Evening public ledger. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1914-1942, 1919-11-01
"BUNK,' SAYS GOMPERS'S AID ON
RUMOR OF LABOR PARTY IN u. S.

got the promise of the dry vote, while
the candidates who refuse such sup
port will be allowed to stay home and
think over their sins IL the Plumb
planners can compass their defeat.
The American Federation OF Labor
may and probably will get behind the
Plumb plan. In addition, as result of
tho defining Of the issue by the recent
industrial conference, the Federation
of Labor will probably demand Q. recog-.
milton of candidates of the right Of
collective bargaining. These two issues
are much more definite than anything
that labor has usually been able TO
demand, and thus will make the poll
tical activities Of organized labor in
the future resemble more nearly the
political activities Of the Anti Saloon
League.
The trouble with labor party in
this country, as the older organized
labor leaders see 1t, is that there is no
chance of labor party national in its
scope.
Only in relatively few industrial
centers of the country would labor can
ddates have any chance of success. In
many western and southern states there
would be virtually no labor votes. In
many others there would be labor votes
oHlN III u bluElt ulNillNNs III bht lhl B'Hh
city of the state, as. for example, only
in the st. Paul district. in the state Of
Minnesota.
The factor in any political system
which tends to deter third party move
ments is the presidency. The real end
of all political efforts in this country is
the capture of the presidency. There
is where all real power resides. And to
win the presidency a party must be
really national in scope. 1t must have
supporters in large numbers every
where.
Balance OF Power a Goal
A labor party might elect a few con :
grcssmen in. the industrial East. but to
be in a majority in dozen or so districts
it would have to put itself into a mi
nority. a hopeless and futile minority,
in all the rest Of the country. BY act :
ing within the great parties the labor
voters might exercise the balance OF
power in many districts--a minority OF
the districts of the country, to be sure.
but still in sufficient number of them
to make themselves indispensable to one
or the other of the great parties.
In a close national election the labor
voters might also exercise the balance
of power in the choice Of a President.
The strategic importance of this posi- =
bility is too great to be lightly lost by
pursuing the false ideal of following the
British parallel.
There may be local labor parties in
communities where the labor vote is
large, sending an occasional labor con
eressman to Washington, as Socialist
congressman have been sent to Wash
ington. There may be labor mayors OF
cities where there is chance Of electine
them. Mr.. Fitzpatrick, the steel strike
leader, is one of the more radical leaders
who believes at least in local political
efforts by organized labor. he having run
for mayor of Chicago upon a labor plat
form.
But as a national movement a labor
party is, in the opinion of virtually
all labor leaders. bunk Some
centcrs in the radical wceklies may con
slider it practicable but no one else in
Washington does.
Another reason why the labor party
leaders are against going to politics az
a party is the boring in work of
the syndicalists in the American Fed