davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01

the Revolution took on o national
character and for the next twenty
years it was France which fought
Europe, and fighting Europe reached
Moscow and Madrid, even occupied
Cairo and the Holy Land.
Now, If the analogy Of the French
Revolution holds good, two things
are likely to follow First, we shall
see strong Russia develop in the
next few years, and second, that
strong Russia will be hostile to
her neighbors and, conscious Of
her strength and convinced Of the
efficacy of her new economic and
political doctrines, win begin to
overflow on all sides, as did France,
OF course, it may be that Russia
in regaining unity viii become
pacific, renounce the Bolshevist
ideas, resume her place alongside
the Western nations. This is what
seems TO be in most minds to-day
when Russia is discussed. But is
such course by any means certain?
Believing that France, which be
tween 1889 and 1904 had entirely
changed color, had passed through
revolution and begun to draw near
to new imperial system, Britain
consented to the Peace Of Amiens
But no sooner was the peace made
than Napoleon began to collect
troops at Boulogne for the invasion
of Britain, and ten years of war
promptly followed
Russia may make truce now,
but is there any real reason Wy
she should make anything more !?
In any evcut she wa find herself
diminished Poland and the Baltic
provinces are lost, Bessarabia and
Finland are gone, Japanese O.
cupation of eastern Siberia VIII
doubtless endure for long time
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
ork Was Done

But somehow, some way, we did
raise an army. And now that peace
IS with US again, even if we haven't
signed the peace treaty, we are be-
ginning to take stock Of many things
that passed as matter of course in
the crowded days that followed April
6, 1917. There were those first Of
1icers' training camps, for instance.
Do you recall that there were lust
eighteen working days from the time
the government announced its plans
for these camps and the day when it
was declared they should be opened?
How did the War Department,
busted as it was with its multitude Of
ether tasks incident to putting the
country on war basis, select the
thousands of candidates for officers
commissions?
The answer is that the War De
partment didn't-that is, not without
outside help, but that fact has grown
dim in the minds of great many
persons. The Military Training
Camps Association decided to take
an active part in the discussion of
what shall constitute the future mill
tary policy of the United States.
There are two army bills before
Congress, one brought forward bv
House committee and providing
for an army Of $4,000 men; the
other Senate measure, which calls
for only 281 900 men, bur has pro-
vision for universal military train
ing.
1t Is this latter measure that has
the support Of the Military Training
Camps Association. Now, this or
ganization is composed largely Of
men who were identified with what
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01

pie principle I think they would all
so to work. If they don't there Will
always be misery enough TO keep the
long-haircd philosophers supplied
with meal tickets"
Do yoa think, Mr.. Vanderlip, that
We can learn tins simple lesson in
this country and pet down to eff
cient work again without taking d
lesson in adVersity in the hard school
Of tzperience?' was my final ques-
ton
u think we are bound to have
the lesson whether we accept the ad-
monition or not. Owing to two
causes, don't see how we can es-
cape period OF comparatively dull
times. We have been proceeding at
a tremendous pace on account Of the
war effort, and we are under an
awful strain from imitation. The
world, with its immense borrowings.
has pretty well exhausted our credit
capacity, and the stimulation caused
by that borrowing viii soon decrease.
This stimulation Of imitation must
inevitably be followed by the quiet
ing influence Of deaation This
doesn't mean that there VIII be,
necessarily, a decline in real produc-
ton, but with deflation there is
bound to come q falling market, de
Ginning prices and slowing down
Of enterprise The value OF goods,
work and money viii get into line.
The result viii be that people will
wake up from their dreams Of
something from nothing, get to
work, produce and give value re-
eelYed- But the sooner everybody is
lnoculated with the serum Of work
the less danger that this healthy re-
action viii become unhealthy and
Lad to stagnation.
But whether the world learns its
lesson by conviction or by casriga-
ton, it has got to learn it. Work is
our only salvation"
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01

these days, when the bank has sue
ceeded the stocking as the national
depository, to save is absolutely to
produce. don't mean parsimomy,
but the saving that goes hand in
hand with increased production. not
the saving that follows from adapta-
ton to a lower standard of living,
which fear is tie inescapable fate
Of Europe Even if everybody in
Europe would stop Illuminating and
begin producing, they couldn't util-
ize the human element to the max
mum because they can't get the raw
materials and the machinery. In
other words, they haven't the CAPT
tai, which is something for the
serious consideration of those volu-
BILE fake economists who consider
that kinetic laoor-labor in process
is everything, and that potential
labor-saved labor capitals moth
ing. Unable to produce as much as
in the past, Europe may expect to
survive with its present population
only by penury, by the savings If
privation-by reduced consumption,
by lower standard of living. Eu-
rope must save to live at all, with
US, saving IS for more prosperity
and more wealth.
with US, labo. may increase its
share of the annual distribution Of
wealth by saving. a man cant save
dollar and put It in a bank with
out increasing the demand for labor.
without providing more work Sav-
ing turns surplus labor into capital
which must 60 into new reproductive
development, more producing ma
chnery and more plants, which in
turn produce more wealth, Of which
labor always gets the lions share.
Add To capital and you add to de-
mand for labor. The saving worker
actually creates employment for
himself. If our :eople could only
be brought 10 understand that sim
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01

