Atlanta tri-weekly journal. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1920-19??, 1920-12-23
Mr.. Coolidge u, the Cabinet

n N r. HARDING'S invitation to Mr..
IN Coolidge formally to participate in
the councils of the Cabinet seems
sound and sensible thing, at first blush.
AS the second officer of the Republic, it
would seem that the Vice President should
sit at the right hand of the President as
| his chief adviser. Certainly MT. Coolidge
| is qualified by ability and experience, as
well or better than the usual run of Cabi-
net officers, to join in the executive coun-
ellis.
But as Vice President, Mr.. Coolidge will
be, constitionally speaking, only the pre-
siding officer of the Senate. AS an ex-
officio member of the Presidents cabinet,
his presence at the bi-weekly meetings of
the Cabinet might, and probably would,
arouse jealousies in both the Senate and
House than would more than neutralize
any advantage resulting from his presence
at the White House.
If the presiding officer Of the Senate is
to be taken into the Presidents official
family, why not also call in the presiding
officer Of the House? Why discriminate in
favor of the Senate? Such questions GER
tainly are pertinent. The House, as a
of the Senate, and individual members of
the lower body feel themselves entitled to
quite as much consideration at the hands
of the President as Senators.
Then there are the elder statesmen
in the Senate-the leaders of the oligarchy
to be considered. The leaders Of the
Majority and Minority parties are supposed
to enjoy the confidence Of the President
over and above the rank and file of the
Senate membership and the Vice President.
Would it not irritate them to have Mr..
Harding call to the White House as a
member of his Cabinet and q confidential
adviser the Vice President, who has no
vote or voice in shaping legislation? Might
not his rulings and decisions as presiding
officer of the Upper House be subject to
criticism and question because of his al
legged intimacy with the President? Might
not the arrangement proposed by Mr.. Hard
ing, in all good faith we feel sure, jeopardize
the freedom Of the thought and action of
the legislative and executive branches of
the government?
Mr.. Harding's invitation was extended
in the fulfillment of a campaign commit
ment, and Mr.. Coolidge's general accept
ance, as we understand, is in the nature
of accepting the invitation as command
He has emphasized his desire to be helpful
in any way he can to the success of the
Harding administration.
If Mr.. Harding's invitation and Mr..
Coolidge's acceptance are going to occasion
jealousies and misunderstanding and SUBJ
ject the President to the suspicion of seek
ing unduly to influence the presiding Off
Ger of the Senate, it would be wise for the
Vice President-elect to reconsider his ac-
ceptance of the President-elect's invitation
and follow the example Of another Vice
President who hailed from Massachusetts,.
John Adams, the first Vice President,
eager for the success of the Republic, al
ways responded to the requests of General
Washington for advice and opinions. Some
times he went in person to see the Pres-
dent; at other times he communicated with
him in writing, but never did he sit as
member of the Cabinet. Mr.. Coolidge, fol-
lowing this example, might act as a coun-
sellor to the Administration, and such an
arrangement would give the House no
cause for jealousy, nor would it subject
sensitive Senators to irritation.