Evening journal., 1919-08-19
SAFEGUARDS FOR
US. IN COVENANT
SATISFY WILSON
tConllnued from FIr,t Parn.l

I
lty for frank and full Interchange Of
views.
u hope. too. that this conference will
serve to expedite your consideration OF
the treaty Of peace. / bog that you
VIII pardon and Indulge mo II again
urge that practically tho whole tack OF
bringing the country back 10 normal
conditions OF llfo and industry waits
upon the decision OF the Senate with
regard TO the terms OF tho peace.
Il venture thus again 10 urge my sd
vice that the action OF the Senate with
regard 10 tho treaty be taken at the
earliest practicable moment because
the problems with which we are face
10 face In the readlustment OF our
national life are OF tho most pressing
and critical character, Will require for
their proper solution the most Intimate
and dLslnterested cooperation OF all par
ties and all interests. and can not be
postponed without manifest peril to
our people and 10 all the national ad-
yantages we hold most dear. May |
mention a few OF the matters which
can not be handled with intelligence
until the country knows the character
OF the peace II II 10 haye7 / do 20
only by very few examples.
THE copper mines OF Arizona, Mon
tana and Alaska, for example, are be-
ing kept open and In operation al a
great cost and loss, In part upon bor-
rowed money; the zinc mines OF Mis-
souri,, Tennessee and Wisconsin are be-
ing operated al about one-half their
capacity; the lead Of Idaho. Illinois
and Missouri reaches only a portion Of
its former market; there is an I'M
mediate need for cotton betting. and
also for lubrlcating oil which can not
be met-all because the channels OF
trade are barred by war, when there
is no war. The same is true OF raw
cotton Of which the Central Empires
alone formerly purchased nearly four
million bales. And these are only eX-
amples. There is hardly a single raw
material, a single important foodstuff
or a single class OF manufactured
goods which is not In the same case.
Our full, normal, profitable produc-
ton waits on peace.
our military plans, OF course wait
upon IT, We can not intelligently or
wisely decide how large a naval or mil
itary training is TO be until we have
peace, not only but also until we
know how peace is TO be sustained,
whether by the arms OF single nations
or by the concert Of all the great peo-
pies. And there is more than that OF
difficulty involved. The vast surplus
properties OF the army include, not
food and clothing merely, whose sale
will affect normal production, but
great manufacturing establishments
also which should be restored to their
former uses, great stores OF machine
tools. and all sorts OF merchandise
which must lie idle until peace and mil
ltary policy are definitely determined
BY the same token there can be no
properly studied national budget until
then.
"The nations that ratify the treaty
such as Great Britain, Belgium and
France. viii be in a position TO lay
their plans for controlling the markets
of central Europe WITHOUT competition
from us, II we do not presently act. We
have no consular agents; no trade rep
resentatives there to look after our in
terests.
There are large areas OF Europe
questionable until their people know
the final settlements OF peace and the
forces which are to administer and sus-
tain IL. Without determinste markets
our production can not proceed with
intelligence or confidence. There can
be no sterilization OF wages because
there can be no settled conditions OF
employment. There can be no easy
or normal industrial credits because
there can be no confident or perma-
nent revival OF business.
but I will not weary you with oh
vlous examples. / will only venture TO
repeat that every element OF normal
life amongst us depends upon and
awaits the ratification Of the treaty OF
peace: and also that we cannot afford
to lose a single summers day by not
doing all that wecan 10 mitigate the
winters suffering. which, unless we find
means to prevent 10, may prove disas-
trous 20 a large portion Of the world
and may, at its worst. bring upon Eu-
rope conditions even more trrible than
those wrought by the war Itself.
Nothing, / am led 20 believe, stands
in the way OF the ratification Of the
treaty except certain doubts with re-
gard TO the meaning and implication OF
certain articles OF the covenant OF the
League OF Nations; and ! must frankly
say that | am unable 10 understand
why such doubts should be entertained
You will recall that when | had the
pleasure of a conference with your
committee and with the committee OF
the House OF Representatives on for
eign affairs at the White House. In
March last, the questions now most fire.
quently asked about the League OF Ma
tions were all canvassed, with a view 10
their immediate Qualification. The coven-
ant Of the leaguewss then in its FIRST draft
and subject TO revision. II was pointed
out that no express recognition was
given TO the Monroe Doctrine, that Il
was not expressly provided that the
league should have no authority to act
or 10 express a judgment on matters
of domestic policy, that the right TO !
withdraw from the league was not eX-
pressly recognized, and that the consti- |
tutional right OF the Congress 10 de- !
termine all questions OF peace and war 1
was not sufficiently safeguarded. On my /
return % Paris all these matters were /
taken up again by the Commission on |
the League Of Nations and every sug-
gestion OF the United States was ac-
cepted.
"The view OF the United States with
regard TO the questions ] have men
toned had, in fact. already been ac-
cepted by the commission and there
was supposed 10 be nothing inconsist-
ent with them in the draft OF the cove
nant first adopted-the draft which was
Lhn snhiecf of nlr discussion In March