army, perhaps of resorting to some
sort of conscription, at an hour when
man-power is needed to rescue Brit
sh finances, and the tendency Of
British political life is toward
labor ministry, which would have
little enthusiasm for foreign war,
for really considerable military
venture.
Britain then will make peace with
the Bolshevists if she can, even if
the peace has a certain element of
humiliation in it. The alternative
is too obviously disconcerting. But
will the Bolshevists, viii Russia,
make peace, or will any peace be
more than truce? In word, is
there now any real solution of the
British imperial problems raised by
Russia, outside Of actual war, of
military operations on large scale,
of military expansion inevitable if
the outer ramparts Of the empire
are to be defended7
The answer to this Interrogation
is in sense more stupidity, since
it involves an assumption Of pro-
phetic insight Yet one fact is begin
ming to develop from Russian dis
patches. If the Bolshevist control
of Russia is not weakening it is un-
dergoing transformation. 1t is be
coming less factional and more ma
tional. With the collapse of the
various insurgent armies the best
brains, military and civilian alike,
are more and more enlisting in the
service of the Russian state.
Exactly this happened after a
certain point in the French Revolu-
ton The domestic revolts, the
VendGc rising were crushed the first
onslaught of European armies seek
ing to reestablish the throne was
beaten back at Valmy and presently
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
Continued from preceding page

CoittWtteU from pTecedWJ page
States fifteen billion dollars, if, in
deed, it does not already. That
means that our annual interest in
come from outside will be at least
$3.50, 100000 There is no other
way that we can receive payment
of this huge sum except in goods.
1t can be predicted with absolute
certainty that the world will pay
this interest in goods or else de-
fault. And for our own economic
and financial welfare we wouldn't
want to take payment in gold, even
if we could. Money is only a means
to getting goods. Why take money
when you can have the goods you
want?
"To avoid interference Of the in
coming, interest paying goods with
our own wealth-making machine we
shall concentrate more than ever on
the production of those articles of
commerce that are susceptible Of
mass production. We shall take
from other peoples handmade
goods, works Of taste and art and
a thousand and one things that are
desirable but that we can't bother
With making in view OF our pen
chant and genius for the machine
tool methods
The fourth bull argument for
the long view is that we own in our
grand national domain, perhaps, all
things considered, the greatest res
ervoir Of raw material in the world
that IS available for immediate use.
Everything favors the inaugu-
ration of golden age for America
# we are only wise in handling our
strategic position, which means that
we must get permanently to work
with will and vim, and exercise. eco
nomic wisdom-stop inflation} and
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
rld Must Make Some Sort Of Peace With Russ

All of these circumstances will con-
stitute grievances for the Russian
patriots, and the more nationalistic
Russia becomes the more intoler-
able these grievances will appear.
But this is rot all. Not only will
the Russians Of the future see all
the acquisitions of their prede-
cessors since the days of Peter the
Great himself lost, but they will
see them in iniirm hands, they will
see them held by races incapable of
maintaining their grip. Poland,
Finland, the Baltic states cannot
collectively or severally stand up
against a Russian attack if Russia
becomes the united state she was
before the war, a state of more
than 1875 100000, even with the
border states omitted. And in addi-
ton the Russians will find in the
Germans ready associates in any
new Polish partition.
II Germany would consent to
stand with the West against Russia
the Russian peril would not assume
the same proportions. But Germany
and Russia, German and Russian
nationalism, may easily have COM
mon objects, or objects which do not
conflict. They may be ready to d.
vide Europe as were Napoleon and
Alexander at Tilsit. Granted even
that Germany would resist a Russia
purely Bolshevist, the more that
Russia moves toward nationalistic
IDEAS the easier would be an associa-
ton.
Moreover, Germany needs Russia
and Russia needs Germany on the
conomic side. The real hope of
German recovery lies in the posi-
bility of exploiting Russian resources
and the true promise of economic
and industrial development in Rus
sia may be found in the possibility
that German system will be applied
to Russian natural wealth.
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
Lenine Has Resources

