davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
Because a Man of Sense

Washington expresses curiosity as
to why former President Taft is not
supporting Cox on the league issue.
Mr.. Taft's good humor is celebrated.
Yet his laugh must come a little
slowly over the impudence Of the
query.
Mr.. Taft was an advocate Of gem
eral arbitration treaties, interna-
tional peace organizations and Of a
league to enforce peace when Presi-
dent Wilson was shouting for a
hermitlike isolation and thanking
God for the 5000 miles Of cool
ocean that separated us from Eu-
rope. Many hours Mr.. Taft labored
to open the mind Of Woodrow to
the peace thought. 1t is trying for
a teacher to find himself rebuked
for backwardness by one long at the
foot Of the class.
Why does Mr.. Taft not support
Cox? Because he is a man Of sense.
He knows that the surest way to
prevent entry into any sort Of a
league is to elect Cox; that there is
about as much chance Of an air
plane fight to Jupiter as to get the
Senate to ratify the Wilson covenant
as written. To get two-thirds of
the Senate to swallow the Wilson
plan whole, as Cox demands, is not
in the realm Of possibilities.
Mr.. Taft wants league. He
would have the United States as a
member of it. He is not bothering
about personal credit or partisan
ship. He did not object to Article
X until it appeared that it's pres
ence prevented ratification. When
it was manifest that it was Jonah
as rational person he recognized
the need of sacrificing personal
views and first choices.
AS to the future Mr.. Taft sees
plainly enough that it will be difficult
to get two-thirds Of the Senate for
any part Of the bedeviled Wilson
project. This leads him to recognize
the weight of practical arguments in
favor of making some sort of new
start. Perhaps it is not logical to
nrefer q y,oxy 1ahe1 huf r. is hrs,,an
So Mr.. Taft is not for Cox-per-
ceives that so far as a league is con-
cerned he leads the way to a
slaughterhouse.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
Lockers and Looked At

great deal OF brain power and
debate is being devoted to the indict-
ment drawn by a correspondent Of
the Mayors charging the short skirt
with the slaughter of gaping males
mown down by automobiles upon
our streets. The accuser offered no
moral judgment in the premises and
left the question in doubt as to
whether ne considered the skirt
guilty of wanton homicide or the
gaper guilty of sinful negligence. He
merely asserted the fact.
The answer to the letter, as indeed
to all those critics of the Partisan
mode now belatedly conquering these
shores, is simply to point out the
fact that cynosures are necessarily
short lived, born to die and gone
before you can fairly get your moral
sentiments in type. Perhaps
gaper or two did get run down in
the first hours of the short skirt.
But to-day dozen blocks on Fifth
Avenue are enough to reduce any
pedestrian to the status of the most
blase of Fifth Avenue bus drivers,
as portrayed in the ancient jest to
the effect that ankles were no treat
to such as he. If there are any, in
this respect, unsophisticated souls
still at large in our town they must
be wearing binders.
Thus both the moral and the homi-
cidal aspect of the short skirt will
not bear analysis. Rather, we sug-
gest, is the indictment now to be
shifted to the long skirt-become
the cynosure of all eyes and the
subject of endless speculation. What
is newly revealed can be a nine-day
wonder. What is concealed is an
eternal mystery that deepens into
the source of the liveliest curiosity
when the concealment is exceptiona,
and contrary to the custom of the
day. Therefore, if our philosophers
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

was 1,515,4O0, in 1917 1,384,208 and
in 1920 1,6SS,662. North Carolina
was similarly affected. Her total
was 2,206,2S7 in 1910. 1t fell to
alag, ,266 in 1917 and scared to
2,556,4S6 in 1920. Virginia had
2,O61,612 inhabitants in- 1910, was
credited with only 1851, ,521 in 1917
and had 2,306,981 in 1920.
In contrast with the artificially
decreased draft totals Of these states
many Northern states bore a gross
ly exaggerated burden. New York's
population in 1917 was put by the
War Department at II, ,1S7,79S. Its
real population three years later
was only 1O,384,144 Pennsylvania's
draft figure was 1881, ,6s2, her popu-
lation in 1920 s,720,159. Michigan's
artificial 1917 total was 4,015,053.
Her census return in 1920 was only
3,667,322. Ohio's draft population
was 6,074,771; her real population
three years later was 5,759,388. Con-
necticut was saddled with an enor-
nous draft population Of 1,719,623.
Her census total in 1920 was only
1,380,365. Illinois was credited
with 7,227,952 inhabitants in 1917.
In 1920 she had only 6,485,09s.
These extraordinary sectional
over-drafts and under-drafts viii
ated the purpose Of the universal
service law, which is based on
equality of obligation. The law
couldn't have been administered
any more effectively toward the end
secured if it had contained clause
giving Democrats exemption and
compelling Republican states to
make good the deficits.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
The Truth About Rheims

