Evening star., 1920-03-22
LABOR PLANK GIVEN
POLITICAL PARTIES
IN INDUSTRIAL PLAN
Presidents Commission Has
Offered System Which
May Gain Support.
ny DAVID LAWRENCE.

Capital--meaning thereby employers
generally-has won 4 victory In prin-
c,ple In the report Just issued by Presi-
dent Wilson's second Industrial commits
sion. The victory Is not one OF class
against class, but recognition OF the
unwisdom Of the policy advocated by
Samuel Gompers at the first industrial
conference, a policy Of unionization OF
industry to the exclusion OF shop or
ganization unless unionized.
This was the rock on which the hrst
conference was wrecked. The decision
of the second commission is supported
not only by William b. Wilson, Secre-
tary of Labor and formerly an offic,ai
in the American Federation OF Labor
but by Herbert Hoover, vice chairmar'
as well as democrats like Martin IL
Glynn, former Governor OF New York;
former Attorney General Gregory, for
mer Gov Henry C.. Stuart or Viz
ginia, and republicans like George w
wickersham. Oscar s. Straus, formerly
Secretary Of Commerce and Labor In
the Roosevelt cabinet; former Gov
Samuel W. Mccall of Massachusetts
Julius Rosenwaid Of Chicago. and indie
pendents like Richard Hooker. editor OF
the Springfield Republican. and others
in unanimous report
BASIS for Pianks.
Leaders Of the two political parties
| who have been wondering what
planks they would write into their
respectiye platforms at San Francisco
and Chicago will be able to take their
stand souarely on the industrial COM
missions report. II is by no means
too friendly to labor and therefore
cannot be logically condemned by the
! reckon on the support OF business
men generally, nor is il likely 10 be
disapproyed by the democrats when
men like william b. Wilson ana
President Wilson support the decision:
In a campaign year. when most
! hard not to offend either capital or
| labor, the Industrial report furnishes
the ideal way out II Is not partisan
in origin or purpose.
Perhaps the most significant para
graph in the whole report. which tells
| thought about the principle which
| wrought SO much havoc with the hrst
Industrial conference, is the follow
ing:
| ence has been that the right relation
ship between employer and employe
| can best be promoted by the delib-
crate organization of that relation
ship. That organization should begin
within the plant itself. Its object
l
est and thus to diminish the area of
conflict and supply by organised CO.
| operation between employers ana en-
ployes the advantages of that human
relationship that existed between
| them when Industries were smaller.
Such organization should provide for
the joint action OF managers and en-
ployes in dealing with their common
interests. It should emphasize the
responsibility of managers to know
%alx
know materials. and the right and
duty of employees to have knowledge
1 of the industry, it's processes ana
policies. Employees need TO under
stand their relation to the joint en-
! deavor so that they may once more
have creative interest in their
work." 81 EFTI-f7 --t ~
| CIesed-s hop Question Unsettled.
| The foregoing, together with the
| details of the plan proposed, not only
permits shop committees and company
unions, but leaves open the question
/ of an open or closed shop to be settled
in each factory OF plant as circum.
Samuel Gompers denounces the whole
thing, for the American Federation
of Labor Is on record in resolution
adopted at its Atlantic City conveh-
ton condemning shop unions and an
other organizations not Inflated with
or a part of the AmeriCA IN Federation
But. while Mr.. Gompers must natur-
ally take such an attitude In order
to hold together the American Fedora
ton OF Labor and to keep his own
hold on it, the truth is that the plan
proposed by the second industrial
conference does not prevent every
shop committee or organization IN
any plant from becoming affiliated
with every other plants organization
and thus maintain an industrial or
crafts organization. All the advan-
tages of union labor are retained,
though the operations and power OF
the walking delegate are to some
extent limited by the inslstence that
the troubles be settled at the bottom
in the individual plant itself, before
outside assistance or counsei Is
brought in. There is a recognition
of the principle that workmen can be
| I represented by persons OF their own
choosing principle which the en-
ployer group was unwilling IN the
| first conference TO recognize.
No Means OF CompuIsion.
| Unfortunately there is nowhere in
the report any moral punishment out
lined or practical means of compelling
employers to recognise the spokes-
men of the men. even though elab-
crate methods of choosing these
spokesmen are indeed provided for
in the secret ballot and impartial
election machinery. There is nothing
I; to prevent another Judge Gary from
saying he will not deal with the
spokesmen of the workmen- There 10
only, of course, the force of public
opinion when once the facts are pub
lished. The difficulty Is partly met
| by the establishment OF regional
boards of inquiry which can of their
own volition call in representatives
| of the workmen and employers. just
as the Senate committee did. but even
the report of a Senate committee had
/ relatively little effect in the steel
strike.
! The hope, of course, is that as the
| plan is worked out the country Will
| get behind 1t, and the regional boards
as well as the national industrial
board will acquire as much prestige
| as tho Federal Reserve Board or per-
haps the Supreme Court itself. There
| is the distinct advantage. incidentally.
| of leaving q good deal to the volun-
tary action of employers and em-
ployes, hut with the new and vital
provision for full publicity and in
yestigation by impartial tribunals.
The consensus of opinion in disin-
terested quarters here is that labor
will have much to gain and very lit
tie to lose by accepting the industrial
plan as q start in the right direction.
II refuses to give the American Fed
eration of Labor a monopoly. There
seems to be no doubt on that point
mt AZ makes every provision to give