Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1920-08-28

patches it together in pettifogging
fashion. and bases some very large
and wild guesSeS upon it. Perhaps
republican managers would not be
dissatisfied to know that he is right
but they know that he is merely
Specializing. and seeking TO divert at
tention from the real issues by max
ing a great noise about something
that is fictitious. Mr.. Cox does not
himself know anything about what
the republican campaign fund will
amount to.
Probe Roth Funds.
From the Philadelphia Ledger.
Gov. Cox proved his sagacity when
he preferred trial by public meeting
to trial before a judicial committee
empowered to take evidence on oath
called secret documents"-docum
SO secret that they fall freely into the
hands Of the opposing candidate and
which Mr.. Hays says were sent to the
press-sound much more horrifying
when read in resonant tone to a
calmly examined by a bipartisan sem
atorial committee who want to know
with callous insistence just what pre-
cisely they prove. The ardent young
man, for instance. who wrote Boys,
boys. get the money" in this official
jazz" collector trying to put some
speed into his soliciting staff-a very
useful young man. we should imagine,
in a book-agenting firm. But his
urgent appeal will prove" nothing
save zeal before a court of inquiry,
though it confessedly goes great"
when reeled off from the stump.
X
The supreme sanative for campaign
fund evils is publicity. The public
should know who subScribes them and
how they are spent. The Kenyon
committee cannot drive it's javelin too
deep. 1t should welcome all the in
formation ard evidence that Gov. Cox,
Mr.. Hays, Mr.. Upham or any one else
can submit. Where men protesting to
have evidence are reluctant to submit
it. they should be subpoenaed. sworn.
questioned and cross-examined. No
one is too sacred to be compelled to
nothing but the truth when so tran
scendant a public interest as the
purity of a presidential election is at
stake.
Nothing But Charges.
From the Philadelphia Inquirer.
AS we had anticipated. the charges
which Gov. Cox has been making
against the republican management
are charges only-charges conceived
in dreamland and with nothing more
substantial than dreams back of them.
He has been telling the public that
an effort was making to purchase the
presidency and control the country
and that sinister interests were in
hours before he was to prove his
claims at public meeting in Pitts
burgh he stuck to his declarations.
Here is what he boasted that he
would do:
Il will produce evidence that con-
victs every mothers son of them
evidence OF deliberate plot that has
been carried into every county of
America to buy the presidency of the
United States" And when he tried
to make good. what did he do?
Quoted from republican bulletins CIV
ing the quotas of money to be raised.
not in spots. not by sinister in
terests. but by republicans through
out the United States.
The republican plan of campaign
from a financial standpoint is this:
No heavy contributions from any one
The maximum to be $1,000. An ap-
portionment among the various states
strength. Every republican every
where to be asked to chip in" The
idea is a popular subscription.
-. r. SaICSman0nlps
From the Philadelphia Record.
One of the most remarkable features
of Gov. Cox's damning indictment is
the strictly commercial tone that
characterizes all the utterances of the
republicans engaged in raising these
millions There is no question of
high principles. but. as Mr.. Cox says.
1.-The philosophy running through all
the literature is emphasized by the
is the language of barter and sale
As Treasurer Upham himself puts it
Our job from now until Senator
Harding's election involves just few
of the simplest principles of sales
manship"
associates on the republican national
committee propose to sell to the thou
sands of wealthy persons asked TO
contribute to the G. o. P. campaign