Evening star., 1920-03-28
BY FRANK II. sIMONDS.

TIME failure of the treaty of
Versailles on it's second ap-
pearance before the Senate un-
mistakably closes for time
at least the official phase of the de-
bate upon the decisions Of the con-
ference Of Paris. Now the paramount
question for the mass of American
people is: What is our duty. what
ought the United States to do at this
world crisis?
Like every other American, ! have
been wrestling with the problem of
American duty. Many OF my readers
| will recall that in the period when
the United States was still neutral in
the world war 1 wrote and argued in
favor of American participation as a
manifest duty. Personal visits to the
regions smitten by German devasta-
tions. various visits to Europe in war
and in the CHASTITY mockery of peace
winch now prevails. have impressed
upon me the greatness of the agony
! which still persists in Europe and
the compelling need for American as
sistance. In the actual presence of
these European conditions all per-
sonal as well as partisan sentiments
must disappear. The suffering is too
l e eau the ullSSTy tOO Tedis 10 pcTIfill
any other circumstance to count than
that Of duty.
That it would be safer or more
profitable for the United States to
stand aside from all European con-
ficts. granted that this were true,
does not seem to me a sufficient war
rant for adopting such a policy. 1t is
mot a question of what is more profit
able, comfortable. satisfying for
Americans. but simply a question of
what America can do.
The fears that American SOW
ereignty will be invaded. American
liberties threatened. American poll
lcieS and interests compromised seem
to me unfounded. When one has seen
at first hand the impression left in
of millions of American soldiers and
by the revelation Of the material re-
sources of the American people. this
department of apprehensions seems
wholly negligible.
Obviously there are three well de-
fined courses open. Since the wal
touched our national resources little
by comparison with the strain placed
upon those OF Europe, because our
Iposition saves us from any personal
Interests in any European rivalries,
tbecause of the reputation for physical
power won by our soldiers on the
battlefield. because of the moral pres
Itige earned by our relief workers
land in Europe the work OF Hoover
Icertainly measured up to that OF Per-
Ishing. the United States is able to
lspeak with no little authority. and its
topinions, in part at least. can be en-
forced upon Europe because Of the
financial, moral and military strength
behind them.
Three Courses for America.
Thus, with influence and with ef-
feet, we may choose for ourselves the
role of arbiter of the whole settle
ment of world peace, or We may
elect to become the supporters of one
of the several plans for world re-
habilitation proposed by other nations
by the British or the French, for ex-
ample The only other course open 70
us is to refrain from either OF the
FOREGOING policies, and aside from
certain incidental interventions or
behalf of peoples or principles. where
the need is obvious or our natlona
interest compelling, pursue a poiicS
(which has been described as "splendit
isolation" when in favor and as "Dru
tai egoism' when unpopular.
Now, examining each of these three
possibilities in detail, what is the
merit and weakness of each? To take
the first role: We may with propri'
ety. since our participation has peer
asked by Europe, condition our en-
trance into the world arrangements
land rearrangements-tha is, the use
of our great and well nlgh inoispen'
sable financial resources-upon tne
agreement of European nations &c
adopt certain principles and apply
these principles, in accordance VIII
! our views of the necessary OASIS OF
real world settlement
| But to adopt this course wouio al
most inevitably mean that we snouIo
in fact have to use our financial re-
sources as a club 0y which to com,
mel certain nations to sacrihce no,
merely those acquisitions made as q
result of the war. which might IairIs
he described as profits. but also those
other acquisitions which represent TOT
them matters of security and proper
reparation. a..
Recoenizing the total failure OF the
i6rst method, as disclosed at Paris. We
may pass to the second.
I Here the question is simpler. Ameri-
"a NAV place itself beside a single ma
ttion. let us say Great Britain, and ac.
Gaming British claims, enlist tht
British in our campaign TO reduce .hs
lcIaims of all other nations TO such
Idegree that Germany may "
| sheyism avoided in central Europe.
| p.rt,.I I.olation Recommended.
Thinking over these circumstances
tduring many months. I have been lee
Ito the conclusion that isolation with
lin certain limits is the only possible
policy for my country. moreover,
lam convinced that while the European
nations continue to ask for American
participation they are led by tota
lmisapprehension of what that partici-
Ipation actually means.
Reluctantly, very reluctantly, I have
Ireached the conclusion that the United
Estates cannot accept the responsible
tity for world adjustment. that our
country cannot safely for itself or
lprofitably for the world put its mo-
lmentary authority in the pathway of
what other great nations regard as
conditions essential to their exist
Ience. to their security. We cannot
safely use our temporary financial
strength to club the less fortunate
which we must guarantee with all