The Connecticut labor press. (New Haven, Conn.) 191?-1921, 1920-01-24
Veteran Head Of American Fed
Grafton of Labor Declares Pro-
posed Sterling Graham Peace
Time Sedition Bill Would Vio-
late Constitution and Rob
American People of Basic Guar
antees of Free Government.
Labor Will Oppose Passage.
By SAMUEL GOMPERS.
PRESIDENT American Federation of

By SAMUEL GOMPERS,
President American Federation of
Labor.
The American Federation of Labor
VIII oppose with whatever power it may
possess the pending Sterling-Graham
Peace Time Sedition Bill. The nro-
posed bill, if enacted, would violate the
constitution and rob the whole Amer
lcan people of their most cherished and
basic guarantee of free government,
Alfred Bettman of Cincinnati. Special
Assistant Attorney General of the
United States, who had charge of sedi-
ton cases during the war, declares this
bill is contrary to the fundamental
principles of American and Ang1o-Sax-
on institutions, and if enacted, will place
upon the American statute books
Prussian and Czaristic Russian institu-
ton"
1t the American people, and in fact
majority of the members of Congress,
were awake to the dangers concealed in
this bill, storm of indignation would
sweep the nation. 1t has been widely
advertised that this measure protects
free speech fully, but prevents advocacy
OF forclble revolution, bolshevism and
an autocratic censorship over the entire
American press. 1t can be used to kill
free Speech and free assembly. 1t
strikes deadly blow at legitimate or
carnations of labor or any other pro-
gressive movement for the befternlent
OF the masses which may be opposed by
the advocates of privilege and reaction.
We yield to no man, in public Office
or out, in our loyalty to the constitu-
ton and institutions of this reonblic: no
self-respecting man has questioned or
dare question that loyalty. We are for
evolution, not revolution; for ballots,
not bullets; for a majority rule, not
class dictatorship of bolshevism, pluto
cTacy or of the pro6teer We oppose
this bill because every legitimate pur-
covered By existing law 3 It's flsegiefzzafe
features, which compose two-thirds of
the draft, are utterly autocrafic, imper-
ia1istic and un-Americans
The supreme danger of this bill 1ies
in its yagueness and m the matter In
which it may be administered; !; and to
bring home these perils to liberty, sub
NIT the following bill of particulars,
which illustrates but In small part what
may actually happen.
Passing over Sections to 4, because
they are covered by the existing Penal
Code, let US refer to Attorney General
Palmer's contention that new laws are
necessary to reach the individual who
advocates opposition to the government
by violence, then what is the meaning
of Section q of Penal Code, which
reads:
WHOEVER INCITES, sets on
foot, assists, or engages in any revo-
IrH&N
authority of the United States, or
the laws thereof, or gives aid or
comfort thereto, shall be imprisoned
not more than 10 years, or fined not
more than $4,000, or both"
If revolution is afoot why has not
the Department of Justice made pro-
secutions under that section?
Section of the bill, unbelievable as
it may seem, may be easily construed to
mean, if indeed it does not make it,
crime, so vague and involved is the ter
minology, to wear in public any button
of an organization whose purpose it is
to secure an amendment to the consti-
tuition of the United States or any ex-
isting Federal law.
Section e perpetuates the censorship
of the Postmaster General over all
newspapers and printed matter. The So
called Borah Amendment, providing
court review of the Postmaster Gem
erals action, is sound in principle but is
inadequate to afford protection as a
practical matter to publisher against
the autocratic action of the Postmaster
General. More amazing still, the pro-
viso sets up censorship over any mans
private correspondence by the Postmast-
er General 1t would be criminal, for
l. e. - JA&& n
vocating resistance to an injunction is
sued by Federal Judge ordering work
ers on strike to go back to work. More
over, this section can be used to pre-
vent the organization of co1ored labor
on the grounds of melting racial preju-
dice, the intended or probable result of
which appeal is to cause rioting, etc"
No doubt advocacy of, or opposition to,
the cause of Irish freedom would In
some sections be prohibited.
Sections 9, 10 and IL contain a grave
threat aimed at labor. Section 9 makes
unlawful every association which seeks
directly or indirectly" to make political
change by injury to private property.
1t is unhappily true that even legiti-
mate strike may result in indirect injury
to the employers private property right
in his business. The recent steel and
coal strikes were DOM TalSely nefdiuSo
as attempts to overthrow our govern
ment. If hostile Federal judge should
decide that any particular strike has
political end in view and the striking
union is affiliated with" the American
Federation of Labor, the A. F. of L.
would be compelled at once to expel the
striking union or itself become unlaw-
full And it would at once become
crime punishable by up to 20 years inn
prisonment or up to $4,000 fine, or
both, for any person anywhere in the
nation to rent hall or business office
to any labor organization affiliated with
the A. f. of L. or to give or loan it
money to send strike relief to starving
women and children.
In general this is bill against opin-
ion and advocacy 1t proposes to set
up not government of law but of men,
because under its vague and sweeping