The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1920-12-31
WHAT HAS THE WORKER A RIGHT TO
EXPECT OF INDUSTRY" "--LAUCK

for anthracite that is at least $325
in excess Of a fair price.
And yet the operators tell you
that it is not a matter of public
| interest which controls the anthra-
cite industry, or what its profits,
direct or indirect, amount to. They
explain the abnormally high price
of coal by placing the responsibility
on "a few independent operators"
Those few independent operators
must be handling all the coal pro-
duced by the industry for the pub
lie is paying top prices for all the
coal that is sold.
This is a representative example
as to how the failure to secure a
living wage is productive Of discon-
tent, reduced output and Of serious
loss to the public through recurrent
dislocations in the industry.
l would suggest that the import
ant thing at this critical stage in
! the affairs of this nation and Of the
world is that we proceed in orderly
! fashion to establish guarantees by
which the worker will be protected
in those rights which have been
enumerated as elementary, and by
which the public interest will be
safeguarded against an autocracy Of
/ capital or an autocracy Of labor.
The first step in this direction, |
! believe, should be the establishment
of an industrial code defining the
fundamental principles to govern all
relations in industry on the basis
of fair dealing to labor, fair deal
ing to capital and fair dealing to
the public.
President Wilson's first industrial
| conference in October, 1919, which
was to have accomplished some such
purpose as this, failed because the
employers group would not accept
definition of collective bargaining
submitted by the labor group and
| approved by the public group. The
| Presidents second conference adapt
! ed program for the adjustment of
/ industrial controversies and recon-
mended the establishment Of an elab-
crate series of boards or adjust
ment agencies but it failed to rec
Ommend the principles or basis of
adjustment which should underIie
! the deliberations Of these boards, al
though such principles were dis
cussed in the report The Senate
/ Committee on Labor now has before
it a proposal submitted by Senator
! Kenyon, Of Iowa, which contemplates
both the establishment Of the code
and the creation Of machinery ade-
quate to apply it.
Real progress in this direction de
pends essentially upon an aroused
, and militant public opinion that de
mands and will have industrial
peace, for constructive action by the
! Congress is essential.
Increased production Of our farms,
our mines and our mills is absolutely
| essential if the nation is to recover
from the disastrous effects of the
world war, discharge its interna-
tional obligations and realize its
world wide opportunities. Increased
| production is possible-unthink-
! able - unless we have reasonably
satisfied and contented workers in
every field of industry. This means
! the prevention of strikes and dislo-
! cations and the maintenance Of in
| dustrial peace. 1t is the judgment
of statesmen, of economists and Of
| intelligent leadership Of both capital
and labor that there can be no per
manent industrial peace until there
| has been defined and promulgated
| by legislative action a Magma Char
ia of industry or bill Of industrial
| rights which can be used on a basis
of procedure, and which would be
mandatory upon the deliberations d
and arbitration of wage adjustment
boards.
At the close of the war it was
thought that the way was open for
such action through voluntary agree
ment between capital and labor. Our
own experience during the war in
the application of the principles or
code which was at the basis Of the
work Of the National War Labor
Board, had led to the belief that
such constructive program could
be adopted as the basis of the pro-
duction Of which the world was i'm
so grievous need after the cessation
of hostilities. Moreover the enhght-
ened opinions of the leading indus
trial and commercial nations Of the
world had given its sanction to
these same principles i'm the labor
provisions of the Treaty of Peace,
and they had received further sane
tion from the reconstruction pro-
nouncement of churches. both Cath
olic and Protestant, without regard
to denomination.
But the golden opportunity was
lost. The spirit of cooperation be-
tween capital and labor gradually
disappeared. 1t was replaced by
open conflict. The lines are now be-
ing drawn for industrial warfare on
an unprecedented scale.
Public opinion can alone save the
situation. The public always has
been and will continue to be the
sufferer from industrial conflicts
1t should act, therefore, in its own
interest by the establishment of
wage adjustment agencies, and the
formulation of an industrial code or
series of principles which would be
mandatory upon the deliberation of
such agencies, and those principles,
or code, should guarntee and safe
guard both labor and capital in their
fundamental rights as factors of
production.
This program, l believe, would
protect industry from the arbitrary
control of either capital or labor,
and make possible a larger measure
of industrial democracy. At the
same time it would also advance the
wellbeing of the general public for
the reason that it would, by stimu-
/ lating the cooperative effort Of
/ capital and labor, increase the pro
ductive efficiency of industry as a
whole.
Smoke BLUE RIBBON Sc Cigar.