davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
Republicans to the Rescue?

The suffrage situation in Tonnes
see is not rosy at the present mo-
ment. Messrs. Harding and Cox are
doing all they can to persuade this
always Democratic and normally
anti-suffrage state to approve the
Nineteenth Amendment. But there
is no Disgusting the fact that grave
opposition exists and that majority
Of the legislators are still to be won.
In this situation Of doubt Repub-
lican hopes naturally turn again to
Connecticut. \ delegation of Con
necticut women are to see Chairman
Hays on Saturday, and there will
doubtless be 4 renewal of effort to
persuade Governor Holcomb to call
his Legislature in special session.
The houses are strongly Republican,
and there seems to be no question
that they are strongly in favor
of the suffrage amendment. The Re-
publican organization and the state
convention have urged the Governor
to issue the call.
The Tribune realizes that Cover
nor Holcomb took his stand upon
the ground that no emergency ex-
listed. The approach of Election Day
and The serious doubts with respect
30 Tennessee alter the situation and
.sortify the reasons for a special ses-
sion in Connecticut. There is an
emergency All too likely the voting
Of Connecticut women, tho voting of
women IN many states, will depend
solely upon the pen Of Governor Hol-
comb
This seems to us a genuine emer-
senss OF extraordinary Importance
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
A Case for Aloofness

The Irish question, complicated by
seven hundred years of misgovern-
lnent, seventy years of diverse ex-
pertinent which on the whole has
been benevolent, and seven years of
Sim it;ilism, is not one on which
any American may properly pass Off
hand Judgment.
But certain things are clear. The
island of Ireland is the abode not Of
one nation but Of two. One is
deeply averse to political connection
with Great Britain. The other is
firmly determined to maintain it..
So far as concerns the principle of
selfdctermination, if Great Britain
disregards it, then so does south Ire
land. Hence, appeals to this princi-
pie do not seem pertinent
Another clear thing is that the
dissatisfied parts of Ireland do not
seriously allege that in a material
way they are victims of tyranny.
Their souls may be affronted, but
their estates are unmenaced. In
many ways they have been favored
at the expense of Great Britain.
ireland IS more prosperous than ever
before. During the war conscription
vas not applied to her. An Irish
tenant can acquire ownership of his
holding moro easily than an English
or Scotch or Welsh tenant. The
island has more than its due popu-
lation weight in a common Parlia-
meMt.
Finally, the present trouble began
not IN the governpent attacking the
people but in the people attacking
the government. Since lamen-
table Easter Day blows have come
from both sides, but the evidence is
shat the outrages committed by Sim
t'"lNcrs far outnumber those COM
mitted against the Sim Feiners. An
attempt is being made to drive out
all persons in sympathy with union
with Great Britain.
Such being the general situation,
1t is scarcely fitting for an outsider
to pass judgment on the issue raised
by the Lloyd George bill to establish
martial law in districts where the
civil courts are unable to administer
justice and in many places are not
allowed to sit. The wisdom of this
measure is assailed, but whether
wise or foolish is not for US to de-
eide. All we know is that no gov
ernment, unless powerless, is will
'ng to consent to the negation of its
authority. 1t may temporize with
sporadic disturbances, but in the
presence of organized and formi
dable opposition it does not argue.
1t acts. So our government has
done, and our right is not superior
to that of other governments.
All Americans may be urged to re-
member that they are Americans
first
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
Buck PASSING

The lull of comparative peace
which has come since the railway
employees accepted their new wages
and the public Injured itself to the
necessity of digging ont of its po,k-
cts another billion and half gives
opportunity for retrospect and re-
view.
Many months before Mr.. McAdoo
ceased as railroad dictator the en-
ployees applied for and were prac-
tically promised a new wage scale.
Living prices were up. Every in
formed person conceded that JUS
tlco required an equalization. About
the same time the railroads sought a
rate increase. What did the Admin
lStration's agent do? He passed the
buck. Nominally turning the rail-
roads back to their old manage
ments, these were to struggle with
the McAdoo heritage.
Then followed further period
of slde-stepping, with couple of
general strikes barely avoided and
"outlaw" strikes almost regular
feature of the daily news. Then the
Cummins-Esch act compelled the
Administration to pass on the wage
question and the related rate ques-
ton. 1t CALLED in theorizing experts,
and they began to burrow among
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06

