Greenbrier independent. [volume] (Lewisburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1980, 1921-04-29
SULLIVAN HAS FAITH N HUGHES,

Mark Sullivan writing from Wash
inston says in part:
, Washington, as respects the
treaty. the League and our foreign
affairs altogether, has spent the past
three days III mood of well,
! " here do We 20 from here? No
body knows exactly where We are
going, or by what route We are go
: ing to SO: there. but they have per
, feet confidence in tine captain. The
unmiStakablc mood of Washington
is one Of IN" atmosphere having
been cleared Of chccrfll!ncSS and
optimism. ON ncw-;ound confidence
The base uf This confidence is tho
solid personality Of Charles T..
Hughes. There is no aspect Of our
present history more important
than the daily increasing scene of
reinsurance and security in Mr.
Hughes. lie radia,cS strength.
J There is he air Of strength in the
stride with which h" goes about
his work. and in tn" understanding
opcnnc>N of his countcnancc. We
get comfort even from the physical
appearance of strength that he has.
the virilc whiSkcrS and big teeth.
and We get confluence from The
| clear. straightforward and gcnil.
blue eyes. which will seek Justice
Tor the other side Of controversy
as surely us for his own.
Hughes has IN appalling chaos
TO untanglc. He must first get The
I A..
treaty can be opened up. That as
SuTancc presumably will come in
the shape Of the replies to the zap
note. Thereafter, Hughes must per
form the most complex job of surg
cry ever attempted by the hand Of
man--thc separating OF those parts
OF the treaty of Versailles in which
we SAY We have an interest, from,
the parts in which we SAY we have
no interest.
The Senate is. for the moment.
IN Il mood Of waiting. If YOU SAY to
Il Senator. "SurclN III The whole of
the hundred thousand words Of the
Versailles treaty there must be ut
least five thousand words that We
can ratify," the Senator will reply.
Let us first see what five thousand
words YOU mcan.' In The present
disposition TO give the ad.minisira-
ton a free hand in working out
the treaty tanSlc, and in this whole
tension between the administration
I'd he Senate, it is possible to over
look good deal that can be said
for the Senate side OF it.
Harding WAS more percmptory
to the Senate than is generally real
ICED. The urbanity of the words Of
the speech softcned some of the
substance. 1t is true. Harding COM
pletely buried the League of Ma
tons. and to that end. pleased and
justified tc irreconcilablcs. But all
else that he did was extremely I'M
palatablc. He said that later on he
i proposes TO have an association Of
nations. He said that he proposes
TO engage" under the Versailles
treaty, and TO many Of the irrecon-
cllables the Versailles treaty is just
as obnoxious as the League OF Ma
lions. He told the Senate that they
could pass their Knox resolution,
but they must first reduce it to a
mere shadow OF what il was. Ii
must be merely technical peace"
Knox was told, and has obeycd the
direction, 10 shear off the two most
important parts Of his resolution
the section in which the Senate di-
reccd the President TO make new
treaty with Germany, and the part
III which the Senate presumed 10
declare the future foreign policy
Of the United States. There was
stern rebukc in Harding saving to
the very faces Of the Senator's:
"ln correcting the failure Of The
Executive, in negotiating the most
important treaty in the history OF
the nation, to recognize the con-
stltutlonal powers Of the Senate We
would go to the other extreme,
equally objectionable, if Congress
or the Senate should assume the
junction Of the Executive. Our
highest duty is the preservation of
the constitutional powers Of each,
and the promotion of the spirit OF
cooperation so essential to our
common welfare.
!