Perhaps it was to be expected that
in time the Germans would convict
themselves out of their own mouths
concerning the bombardment of the
Rheims Cathedral. Anyway, the
conviction has come in the reminis.
cences of Baron Hausen.
The excuse of General Won Brlow
was that the French were using the
towers of the cathedral for an OBJ
servation post. Even if this had
been. true, the attempt to destroy one
of the great monuments of the Mid
die Ages, shrine Of peculiar sacred
ness to France, would have deserved
condemnation. The warning hordes
of far less civilized time respected
Rheims. But General Won Biilow's
excuse was mere subterfuge.
Baron Hausen was the commander
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12


articles appearing on this page daily.)
Copyright, 1920. New York Tribune Inc.
When Louis Fridiger, counsel fer the
B. r. I. union, was pleading passion
ately with the men not 20 begin the
Brooklyn car strike his argument in
cluded nothing as to the best interests
OF tbs people of Brooklyn-it did not
even discuss the best interests of the
workers-his big arqnment and basic
Plea was that "such a strike will break
up the best union in the country"
Louis Fridiger also made another re-
mark at the same time which is as
typical of the labor leaders attitude of
to-day as "the public be damned" was
typical of the trust baron's attitude a
generation ago, when he warned labor
not to pay any attention to government
officials, because their first duty is to
the public"
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
A Confession

lenged the accuracy of the French
official text of his speech in the
peace conference on May 81, 1919,
now presents not the official Eng
lish text, Of which he admits pos
sessing a copy, but private version
offered by F. A. Carlson, an Ameri-
can stenographer, who was present.
The Carlson text, although more
circumlocutory than the translation
OF the French text, fully supports
Senator Spencer. The only differ
ence between it and the text used
by Senator Spencer is microscopic.
One speaks Of the obligation on the
United States to send her armies
over the sea to protect the Ruman-
ians and the Serbs, while the other
acknowledges that the Rumanians
and Serbs expected American as
sistance and argues that because Of
this expectation the settlement must
be such as the United States would
be willing to guarantee.
BY not challenging the validity Of
the expectation, and referring to it
as a reason why his hearers should
accept his advice, the President, of
course, indorsed it. To say otherwise
would be to accuse him Of an argu-
mentative trick.
The President presented the as
surances of military support to be
given the Rumanian and Serbian
states as emitting the major powers
to ask for a quid pro quo-namely,
the concession by Rumania and
Serbia of racial minority guaran-
ties. That was the whole purpose
of the Presidents argument.
The major powers were enlarg-
ing Rumanian and Serbian terri
tory and obligatihg themselves to
respect and defend the new boun-
daries against external aggression
(the specific pledge to do SO being
contained in Article X of the cove
nant of the league). Why, then,
the President insisted, shouldn't
Rumania and Serbia accept minor
ity guaranty limitations on their
sovereignty as a fair offset to the
military protection which they were
to enjoy?
The Carlson record is thus in
meaning in full accord with the
French official version. 1t shows
that the major powers intended to
guarantee the peace settlements by
military force. This is exactly what
Senator Spencer declared.
The retranslation of the French
official version into English is
phrased little differently from the
Carlson version. But there is no
difference in meaning or intent. In
the Carlson version quite as much
as in the other the President uses
the Rumanian and Serbian expecta-
tion Of the arrival of the Ameri-
can army and navy in order to
clinch his quid pro quo demand
Did he intimate that such an ex-
pectation was unjustifed? He could
not and did not. On May 81, 1919,
he was talking without afterthought,
giving HIS original and natural in
serpretation of the meaning of the
guarantees Of Article X. And this
article, of course, now has exactly
Che meaning it"had when the Presi-
dent expounded it's beauties to the
Rumanians and Serbs, though then
ne said to all small nations that if
they would agree to the peace condi-
tions the big powers insisted on,
then the big powers, including the
United States, would go to war in
their behalf.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

wish to write to the Mayor, let them
inveigh against tho long skirt and
insist upon = municipal ordinance
requiring that all skirts be fixed
number Of inches above tho pave
ment. His Honor is a great believer
in the city's capacity to do almost
anything, and who knows but that
the municipality regulated skirt
might be welcomed to his program?
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