tons of documents. The issue was
simple and permitted speedy pro-
visional decision, but academic minds
won't hurry and the White House did
not ginger up the leisurcly proceed
ings. There was seeming hope of
avoiding a decision until after the
election.
The employees, not unnaturally,
became more and more exasperated.
Switchmcn found day laborers re-
ceived more than they did. 1t paid
better to be a waiter than a train
man. Living costs meanwhile went
steadily up. Harsh things have been
said Of the brotherhoods, but on the
whole their members have been pa
tent and conservative. Great was
the strain on them and their leaders
as they waited for the experts to
conclude interminable Investigations.
We behold the features of an ola ad-
versary-unpreparedness. In peace
time, as in war time, the Adminis-
tration is prepared neither men
tally nor materially. 1t specialjzcs
IN unpreparedness. This is one of
tie secrets of it's marvellous ineffi-
cheney. Nothing is ever the matter
until the blaze of trouble has burned
out the chimney and consumed half
the roof.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
To the Primaries

The unofficial conventions of both
parties having named complete
tickets, the question of whether or
not the recommendations arc to be
followed goes 20 the primaries. 1t
cannot be too much emphasized that
the conventions, accounts Of whose
proceedings have filled many news
paper columns, make no nominations.
This function is exclusively with the
rank and file Of tho parties, express
ing themselves in the primaries.
Speaking generally, it is highly
desirable to have as many primary
contests as possible. The public, in
stead of discouraging the filing of
petitions, should welcome them. The
primary system is on trial. The
chief criticism is that the voters take
little interest. The best answer is
to have large primary attendance,
and this can be secured only by the
appearance Of rival candidates..
Great is the need of democratic
ing the parties-of vitalizing them.
Now the political instinct in one of
its most important respects is afro
phied. Bossism inevitably comes in.
Hence, instead of seeking to frown
on candidates as irregular and un-
orthodox, they should be fostered.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
PostoHce Disgrace
tor of The Tribune.

To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Here are some reasons why al
investigation of the New York Cit,
postofIice should take place forthwith
A complaint is made and the letter
is politely acknowledged, with the in.
formation that it will be investiga ed
and that's the last Of it,
Here are few illustrations Of the
efficiency Of our postoffice with intra.
city letters, and not isolated cases, but
continuous performances:
Two letters mailed same time te
same address, between 100 and SOC
Broadway; one takes twelve hours ane
the other twenty-four hours.
Misdirected letters Ono return ad
dress on envelope) )-such as 50, in.
stead Of IS Broadway; J. D., 81 Broad
way, instead of J. F. D., 61 Broadway
go to the Dead Letter Office.
Misdirected letters with checks (nc
return address on envelope) go to the
Dead Letter Office, and the sender
gets them back in between a month
and six weeks. If no checks are in.
closed they never come back, except
when there is a claim for excess post
age.
Misdlrected letters, even with re-
turn address on envelope, often pre-
sumably go to The Dead Letter Office
and arc never heard from.
Correctly addressed letters and spe-
cially mailed are often never delivered
and never heard Of again.
There are repeated claims for excess
postage when letters are not under
prepaid. have two such letters
this morning.
/ have been experimenting with mail
ing matter for the last three or four
months, and the condition is dis
grace to the City of New York.
STEWART BROWNE.
New York, Aug. 8, 1920.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
BY
Heywo0d Brouz
ideal, as Miss Carswell tells IN chap

