The Bridgeport times and evening farmer., 1920-01-31

IS settled and France, so long unue- cided, confused and hesitant, has made a decision. For four years, at least, definitely stable and progress siye policy has been. adopted by the mandate of the people.
 Already the country counts on set tied conditions making possible the vigorous execution of common sense plans and programs for the re-estab- lishment of French industry and com merce. The energies of the country will be turned to practical develop ment of the national resources, the healing of war wounds, and the as sured return to normal life on a peace basis.
 The One Great Issue.
 e As election day approached, a single issue defined itself, more and more clearly and insistently: the issue of Order vs. Bolshevism. The verdict of the ballots is acclaimed as decisive against 'Bolshevism." To my mind it may, more accurately be termed a victory for French Nationalism. Re- membering the perpetual predom1n- ance in Nthe French spirit of love for France, strengthened by the historf- cal traditions of more than thous- and years, the triumph of the ticket
 
 foregone conclusion.
 It is testimony to Clemenceau's po- litical shrewdness that he seized upon the tactical errors of the Socialists to rally into a solid bloc the various non-Socialist and ha1f-Socia1ist par ties and factions on a. simple Re- publican-NationaP' platform.
 The Socialists subordinated nation al to international questions in their platform (the demand for non-1n- tervention in Russia; the recognition of the Soviet Republic, and adherence to the attitude of the Berne interna- tionale). Clemenceau emphasized Tn the public mind the national so- lidarity that won the war, and in that solidarity he identified the Nation with the Republic.
 Clemenceau further cleared the air and revived a patriotism of wartime intensity by swift series of dra- matic strokes on the very eve of the election. These were the execution of Pierre Lenoir; the arraignment of Caillaux, a former premier, before the High Court of the Senate and his imprisonment without bail; forcing the withdrawal of his candidacy; the dismissal from his cabinet of M. Le- brun for allowing his name to appear on the same list with that Of M. Marin who voted against the Versail- les Treaty: the arrest of Paul Meu- nier for treason in the midst of his electoral campaign, and the court naartialing and sentencing to death in his absence of 8 Socialist candi- date, Captain Jacques Sadoul, who, deserting the French Mission in Rus sia two years ago, joined forces with Jenine.
 These episodes lent cumulative point and force to Clemenceau' s Strasbourg speech, which was an eff fective appeal to French nationalism and a sharp and compelling drawing -> of the antithesis of that nationalisn to Bolsheyism.
 Big Business in the Saddle.
 The election Is a victory for Clem- enceau personally. What is more, II is a victory for the moderate and battle-ground elements more or less sincerely sustaining the present Re public, with all it's faults, against both the extremes of Right and Left. It is a victory for national unity, as against the divisive and dis turbing influences of the radical rev. olutionaries, on the one hand, and Royalists and Clericals on the other
 The Socialists call it "a triumph fo1 the reactionaries" It is true thai Clemenceau differentiated between hi: attitude toward the Revolutionary So- cialists and that toward the Royalists For the former, he had only smash ing bludgeon blows; with the latter he fenced cleverly, dealing them def napier thrusts. Always identified witt Secularists, he is accused of coquet ting with the Clericals. He at leas let it be understood that he favored a softening of old asperities to tn extent of resuming diplomatic reta tions with the Vatican.
 The new Chamber of Deputies may mean a government of "bour geoisie" standpatters; it certainly will not be a government of reaction aries. The big business interests ma7 be in the saddle; but they are pledg ed to conserve not only Republican institutions against monarchism ant clericaIism, continuing the separation of the Church and State and the free dom of public education from eccles iastical control, but also to protec those institutions against the dan gers of imperialism and militarism as well as Bolshevisin.
 The Chambers pre-eminent con cern will be the long neglected indus trial and commercial rehapllltat1on 0 the Republic.
 The opinion seems to be gainin: ground that the bogies of a renewa of German aggression and of Bol shevist menace, having served thei Q ends politically, will be relegated t the rear, and that the gospel of worl and production, which Clemencea- and the Iieutenants, inspired by hin --Millerand, Klotz and Tardieu-ar preaching, will happily absorb the at tention of the government and tn country.
 CIemenceau's Future.
 There is a report Circulated by Iii enemies) that Clemenceau intends t declare war against the Russian Sc viet Republic and to mass the mill tary forces of France in Q singl powerful blow that will crush th Bo1shevist menace to civilization an incidentally enable France to donin ate the Denillin Government and ob tain, through the exploitation of Rus sia's rich natural resources, the ir demnity for her war costs which can not be extracted from eXhauste Germany. Such war might win tn support of Russian bondholders, ( I2oIoIis+ rea cfiOnarieS fayoripo a re