1t back down from the position Il had
publicly taken.
NOW 1T is perfectly obvious, if
the organization of 100000 men and
the collection of $11, 100000 annual
dues can give labor leaders such
power through the control of the coal
industry to use for their own or their
class interests, that just in proportion
as they can organize other great basic
industries they will have just that
much greater power with which 70 fur
ther their own or their mere class in
terests.
While the great majority of skilled
workers, who are always able. to
keep their jobs and get good nav on
their own merits, are generally union
members and firm believers in union.
ism as constructive force in industry.
they have never been believers in the
labor chauvinism of the German or
RUSSIAN type that has been responsible
Tor so many of our own most costly
strikes since the war.
The big body of new and nondescrint
workers, on the other hand, who came
into the unions in such numbers dur
ing the war and who feared that the
end of the war meant the end of their
war jobs and high war pay, became mn
mediate converts to all forms of union
radicalism and gave radical leaders of
all types a weight Of following which
made it possible for them to get con-
troll in the union organizations in many
OF our greatest industries. In others
1T made them powerful enough to force
the less radical leaders to adopt radical
programs to keep their power.
The first big strike after the war
to increase the power of unionism in
big basic industry, in which union
leaders changed their policy Of merel,
trying to keep the high war wages
and for these strategic reasons de-
manded big increase of wages, was
the clothing strike.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
More Po,cer Than President

Neither the President of the United
States nor any officer or group of Of
ficers in our entire government pos
sesses the possibility of such
power to njure all the rest of
the people as is possessed and was ex-
ercised by the coal union leaders. The
basis Of that power is the fact that
with the $11 100000 year dues they
can maintain an organization that dom
mates an industry that is vital to the
whole nation.
In Russia the small minority labor
class to-day completely dominates the
whole government. In Germany the
labor class minority has a dispropor-
tionate voice of the government and
has in certain crises absolutely domi-
mated the policy of the government. In
England the" labor class minority is
frankly and openly working toward the
domination of the majority of the rest
of the people.
Now the means by which labor mi
norities have dominated or sought to
dominate in other countries has not
been through orderly processes of gov
ernment, but through getting control
OF the production of the necessaries Of
life and then threatening to cut off
the necessaries Of the people until they
obtained the individual or class ad-
vantages which they sought.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
Conservative Labor

1t has long been a fundamental
union policy to work for more and
more complete control of our big basic
industries. But while unionism was
under the control of conservative
leaders who had considerable respect
for the power Of public opinion, it's
methods were usually to go slow and
wait for favorable opportunities. 1t
generally let the workers them selves
take the initiative, and if cause for
which they were striking was Just and
was otherwise susceptible, with the
right kind of presentation, of getting
public sympathy, the big amalgamated
or federated unions wocld come in es
the champions of the oppressed worke RS
VINO were not strong enough to fipht
thelr own battles, and in that wav
build up their power in that industry.
But for the radical labor leaders who
now dominate organized labor or are
IN sufficiently powerful positions to
force conservative leaders into radical
policies in order to keep their Jobs this
process IS entirely too slow.
Formerly any group of labor could
not be depended on to go Immediately on
strike because some outsider told them
to strike for some grievance which
they had never thought of themselves
or for union not yet in existence.
But to-day the strike epidemic has be-
come so widespread that great classes
OF labor will stop work on practically
any pretext and on practically any
body's say-so.
Moreover, radical leaders think they
have found out that the public will
stand for almost anything, or at least
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
Dominating the Government

