The Eureka sentinel. [volume] (Eureka, Nev.) 1902-current, 1920-10-30

London. Oct. 25.-Terence Mac
Swiney, lord mayor of Cork. died at
Brixton prison this morning, follow
ing a hunger strike of seventy-three
days.
The lord mayors death occurred at
$40 o'clock this morning. Father
Dominic, his private chaplain and his
brother, John MacSwiney, were with
him at the time. Mac Swiney eve
regained consciousness.
STORY OF STARVATION
The story Of the self-starvation Of
Terence MacSwiney, lord mayor Of
Cork, probably will become one of
the most moving chapters of the cen
turies-long history of the Irish strug-
gle. No other controversy has stirred
Great Britain so deeply since the one
that conferred upon Cecil Rhodes,
when the Jameson raid was baked by
Paul Kruger and the raiders impris-
oned.
The campaign in England for Mac
Swiney's release from prison has been
apart from all political and party con-
siderations and even the king was
drawn into it. The movement in
MacSwiney's behalf was mainly HUI
mantarian and enlisted tender-heart-
ed people of all factions, but was
urged by others with arguments of
party strategy.
"MacSwiney dead and canonized In
the hearts of the Irish people with
| Wolf Tone and the Manchester mar
| tyrs would be a more valuable asset
to the Sim Fien than MacSwiney
alive, and, even though a free pass to
freedom for MacSwiney might weak
en- the governments hand, why help
the separatist cause by giving it a
martyr?" were the arguments put
forward even by British unionists.
Stand by the law and do not create
a precedent which would make the
| will of a convicted rebel the decisive
factor in determining whether he shall
be punished" was the argument of
the standfast faction. A majority of
the British papers, including the Lon
don Times and the liberal press, the
labor unionists and many members of
both parties in parliment, Joined in
the agitation for MacSwiney's release.
TWO CONTROVERSIES ARISE
Two notable controversies, one con-
stitutional and the other theological,
have arisen from the case. The first
was whether King George could prop
erly exercise his pardoning preroga-
tive Independently of or against the
advice of his ministers. The second
was whether the Catholic clergy, rep
resenting a church which holds sui
eide to be a crime, could consistently
administer the sacraments to hunger
strikers. The kings reply, through
the secretary of state for war, to the
petition of members of parliamentw was
generally interpreted to neal that
the kings personal leaning was to-
ward granting a pardon. But, since
Premier Lloyd George and the for
eign minister, A. Bonar Law, were at
the INT time issuing arguments
against clemency for the lord mayor,
it was evident that any action In that
direction by the king would be
against the advice of his ministers.
The newspapers published many
editorials and letters setting forth,
on n hand, that King George should
not be embarrassed by direct appeals
to him, and, on the other hand, that
he should and had the right to exer-
else his nominal constitutional power
of pardoning.
The Weekly Nation, which is one
of the most advanced liberal organs
and not generally rated as a support
er of monarchy. argued that this was
an occasion for the king to vindicate
his constitutional right and protect
the country against the growing au-
tocracy of the cabinet.
There were many other arguments
to the same effect, n historical
writer, combating the theory that the
king always has been a cipher In such
matters, exhumed a new story in the
annals Of British monarchy, telling
how George Nv described by Thack-
cray as the weakest and least admir-
able character in the line of British
kings, used to pace the council cham
Der with tears pleading for thepardon
of criminals and sometimes carry his
point. although once when he wrote
to the viceroy Of Ireland granting
pardon to a murderer he vas COM
PEELED by his cabinet to cancel his
edict.
| SUFFERING NOT JUSTIFIED