The New York herald. [volume] (New York, N.Y.) 1920-1924, 1920-10-24

back to these measures-such as the
Franco-B Belgian convention and that OF
the Little Entente"--it is doubtful II
they will again discard them. no mat
ter what appeal the league may make
in the future.
The Austrian PIebfscite.
Austria's decision to hold a plebiscite
reveals another phase of the present
treaty situation. 1t Is doubtful II Aus
tria would ever have had the temerlty
to act thus. in apparent defiance Of
one of the treaty's plainest provisions,
If they and the Germans had not seen
the weakening of the treaty machinery
and had not shared In the widespread
conviction that many of the treaty set
Elements were unjust.
Paragraph LXXXVIII. of the Austrian
treaty declared that Austrian indepen-
dehce Is 'inalienable, otherwise than
with the consent Of the Council of the
League" and adds that consequently
Austria undertakes, In the absence of
the consent of said Council, to abstain
from any act which might directly or
Indirectly. or by any means whatever.
compromise her independence particu-
larly and generally until her admission
to membership In the League OF Ma
lions by participation In the affairs of
any other Power"
Article xxx. of the Versailles treaty
requires Germany to acknowledge and
respect strictly Austria's independence
and she agrees that Austria's indepen-
dence shall be inallenable except with
the consent Of the Council of the
League. A plebiscite in Austria by au-
thority of the Austrian national Legis-
lature is held by nearly everyone here
to be an act (which might directly or
Indirectly, or by any means whatever
compromise her Independence" Plainly
the authority for this should have been
demanded either romvhhe Council of
Ambassadors or the Council of the
League.
German Propaganda.
In the same sense, German propa-
ganda In Austria, particularly in the
Tyrol. whose fruits are seen in the
plebiscite decision, is regarded here as
a violation by Germany of Article
Xxx. Of the Versailles treaty, as 1t is
clearly directed against Austrias future
Independent status.
Not only Germany and Austria but
;arge part Of the sentiment in Europe
still regards the prohibition Of this
union as one of the unjust acts Of the
economic and in violation of President
Wilson self-determination principle. Out
side Of France II Is stressed constantly
as one of President Wilson's greatest
compromises and as the result of bar
gain between President Wilson and
Premier Clemenceau to get the latter to
accept the league scheme. In this re-
gard Francesca Nittfs interview ex-
dressed the majority sentiment In Aus
tria's nearest neighbor, Italy. Thus the
Austrians and the Germans. feeling that
they have the moral support OF much
of Europe outside of France, seem to
regard themselves as safe In at least
taking preliminary steps in defiance of
the treaty.
The latest development in this sltua-
ton is the mild admonition of the Coun-
ell of Ambassadors that Austria respect
the st. German treaty. in return for be-
ing guaranteed the results of the Khan
genfurt plebiscite agans the Serbs. But
the Council of Ambassadors seems to be
doubtful enough Of its powers to ex-
pressly forbid Austria proceeding with
this pleblscite. AS matter OF fact any
thing like peremtory decisions are to-
day studiously avoided both by the
Council OF the League and the Council OF
Ambassadors. The reason for this was
explained to THE NEW YORK HERALD
correspondent by one Of the highest
French officials to-day as follows:
There is to-day no force behind the
treaty except France and the French
army. That is why France frequently
IS called imperialistic. But the treaty
q vital to France, and until we see
effectiveness In other, guarantees we
must keep all the force we possess be-
hind It,"
This Is a big job for France and Is
the reason why she is to-day stimulating
In every way the formation Of protective
alliances to return to the old counter
balancing system to reinforce the treaty
in place of the league.