Powerful labor leaders in America
to-day have exactly such a control in
the basic coal industry and exercised
exactly this kind of control in the coal
strike. The government itself ordered
the union leaders to call the strike off
The leaders went through the form of
sending kilograms to the local unions
which "a not and could not bear the
official union seal without which. under
union law, no union document is off,
clal. These kilograms, therefore, were
not meant actually to call off the coal
strike as the government ordered.
They were not understood by the men
as an order to call off the strike. but
merely as a subterfuge, and they did
not call off the coal strike. The gov
ernment said it would not treat with
the union leaders till the men had gone
back to work. But the government
did depose Mr.. Garfield. the fuel ad-
mlnistrator, from power at command
of the union leaders and not only
treated but made agreements with the
union leaders before the men went
back to work. The union leaders did
not get all they tried to get out of the
coal strike, but they did dominate the
government itself sufficiently to make
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
GUARANTY

Sss can ssrehass msrchaasIss advsrslssA In rHa
fHteuNE With absolute safst-fsr II dlssatlssas.
ter rssuts In any ease THE TRlBuNE sy1sAtsss
70 pay ysur msasy hask ussn rsausst. No ~ tApA
Ne su'bbiIns- We make seed prsmptly u the
advHtlss~ dsss net
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
4 StrangIehold

The last steel strike cost the public
nearly $5O0,oOo,oO0 A bigger, better
organized steel strike would probably
cost the public far more than this,
But with, or perhaps without.
strike-it is admittedly merely mat
ter Of strategy whether the public
must bear the cost of steel strike or
not-there is the chance that labor
leaders, can get stranglehold on an
other great basic American industry
through which they can still further
threaten or punish the whole peop'e
as they have through their control OF
the coal industry; there is chanes
that 100000 new members. may DO
brought under their control who would
pay about $4,000 900 a year into treas
uries they control. The public DO
damned!
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

Another grave without victory may
be hoped for by the patrons Of Fair
child Sons, Brooklyn funeral directors,
who advertise 1.-THE .dignihed and
capable manner in which a funeral can
be cared for at our chapel makes it
very desirable"
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
MnnEx OF TIE As.oc1Arxp pnra

HnfBEH OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The Associated Press Ia exclusively entities - tAs
use Ter republication OF ali dispatches cYedits1
II ~ not otherwise credited this paper, and
she the local news OF spontaneous erixin pubiisasd
A. nghts o. repubhcstes Of az ether nsttss
tsrsth alsv reserved.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

0wxse snd vuhihnsd daily b. New Ysrk rrshuas
me- New Yers Corporation. osdxo Reid. prssi-
a@s: O. Vernon Rossr. vice. President: Ms..a
Aee'a" Rad. sscrsta1. R e Aa.asid- Tssas,srs<.
As6ssss. Tribune Building. ls4 Nassau strsss Nsv
Ksk Tslephone Beeknan asss
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

Opening letters containing attempted
additions to "Tho Insomniacs" is cut
ting into our slumber hours, so the
series is ended. 1t is not, as the poet
says, always Millay.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
NOSTALGIA

NOSTALGIA
In France, beside the sunny Loire,
A maiden fair to see.
Looks westward toward the setting sun.
And nightly thinks of me.
| met this maiden once a week.
Beside the rustic we'll
And though we scarcely spoke i word
My secrets she knew we'll.
She used to wash my soldier-clothes.
This laundress, young and thrifty:
And some day III go back, because
l owe her four francs fifty.
H. A. n.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

Who, we wonder, but for CHRISTOPHER
Columbus, would now be the 100 per
cent blooded Americana?
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

"Who," the young man asked US,
"writes that page in The SUM-"
(Which page?" was our question.
"This one here" said the young man.
"That," wo said, paternally, dis only
a column-one-eighth Of a page"
well, you know what I mean," he
fiattcred.
""hat is the use of signing column
day after day, for years? we asked,
"if you don't know who does it7'
"Well," he said, "who does 1T"
"This man." we pointed to Don Mar
quis's name
"Who's he" asked the tennis player.
Hes the man who writes that
column" we said to the registered
voter.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

is not organized or united enough to
make its opinion count
Finally, whereas under the old
strategy Of waiting till the workers
had real grievance and themselves
took the initiative in striking il took
years to completely organize an in
dustry and to build up the power and
the millions of dollars income which
the organization Of great industries
gives, radical labor leaders to-day do
not see why, with labor's willingness
to strike and the public's supineness
they cannot grab off a whole industry
and make millions of dollars in dues
available Immediately at one stroke.
In fact, the idea is so intriguing to
the imagination OF powerful labor
groups that they are to-day compel.
ing with each other for the privilege
OF attempting to organize certain
great industries and are already fight
ing over the prospective spoils.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

Warren or James? Warren or James?
III watch the returns from the worlds
series games.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
The High Cost of Strikes
Chapter XI
Striking for Monopoly Control Of Necessares BY Glass
By Marshall Olds
Chabter XL.

