The labor world., 1921-09-03

There has been a heavy output
of Americanization literature
since the war. Books, magazine
articles and pamphlets have liter
ally flooded the market offering
ways and means for Americaniz-
ing the alien. But what about the
American? Is the ordinary Amer
lean child familiar with the essen
tial points III American history?
Are the principles cf American
government clearly set before the
minds Of tn. high school and COL
lege youth OF the land?
"This country will not be a good
place for any Of us to live in unless
we make it a good place for all of us
to live in," Theodore Roosevelt once
told an American audience. And 1t
cannot be a good place for all of us
unless we are conscious Of our herl-
tage of American history in the
schools.
Must Plant Principles.
The pivotal point of American his
tory is the Revolution and unless the
principles Of the Revolution are firm
ly implanted in the young mind that
mind will grow to maturity in frame
utterly un-Amcrican. 1t will only
differ in degree from the alien mind.
There has been in re cent days a
tendency to misinterpret those princi-
pies and to minimize their Importance.
Well-meaning people intensely inter-
ested in promoting a better UNDER
standing between Britain and Amer
lea have cndeavored to rcwrite Amer
lean history, to interpret the Revo-
luton in terms, 81 family squa bible.
Their purpose of course has been no.
BILE. Their idea may be formulated in
the very simple proposition that the
peace Of the world can be secured by
a proper understanding between the
United States and Great Britain. 1t
is in the means employed at arriving
at this proper understanding that the
error lies.
During the months Of May and
June of 1919, various units of the
American Army of Occupation in Ger
many were entertained by J. Travis
Mills, staff lecturer in history to the
University Extension societies of OK
ford, Cambridge and London. The lee
ture is now published in book form.
Cause of Revolution.
The lecturer begins with a'sentence
from Lecky who in describing the
policy Of the Grenville administra-
ton 1763-6) declares that the Brit
ish prime minister resolved to enforce
Strictly the trade laws, to establish
permanently in America a portion of
the British army, and to raise by par
liamentary taxation Of America at
least a part of the money necessary
for its support.
"These three measures produced
the American Revolution" Admit
ting these facts the British lecturer
neeks further for their explanation,
rejecting as inaccurate those "magic
hyllables The Stamp Act and
the bogus cry NO taxation without
representation
Mr.. Mills doesn't say how an Ameri-
can soldier audience took this insult to
their Anericanism but IN page after
page he endeavors to make out what
he calls the British ease" He does
so. In so doing he unwittingly en-
phasizes the difference between the
British and American ideas OF gov
ernment. 1T was the sovereignty Of
the British parliament to which they
objected"
The American Theory.
1t was the rejection of the parlia-
mentary theory of government that
made America, and instituted a form
of government as different from the
British form as it is different from
any other form. French or German
or Italian. For the parliamentary
theory was the British "case."
Parliament was supreme, from it
was no appeal. It was the source of
the peoples rights, and British law
yers had made it ornnipotent.' Burke
could thunder his warnings and re-
mind his English hearers that <Se
Americans were not thinking in
terms of parliamentary sovereignty
1t did not matter to British peer or
COmmOner Did NOT thew constitute