Omaha daily bee., 1920-01-28
BY RAY STANNARD BAKER.
Article X,

new national labor party, born at ;
convention at Chicago last Novem
Der.
1t is important to inquire, if we ar,
70 understand the present situation
lust what this movement represents
who compose it, and how much il
means. We know what a ttemend
Gus power the labor party is becoal
ing in the politics of Great Britain
doas this new movement presagc Z
similar development in America?
| attended the convention at Chi
eago, as ! also attended the eonven-
ton Of the British labor party IN
London, June, 1918, at which the
widely heralded report upon recon
struction-really the declaration OF
the new general policy Of labor III he
British lsles-was adopted.
Several features Of the nyentl II
at Chicago are worthy of note. In
the first place, the fact that it was
held at Chicago is significant. LABOR
is more closely organized, more self
conscious, more advanced in its
views, in Chicago than in any other
American city. It was the, first large
city to have local labor party; N
the last campaign (191o) it polled
$4,000 votes for John Fitzpatrick for
mayor while the socialist candidate
pclled $4,000 votes. This, then, was
the friendkest atmosphere for such a
convention that could be found in the
country.
Run From Floor.
It was an unexpectedly spontane-
Gus convention. II was run from
the Aoor and not from the rostruln.
It was not cut and dried. think-the
number of delegates who came
tthere were about 900 from IS
states) rather surprised the. pro-
moters of the enterprise. A great
many false reports were dissent
mated about it, that the convention
split hopelessly on several issues,
one of them prohibition, and that the
delegates from the Farmers Non
partisan league, with Governor Fra
zier at their head, had withdrawn.
As matter OF fact, it was an un-
usually harmonious convention
which did the work it set out to do,
and Governor Frazier did not with
draw because he was never there,
and the Nonprtisan league fraternal
delegates remained to the end. The
new party was organized and IS pre-
pairing to place candidates in non1i-
nation not only for national Offices
at the election next fall, but also to
enter as many local and state cam
paigns as possible.
Split on Political Action.
Two warning attitudes toward po-
llticai action have long existed in the
ranks of organized labor in Amer
ica.N One of them is represented by
the conservative wing Of the A. F.
of E., headed by Gompers. Gonipers
has always fought independent po.
litical action or distinct labor
party. He has been for the policy
of working Just as the corporations
have always worked, as the Anti
Saloon league and the Woman Suf-
frage association have worked with
i'll the old parties, or by lobbying in
congress or legislatures, or by sup
porting this or that candidate upon
a declaration of his views concern
ing certain demands of labor. He
has never even been as advanced in
his method as the Farmers Non
partisan league of the, northwest,
which accepts the old two party
system, but tries to seize control of
one of them from within-as it has
succeeded in doing in North Da-
kota.
Gompers's policy for years was at
tackled by the radical wing OF the
A. F. Of l., led chiefly by the social
lists, and once or twice he was near
" unseated. The war smashed the
Did socialist party, but by no means
altered the views Of the left wing OF
labor regarding political action. And
the convention at Chicago was in
reality the independent expression
of these radicals. Some Of its chief
leaders, like Max Hayes and Dun
can Mcdonald, president Of the llli-
nois coal miners, were formerly
members of the socialist party. Its
chief leader, John Fitzpatrick, rep
resents the. Chicago crowd" which,
while maintaining their position
within the A F. of L., are more or
less openly in-~revolt against Com
pers and many of his policies. The
Chicago convention was counten-
anced by Gompers in no way, nor
did anyAnational union send official
delegates; the convention was
rank-and- file movement made up OF
delegates from local or central or
ganizations in IS states.
Fitzpatrick Typihed Convention
The spirit Of the convention was
rather we'll typified by the person
atty Of its principal leader, John
Fitzpatrick. Fitzpatrick was born
in Ireland, is horse-shoer by trade,
worked as youth in the packing
houses at Chicago. He is Catholic
and a total abstainer. He has been
for years active in the labor-move-
ment, and president of the Chicago
Federation of Labor. He is a
powerful built man, smokes a pipe
continually, is whirlWind orator,
and much trusted by his following.
He is an excellent organizer; but
he represents a type of labor leader
that in passing the hereby oratori-
cal, denunciatory, heavy-fighting
type, which came up doing great
service in the hurly-burly of the
early days of labor organization. He
knows well the strategy of strikes,
but has done no real constructive or
political thinking; has no states
manlike plan.
His argument for new labor par
ty is based upon the conviction
which is shared by very large and
growing proportion of organized