New-York tribune., 1920-10-14
Breaking the War Entente

Though it exists in name," says
Arthur S. Draper, in concluding
a, striking dispatch concerning a
difference of opinion that has de-
veloped between the British and
French governments, "it is no cxag-
geration to say the war entente is
gone"
Few sadder statements could be
written. Yet a multitude of occur
rences, no one of Importance in itself,
confirms the conclusion. The ma
tions Of Europe whose cooperating
friendship is more than ever need
of the world seem drifting apart. A
cause of the separation is a diff
ference Of opinion concerning vital
fact.
France, with two thousand years of
history to back her fears, believes
that strong and unregenerated Ger
many is a menace to her safety.
Since Cesar's time each fifty years
has seen an onrush of the German
horde. What has been, she thinks,
will be again, if opportunity
offers. Few who sec history in per-
spective will question the reason
ableness of French apprehension and
the justice Of the demand that
France be accorded special protec-
ton.
On the other hand, the British
government, which for The time being
is Lloyd George, assumes that Ger
many is no longer dangerous, and
that thus perpetuation Of the war
alliance is not required. That this
is the personal conviction of Mr..
George is, Of course, doubtful But
he is an opportunist, and in Britain
to-day two influences push him
toward Germany. First, powerful
labor interests are friendly to Boil
shevist Russia, and hence to Ger
many, and, second, equally powerful
business interests, which see profit
in current trade with Germany, drive
him in the same direction. Any
way, whether the motive is to head
off Smile or to please British mer-
chants, Mr.. George is proceeding on
the theory that France is unduly
nervous
The expressed obligation of the
entente cordiole promoted by Ed
ward VII was slight. There was
no formal league or alliance. The
only bond was an agreement to take
counsel together in the event of GER
tain occurrences. Yet the slender
chain proved strong enough to hold.
This was because there was then
recognized community of ideas and
interests. If Germany overcame
France, Great Britain knew a Ger
man fleet would soon take the seas
against her. Now that the German
fleet is gone, the Lloyd George gov
ernment does not see that the French
demand for Germany weak on
land rests on the same grounds as
the British demand for Germany
weak on water. But Britain, having
secured her protection, turns philos
& opher and sees no special reason for
worrying over the safety of France.
Intelligent American opinion. if
we mistake not, leans to the French
side of the deplorable controversy
Friend of both parties, this country
is able to view the dispute with de
tachment, and is persuaded. first
That France is warranted in her ap
prehenslons, and, second, that her
right to insist that Germany get
along without an army is as good as
'he British right to insist that Ger
many get along without a navy.
AS to reparations, the case of
France seems equally impregnable.
Great Britain escaped invasion. but
she would scarcely have escaped had
it not been for the French barrier.
TO encourage Germany to withhold
just and agreed-on payments to
France is course not easy to
defend.
Running through the veiled re-
examinations are hints of a revival
of an ancient charge which has long
colored Continental thought-namelv
that Great Britain plays a selfish
part and deserts allies when they
have served their purpose. If there
is now an abandonment Of France.
vehement renewal of the accusation
IS possible-somethinG which in the
end will work to Great Britain's
harm. British opinion of the better
sort is alive to this consideration and !