New-York tribune., 1919-08-24

Pro1Ipt decision TO run their mines
or quit were definitely made. In
these decaying centres the men, for
the most part, own their own homes,
and so long as their industrial op-
portunity continues in doubt they
will endure all kinds of hardship
rather than migrate to sections
where work is assured, meantime
eking out the irregular work at the
mines by labor on a farm belonging
to themselves, their relatives or their
neighbors.
Talk Of Agreement
Wifh Rail Unions
Talk of an agreement between the
mine workers and the four big rail-
road brotherhoods is another de-
velopment of the mining situation.
1t appears, however, a somewhat
onesided copartnership, for much as
1T may commend itself to the mine
worker it could not add much to
the strength of the Big Four" be-
cause when these brotherhoods call
strike the mines are completely
paralyzed, whether union or non
union, and yet when the mines are
idle the railroads can still run. The
Focahontas region in West Virginia
and Virginia, and the Connellsville
region in Pennsylvania, are still u1l-
unlonized. A railroad strike might
close both, while a coal strike, called
by the miners union, would be likelv
to- disturb the composure of neither.
This proposed inner circle in the
American Federation of Labor
would not, at first sight, appear to
menace our national life, seeing that
the larger body, representing all or.
ganized labor, has caused hardly
any corporate trouble in it's MANY
years Of existence, and is to-day for
the most part only a deliberative
BODY. Unfortunately, however, the
mine workers might cheerfully
strike IN union with the railroad
men. Where other types of work
men, living in cities and dependent
on the railroads for their necessary
sustenance, cannot readily plan a
strike and invite the railroad men
to lay down their tools in sympathy.
miners living in rural communities
and having money saved would suf-
fer but little if the railroads for a
while ceased to operate.
The thought that starvation DOR
tends in the event of a railroad sus-
pension has perhaps many times
acted as a dampener for those city
dwellers who have planned a uni
versal strike. Probably it is partly
for this reason that the American
Federation of Labor is conservative.
The miners and railroad men, both
BEING near neighbors to the farmig
population, might we'll combine to
secure for themselves preferential
treatment.
In nearly every section of the
country where steady runs are the
rule the mine worker is making
good wages, and one Of the Difficult
ties Of the management is to keep
up the garage accommodation to the
level required by the needs of the
owners of pleasure cars, of whom
there are many among the men
working in the mines. The Colorado
Fuel and Iron Company has already
stall room for $50 automobiles and
is building accommodation for
thirty-nine more. 1t appears, how
ever, that it has hardly supplied as
much accommodation in this direc-
ton as its men need, so rapidly are
they acquiring automobiles.
Perhaps it might be well to sum-
Marie briefly the wages paid at the
mines of this company. In June,
which is slack month, 689 miners
worked over 20 days; 80 of these
earned over $3.50; 40 between 1926
and $3.50; 63 between 5000 and
1925; 10S between SITS and $500,
and ITO between $3.50 and SITS. In
the mines of the Utah Fuel Com
pany in 1918 one man earned $500,
and many others sums but little less.
The anthracite region is remote
from the other regions, not only In
it's location, but also in it's problems.
1t has, however, the same labor
union. There is now no idleness in
the anthracite region, where condi-
tions are so adjusted that full time
is almost always assured, but during
the close of the past mild winter
there was much slackness in opera
ton and no little discomfort resulted
from it. Part of this is now for
gotten, and with good reason. Re-
ports seem to foreshadow that the
hard-coal men may not advocate the
shorter day so vigorously as their
H. .o-1 EoJlc