The New York herald. [volume] (New York, N.Y.) 1920-1924, 1920-11-07

events since 1919, distllusioned he is by
certain developments. the Englishman still
believes (the proof Is unmistakabe in the
British press and in the words of British
public men) that the present American phase
is transient, that in few weeks or months
the matter will be cleared up by some muta-
ton of domestic politics and the United
States will return to world affairs and Eng
lishmen and Americans will resume a
friendly relation such as existed at Paris.
and, thus united. will impose their views
upon the rest Of the world.
So far as I can find it, British opinion
that u.s. the fraction favoring Anglo-Amer-
lean association, and such opinion FREEDOM
mates very largely--is traceable to the con-
viction that in the international field the
United States and Great Britain in partner
ship can and should exercise controlling
influence, that this influence should be ex-
erted to restrain the aspirations Of other
nations, to assist Germany to regain material
but not military strength. to restrain France
and italy and all other continental States
whose ambitions menace an Anglo Saxon
conception Of world stability and world pros
perity.
AS to the terms of Anglo-A American part
nership. as to the conditions OF American
participation in world affairs, the English
man and the Frenchman are equally willing
to have us draw up our own reservations.
It is the fact of our participation which
counts. And both the Englishman and the
Frenchman are convinced that once We are
in the very Justice of their respective posi-
tons will compel action on our part favor
able to them. If this did not happen at
Paris, In the case of President Wilson, that
is chargeable to the President nay more,
partly explains the opposition which de-
veloped to him in his own country.
Our First European Adventure Has Made
Us Unexoected Enemies.
But on this anniversary, which serves to
recall the fact that our first European ad-
venture has led to very bitter resentment
in almost all Of the countries where we had
only friends at the moment of the armistice,
1t is essential to recognize that while Europe
desires us to return. there is not single
European nation which, as yet has any
clear comprehension Of the American emo
ton about European entanglements. Under
lying all else In Europe. so far as the CONT
nent is concerned is the idea that in some
way America is to guarantee the settlement
reached as a consequence Of the world strug-
gle. 1t is openly set forth in the Anglo
French-American treaty-it is at the least
significantly indicated in President Wilson's
celebrated speech Of May 81, 1919
And, In the same fashion American par
ticipation means for the English a restora-
ton Of an Anglo-Saxon control Of world af-
fairs. an Anglo-SaxonS regulation of the
world. But the differences which separate
the continental nations from Great Britain
are so great. so fundamental, that If we
stand with the British we shall find our
selves permanently separated from the
French and the Italians. while IL we stand
with the French. we did recently for
moment over the Bolshevist question, we
shall come into violent collision with the
British.
The real truth is that the differences be-
tween the French, the Italians and the Brit
ish are so numerous. their interests conflict
at so many points. their policies are so ut
terly divergent, that nothing but the COM
mon danger of destruction at German hands
could avail to bring them into close alliance
and, once that danger had been exercised
the disappearance of all real community of