ideal, as Miss Carswell tells IN chap
ter five:
"Will you kiss me--just once! he
pleaded, dropping his head toward her
This again was not the pattern of
Joanna's dreams. Had she been all
wrong about love? Well, If she had
1t was her fault not loves. She must
still believe and follow where love
led. So she turned her obedient face
to Bob, and he bent shyly down to her
io was completely surprised by the
rich surrender Of her lips, she nc
less amazed by the bashfulness of his
=" Is this the first time any one has
kissed you" The question slipped al
most instinctively, jealously from him
"The girls heart leaped in response
to that. Yes she replied, with joy
Gus truthfulness. The very first time
Pm glad he said.
"In the little pause that followed d
Joanna felt that it was her turn. is
it the first time that you have kissed
any one?' she asked, ignoring, as he had
done, the fact that all the virility of
their first intimate touch had been on
her side.
" 1t isn't the same for man. Bob
told her, and smile fickered across
his face.
You mean you haveT Joanna was
intent. And her real unconscious hope
was that he had kissed many women.
"'Only once, and it was not like this
at all. 1t didn't count, really
Joanna was silent for moment. She
tried to feel disappointment that she
was not the first"
But after all it was not the neager
measure of Bob's experience which
condemned him in the eyes of Joanna.
but another factor. His lower lip had
a habit Of trembling. Joanna caught
him at 1t once, and "far down in her
heart came the perception that he
was no use to her." She married Mario.
who was different. "His face was liyid.
insane, and he stumbled over root as
he ran toward her. Never do that
again he commanded in a strangling
fury. But you shall not have the
chance while live, for not again shall
you go out by yourself.'"
Mario kept his word, but he died,
and now with the book half done we
have Joanna on our hands again. We
don't know just what to do with her
Bob was not just right, but neither
was Mario. We hope to be able to re-
port, in day or SO, favorable match
for her We are little bit afraid
that she is womanly woman, but she
seems to be getting over it.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
Who Cares?

To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: We will soon have an election,
and the best man will win-I hope.
But it has become SO that |, for one,
do not care who is elected. The old
enthusiasm and feeling of having the
privilege to vote has passed, and now
it TO longer concerns me. 1t is more
OF question for politicians and capi-
talists, who seek to benefit by 1t finan-
cially only. For if we vote we do so
only for whom they select and for
their interests. So, Cox or Harding
who cares? SAMUEL PEERELL.
Gsooklyn. Aug. 1. 1870
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
The Steel Unions

The Interchurch report on the
steel industry related to questions of
fact. 1t described conditions which
if existent the management of the
Steel Corporation, in justice to
its army Of stockholders and to
the public, to which it owes great
obligations, should correct. 1t will
be great pity if the consideration
Of specific abuses is pushed aside to
plunge into a general debate over the
closed shop and related matters.
There is danger Of this. The nar
tlonal unions, naturally alert to take
advantage of every propaganda op-
portunity, care moro for their recog-
milton than they do about the steel
employees getting the eight-hour
day. Mr.. Gompers has long fought
for the right to represent labor in its
negotiations with the steel company.
On the other hand, Mr.. Gary has
fought just as stoutly for the princi-
pie of negotiating only with direct
employees of his company. 1t must be
said in fairness to the unions that
in the past labor has in a large meas
ure been unable to obtain justice ex-
cept through union strength, and for
Mr.. Gary that his refusal to do busi
ness with Mr.. Gompers is due to his
belief that this is only the front door,
SO to speak. t0 aasnx acanapais sxils
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06

to Connecticut, to the Republican
party, to the nation. The Tribune
urges these facts upon Governor
Holcomb with all the conviction and
force that it possesses, and sincerely
hopes that through Governor Hol-
combs action Republican state will
furnish the thirty-sixth vote to
ratify the grant of suffrage to wom-
en- throughout America.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
The General Public
With Sons Discussions of fhe Truths
of Economies
% the Editor of The Tribune