And it is the British who must
face the problem with the first anx-
iety. If Lloyd George does not con-
sent to make peace with Lenine,
Lenine has resources of his own.
Russian troops, striking hands with
all the various Moslem tribes all the
way from Persia to Afghanistan,
can level blow at India. He can
even use the Mahometan element
to spread further disorder in India
itself At the same time he can
use the Turks and the Kurds in
Asia Minor to prepare the way for
an attack upon Mesopotamia, upon
Bagdad at once and Cairo ulti-
mately.
1t is fact that the war has
brought to the British very acute
problems In all their East. Egypt
and India have disclosed conditions
Of unrest which have excited grave
apprehension. There arc elements
III the native populations, perhaps
formidable elements, which would
be a source Of domestic danger were
the Russian hosts to appear at the
gates. And in any event, the first
consequence would be the trans
portati0n Of considerable troops to
iall the outlying regions from Meso-
potamia to Burmah, and this would
mean the necessity of increasing the
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
Raising an Army

has become known as Tie "Platts.
burg movement.
1t was the men Of tins organiza-
ton who stepped into the breach
when the War Department found it
self overwhelmed in the spring OF
1917. One thing these men could do
was take charge Of the enrolling OF
the candidates for these camps.
An official report covering these
eventful days came to light recent
ly in connection with an argument
over the proper military policy OF
the country in the future The re-
port, discussing the work in connec-
ton with these camps, said:
This association took hold Of the
matter with enthusiasm. The work
became dramatic in its intensity.
Through our efforts hundreds Of
citizens were commaadeered to give
their voluntary services; Offices were
often robbed Of al taeir clerks,
stenographers and orher employees.
and the vast work Of examining the
thousands Of applicants was rushed
with vigor. It is difficult to give
the exact figures. bat certainly 10000
men, during those eighteen days,
were examined physically, alons, at
practically no expense t. the gov
ernment, through the volunteer
services Of patriotic physicians. In
many places the doctors worked in
relays of two and three hours each
from early in the morning I'll mid
night These 10000 men were Sc
lected from possibly 10000 or more
applicants. There we're at least
10000 men certified by the army re-
cruiting officers to camp command
ers as being factory officer
material, and from this number
10000 were actually accepted or
schedule time by the gesernment,
and the camps opened promptly
with their full quota of men
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
Into the Army

A large percentage Of the men
who went to Plattsbure and the
other early camps were inducted nta
the service when the actual cal TO
arms came. Il is what they learned
IN these early camps and wha' -
war taught them that makes them
partisans of the Senate army bill.
First Of all, thoy feel that stand
ing army OF the size provided IN the
House bill is unbecomine and IN
wise in democratic country. They
feel that citizen soldiery such as
would be made available through
system Of short military training
would guarantee ar army for quick
use in time OF national peril.
In addition. the Senate Plan, IN
cluding the universal military train
ing feature, is less costly than the
program mapped out by the House,
bill.
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01

"a 7 SEEMS almost like feverish
4 dream, doesn't it, that in the
'& short space of thirty-three
months the United States,
most peaceful of nations, declared
war, raised an army of millions of
men, sent them across seas, helped
to achieve the final victory and has
now lapsed into the ways of peace?
How did we do it? There were
those, of course, who told US that in
case Of danger a million embattled
farmers would spring to arms over
night and drive the invader from
our shores. But, of course, we all
know now that the embattled didn't
spring
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01

in word, with the President always
ready to view the Russian situation
through utopian glasses, nothing
was more inevitable than that the
whole Allied opportunity to do any
thing should pass, that the thing
which in military operations is called
the initiative should pass to the
Russians, should escape Clemenceau
and Lloyd George and fall into the
capable hands of Lenine and Trot-
zky.
Now, exactly this has happened.
The last effort of the Allies to deal
with the Russians, to find some new
compromise which would avoid MAX
ing peace, while steering clear of
actual war-making, has disclosed the
fact that the Allies can no longer
serve terms upon Russia. The pro-
posal to trade without recognizing
the Russian government has been
logically and emphatically rejected.
Without an armistice, without pre-
liminary step which will establish
condition Of peace, the Bolshevists
will not even permit Allied ships to
enter Russian ports.
This means something very far
reaching. 1t means that the Allies
must consent to make peace with the
Bolshevists on Lenine's conditions
or face situation in which they will
find themselves actually at war with
the Bolshevists, obliged to confess
to their own publics that II Is war.
1t means, too, an enormous enhance
ment of Bolshevist prestige. 1t is
a demonstration, bound to have tre-
mendous domestic effect, that the
Bolshevists are not only masters at
home, but able to take high tone
with Europe.
In a word, we are going to have
in some fashion and promptly q de-
mand from Russia for a precis
Of Allied purposes. "Is it war or
pcace?' If it is peace then the
Western nations must recognize the
Bolshevist regime, must enter into
ordinary peaceful relations with the
Lenine government, despite their
consciousness Of the difficulties for
them at home Of "Rcd" propaganda.
If it is war then it means armies,
and money, and campaigns.
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
A New Russia Emerging

