The Princeton union. [volume] (Princeton, Minn.) 1876-1976, 1919-03-13
The League and Civil War.

EN- - 1SA4NSAO1 NASdE - = -
The League and Civil War.
| What would be the attitude Of the
league Of nations toward civil wars ?
Upon that point it's constitution is ISL
lent. Yet in the very circumstances
Of the PRONUNCIATION Of that remark
able lucubration, this point has vital
and paramount emphasis. Indeed,
those circumstances have given it
emphasis. It is very generally rec
ognized that the presidents protracted
campaign in favor Of his pet idea, the
consequent delay in settling the
essential issues of the war,
and the attitude which he has, Incl
dentally to his campaign, assumed
toward some of the most ominous ele-
ments of national disorder, have COM
bined materially to aggravate the
danger of widespread revolts against
orderly government throughout the
world; such as have become for the
time triumphant in Russia, have seri-
ously racked and rent Germany, and
have even manifested themselves in
the United States. What counteract-
ing influence would the league of ma
tions have against them?
He would be but blind reader of
the signs of the times who did not dis
Germ the worlds chief peril today, not
in an immediate renewal of the Huns
attempt to subvert civilization, nor in
any conflict between important SOW
| ereign states, but in the activities of
those malign forces which have been
known by various names in various
lands, and which now are best known
as "bolshevism." Those forces do not
anywhere represent democracy. They
do not represent the majority of the
people. AS we have hitherto pointed
out, they are as Indignantly opposed
to democracy as they are to aristoc-
racy or to monarchy. But they repre-
sent those organized and aggressive
elements of lawlessness and evil which,
despite their minority, have by virtue
of their organization and aggressive
ness an advantage over the inorganic
ed and non-aggressive majority of de-
mocracy.
For meeting that peril the proposed
league makes no provision. In that re-
spect it falls far short of having such
courage Of it's convictions as character
lied the holy alliance. For that earlier
league of nations for the maintenance
of peace pledged it's members to de-
fend and support each other, not alone
against alien attack, but also against
domestic revolution. In so doing it
bound itself to repress liberalism and
keep in despotic suppression the rights
of man; and that, of course, was in
famous. But it may pertinently be
asked if the league now proposed
should not be as thoroughgoing in it's
championship of. democracy as that
former one was in it's support Of autoc-
racy, and afford an equal measure of
benevolent aid, if ever such is needed,
for the support Of democracy against
anarchy? 80
| We may certainly say that if it does
not do this it should at least most
scrupulously avoid doing anything
which would in any degree weaken the
authority of organized democratic gov
eminent and impair it's power to hold
in subsection the enemies Of society.
| AS at present proposed, there is reason
to fear the league would not avoid
these things, but on the contrary would
be guilty of committing them. It
would be doing so by requiring the
disarmament, or the limitation of arm
ment, of a nation at the word and &C.
cording to the judgment Of a group of
alien powers. They would estimate
it's needs of armament according to
what they regarded as it's danger of
attack by alien powers. That is direct
ly implied in the wording of the con-
stitution of the league. They would
not, they could not, give due consider
alton to it's needs for defense against
international disorder or revolution
1t certainly seems, then, that any
organization or system which lessons
the power Of individual governments
to maintain themselves and to dis.
charge efficiently those functions fol
which the governments exist, must
play, into the hands of anarchy, and
thus must invite rather than prevent
& war. The right of revolution may be
sacred. But none the less SO is that OF
government to maintain itself
against revolution; particularly if il
be government founded upon the con.
sent of the majority of the people, anc
if the attempted revolution be foment
ed by lawless minority.-Col. Har
vey.
School Report.
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