New-York tribune., 1920-01-24

grouped under the loose general term
VI i'perallsm received series Of Sc
we're shocks during the war For the
phl!osophy of liberalism involves tol-
eraht consideration for new ideas, gem
!ie Skeplclsm about the validity of ex-
is,ing institutions and the freest pos
sloie expression of thought and opin-
ION. Now, IN time of war, new ideas
are narrowly scanned for subversive
or dlsloyal tendencies; skepticism can
easily be interpreted as sedition; and
Tree speech is possible only with Ger
tam important reservations. The mild
tellectualism that is the very breath
OF Nperalsm gives way to a fierce emo
Nona!lsm that Indignantly sweeps aside
an discussion, all criticism that may
lHterlere with the prosecution Of the
confiict to a successful issus.
Mr.. Stearns is perhaps too much in
cllned to overlook these general psv-
chologlcal factors and to insist that
Jhe collapse Of American liberalism
during the war was due to specific
weaknesses in its structure and its ex
pcnents. SO he condemns journals like
The Nation and The New Republic"
Tor ignoring the supreme outrage TO
liberal principles offered in the pas
sage of the prohibition amendment. In
'hls connection he utters the following
bitter arraignment of the editors Of
the aforesaid journals:
american liberals are, on the whole.
a rather bloodless lot, and on Armis
taneous mistaken Thursday previous
fancy very few Of them were to be
found reellng through the streets of
New York or even fighting for chance
to buy holiday cocktail There is a
kind of Young Mems Christian Asso-
cation background to their mind; there
IS touch of the Chautauqua in them:
they are just tritie too self-conscious
ly good and pure. The ordinary man.
who, like the ordinary man Of all ages
preserves something Of the healfbv
Robe lsislan subsoil in him. is usually
trihe embarrassed in talking witn
them, as a streetwalker might be er,-
barrassed in her first encounter with
s,M angel
1t may be questioned whether the
alleged evils of prohibition and the al
legged evils of the peace treaty are suf-
iiclently related in most mems minds
20 permit a simultaneous and co0rdi
mated assault. Mr.. Stearns also dis
plays certain lack of realism in his
efforts to prove that d modern war
could be waged quite as effectively and
more democratically without the rse
government would be compelled to
make its war aims popular if it were
forced 10 rely upon volunteers for its
fighting forces. Theoretically this idea
may be sound; but an army whose sup
ply Of human material depended upon
gusts OF popular feeling would not be
likely to win many victories.
Mr.. Stearns launches vigorous at
tack upon President Wilson, whom he
describes as characterized by vanity,
stubbornness. perverse loyalty to those
whom he had appointed to Office. in
veterate ignorance OF relevant fact and
hatred OF administrative detail" He
feels that the President is q symbol
and an exponent Of the primary defects
of American liberalism: its lack OF
realism and its tendency to substitute
wishes and idealistic phrases for prac-
tical thought and action. He foresees
revusion from Wisconsin in the
shape Of more definite, more pract-
CAL more concrete type of leadership
in the future.
The author traces the Development
Of national characteristics in American
history. basing his conclusions largely
upon the theories advanced in Profess
sor Boards Economic Interpretation
of the Constitution of the United
States" AS q result of his psyche
analysis he finds the American people
addicted to violence. but averse to
servility, with curious mixture Of
shrewdness and idealsm in their COM
position. The work closes on note of
optlmsm the author sees America as
suming the liberal leadership that war
wrecked and bankrupt Europe has lost
Mr.. Stearnss book is characterized by
scholarship and insight into the psy-
chology of its theme; it is written in