New-York tribune., 1920-06-13


tors against it.
Nittis policy toward radicalism
was "half a dozen of one and half
a dozen of the other" He was too
reactionary for the radicals, too lib
eral for the other wing. His mid
die course, his attempts to govern
by moderation, made him no friends
among the Catholics, or, in fact, the
Socialists. The Clericals, who were
frequently the Representatives Of
the business interests, believed he
was pursuing policy of drift and
that they would awaken one morn
ing to find the country in state of
revolution. Nitti contended that if
he always resorted to force the in
evitable result would be just what
the Catholics feared. He urged
moderation as the best guaranty of
ultimate economic and political sta
bility
Nitti's recall to leadership of the
country after his Parliamentary de-
feat makes him stronger than be-
fore the crisis, but, until new cleo
ton is held, the Italian government
must necessarily be a makeshift. 1t
must also be coalition government
containing Catholic representation;
otherwise the Catholics can always
gather enough votes from other
groups to form dominating oppo-
sitlon. Nitti wanted to be known
as "the indispensable" What will
happen at the next election no one
can foretell, but it is safe to expect
that the Socialists will have a hard
fight to hold their present represent
alton in Parliament. On the other
hand, the Socialist leaders believe
that they will not only hold their
present seats but make new and con-
siderable gains, basing their prophe-
cies on the unrest in the country.
Asked a Republic
Among the many demands of the
Socialists is that Italy become re-
public, but it is only a detail in a
long program. Even the Socialists
are rather cool about the republic
idea. l was informed that King
Victor Emmanuel mad been asked to
become President Of a republic, and
that he had stated he would prefer
to retire to private life. This
report came from person who
should be well informed, but l give
it for what it is worth, as | was un-
able to verify it in any other quar-
ter.
The old school of Italian states
men is passing. A strong radical
party is growing up, but it is neither
ready nor able to assume leadership
at present. Nitti is steering mid
die course; he is the Lloyd George
and the Senator Johnson of Italy.
Italy's Ambitions
Italy is tremendously ambitious.
Italy has something of the spirit
of child who says, {" want this, l
want that. I wish / had a million
dollars. Please give it to me right
away" In many ways it is vaIua-
BILE characteristic, though there are
times when it is calculated to be an
noying.
Signor Nitti played with Premier
Lloyd George, and some Englishmen
will say that there were times when
he played too fast for even the agile
Welshman. Nitti was obsessed with
the idea that Italy's economic devel-
opment must be rapid, calculating.
perhaps, that unless it were the
country would become q third-rate
power
When Rome was founded on the
seven hills the military genius who
started out to conquer the world de-
cided to extend the empire an equal
distance in all directions. Nitti had
something of the same thought in
mind. 1taly's original demands at
the peace conference were presented
not in the expectation of having
them realized completely, but with
the hope that a bargain could be
made which would put the country
solidly on its economic feet.
Nitti came on the scene at a time
when Italy's stock was low. There
was one thing in his favor, namely,
difference in policy between Brit
ain and France. At every opportu-
nifty he played one against the other,
to the ultimate advantage of his own
country. That he should be more
often on the side of England was
doubly fortunate for him, first, be-
cause England could give Italy more
help. and second, because France is
viewed with suspicion and envy. and
national hatred has long existed.