Evening journal., 1920-11-06
Chapter XII
BY MARSHALL OLDS

Mahon, president Of street car work |
ers' union. VINO lives in Detroit. in /
order TO try to stop the B r.. 7. |
strike. PROBABLY not per cent. Of
the 100000 citizens Of Brooklyn, n. I
y ever heard Of Mr., Mahon, who |
lives in Detroit. They certainly never |
eleo,ed him, or directly or Indirectly |
took any action that would give him
any right TO represent them, or speak
for them, or have any power over
them Yet Mr.. MahOn, who lives IN
Detroit, Mich, gave arbitrary instruc-
tions over the telephone that 22OOO,-
coo cit zens Of Brooklyn, N. Y, must
continue TO be denied one Of the most
important necessities OF their business
and social life.
VIII some labor leaders please point
out where there is one shred OF Amer
icanism, as Lincoln expressed ii and
as our fOrefalhers died for IL in Mr..
MahOn's action, or the fact that he
had the power to enforce such actlon2
A generation ago, our forefahers
were forced TO unite TO protect the
public interest against a special group
OF industrial rObber baruns who had
arisen through our rapid economic de-
Velopment and who tried to put their
special group interests above the com
mon interest through control OF our
economic necessities.
In the first year OF this century the
Supreme Court, in a number OF de-
cisiOns reslated as basic American
law that The rights of all the people
were superior TO the rights of any
group Of people in our economic life,
Just as well as In our political NE.
The supreme Court declared in the
meat trust case (i69 u. ;. 315) that
Though the several acts charged may
be lawful. the whole plan Ito restrain
trade, decrease supply and so raise
prices TO the peOple) may make the
parts unlawful" D." And again in the
tobacco case, The Supreme Court de-
clared there Is no possibility Of frus-
tratlng public policy lagain referring
TO attempts TO stop free manufactur-
ing and trad ng, decrease supply and
raise prices) by resOrting TO any dis
gulse or subterfuge OF form"
Yet within twenty years OF our hard
fought and sweeping victory for the
common interests of the whole people
against the special interests OF our
modern robber barOns, our modern
camorras, organized doubtless for
necessary self-prOtectiOn, are today
making a more ruthless unscrupu-
lous. dangerous use OF their new pow
er to promote their own special In
lcresls. thus stopping our economic
production, than any trust magnate
ever dreamed Of.
Every strike whose whole aim h TO
means a direct and total los sof all The
production with which it has to do.
Every strike whose whole aim Is 10
force a cruelty needed readjuslment OF
wages or working conditions and Is
therefore totally justified from The
point Of view OF the rights and inter
ests of the strikers, because from is
very nature. it necessltates total
and irredeemable loss OF production
puts these interests and rights in di-
rect competition with public rights
and interests. II strikes were 100 per
rent. Of this kind and all deserved
universal public sympathy, they
would nevertheless be such a direct
infringement Of the fundamental
American principle that the public IN
ierest Is always paramount that for
| the workers sake, as well as for the
/ puhlic's sake, some other method than
a strike ought TO be devised to get
| Justice.
But when, as at present, the great
majority OF strikes are obviously and
often blalantly mere weapons in the
/ hands Of powerful, self-seeking or
gsnzalions. or OF factions In organ
| izaiions that are used not only with
a wanton sregard Of. public interest
| hut often IN a calculated and ruthless
attack upon public Interest, in order
/ to force public interest TO yield 10
group chauvinlsm, the strike today
| becomes the most powerful and sin
lister challenge 10 Americanlsm thai
/ the American people have ever beer
| called 10 face
Big, conspicuous strike leaders them.
selves have had a great deal to say
recently about Americanism. TIL y
have talked loudly and frequently o.
the inherent right of any free Amer
lean citizen 10 work or not 10 worl
at his own volltiOn. They have de
cried loudly as industrial slavery thl
very idea that any man should 20 Z
work or stop work at the mere vol
ton Of some other man.
Yet 1000 b. r. r. workers re
versed the vote OF 2OO0 men not 4
strike and by that vote and by threat
and intimidation made 1900 men sto
working AGAINST their vOlitiOn. A
through early September, the street
Of Brooklyn witnessed frequent riot
during which over 900 perspns wer
injured because these strikers trio
physically TO prevent men who wan
b ed TO work ron, WOrklnR. IN UT
! steel strike. number OF men Wei
b. killed. scores were manned and thol
- cands intimdated by the strikers
- order 10 prevent men who wanted
S work from working. II is the con
S monest knowledge that there are fe
a strikes called in which a large pr
r port on-often a large maiority--of N
K strikers are not forced to quit wOl
. I against Their Will There is seldom
=. strike called in which police prOte
o ton is not required for those men WI
- are brave enough not TO stop wOl
:, merely at the strikers Volition.
n Up 10 a certain point, under ord
/, nary circumstances, any American N
G questlonably has the right TO work
not TO work at his own pleasure.
4 is equally true that under normal co
/. dltions, a man has right TO sell al
II property that is his at any price
G can get for it, But when any mi
n conspires with other men TO fix
% regulate values so they can get an n
n fairly hleh price, that puts the ca
% in an entirely different category, al