(This is one OF q series of thirteen
articles appearing on this page daily.)
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
The Next Steel Strike

in its secret session at Atlantic City
early in August the executive council
of the American Federation of Labor
mapped out a tremendous campaign
to unlonize the great steel industry
next year. Several interesting facts
have already leaked out. Thirty
unions have been let in on the drive.
The Amalgamated Association of Iron,
Steel and Tin Workers at first refused
to help such a movement unless it
received 81 per cent control Of the
organizing committee which presuma-
bly, meant 81 per cent of the power and
the income if the drive went ever.
whether this particular faction sue
ceeded in getting these demands or
not has not been announced. There
ls, of course, to be a large war fund
used, Of which Secretary Morrison re-
fused to state the size Nor did he
say how it had been subscribed, how
it was to be used or what promises
had been made to those who sub
scribed it. Secretary Morrison, how
ever. most casually and naively, did
say: Il should not say that a strike
is contemplated. I should rather say
that organization is the objective"
In other words, the big steal indus
try. which is almost as important 70
the country as the coal industry, is
next year 10 be, the victim Of tre-
mendous labor agitation, artihcislly
forced from outside. The men who
are forcing this agitation are not
themselves connected with the steel
industry nor have they been elected
or given any authority we know Ct By
the steel workers 70 represent them.
They certainly do not represent the
users of steel or the public in general.
These men in their preliminary an
nouncement, moreover, make no men
tion of any consideration of public
interest. They make no mention OF
what it IS proposed to do for the steel
workers. They seem to be concerned
chiefly with maneuvering and jockey
ing with each other for special pre-
ferred positions.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

0AssssA - the Postofnes ss New Ysf - ssssae
Class Mail Matter.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
The Diary of Our Own Samuel Penvs

October 80 the courts with c.
Merz, and beat him easily, enough, five
setts; but w. Jones beat me two setts
in three; after which could play only
doubles, and S. Spaeth> and I had good
success. Home, and 1 brought some
dinner with me, of roast chicken, and
we had merry time of it, l playing
for my wife and Katharine on my new
concertina.
1o-Met with S. spaeth, and played
lawn tennis with him, and he beat me;
and SO took my wife for a ride, and
to dinner, and early home, and worked
until II; and road in A. Bennctt's
"Our Women" an interesting book, but
as to the soundness of his theories I
know nought.
11-All day at tho otlce, going there
by subway, my wife having driven to
Yonkers in the petrol-waggon, to make
some jelly against the winter
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
The Coming 'ower
rHH CRoAMINo aARn

In Lord Macauays, noble work
chAnccd to read this bit OF uswss
That Warren Hastings wrote q ponss
Each morn before he donned his shoes,
And at the matutinal board
He read It while the tea was poured.
Sometimes 1t was q madrigal,
Sometimes It took the comets form:
The briehsh epic. too, was tried
Whate'cr 1t was It caused storm
OF wild applause to rend tho aif
Surrounding those assembled there.
And II. for cause, he failed to bring
His morning verse--but that was rare
His matutinal board was sad
Gloom hit the bunch assembled there.
In Lord Macaulay's book read
All this good stuff, as / have said
1 rather like old HastinRs's stunt
Twas quite clever thing to do.
Nor could read at breakfast time
Some pome-but, Boss, it's up to you.
And II don't-what gloom, what gloom
Will fill our little breakfast rooml
THEssrns.
Littlo did we dream that We ever
would be crafty politician: but Sat-
urday night wo piled potential Cox
voter with food until he forgot TO
register.
Tho esteemed Cleveland team, ap-
parently, is doing it for tho Wives
and the Kids.
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12
THE YNSOMNIACa

A bunch Of the boys vera whooping It u,
With Edna ST. Vincent Millay
WILLIAM T. THpEN, 2ND
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

We, string along with our old CO,
Lieutenant Colonel Herbert Parsons.
whose motto appears to be ANY one
who scraps the League has got mo
to scrap"
New-York tribune., 1920-10-12

How happy could be with either
Were Edna St. Vincent Millay.