New-York tribune., 1920-03-09

political schemes which have just been
slid into the background.
The men's directors are opposed to
having the public take a share in wage
fixing, because they think they can
get more out Of the roads II they deal
with them single handed. They
realize TINT under the new law it will
advances--through 9 rate boost Of 8
per cent on every 100000 wage in
crease--and they believe the public
will be against them. This attitude
has dated from 1919, when they failed
to get all they thought they should in
the arbitration Of The engineers de-
mands on the Eastern roads. Up 10
that time they invited public judg-
ment. Now they believe they can get
public sympathy better by some other
way than presenting a case for arbi-
tration.
Rail Experts More Efficient
In fact, tho railway labor leaders
have not yet learned how to prepare
such a case skillfully. They are un
trained in such matters, and have
been worsted in several encounters
with the highly efficient railway ex-.
pcrts. They are more confident of
their ability to win by the old process
of bluff and dicker, against single
opponent, than they are of establish
ing their claims before tribunal.
Finally, they no longer like to sd
nit that the public is party in in
terest in labor matters.
There has been some talk that the
labor leaders would carry their opposi-
tion to the transportation act t. the
courts, to make good their arguments
against it. There has also been talk
OF refusing to abide by the decisions
Of the Labor Board, which that act
provides. This talk has ended. The
opposition to the actS was in hopes
OF prolonging the period of govern
ment control, and no legal action now
possible would restore that control.
Refusal to accept the Labor Boards
in wages. and it is this to which the
leaders will now devote their atten-
ton.
If, however, labor should get
pledges from any large number of tho
Representatives to be elected next fall,
the managers will be ready to 60 be-
fore Congress with a program which
would practically give them control of
the roads. Whether they would be
supported by the general opinion Of
the unions-except the radicals--is
QCuDtlul, OuI tne unions aic oo well
disciplined that they will follow
orders, regardless of individual be-
liefs. The program will center in the
Plumb plan, or some modification.
The hope that labor as a whole will
make more under such a plan than at
present really rests on two things. The
first is the belief that through political
action it will be possible to put an in
creasing burden on the public, to the
railroad mans profit. The second, and
it is on this that the arguments Of in
creased efficiency are based, is the
knowledge that many workers to-day
lief that under labor management they
could be brought up to full output.
Of course, this does not affect train
and engine men, but they are only 10
per cent Of the total employees.
There is another hope which is not
shared by all the leaders, but only by
those Of the less well-paid men. They
believe that when the unions are in
control the highly paid men will be out
voted, and the difference between their
pay and that of the lower-grade men
can be cut down. This, of course, is a
step toward radicalism, toward the zone
big union" plan of equality of pay for
all workers, and finds particular favor
among the unions of unskilled and Sec
ton hands. But it is not emphasized
in propaganda among members of the
aristocratic brotherhoods.
There are at least three matters short
of government ownership or control
which will be urged upon Congress
next fall if labor has renewed it's
strength at the Capitol. First is the
amendment of the transportation act
to do away with the public representa-
ton on the Labor Board. The others
have as their object the increasing of
the number Of men employed on the
roads, q "short train" act and full
crew" law.