The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1920-09-02

The President first replied, as
/ thought somewhat evasively, that we
would be our own judges as to wheth-
er we were obliged in those circum-
stances to act in that way or not.
Pressed further however, in response
to query incorporating the assump-
ton that the case provided for and
prescribed had arisen and that the
eXtraneous attack did exist precisely
as it does exist today in Poland the
President admitted specifically that we
would be untrue if we did not keep our
word
Replying further to a question
which perhaps l ought not to have
considered necessary, the President
pronounced a moral obligation of
course, superior to a legal obligation
and of "a greater binding force
"What, then, becomes Of the argu-
ment that Congress, not the President,
In this instance at any rate, might
keep us out of WARP Technically, of
course, 1t could do so. Morally, with
equal certainty, it could not do so nor
would it ever do so. The American
people would never permit repudia-
ton of debt of honor.
Am l not right, my countrymen,
In saying that We needed only the
outbreak Of war between Poland and
Russia to make us realize at least
one of the things which, In the words
of Secretary Lansing, we would have
been let in for but for the restrain
ing hand Of the senate, and to fetch
home to US the danger of commit
ting our country in advance to causes
that we know not of?
Not Our Purpose.
"One can have no quarrel with those
who have convinced themselves that
our underlying purpose in entering the
great conflict was to create league
of nations. The fact remains, how
ever, that no such intent was officially
acclaimed, no allusion, nor even a sug-
gestion to that effect appeared in the
joint resolution of Congress which de-
clared the existence of a state of war
between this country and Germany.
For myself l left no room for doubt
of the motives which led me to cast
my vote in favor of that resolution.
1t so happened that 1 made the con-
Guiding speech upon the war resOlu-
ton, from my place in the senate, on
the night of April 4, 1917. These were
my own words at that time:
az want it known to the people of
my state and to the nation that 1 am
voting for war tonight for the main
tenance of just American rights, which
Is the first essential to the preserva
ton of the soul of this republic.
81 vote for this joint resolution to
make war, not war thrust upon us,
If could choose the language Of the
resolution, but war declared in re-
Spouse to affronts; war that will
at least put soul into our American
life;-a war not for the cause of the
allies of Europe; war not for France,
beautiful as the sentiment may be in
reviving at least our gratitude to the
French people; not precisely war for
civilization, worthy and inspiring as
that would be; but war that speaks
for the majesty of a people properly
governed, who finally are brought to
the crucial test where they are re-
solved to get together and wage a con-
f1ict for the maintenance of their
rights and the preservation of the
covenant inherited from their fathers.
I'VE have given to the world the
spectacle Of great nation that could
make war without selfish intent. We
unsheathed the sword some eighteen
years ago for the first time In the his
tory of the world, in the name of hui
manity, and we gave proof to the
world at that time of an unselfish ma
ton. Now, whether it is the fate, or
fortune, or travail of destiny, 1t has
come to us to unsheathe the sword
again, not alone for humanity's sake
through that splendid inspiration will
be involved-but to unsheathe the
sword against a great power in the
maintenance of the rights of the re-
public, in the maintenance which will
give to Us new guaranty of nation
ality. That's the great thing and
want it known, Mr.. President and SEN
ators, that this is the impelling thought
with ME for one, when cast my vote
For Same Guaranty Today.
ut is for that same guaranty of ma
tionality that l stand today, and shall
continue to stand inflexibly, SO long
as shall be permitted to live. The
independence of our great republic is
to me a priceless and sacred inheri-
lance. Time was when an American
did not hesitate to proclaim himself
patriot. To do so now, am well
aware, is sometimes to invite the
sneers Of cynicsm. But why should
any true American not be free to say:
I am patriot, wholly evoted to my
country, which l hold to be Gods best
inspiration to man for higher attain
ment and the promotion Of the worlds
best civillzationT
"But / have a special reason for
making this reference today. 1 chal-
lenge the statement that the patriot
ism which holds America first COM
prehends either narrownes or selfish
ness, or as implying taclt suspicion and
jealousy of other peoples.
ITO assert, as some have asserted
heedlessly that those of us who honest
ly believe that America can best