To the Editor of The Tribune
Sir: Railroad employees constantly
demanding and receiving increase Of
pay; railroad managers recouping
themselves by demanding ani receiv-
ing increase of rates; shippers recoup-
ing themselves by adding increased
cost Of transportation to price of
goods, plus a handsome profit on such
increased costs; and. to complete the
vicious circle, we have Mr.. Gompers
plainly declaring that there viii be re-
sistance by his organization if either
reduction of wages or curtalment
of working forces to conform to the
actual requirements of service be at
tempted. Where, I ask, does the con-
sumner, the general public, come in?
It strikes me that this IS emphatically
case Of "When a feller needs
friend"
Formerly the Interstate Commerce
Commission could be relied upon to
keep rates down, the railroad managers
railroad unions for an increase Of
wages. Both have now apparently
abandoned the ungrateful task Of at
tempting to keep the cost of transpor-
tation within reasonable limits. hay
ing concluded, l suppose, that it is bet
ter-or at any rate, easier-tc yield
than to fight and thus to pass the bur
den along to the general consumer, who
has no friend at court to protect his in
terests. Ultimately, it would seem, our
poor, overburdened general consumer
must reduce his consumption TO the
barest necesaries, and travel by rail be-
come an unattainable luxury 10 all but
the ultra-rich and the favored classes
above mentioned.
And herein seem to discern a dis
tant glimmer Of hope relieving the
general darkness and blackness Of the
situation. All these exaggerated wages
and profits must be paid out Of In
come (unless, indeed, the government
should resume control and all def
clencles therein be supplied by genera
taxation). And where, one may inquire,
is the income to come from (pardon
the unintentional allitera.ion) II the
carriagc-of goods be reduced TO q mini
mum and that Of persons practically
ceases altogether?
VIII not such a reductio ad ab-
surdum of present tendencies compel
readjustment of wages and prices and
restoration OF conditions that VIII
permit the general public 10 partici-
pate in the benefits Of industry. even
to the extent of enjoying an occasional
ride on the railroad? Are the laws
OF political economy, once supposed 10
be immutable, abolished, once for all
or only in a state Of temporary suspen'
sion? ANXIOUS INQUIRER
Milford, Pa, Aug. 3. 1929.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
To Be Continued
From The Philadelphia Euening
LadGerl

lFrorn The Philadelphia Euening Public
LodJerl
A dispatch from Washington states
that coal operators and railroad execu-
tives have plan to facilitate the dis
tribution of coal to the Northwest, New
England and Canadian territory; that
they have submitted it to the Interstate
Commerce Commission; but that details
are withheld until the commission has
time to study it. That's the worst of
these serial stories. They always leave
you in the air at the most thrilling
point.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06

which he quite properly abhors. The
revival of the old debate threatens
to submerge the Intcrchurck report.
In a clear-cut fight to abolish plain
injustice or un-American conditions
labor can count on sympathetic
public opinion, but fight for union
ism only probably has less chance Of
gaining public approval to-day than
for many years. The reason is SIM
pie enough. The public is beginning
to recognize that organized labor's
policy is not only to gain higher
wages for it's members but that
it often encourages and even fights
for lower output of work per man,
and strives to make two men do the
work of one. That means that the
consuming public must pay not only
for wage increases to which the
workman is entitled but that they
must also pay for the increased cost
Of production due to a lower output.
This hurts because it raises the
cost of living, and to-day raising the
cost of living is our most unpopular
national pastime. Raising produc-
ton costs of anything unnecessarily
is blow struck for lower standard
Of living for us all. Unless union
labor recognizes this it weakens it.
self. 1t may succeed in involving all
of us in the consequences Of its folly,
but the end of this unsound policy is
inevitable.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
Article X Once More

