New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-03-28

itself OF profitably for the world
put its momentary authority in the
pathway of what other great ma
lions regard as conditions essential
to their existence, to their security.
We cannot safely use our temporary
financial strength to club the less
fortunate into an acceptance Of a
world order which we must guar
antee with all Of our strength, men
and money alike. To attempt this
is merely to undertake to do, for
moral purposes, for legitimate and
unselfish ends, what Germany
sought to do six years ago from
the basest of motives, namely, to
become the dominant world power.
The Point of View
Nor is there any present reason
to believe that, given the will to do
only good, we possess the prerequi
site grasp Of European facts. Mr..
Wilson honestly sought settlement
in accord with the demands of JUS
tice, but he turned over the de-
scendants Of the men who fought
with Andreas Hofer for liberty in
the Tyrol to an Italian domination
without even raising passing ques-
ton. Again and again our repre-
seDtatives totally failed to grasp the
European point of view. Security
in the mouth Of Frenchman or an
Italian to them meant imperialism,
yet from Caesar to Kaiser the Rhine
and the Alps have been for Latin
and Gallo peoples the symbol Of
security, while Americans, like Eng
lishmen, having been blessed with
security as geographical incident,
have invariably failed to recognize
European desire to acquire similar
security IS other than evil passion.
Isolated from European affairs we
can be only within limits hence
forth. Aloof in the presence of
their sufferings we can never be.
But between acting as the emer-
gency arises and undertaking the
regulation Of the world with all it's
frightful risks and possible costs
and | am not thinking Of money
mainly-the gulf is wide. Nor would
l have my country cross it. In that
direction there lies not alone fail
ure, but dangers beyond those which
it seems to me any statesman has a
right to risk for his country.
| am aware that there is in the
United States considerable group
Of men and women who believe that
the league of nations itself would
automatically insure the proper solu-
ton of the vexing problems Of con-
f1icting national instincts. But any
one who was in Paris knows how
small an influence any so-called
moral influence had in the presence
OF these national instincts. What
ever President Wilson believed when
he went to Europe, no one can mis-
take the fact that he ultimatel ar
rived at the conclusion that the ele-
ment of force was essential to the
maintenance of the world system
there created. The proof of this is
set forth in speech Mr.. Wilson
made in the conference when the
Rumanian and Jugo-Slav delega-
lions were objecting to conceding to
the league of nations, or rather to
the great powers in the league, the
right to intervene on behalf Of
minorities in these countries.
American Aid
In answer the President declared
in terms that this was a small con-
cession to make in view of the fact
that both countries were to receive
enormous territorial gains in the
treaty and these gains were to be
guaranteed by the document in such
fashion that if the treaty were
called into question the United
States would make It's armies and
fleets cross the seas again. But
granted that Rumania and Jugo-
Slavia were right in the World War
and deserved such American aid.
which, by the way, they did not re-
celve, can one safely conclude that
they, or any other nation, includ-
ing our own, will always be right?
Yet our guaranty stands, must
stand, absolute, or have no value.
The President has been widely
criticised for refusing 70 accept the
reservations affecting Article x. but