Imperial Valley press., 1920-12-22

satisfy his wants. But today the
Mexican day laborer, who a year ago
probably was receiving two pesos
lone dollar) daily, is demanding four
or five pesos. The increases asked
are greater, of course, as the skill of
the particular job is enhanced.
In the past three months strikes
have been almost perpetual. They
have occurred in every part of the
country from the Texas border to
the state of Yucatan. They have in
cluded the coal miners in the state Of
Coahuila, the textile workers in the
state of Puebla and the vicinity of
Mexico City, the railway shopmen,
employees Of the oil companies at
Tampico, the stevedores at Vera Cruz
and scores of other occupations.
! Strikes frequently have been averted,
as in the case of the tramway en-
ployes of Mexico City, by the employ
ers acceding to the demands rather
than suspend operation.
Through all of these movements a
group of radical agitators has work
ed increasingly to promote the unrest
and profit by it in the interest Of
Bolshevism-though very few MeXi-
can laborers know any more about
Bolshevism than they do about the
Einstein theory. Many Of these radi-
cal leaders are foreigners - Ameri-
cans, Russians or Spaniards-who at
tempt to direct the movement, pub
lish red literature and call meetings
which discuss the grievances Of the
Mexican worker and the principles Of
communism in the same breath.
, Communistic magazines are publish
ed and there have been formed the
"Communistic Federation Of the Mex
lean Proletariat," which represents
the extreme left of Mexican labor.
Thus a situation has been created
similar to that which our own Sam
uel Gompers experienced namely,
struggle for the upper hand between
the conservative and radical labor ell
ements. Thus far the Mexican Fed
Grafton of Labor, which is designed
to maintain parallel lines with the
American Federation of Labor, and
of which the Communistic Federation
is an offshoot, has retained the ma
jority.
The Communist element, at a meet
ing which the writer attended, at
tempted recently to call a general
strike in Mexico City. There were
ample "vvas" for Trotzky and Le-
nine, but the strength Of the reds
was not sufficient to swing the
strike.
Obregon has two principle rene
dies for the present critical situation
He believes, first, that one Of the diff
Tf a. -
| labor law, and one Of his first act.
| as president will be to introduce Z
bill before congress setting forth tht
| privileges and duties" Of both capita
and labor. Secondly, he believes thai
the industrial development Of Mexico
| which he predicts will be tremendou
now that peace is established, vii
create such a demand for labor tina
the situation will automatically adj
| just itself. The latter belief is goot
| logic, but Obregon may, or may not
| realize that the launching Of this in
| dustrial boom depends, largely, upor
| Mexico settling the outstanding issue
] with foreign governments, especialll
| the United States, an dobtaining thu
| recognition Of the United States TO
| the new Mexican administration.
| MeXico's industries and resource.
| cannot be developed without foreign
| capital. And foreign capital is no
| likely to enter Mexico in any apprcci
| able sums until foreign government
| recognize Mexico's stability, or il
| some way define their attitude towarC
| the new MeXcan regime.
| More than 5000 immigrants ar
| passing through New York's Eli
| Island station daily. For the fisca
| year l920-2l more than 100000 vii
| have passed through the station