davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
Once More Above the Law

The President on June S signed
the merchant marine act, passed by
both branches Of Congress without
partisan division. That act, among
other provisions, directed the Presi-
dent to serve notice within ninety
days from its enactment upon rsa-
tons with which we have treaty
agreements restricting our right to
impose discretionary duties and ton
mage dues. The notice was to an
nounce our purpose to terminate so
much Of the treaties as bars us from
discriminating in favor of our own
shipping.
Ninety days and nearly a score
more have elapsed, and now the
President announces that he will not
serve the notice; that he will ignore
the will of Congress. He has
ignored his own pledge, given in
signing the act.
The treaties involved are clearly
terminable. They contain pro-
visions specifying the length of the
period of notice required before ter
mination becomes effective. They
are subject to change. They were
changed to give effect to the terms
of the seamen's act Of 1915. And
the change in that case was effected
by notice given by President Wilson
through the, Secretary Of State. A
precisely similar proceeding Is all
that is necessary in the present case.
Preferential treatment for Ameri-
can shipping is the backbone Of the
merchant marine act. Built, manned
ana operated at higher cost than
the vessels Of other nations, and re-
ceiving no more for the freight they
carry, our ships must be protected
from the competition of cheap alien
tonnage seeking the bulk of our car
rying trade. That protection can
be given with the removal Of the re-
strictive treaty provisions.
Opposition to the enforcement OF
the terms Of the merchant marine
act seems to come from two sources
from our foreign competitors,
whose attitude is understandable,
and from the Democratic Admin
istration, which, seemingly. is Of one
mind with the alien critics Of the
bill. The Shipping Board stands
for the application Of tho act, but it
seems to stand alone among govern
iaasnt agencies.
The language Of the merchant ma
rine act Is clear. The duty Of the
Executive ia plain. The President
10 not above the law.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
Let Them Build Their Own

TO the Editor Of The Tribune.
Sir: It is reasonable to assume thss
among the thousands who are suffer
ing from the housing shortage are
such people as concrete workers.
structural steel workers, bricklayers'
carpenters, masops, cabinet Makers
plumbers, Yoofess and the like. ~
construction contractors declare thsa
tho main reason for the distressing
standstill Of building is the enormous
wages demanded by these workers, way
would 1t not be good idea for them
to combine and build dwellings ZOE
themselves, thus relieving the sltus'
ton by just that many homes'
The dealers In building materials
whose estcrtions are included in ths
indictment, could bs taken int tue
combination and, BY. logical sequences
the workers neeeaaary to produce sae
material. .sad there you srs. since
they would al be paying themselves
they could make all prices and wssss
just as high ~ they pleased aas
evaeseady weala be happy.
y. @. Y. DENsL0 V
u s. -
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
Calvin Coolidge Says

(From his address to the Rorbury
Historical Society, Bunker Hill
Day, June IL, 1879
Reverence is the measure not of
others but of ourselves. This assem-
blage on the 14ad anniversary Of the
Battle Of Bunker Hill tells not only Of
the spirit of that day but Of the spirit
Of to-day. What men worship that will
they become. The heroes and holidays
Of people which fascinate their soul
reveal what they hold are the realities
Of life and mark out a line beyond
which they will not retreat, but at
which they will stand to overcome or
die. They who reverence Bunker Hill
will fight there. Your true patriot sees
home and hearthstone in the welfare Of
his country.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

cannot be run for tho hyper-sensi'
tive, the neurotic. But the noises Of
to-day seem to have passed this
point. Judging by the complaints OF
our readers, New York Is to-day q
spot where the normal human is con-
tinually Jared by sounds, to the
detriment Of his mental poise and
health.
Every one has a pet adherence in
the noise line that seems to 60 to the
heart Of his being, whereas other
noises roll off his soul unnoticed.
For one person it is an old-fashioned
truck gathering over cobblestones, for
another the pneumatic riveter, for
another the squawking motor horn.
New York is full Of all Of them, and
it is hard to see how any can be
eliminated. Our correspondent who
advocates sleigh bells for automo-
biles to replace horns is looking
forward to a far ampler Utopia than
this crowded town can ever be again.
The automobiles sudden warning is
necessary for the sake Of the pedes-
trian quite as much as for the
driver.
But if our town cannot be made
sleepy and empty Of noise, 1t might
at least be made less raucous than
at present. Effort by the authori-
ties would surely result in noise re-
duction. Voluntary effort by organi-
cations might do even more. Auto
mobile manufacturers and clubs
could maintain an active campaign
against noise. The muller cut-out
has gone. A new standard Of effec.
tiveness in mutfiers could be estab-
lished. The most raucous horns could
be tempered. A scientific effort to
achieve a signal capable of grada-
tions and distinctly agreeable in it's
normal, minimum warning could be
begun. Most Of all, drivers could be
urged to use their warning signals
spsringly. Unnecessary footing is
the worst offender among auto
noises.
The noise problem in our tightly
packed city has become a grave
one, deserving Of active interest by
every one and carefu1sconsideration
by public officials and private Or
CARNATIONS alike.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
Falling Prices

