The Washington times., 1920-08-22
tcsntinusd from First Pass)

The Soviet represents the group.
Lenin said, "All power In the 30
Wet" He was talking for Russia
as effectively as though Harding
or Cox should say, Il believe tnat
all power resides or should reside
In the American home"
The Soviet to the Russian Is
what the home Is to the Americana
and he who says, "All power TO the
Soviet" tells the Russian what he
wants to hear.
Lenin is a politician. as well az
real statesman, philosopher. and
revolutionist. Don't underrate
him.
Is Lenin stronger now than he
was when he told the peasants
that they should have all the land?
Certainly, for they have the
land, and for two years, 1918 and
1919, they have had the crops. pay
ing no rack-rent to any landlord.
In Russia 1t was not unusual for
a nobleman to have an estate OF
three millions Of acres. He had as
managers capable Germans that
could get the most out of the land,
that is, the most for the owner,
nobleman. with the least left for
the peasants.
Now peasants get all that they
produce, minus what Lenin re-
quires to feed soldiers fighting for
Russia and mechanics working in
the factories. What the army and
mechanics take is small compared
with what the landlords took from
their slaves.
One hundred and fifty million Rus
sian peasants own the land they
work on. They believe that il Lenin
goes down they will lose the land.
Do you wonder they send their
sons to fight for Lenin. When the
French fought at Verdun, with
a courage that would not be con-
quered, they we're fighting for
France, which is owned not by a
few mobiles, as it was before the
revolutions. but by six million diff
ferent Frenchmen. Multiply that
by ten and you have Russia and
her reason for fighting against in
reference with the government of
Lenin.
1t might save this Government
some trouble if it could understand
just that ONE fact.
The question is not whether you
like the Russian idea of govern
ment or not. England didn't like
our ideas in 1776, and the whole of
monarchical Europe hated the
French revolutionary ideas at the
end of the eighteenth century.
The question is not whether we
hate or like Bolshevism, but what
is Bolshevism.
1t is we'll to understand why
Russia has held off the whole of
Europe, why Lloyd George more
than year ago decided that he
would not fight that colossus.
There was great horror at first
because of the alleged Russian at
tack on marriage. That is dis
posed of by the simple statement,
not contradicted by anybody now,
that the whole story of making
women common property was a lie
that began as a joke, then eagerly
was seized upon and spread outside
of Russia. There is agitation also
against Russia's attitude toward
religion.
In Russia. the masses are deep
ly religious, while the leaders, as
was the case with jefferson,
Franklin and others in our revolu-
ton, are less religious or not re-
ligious at all.
On the first Easter in Russia un-
der Bolshevism, day Of great re-
ligious celebration, Lenin permit
ted all the usual observances by
the orthodox Greek Church in the
great cathedral of Moscow. He
sent word to thoss IN charge, "Do
whatever you wish, in regard to
religion, but do not agitate
against my government. The
cathedral will be surrounded by a
ring Of machine guns. II you at
tempt politics l shall shoot you
all" There was no politics.
Raymond Robins thus describes
the attitude of the average young
Russian followers Of Lenin:
81 was passing through the most
holy gate Of the Kremlin. There
are many holy gates; this hap
pened to be the most holy. A
young Red guard, revolver on hip,
rifle, with bayonet set, in his hand,
accompanied me as we passed
through the most holy gate. He
took off his hat and bowed low.
Inside the gate he rested his
gun on the ground, bent over, and
kissed the holy ikon.
"'Do you believe in God?' I
asked him. of course said he.
"'Do you believe in Christi
And again, OF course said he.
"'And you believe in the
church?
"'No, no; we find that the
church, like the landlords, has
hpop taxinu ue foo yolrh A tax