Norwich bulletin. [volume] (Norwich, Conn.) 1895-2011, 1921-12-10


dents responsibility ends when he has !
prepared the budget and transmitted !
it to congress. To that extent, and |
that extent alone, does the plan pro-
vide for an executive budget.
It is stated by the league, in crit |
icism of the measure, that it will not |
give us visible government; that 1t
will not fix responsibility in way TO
help the voter; that the only way eX-
ecutive heads can be made responsible
and the voter intelligent is to require
the cabinet to appear personally be-
fore the appropriating, representative
branch, and explain and defend their
acts and proposals; that such an OPP
en-forum encounter between the adj
ministration and its opponents will
make news; and that it is only through
the news columns that 100000 voters
can be reached.
members of the cabinet cannot now
appear on the floor or take part in the
discussions of congress. They appear
before congressional committees only
when special permission is given. If
! the secretary of commerce, for exam
Pile, desires to have any question of
| finance or administration discussed
| bearing on any of these subjects, he
| cannot appear personally before the
house, but must work through one or
another of the leaders of some twenty
odd committees.
The National Economic league be-
lieves that with the exception of in
| ternational relations this-subject is the
most important one kefore the coun-
try at the present time.
| The national council of the league,
| to which the questions were submit
| ted to be voted upon, is composed of
! leading men from all parts Of the
| country. The purpose of the league
| is simply to give expression to the
| informed and disinterested opinion Of
! the country on public questions of
great Importance.
| DR.. Cleveland, who was the chair
man of President Taft's economy
commission, in a memorandum prepar-
ed for the committee of the league,
states that those who have opposed
open forum budget discussion have
based their reasoning, in opposition,
largely on constitutional grounds:
that to permit the executive to pre-
pare, present and publicly explain and
defend q plan or program for which
appropriations are asked and money
must be raised would be at variance
with the underlying principles of the
American Constitution. AS republic
can leader in congress, Mr.. Cannon
opposed the executive budget idea pro-
posed by President Taft. Mr.. Fitzger-
!. aid, a democratic leader in congress,
and following him Mr.. Sherley took
the same position. The language used
+ by Mr.. Cannon in a recent article is
that such a procedure would be away
| from the budget plans of those who
, prepared the Constitution, and when
= | congress consents to the executive
. making a budget it will have surren-
dered the most important part of leg
islative government"
In this relation it is noted that this
was not the view taken by Washing
ton, who sat as chairman through
the constitutional convention. It was
not the view of Hamilton, one of the
I, three great expositors of the Consti-
II tuition in the campaign before the PEG.
| pie for it's adoption. They both under.
stood that the Constitution made i
Il the duty of the executive to come be
i fore congress to give an account o
stewardship and to explain plans fo
/ the future, in support of which appro
I priations were asked. But when Ham
+ ilton, representing the President, ask
e ed the pleasure of the house, the lead
: ers in this body refused to permi
d him to come before them. The prop
= osition has since been supported b.
d some our greatest constitutions
- lawyers who have come to hold exc
e cutive and judicial positions.
y But it is not necessary to go to tn
f opinions of men who have occupie
executive and judicial positions to sup
e port the proposition that a change i
d the rules to bring the cabinet on tn
8 floor would be both constitutional an
l. American. This, view has been staunch
a ! ly maintained by members of the on
2, ly congressional committee ever an
l. pointed to inquire into the question
lie In their report made in 1881 they cor
/ clude that neither of the constitution
= al objections TO giving to the Cabint
IS the privileges of the floor is sound. o
k the first point, that such a change
:" rules in inhibited by the provision
,e that no person holding office shall I
: a member of either house, they ha
this to say:
ID THE provision of the Constitute
at that no person holding any office III
IS der the United States shall be a men
ID her of either house during his term .
Is office is in no wise violated. The hee
a. of department reporting in persC
b. and orally, or participating in debat
in becomes no more a member of eth
ID house than does the chaplain, or IL
" | contentant, or his counsel, or the del
ID gate. He has no official term; he
III neither elected nor appointed to eth
house; he has no participation in Il
Il power Of impeachment, either in the il
t stitution or trial. he has no privilej
er from arrest; he has no power TO vote
h privileges of the floor to Cabinet o
in | ficers-Reporrs of the U. S. Congre
IN 1913. p. So
er On the second point, that the pr
er tposal to change the rules to give
Of the Cabinet the privilege of the flo
violates the principle OF the separ
s. ton of powers, they reported:
H. Your committee is not unmindful
ID the maxim that in a constitution
as government the great powers are q
he vided into legislative, executive, al
a judicial, and that they should be co
an ferred on distinct departments. The
" departments should be defined a.
n maintained and it is sufficiently a
ew .curate expression to say that tn
RI should be independent of each 9th
nd But this independence in no just
Fir practical sense means an entire $
ed paration, either in their organizatic
TO or their functions isolati
lg- either in the scope or the exercise
rk, their powers. Such isolation woU
no produce either conflict or paralys
either inevitable collision or inacti
nj and either theN one or the other woI
sr- be in derogation of the efficiency
is the government. Such independence
of co-equal and coordinate departmel
es- has ever existed in any civilized go
is, | eminent, and never con exist =
len IF there is anything perfectly pl;
in the Constitution and organizati