About the latest reports OF q fall
in prices is a definiteness which in
dicates that at last the peak has
been reached and that for some time
the price movement will be down.
ward. For five years sellers have
had their way. To grow rich all that
was needed was for q merchant or
manufacturer to stock up and wait
for the market to reach a level
agreeable to him. Sellers having
had good time so long, it is only
fair that buyers should now have a
little opportunity to enjoy life.
But in many ways it is easier to
go up than to go down. The new
condition will contain as many ele-
1nents Of generalization as the old.
1t is not improbable there will be
an increase Of industrial disturb
ance. Labor, both organized and
unorganized, will fight to preserve
its new wage scales. It will regard
lack Of continuity Of employment as
less of an evil than to work for less
per day or hour. Men Of business
may expect to be harassed by new
difficulties.
A sufficient demonstration having
been given that good will and mu-
tual forbearance are the only way to
soften the bumps and shocks that
come from doing business with a
dollar Of fluctuating value, it is to
be hoped that the journey down will
be marked by greater harmony than
marked the journey up. You can
contribute to the general welfare by
avoiding too hasty angry judgments
based on beliefs that you are espe-
cially victim.
How far will the decline go?
Probably about half way to the pre-
waf price levels. This was what fol-
lowed the Napoleonic wars and
what happened in this country aftc-
the Civil War. We shall not have
the 5o-cent dollar nor the 1O0-cent
dollar, but probably 75-cent
dollar.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
New Chiefs in Franco

The election Of new President
and the choice of a new Premier re-
fleet sterilization of political con-
ditions in France. Mllerand, after
brilliant service at the head Of
the Cabinet, has been chosen Presi-
dent almost without opposition. He
stood for q policy in foreign rela-
tions which consolidated the parties
in the Chamber and had the strong
est support from the public. Most
Frenchmen view the postwar Euro
pean problem from the same angle.
Unity OF attitude has been achieved
under the pressure of national neces-
sisy-the necessity of preserving for
France the full guarantees of the
peace treaty.
Before the war French parties d.
vided acrimoniously on many do
mestic Issues. There were numer-
GUS groups in the Chamber, and all
OF them emphasized their antago-
nisms rather than their agreements.
An American or Englishman, accus-
toned to the two-party system, was
often puzzled by the great variety
OF factions in Paris, distinguished
from one another by names which
carried little real significance. There
were Radicals, Radical.Socialists,
Unified Socialists, Independent So.
elalists and Progressists-all be-
longing to the dominant Left. There
were, besides, Conservatives, Repub.
iicans OF the Left and Nationalist.
The war compelled coalition-the
so-cailed Union-Sacree. 1t also en-
forced the lessons Of patriotic soil.
.darity and nationalism. The new
Chamber--elected in 19l9-was, in
fact, predominantly national in feel.
ing. The voters nearly eliminated
the old Caillaux-M alvy group Of
troubIemakers and defeatists and
turned full control Of the govern
ment over to the moderate, patriotic
groups.
Milierand represents the new RI.
gtfns. which 10 striving to build up
Fs9nce and TO liquidate war bur.
dena. This new Premier, Georges
Leygues, 10 leader in the Republi-
can group a moderate and an intel
lectual. He has sat in the Chamber
since 1885 and has been o member
OF SIX or more Cabinets. Most of
his Cabinet service has been in the
Department Of Public instruction.
He N an authority on educational
matters and prolific writer on edu-
cation and other public questions.
he 10 more moderate In his political
afslIisjans than Milierand, since the
J latter wss priglnasly o Socialist and
was 70 gss aesaa.ist 10 accent o
ssaase "a ,ssss,
sBSS ,,aasaA
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
our own affairs, we must concede
an equivalent right to others.

