana.
Both vices are meritable vices, and
If Vice Coolidge evinces unusual abil-
ity and is promoted for 1t, he will lie
more fortunate than Vice Marshall,
who goes out Of Office headed for the
law business in Indiana, back to the
starting place.
Some Of the worrying that Is done
about what will we do with our ex-