Greenbrier independent. [volume] (Lewisburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1980, 1920-10-01
why HDEPHDEn1 VOTERS SHOULD
SUPPORT GOVERNOR cox.

ly criticiseS both parties, and reach
cs the conclusion that neither had
put up lis best man for the Presi-
dency. Writing, in an independent
non-parliSan spirit, the Sun advises
independent voters 10 support Con
giving the following among other
reasons for its advice:
UD There is difference be-
tween the two parties i'll the mat
ter of the League of Nations. The
exceptional platform plank mention
ed above in that one in the Demo-
cratic platform concerning this
subject. Ii fatty commits the party
! to entrance into the League, with
out any multiplying reservations, but
also without any trivial quibblins
over what are Or are not nulifyinS
reservations. The Sun has too Of
ten urged this exact policy, urged
it without partisan thought and
with no consideration in mind but
the profit Of the nation, not TO rec
ognizc in the Democratic dcclara-
ton an absolutely frank and square
meeting of the issue. And Governor
Cox stands frankly and squarely up
on the platform. He is for going
in the League. Senator Harding is
for staying out. That is the dis
tinction between the two candi-
dates as stated by Governor Cox
himself, and we think it is a fair
statement of the situation.
! &C
reason why the independent voter
should support Governor Cox. AS
we have said, neither of the candi-
dates is of the highest calibre. po-
litically. But individually, man
for man, in intellect, in forceful-
mess, in right-nindedness, in po-
litical courage and in capacity for
handling public affairs, the Demo-
cratic candidate is far superior TO
his opponent. 1t would be unkind
if it did not have vital bearing on
the question before the people, to
refer TO Senator Harding's intellec-
tual quality as revealed by his pub
lie utterances. SolvenlinesS of
thought and the use of high sounl-
ing words without knowledge Of
their meaning are the chief char
acteristics Of his speech. The
Frenchman who said that "the style
is the man" did not merely make
a telling epigram; he expressed a
serious truth. 1t is impossible for
man who talks as Senator Hard
ing does to think clearly or TO reas-
on logically.
CD II is not necessary to base
this estimate of the man upon his
public utterances; a glance at his
| record confirms it. MIR. Harding
has been a United States Senator
for five and half years. In that
time he has introduced 134 bills,
all but a dezen of which We're for
pensions, private claims, relief of
Ohio financial institutions OF in
dividuais, or otherwise of the var
iety known as pork" measures.
Five of The others provided for
changing the names Of steamers
and none was of any large i'm
portance. During this period he
was absent from or lodged 1853
roll calls and quorum calls. He has
never taken the initiative in fight
ing for any constructive measure
of public importance and never
taken a notable part in any such
fight. In other words, in all his
public career he has never shown
the possession Of any of the quail
lies essential to leadership.
(4) He has always been a follow
Grand a follower of whom? or
Lodge and Penrose and Smoot-
the most conservative, not to say
reactionary, of the Republican lead
ers. He has followed them on the
League OF Nations. on questions af-
fecting labor, on Federal taxes, on
conservation and other matters. A
characteristic statement of his oc-
CURED in his speech in the Senate
on January 70, 1916, opposing the
granting of independence to the
Philippines. There were reasons
why men Of progressive mind and
imbued with American political
principles might have opposed
philippine independence. but Mr..
HardingS reasons were these: 1--WE
have never heretofore been serious
~ concerned about the consent of
! the governed And if we
are TO go into the Orient for an ex-
Dansion OF trade and commerce, |
fancy that The possession Of these
rich islands, The Philippine archi-
pcla8o. will be very much to our
advantage" That is the logic which
will lead TO intervention in Mexico.
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