Underlying al this surface r.p-
ping, however, is the serious fac.
that new Russia IS beginning to
emerge, a Russia by no means re-
stored to what we regard as eco.
nomic or political sanity, but a Rus
sia beginning to combine new ideas
with old systems, as the French did
in their Revolution. This new Rus
sia is becoming hourly more nation.
ahstic in spirit, and both Bolsheviss
and nationalist Russia have all-suf.
ficing reasons for hating the West
ern Allies and for making war upon
them to regain lost provinces and TO
fulfill old aspirations.
And all of this leads straight to
collision with Great Britain, leads
to India, Egypt and Mesopotamia,
The single question Is whether
the proffer of peace would now sat
isfy Lenine or, even if accepted for
the moment, permanently satisfy
Russian nationalism, Russian pa
triotism. But at least it Is clear
that Britain will shortly have to de-
eide for peace or for war; the Rus
sian situation is beginning toclarify,
and unless all signs fan we shall
very soon talk again Of Russia rather
than of the Bolshevists.
Copyright, 1920, the Mcclure Nems-
paper SBld.cate)
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
BY Frank II. Simonds

Washington, D. c.
"HE cause Of the latest reve-
lation Of incoherence Of pol
icy and infrmity Of will on
the Allies part in dealing
with Russia has the same explana-
ton as all that has gonc before.
AS far as Great Britain and her
European allies are concerned, and
while America was in Europe the
same thing was measurablv true Of
the United States, two circum-
stances dominate their Russian pol
icy.
In the first place, the statesmen,
or politicians, directing government
do not dare to make war upon Rus
sia because Of the hostility of the
liberal and radical elements in their
SWA CVuutIicS. LII tNc bcCVilO pldCSp
they do not dare to make peace be-
cause Of the conservative groups in
their several nations. A year ago
these statesmen, with the exception,
perhaps, Of the President, believed
it was necessary to make war upon
Bolshevism. But discovering that
their own publics would not stand
for war they then, with the full ac-
cord Of President Wilson, sought to
approach the goal Of peace by the
Prinkipo pathway.
Now, the proposal to wage war
upon the Bolshevists excited loud
and emphatic protest There were
no soldiers who would fight, and
there was an opposition in ell coun-
tries too powerful to be confronted.
But the proposal to make peace was
not less combated by all elements
in the political and business COM
munity, who recognized what the
Bolshevists were doing in Russia
and were seeking to accomplish out
side of Russia.
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01
Conditions as They Are at Pres.
ent Impossible and Can
Not Go On

contemplated taking most Of the
Arab provinces Of the Osmanli. But
this situation only increased the
eventual Russian menace, since, if
Russia should ever become at once
strong and hostile, her pathway
would lie by land into Mesopotamia,
through Persia and Armenia, and
this sadvance would threaten both
India and Egypt.
In a word, Britain saw in re-
stored Russia, bound to seek ulti-
mately the old pathways Of expan-
sion, the same enemy who had been
watched with such apprehension in
the latter half of the nineteenth
century, of whom Kipling had writ
ten frequently, notably in the once
famous poem about "The Bear Who
Walks Like Man" British pur-
poses would then be vastly better
served If Russia were divided, If the
Baltic states obtained their freedom,
if Ukraina rose as free state, If
the Georgians Of the Caucasus were
liberated and commissioned to hold
the gateway between the Black and
Caspian seas.
Accordingly, when the World War
had ended Britain began at once to
feel that the next danger would be
Russian, not German. AS time
passed and the Russian situation
grew more and more serious there
were more Englishmen who openly
predicted that Germany and Britain
would stand together In the next
war, which would be with Russia, o
Russia seeking to dominate both
Europe and Asia. Japan, too, would
figure in the anti-Slav combination.
To all this the French retorted
with no little force that it was at
least as likely that Germany would
side with Russia as that she would
join her btterest foe, who had prof
tied most by her present defeat, and
whose continued strength would for
ever bar German industrial and po-
litical expansion. Thus, while the
policy OF the Gordon sanitaire was
slowly but surely breaking down, the
British and the French were more
and more tending to divide over Rus
sian policy.
New-York tribune., 1920-02-01

ognition, business WITHOUT peace
truly Georgian compromise, but .
compromise very quickly rejected
by the Bolshevists, VINO replied h,
insisting upon peace before trade
All this, however, Ike 50. much
that went on in the Paris Conference
is mere byplay. It IS the effort n
manipulate foreign policy, to control
domestic politics. It is sometimes
momentarily successful in domesti,
politics, but it leads straight to dis.
aster in the foreign field. As con-
sequence of recent efforts Llovd
George now finds himself IN a "a,
weaker position than before his in.
pulsive pronouncenent At Paris. Hs
is still afraid, since he rules by viz.
tue of coalition dominated bv
Tories, to make open peace with the
Bolshevist government, but ne has
been driven one step nearer the point
where he must face the question and
decide for peace or for war