our own affairs, we must concede
an equivalent right to others.
Senator Harding thus comph-
ments American citizens Of Irish
birth or descent who would have
Great Britain and ireland separate
nations. He assumes that as Ameri-
cans they would not ernbroil this
country in war with the British
Empire. He also assumes that they
have little respect for those who
would fitch political success by ia
sincere and hypocritical prediction
appeals. But whether he pleases or
displeases, Sepatoe Harding pro-
poses to speak the truth snd not
compete with Governor Cox in
rivalry Of buncombe.
American sympathizers with Irish
independence, as persons Of intelli-
gence, know what chance there is
Of this country trying to coerce
Great Britain into adopting the De
Valera program. They are not de-
ceived by Governor Cox--and not
taken in when he puts his hand on
his heart and shouts that it's every
throb beats for Ireland. Let him
think up new trick.
The business Of fooling the Irish
has long been a political industry in
this country. Men have reached
high Office by engaging in it. But
the game is played out. 1t has be-
come disgusting. IL you don't in
tend really to do something for
Ireland" exclaimed former Irish
man at recent Cox meeting, "pray
have respect enough for her woes to
keep silent about her."
A few professionals will doubtless
endeavor to make capital out Of Sen
ator Harding's honesty, but the
great mass Of the so-called Irish
vote will esteem him the more for
not pretending.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

therefore, stands for continuation
of the war tendency toward unified
national action. All factions must
drop their old artificial anYmosities
and get together in order to tide
France over the peace crisis. Unity
is as much needed in solving internal
economic problems as it is in gather
ing the fruits Of the victory over
Germany. France saved herself by
enormous sacrifices from her most
dangerous external enemy. But it
will take her many years Of patient
effort to consolidate her moral and
military success.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

of Fiume or open the way for Jugo-
Slav troops in Dalmatia.
Now, the worst of all this otherwise
normal diplomatic bargain is the fact
that from the Paris conference onward
there was no reason why any one
should misunderstood Italian policy.
Italy knew what she wanted; she
found that she covld not get it i'm
mediately, because both Great Britain
| and France were under American in
f1uence. What Italy wanted was what
Orlando demanded at Paris, namely
Fiume, and Orlando wanted Fiums
mostly because not to get it was to
restore Giolitti to power. Thus Gio-
lltti made Italian policy when he was
out of power, and gave it similar
direction when he came back.
All Of this is fair diplomacy and
better politics, but it is long way
from the Liberalism which. journals
like The New Republic profess and
geek to promote. A politician like
Giolitti is not liberal or reaction-
airy; he is politician, trained to take
advantage Of any principle or any
policy, but necessarily too experienced
to permit himself to be the victim Of
the principle or lose any practical
benefit by any too long devotion to any
principle. Sometimes 1t may be use
full to have the support Of a profess
sional politician for reform cause.
Usually 1t is possible when the poll
tician is trying to get back into power.
But always it is dangerous to rely
upon the politician, and little hazard
Gus to gee in the politicians cham
pionship of a moral issue transfor-
nation from boss to an apostle.
Came Played Out
Giolitti has got Fiumc for Italy
without paying for it in Dalmatia. He
has imposed upon his political oppo-
nents policy which drove them TO ac-
cept the cue Of the British Liberals
and belabor the French. In his own
good time he came back to power, and
at Aix-les-Bains the French have seen
the light. Giolitti will continue to adj
vocate peace with Russia because his
domestic situation leaves him no
choice, but it Is utterly unlikely that
we shall hear from him any new de-
mand for revision OF the Treaty OF
Versailles. Italy never objected to
French policy on the Rhire; what she
protested and fought against was
French effort to establish american,
not italian, will in the Adriatic by
supporting Wilson against Orlando.
This little game has been played outs
but certain awkward explanations may
presently be due from the "liberals"
when ,Giolitti proceeds to take his" In
northern Dalmatia.
Copyright. 1890. Mcclure Newspaper sys%
dicate)
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
Dividing the Dollar

