The Connecticut labor press., 1920-08-14
OPEN SHOP FIGHT WILL
 BE FIERCELY CONTESTED

SldV0m0uL ETOSIdm- nuAA1AA$
 True toNForm," Says Secretar.
 Frank Morrison.
 The Connecticut Federation of Labo1
 and the Connecticut State Building
 Trades Council are energetically com
 batting the great 'open shop" move
 ment which has taken on such definite
 form within this state of late and every effort is being made to acquaint the rank and file of the membership to tht necessity of giving their organization: every possible support.
 If there was ever a time when sol1. darity in the Labor movement wa: necessary it is at present for there is every evidence that the powerful com sbinations among the employers are ready to take advantage of the nation wide movement to eliminate the trade union movement, if possible, or if its total destruction is not possible, then tC so cripple it that its power will be neg ligible.
 Frank Morrison, secretary of the American Federation of Labor, Is quoted most interestingly on the atti-
 
 : the United States on the endorsement of the open shop, individual contract industrial program of that body, by Laurence Todd, Washington correspon- dent for numerous Labor papers, III a recent interview.
 "The Chamber of Commerce of the United States Is running true to form, said Secretary Morrison. Their declaration that the employers have a right to run non-dnion shop will not stem the tide of the wage workers movement nor prevent the workers from carrying to success tneIr program of securing joint conditions through collective bargaining"
 The Chamber of Commerce of the United States, dominated by the big banking, meat packing, oil, shipping and other billionaire groups, has voted-by majorities of about 1,675 to 2 or } or 4 flor the whole reactionary labor scheme framed up by its industrial rela- ton committee. of which Frederick J: Roster of the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce, once dispenser of the "million-dollar slush fund.- in that city, is vice-chairman.
 And by a separate referendum 1t has endorsed, by 1,564 to 97, this proposa- ton That strikes by employees of all public service corporations performing public service essential to the lives, health, security, comfort and well-be- ing of the people should by law be ex- plicitly prohibited"
 By 1871 to 100 it has adopted this one That suitable tribunals should be created by law to. aGjudicate differ enees between the employees of public service corporations and their employ CTS, and that the decisions of such tribunals should be final and binding upon both parties"
 There is the complete industrial en- slavement program, almost 1dent1cally as presented to the Presidents indus trial conference last October by the more rabid of the associations ot em- ployers. The significance of the vote by the Chamber of Commerce IS that the merchants in all cities of the coun- try have been put on record as sup porting each other in any measures that may be worked out by the street railway and gas and electric companies, the factories and other business enter erises for breaking the labor move ment. Merchants control advertising; advertising controls the policy ot news papers, especially in times when banks are refusing to make loans. We may expect a steady increase ot control of the news columns of the daily press by the organized anti-1abor forces. News encouraging to the labor movement IS going to be given the small headline ana the inside page, when the full effect ot this big business referendum IS felt III the industrial states.
 The names of the committee which framed the anti~strike and industrial court propositions quoted above are themselves eloquent of the careful preparation made for this ant1-labor propaganda. Lewis E. Pierson of the Irving National bank, New York, is chairman. The others are Henry G. Bradlee, president of Stone &-Webster, the traction power and engineering syn dicate of Boston; Arthur w. Brady president of the Union Traction Com pany, Anderson, Ind. F. B. DeBerard, director of research, New York Mer- chants Association, the body which has been fighting for the open shop in New York City teaming and dock work; AL bert w. Harris, president of the liar ris Trust & Savings bank, Chicago; Charles L. Harrison, director of the Cincinnati Chamber of Commerce; John w Lieb, vice-president of the New York Edison Company; H. l. McCune, a corporation lawyer of Kan sas City; John w. VanAllen, a cor poration lawyer of Buffalo, and Paul N. Myers, president of the St. Paul of Public and Business Affairs.
 In St. Paul, at least, it appears that big business is willing to frankly con fess that it seeks control of public af- fairs as a means of advancing private business interests.
 Frank Morrison points out, in a article just published, that the labor movement refuses to concede that the so-called public has any intention of doing justice to labor when public authority is exerteds to settle or prevent strikes. What public authority wants is to get labor to produce more. Once it's supply of manufactured goods IS forthcoming, its interest Tn industrial relations is gone In view of this axiom, he lays down the rule that or ganized labor must be its own judge as to what is a fair days pay and fair days work, and whether given indus trial relations are fair enough to jus tify production. He asks whether, If one group of men in the community, however large, shall be able to regulate Dy legal power the amount of work which another group may be compelled to do, then may not the second group