The Cordova daily times., 1920-10-25

put forward even by British union ists.
 Stand by the law and do not
 create precedent which would make the will of a convicted rebel the decisive factor in determining
 whether he shall be punished" was the argument of the stand fast fac tion. A majority of the British pa pers including the London Times and the liberal press, the labor unionists, and many members of both parties in parliament joined in the agita- tion for .MacSwiney's release.
 Two notable controversies, one | constitutional and the other theo- 1 logical, have arisen from the case. The first was whether King George could properly exercise his pardon ing prerogative independently for | or against the advice of his minis ters. The second was whether the | Catholic clergy, representing a | church which holds suicide to be a | crime. could consistently administer the sacraments to hunger strikers.
 The kings reply through the sec retary of state. for war, to the petition of members of parliament | was generally interpreted to mean | that the kings personal leaning was | toward granting a pardon. But, | since Premier Lloyd George and the | foreign minister, A. Bonar Law, were at the same time issuing argu-
 ments against clemency for the lord mayor it was evident that any action in that direction by the king would be against the advice of his | ministers.
 The newspapers published many
 editorials and letters setting forth, on one hand, that King George should not be embarrassed by di- rect appeals to him and, on the other hand, that he should and had the
 right to exercise his nominal con stitutional power of pardoning.
 The Weekly Nation, which is one of the most advanced liberal organs and not generally rated as sup porter of monarchy, argued that this
 was an occasion for the king to vindicate, his constitutional right l and protect the country against the growing autocracv of the cabinet There were many other arguments I to the same effect. one historical
 writer, combating the theory that the king always had been a cipher in | such matters, eXhumed a new story | in the annals of British monarchy, l telling how George " described by | Thackeray as the weakest and least 1 admirable character in the line of l British kings, used to pace the coun-
 cil chamber with tears, pleading for | the pardon of criminals and some
 times carry his point, although once
 when he wrote to the viceroy of Ire
 land granting pardon to a murderer
 he was compelled by his cabinet to
 cancel his edict
 One of the chief reasons put for
 ward by MacSWiney's advocates, al though advocated from anti-Sinn Fein quarters, was that the offenses of | which MacSWiney was convicted
 were so comparatively light they did not justify his suffering even though voluntarily. Premier Lloyd Georges reply was that MacSwiney undoubt- edly was a high officer of the Irish
 Republican army which decreed and executed murders of officials and police in Ireland. The republi- can army unlike the Sim Fein, is purely a secret organization. The identity of it's officers and person nel is kept from the, public and there is doubt even whether the Sim Fein controls it or officially knows it's "Ol hlllSS.
 The theological argument over the course of Bishop Goldman and Mac Swineys chaplain, the Rev. Father Dominis, in, as critics say, encourag
 ing him to commit suicide, was largely biblical The Rev. Father Bernard Vaughn, was the only priest who publicly criticized them. A lec- ture which he was to deliver in Glas- gow, a center of labor unionism, had to be cancelled on account of the unpopularity his words brought upon him.
 The human aspect of the lord mayors hunger strike was the one that chiefly interested British peo- pie and compelled the sympathy of even his hardest political enemies. Mrc MonCwipou. and brpthorc