An old established firm in New
York, the Rogers Peet Company,
which manufactures mems clothing
and WHOLESALERS and retails its prod
uct, is sending to it's customers q de-
tailed statement which, it Is said,
"shows precisely how much we got
out Of the six months actual bust
ness ended March /, 1920" This is
done because, ratterly, in the eyes of
many, all merchants are under sus-
picion of making extortionate profits.
The figures show what has be-
come Of each dollar that customers
have paid for clothing. Here is the
statement, chased on six months
actual experience:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
AS Dead as Slaueru"
The Dubious Meaning of Governor
Cox's Remark ON Prohibition

To the Editor Of The Tribune.
Sir: Governor Cox's pronouncement
that the issue of prohibition is as dead
as slavery suggests a rather unhappy
comparison. The issues growing out
Of the Civil War clearly dsprove the
wisdom Of relying upon the fnality of
constitutional amendments. 1t required
constant vigilance and exertion on
the part of the government to make
the Thirteenth Amendment effective
long after its adoption. The enact
ment of the black laws, with a clear
ntendment Of negativing this amend
ment, furnishes motive for the recon-
struction program. The leading aim
Of the craftsmanship of that period
was to make this amendment effective.
Assurance that the mere passage of
the constitutional amendments will
settle vexatious issueo is plainly con-
tradicted by our national experience.
An issue like slavery or prohibition,
involving vast property interests as
we'll as human appetites and passion,
can never be settled by governmental
fiat unless persiatently followed up by
the moral and political energy of those
in charge of the government. Politi-
cal and moral questions cannot be
treated like a mathematical problem
whose sure solution follows the appli-
catien of fixed laws and principles,
with utter disregard of the feelings or
predictions Of the manipulation. No
great public issue ever has been or ia
likely to be settled efFectually unless
1t evokes q friendly attitude and
hearty Endorsement of the administra-
ton charged with its enforcement.
The issue of prohibition will never be
satisfactorily settled by an admins
tration which, with moral indifference
to its merit. relies upon the passivity
of legal enforcement.
Governor Cox also declares that if
elected President he will enforce all
the laws. This declaration Ia indeed
measuring. Should he be successful in
t9e coming election ha is thereby
bound to the absolute enforcement of
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amend
ments. These are as much a part of
the Constitution Of the United States
and the fundamental laws Of the land
as the Eighteenth Amendment, which
evoked this universal committal on
his part. Mr.. Cox, if successful, will
be bound by his own declaration not
only to enforce the Eighteenth Amend
ment against the opposition of his
party friends and advocates in Illinois,
Ohio, New York and New Jersey, but
also to enforce the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth amendments against the
avowed opposition Of his influential
political supporters in the South.
1t must, Of course, be taken for
granted that Governor Cox's attitude
on the Nineteenth Amendment is the
same as that on the Eighteenth. The
same insistence upon the adequacy of
the enforcement of the amendment to
assure prohibition will. Of course, an.
ply TO the Nineteenth, guaranteeing
political equality to women. Ii the
Governor ready to assure US that the
question Of woman suffrage, inolud-
ing the negro women in the South. Ia
assured beyond the possibility Of an
nulment by the last amendment to the
Federal Constitution
KELLY MILLER.
Howard Univefsity, Washington,
III. C., Sega sas gsailu5.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