In his Wednesday address Senator
Harding devotes attention to Article
X and exposes the hollowncss Of the
defense sought to be made for it.
When critics of the article point
out that it commits the United
States to waging war whenever the
Council of the League of Nations so
directs, whereas the Constitution ex-
clusively lodges the declaring
power with Congress, the reply is
hat every schoolboy knows this
hat, of course, this country cannot
be put into war except with the con-
sent of Congress.
Then, when asked what possible
objection there can be to the Lodge
reservation to Article X, d rezerva-
ton which merely says that the
United States assumes no obligation
to go to war except Congress 50 or
ders, the articles defenders answer
that the assumption of an obligation
to uphold the decisions of the coun-
Gil is able-that otherwise
the covenant would be emasculated
and its essential integrity destroyed.
Attempt is made to reconcile the
contradiction by diferentiating be-
tween legal and moral obliga-
ton. The distinction is artificial
and valueless. If outsiders control
our decisions it is of no consequence
to them or to US whether they ap-
peal to legalities or to moralities-
whether we obey because Of bind
ing legal agreement or because we
have merely promised to obey. In
either event we would be at war and
the determining force would not be
Congress.
Suppose, asks Senator Harding, a
summons from the council should
come to US, and the United States,
pointing to the Constitution rather
than to the covenant, should decline
to respond We would surely be as
sailed as a breaker of our word, as
a violator Of a pledge. Congress
might easily be coerced, for America
is sensitive to charges against her
honor. There would be little real
liberty Of national action The
forms prescribed by the Constitution
would be respected, but the spirit
behind those forms would be de-
stroyed. A super-state organization
would in fact decide for US the
supreme question of war or peace.
This has been clear to the President,
and hence his insistence on the flat
acceptance Of Article X.
Originally Mr. Taft, Mr.. Hoover
DR.. Lowell, of Harvard, and others
of the League to Enforce Peace were
friendly to Article X. But further
examination led them to the conclu-
sion Senator Harding reached-that
a reservation to dissipate what may
be regarded as its deliberate ambi-
guilty was required. They saw the
trickiness of so environing Congress
as to compel it to choose between ac
cepting recommendation made to it
or meeting the charge of pledge
breaking
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06

tF'ron Tie 4oledo DaflV B.aafl
Sugar profteers studied psychology
and made use of it in their yillaiaous
business. They boarded .sugar and
brought about a scarcity, thus putting
the consumer in a mental attitude 70
ouy at any price. Price established
sugar aplenty appeared in the rarks'.
Psychology is slight Improvement cves
the highwayman's gun.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
kropotkin Speaks


The name of Peter Kropotlin has
magic for all those who, whatever
their political and economic creed,
have a sense for human greatness.
AS a fighter for freedom he ranks
with the Dantons and the Mazzinis
his literary fame is established by
his "Memoirs of a Revolutionist," )"
ono of the five or six great auto
biographies; he has earned scientific
distinction as geographer and as
an economist.
But KropotlSin's moral greatness
Qutshines even Nhe radiance shed by
his intellect. This descendant of the
Grand Princes Of Smolensk, this
favorite Of Gar and of grand
dukes, threw away riches, social
position and worldly success; he
chose to endure disgrace, poverty,
prison and exile.
When the revolution came Kropot-
kin returned to Russia. He never
joined the Bolsheviki, though at a
time it was so reported For a
period he remained silent. But now,
after the experiences and matured
reflection of two years, Kropotkin's
voice is raised again; and that voice
lndicts Bolshevism as a laundering
tyranny.
In his message to British labor
Kropotkin differentiates between the
soviet system, which he believes to
be intrinsically good, and the Boil
shevik version of it, which he con-
dcmns unequivocally. He states that
Russia is trying to make a step in
advance Of the point at which the
French Revolution stopped, and pro-
ceeds:
Unfortunately, the attempt to
make that step has been undertaken
in Russia under the strongly CEN
tralized dictatorship of one party.
In my opinion this attempt to build
up Communist republic
undcr the iron rule of the Dictator
ship Of party is ending in failure
The idea Of soviets
is a grand idea. But as long
as country Is governed by the
dictatorship of a party the Labor
and Peasant Councils evidently lose
all their significance. When
it comes to building up quite new
forms of life, especially new forms
Of production and exchange, without
having any examples to initiate
then all powerful centralized govern
ment, which undertakes to supply
every inhabitant with every lamp
and every match to light the lamp
proves absolutely incapable of doing
that through its functionaries, no
matter how countless they may be.
This is what we learn now
in Russia, and this is what you,
worhngmen Of the West, can and
must avoid by all means"
Like Bertrand Russell, Kropotkin
tells the workingmen of the world
what Bolshevism means and how far
away from the promised socialist
paradise Lenine & Co. have landed
the trusting masses. The prejudiced
may wave Mr.. Russell aside, yet
not even Trotzky would dare to
question the revolutionary record of
Kropotkins After these two men
have spoken, the grandiloqucnt mes
sages of the major and minor
prophets of Moscow are but pitiful
attempts to obscure the facts.
New-York tribune., 1920-08-06
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