New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-08-20
Senate Aid
Is Welcomed
By Harding
Continued from page one)


law of any state in the Union.
Some of US have been witnesses tc
the work of the Federal Senate during
the last five years, and confess amaze
meht at the ignorance of some who
cry out against the Senate, or the con.
tempt Of others for the Senate's yer,
proper and constitutional part in Fed
eral government. In our own state il
has been the practice, though not
without exception, to send our most
eminent men to the United States Sen
ate. In easy memory there were Sher-
man and Garfield and Thurman anc
Pendleton and Hanna and Foraker
Il am not disp4raging the House OF
congress. Indeed, l could entertain
no such thought.
There has ever been genius and
craftsmanship and high ability and
lofty purpose in the membership OF
that body; but with rare exceptions
like that of Reed and Cannon and Nc
Klnley. and Giddings, the House was
ever the training school for eminent
activities in the Senate.
Il do not hesitate to say that the
Senate saved American nationality in
1919 and 1920, when the Executive pro-
posed to surrender it. The Senate pre-
served our independence Of action when
the Executive insisted that foreign
council should decide our future place
IN the activities of the world and call
us to war and our destiny.
Services Rendered to U. S.
ut has become quite the fashion
among unheeding partisans of Demo
cratic faith to cry out against the Sen
ate and the part it plays in the Federal
government. One might as we'll pro-
claim the Constitution fraud The
Senate is in reality the security of
stable, popular government Many
measures must of necessity originate
in the House of Congress. It's members
come fresh from the people every two
years. Sometimes the measures pro-
posed are the ready reflex of the pop
ular sentiment of the hour
81 participated in a Senate session
that appropriated 100000 900 in twenty
minutes for aircraft, which was turned
over to an incompetent administration
that sent hardly an airplane to the
fighting front. The Senate has never
failed the country in an hour of great
Importance, but it has saved to the
country the inheritance for which
heroes persisted and for which the SUI
preme sacrifices of the Republic were
made
on cartoon, in solemn editorial, in
many utterances on the platform, it
has been suggested that in case of a
Republican victory the incoming Pres
ldent proposes to permit the Senate to
have some say in determining the policy
OF government. l gladly proclaim all
these suggestions to be literally cor
rect.
II rejoice that the United States
senate is functloning again. We need
it to save America. 1t submerged itself
for the period of the war and sur
rendered to the Executive because we
wanted to marshal all Of our force
and resources under one supreme au-
thority; but we are at peace to-day
actual peace, though not formally pro
claimed, and we need the restoration
much as we need the restoration of the
Stable ways of peace.
If Republican administration is
chosen next November you can be very
certain that the Senate, theoretically
il not actually, composed of ninety-sll
leading men OF the Republic, will have
something to say about the foreign c
latlons as the Constitution contom-
plates.
There was exceptional wisdom In
the fathers providing that the Senate
must sanction by two-thirds vote
every foreign covenant. The early
majority control, which might be
wholly partisan, should give to the ex-
ecutive the right to enter into treaties
with foreign nations. A mere majority
might surrender to the personality or
to the partisan aims of an executive
who happened to be in political accord,
but there could be no possibility Of a
nasty decision when two-thirds of the
Senate must give its consent The
league covenant was written and me-
gotlated in the mistaken belief that a
majority could not even amend.
In the two-thirds vote to ratify was
the supreme wisdom of the founders
because in all the previous history of
the world the conflicts between nations
usually had their beginning in the am
bitlon of the ruling head of govern
ment.
still another safeguard was pro-
vided in making it necessary for all
appropriations to originate in the
lower House of Congress- The Senate
and the Executive may make covenant
with foreign nation, and many a
compact of that sort involves financial
expenditure. Thus the fultillment is
finally dependent upon Willingness of
the House TO agree to the necessary
appropriations.
House Backs Contracts
II do not know that there is an in
stance in our history where the House
has refused to appropriate money to
make good a contract between our own
and any foreign government, but lit
orally and constitutionally, the House
has the power to defeat the fulhllment
Of any compact which involves any
expenditure. There has been no fail
ure on the part of the House, because
that body joins the Senate in the abid-
ing policy Of committing this Republic
to fidelity of contract. If we failed
to keep any covenant we should be held
in contempt throughout the world.
This thought may Wen be applied to
the proposal that this Republic can
subscribe TO Article X and enter into
the League of Nations and submit to
the rule of council of foreign powers
on the theory that only Congress can
make the declaration of war 1t is true
that only Congress can make the dec
laration, just as it is true that only
Congress can make an appropriation
OF money to carry ont a covenant with
foreign power but if this nation
agrees to accept the decision of a for
eign council, then we should be guilty
of bad faith utterly unbecoming to
this Republic if Congress did not keep
the compact and provide for the war
fare which the Foreign Council has or
dered
j.. l. =. =