as the "reformer" in internations
politics condemned to the same mis-
fortunes and the same misapprehen.
sions as his fellow amender in the
field Of domestic politics? The cues.
ton must naturally come to many lips,
as it is perceived that Iiberals" for
whom The New Republic is a spokes.
man in this country and The Manches.
ter Guardian an organ in Great Brit.
ain, are acclaiming the Italian Premier
Glo!ittl as q convert to their own
gospel, which has as its cardinal doc.
trines the recognition of Red Russia
and the forgiveness in the pecuniary
as we'll as The other senses Of the
impenitent German.
This praise must amuse when it does
not cmbarrass the craftiest of Italian
statesmen, who is one of the ablest of
all machine politicians on this planet
Charles +. Murphy, Of New York, and
Thomas Taggart, of Indiana, have been
equally gladdcned and troubled by the
plaudits of "reformers" in their time
notably when they gave their enthusi-
astic support to Mr.. Wilson, following
but not preceding hic nomination.
The Transparent Truth
The truth about Giolitti is too trans.
parent however, to permit even the
liberals" however deceived them
selves, to mislead their fellow man
In 1915 Giolitti guessed wrong about
the wishes Of his Italian fellow coun-
trymen, and his mistake nearly cost
him his life and did cost him his DO.
htical power for the time being. lie
worked to prevent Italy from entering
the war. His reasons may have been
patriotic or personal, influenced by far
seeing glimpsea Of the perils the strug-
gle had for Italy or dominated by
German considerations. He may have
used German aid in Italy to prevent
his country from entering a war which
he believed would be disastrous TO IT,
or he may have been a German agent
as some of his enemies outside of Italv
even more than within, openly charged.
To-day this circumstance is not i'm.
portans. What counts is that, like
Caillaux in France, Giolitti guessed
wrong and paid the price always ex-
acted Of politicians for 1..:stakes of
Judgment in important public ques-
lions. There was nothing left for Clio
lltti but to 60 home and wait, but,
being very experienced politician, he
could conclude that, although he was
an old man, he could expect to have his
revenge.
The FiW9sae Failure
IA soon as Italy entered the struggle
and 1t began to be .undeniable that tho
wax would be long, not short, and
ltaly's expense at least in proportion
TO any possible reward, GiolittiPs stock
began to rise. Ale might have kept
us out Of war;" said the Italian public
paraphrasing famous campaign cry
The longer the wsr the wiser Giolitti
began to appear. whstever had haeu
his reasons for advising against Ital-
ian participation.
When Italy made her bargain with
her French and British allies at Lon
dom her atateamen, tho suecsasors Of
Giolitti, failed 60 obtain o promise OF
Fiume. This was second blunder
To DO sure, Giolittt was willing In thu
spring Of 1915 to have italy stay neu-
trial without Trieste, but that was IN.
Gent history by 1915, seausno end
Orlando we're sempsllAa 90 .ayaswss
aWeata Oua. MSe- ssS Aall Xhsx saSl il xeau
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
The Noise Problem

Tbs number Of our correspondents
who write In ssgio1s complaint Of
iaetse h prceR that sendstgons ara bs.
sSag aagsaasahas sy sasy asskv
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

vos saa purchase msroaaadIss asvsr!ised 10 7Hg
sisa resaits In any case TIE TRiSuMG 0uarsntsse
70 say yeue money back upsn request. Nc ROD taps.
Ne auisht!na. We mako Good premBtly u the
edSerflaaH daHa not,
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
MxAxsrn or TTn AaaocYArxn pHrss

The Associated Press - exclusively entitled the
for republication OF all news dispatches c3edts6
TO II not otherwise credited IN this pansr. and
heeein.
All rishts OF republication Of all ether matter
heFeln also are reserved.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

irresponsible humorists" is how
Mr.. Frederick J. Haskin characterizes
Haywood Broun, II. Il Mencken, Abe
Martin and Ring W. Lardner. Nom
sense! Add George AIDE and Bert Les
ton Taylor to the list, and you have the
nations half dozen most responsible
humorists.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

1--WE have had prohibition amend.
ment for almost q year." said Cons
missioner Bird s. Coler, sand it Is
being generally ignored, due to tho
failure of officials to enforce it's pro.
visions" We have had the aBth Amend
ment for atty years and
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

seuthera papera plsasls. sepx.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

What Says EX-Pyt. Zebulon Zzisko?
Sir: I wish to enter protest about
this here cash bonus for soldiers. If
there isn't enough money to go around
why can't they pay us off alphabetically,
like they did in the army?
A. AARONS,
Ex-Corporal. A. E. F.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

Matertal-Cost. less cash discount so 1851
Labor--Wagea for making and
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

You can't accuse Governor Cox's
Dayton News of supprcssing anything.
Last Wednesday it printed picture Of
Terence MacSwiney, who "is dead in
London as the result of his long, self
imposed fast"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25

In Pittsburgh, we learn from the
worshiped Globe, the Fair Price Com
mittee's threat has forced reduction in
food prices of from rs to 100 per cent.
Looks like a return to the free lunch.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1920-09-25
GUARANTY

&sseEed % the Postofnco ut New Yosk al q
Class Mall Mates.