Evening public ledger. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1914-1942, 1920-08-07
cox FOR LEAGUE OF NATIONS WITH RESERV u

Americanization on the part of church,
school, community agencies. state gov
ernments and industry itself.
In the past many industries that have
suffered from chronic restlessness have
been the chief contributors to their own
troubles. The foreigner with European
standards Of living was welcomed, but
too often no attempt was made to edu-
cate him to domestic ideals, for the
simple reason that It adversely affected
the ledger. 1t has been my observation
that the man who learns our language
yields to a controlling public opinion
and respects our laws besides, in pro-
portion as his devotion to American life
develops, his interest in the impulsive
processes of revolution diminishes.
Need for Drastic Legislation Past
We must be patient in the work OF
assimilation and studiously avoid op-
pressive measures in the face of mere
evidence of Misunderstanding We have
composite nation. The Almighty
doubtless intended it to be sucn. we
will not, however, develop patriotism
unless we demonstrate the difference
between despotism and democracy. The
necessity for the drastic laws of war
days Is not present now, and we should
return ut the earliest opportunity to
the statutory provisions passed In time
of peace for the general welfare.
There Is no condition now that war :
rants any infringement on the right OF
free speech and assembly nor on the
liberty Of the press. The greatest meas
ure of individual freedom consistent with
the safety of our institutions should be
given. Excessive regulation causes
manifestations that compel restraint.
The police power, therefore, is called
to action because the legislative au-
thority acted unwisely.
A forbearing policy is not the proper
one for the deliberate enemy of our
| institutions. He is of the kind that
knows conditions abroad and here. The
difference between autocracy and de-
mocracy is well marked in his mind.
| lie is opposed to government in any
form, and he hatesSours because it ap-
peals to those whom he would convert
| to his creed. Any policy of terrorism
is fuel to his fame of anarchy Those
whom he seeks to arouse, in time, realize
the difference between his and their
mental attitude, so that when the law
lays hand upon his willful menace to
government, the purpose of it becomes
plain to them.
Contempt of Law Harmful
Official contempt for the law is n
harmful exhibition to our people. 1t is
difficult to follow the reasoning of any
one who would seek to make an issue
of the question of law enforcement. The
executive obligation, both national and
state, on assuming the oath of Office
is to preserve. protect aud defend the
constitution of the United States" The
constitution, in its essence. is the H.
cense and limitation given to and placed
upon the law making body The legis-
lative branch Of government is sub
jected to the rule of the majority. The
public official who fails to enforce the
law, is an enemy both to the consti =.
tuition and to the American principle
of majority rule. 1t would seem quite
presidency to say that he does not in :
tend to violate his oath of office. Any
one who is false to that oath is more
unworthy than the law vioator him E
self.
Morals can not easily be produced by
statute. The writ of injunction should
not be abused. Intended as safeguard
to person and property, it could easily
by abuse cease to be the protective
device it was intended to be.
Capital develops into large units
without violence to public sentiment OF
injury to public interest: the sam,
principle should not be denied to labor
collective bargaining through the mean.
OF representatives selected by the en-
ployer and employe respectively, will b,
helpful, rather than harmful to thu
general interest. Besides. there is nC
ethical objection that can be raised tc
1t. We should not, by law, abridge q
mans right either to labor or to uuit
his employment. However, neither Ia
Dor nor capital should at any time or in
any circumstances, take action tina,
would put in jeopardy the public wei.
fare.
We need definite and precise state
hent OF policy as to what business mar
and workingmcn may do and NAV moi
do by way of combination and collcctiy,
acton. The law is now SO nebulou,
that II almost turns upon the economi,
preulleCtlonS of the judge or jury. Thi
does not make for confidence in th,
courts nor respect for the laws, nor fo
q. healthy activity in production an'
distribution. There surely will be fount
way by which CO. operation may be On
couraScd without the destruction of en-
! terprlSe. The rules of business shoul,
DC made more certain. so that on ,
tidencc. 'A 'o'
; Government, however, should pro
: VIDE the means in the treatment OF IL
employees, to keep in touch with con
altl0ns and to rectify wrong. 1t i
| needless to say that in order to be con
SiStent' facts should at all times jus
TRY the prcsupposition that the gov
erhment employees are properly com
/ pcnSated
Ihe child life of the nation shoult
De conserved: if labor in immatur
. years Is permitted by one generation, /
? is practicing unfairncss to the next.
Agriculture Basis OF All Industry
Agriculture is but another form n
industry. In fact, it is the basis O
industry because upon it depends tb
! 1000 supply. The drift from country
: Sidr INTO the city carries disquietinI
portehtS. IT our growth in manufac
turing IN the next few years holds il
: present momentum, It will be neces
! Sary for America to import foodstuffs
= III therefore devolVes upon government
= through intensive scientific co o-opera
> tion, to help in maintaining as nearl
as possible the existing balance be
tween food production and consump
= ton.
. Farming will not inspire individus
effort unless profits, all things consider
3 ca, are equal to those in other activi
i Ties: An additional check to deplete
ranks in the fields would be the estab
hshment of modern state rural schoc
codes. The federal government shoul
!. maintain active sponsorship of thi,