New-York tribune., 1919-08-31

knows he is on the way.
"ln what respect are the British
wage workers more advantageously
placed than the American? Have they
found open ways to high civic and eco
nomic levels not attained in this
country? In pre-war times American
wage scales were uniformly double to
treble those Of Great Britain; The
general rates of wages in Great Brit
ain are yet to-day below-for much Of
the population far below-rates in the
United States. For several years the
cost Of living, standard for standard,
has been higher, with the single excep-
tion of bread.
american trade unionists, after
patient tolerance of successive shoals
of screaming social subverters, have
put up bars stronger. than steel against
them, in local unions, in national
unions and in the great union of
unions. For nearly forty years the
American Federation of Labor has re-
jected every plan for socialism pro-
posed at its conventions. In its judg-
ment there has never been before 1t
sckcnre for socialism that would not
begin with gross injustice and end in
social ruin because unworkable."
In the article on "Great Britain's In
dustrial Triple Alliance" Mr.. Sullivan
declares the combination of the Miners
Federation with the National Union Of
Railwaymen and the Transport Work
ers' National Union for direct action
toward Matchmaking mines and rail-
roads would constitute a menace both
to the state and to trade' unionism II
it were 100 per cent solid. But he as
serts that if the leaders sought to
bring on a test through the calling of
general strike various weaknesses
would Immediately become manifest.
He indicates also that in addition to
naturalization the aim of the alliance
is finally to form cone big union" or
General Federation of Industrial
Unions, though at present it represents
but one-siXth of the workers In the
United Kingdom, but adds that it holds
with only slender ties such organiza-
tions as the General Workers. Union,
the dock laborers and the sailors and
firemen, while there are 100000 rail
way workers who arc not members of
the National Union, and several hun
dred thousand miners who are not
affiliated with Smillie's federation.
Mr. Sullivan continues:
"The labor press and leaders friendly
to the alliance point out that through
its strength for direct action - the
threat of strike-were obtained the re-
cent concessions from employers and
able wage advances, the forty-seven-
hour week and the recognition Of higher
standards in working conditions in the
three industries. Trade union oppon-
ents of the alliance, while admitting it's
effectiveness for wage ADVANCES and
the like up to the present tl2e, are
profoundly disturbed at its methods
as applied to political purposes.
Recognizing its exercise Of power
not only for trade union objects but
for revolutionary ends as an extraor-
dinary event in British history, they
inquire with concern as to the prob
able limits of this power and its even
tual social effects. They are aware,
as its supporters say, that if the
Triple Alliance wills it, the industrial
life in Britain will stop Short or
again, 1T can hold up the economic
life of Great Britain This theoretical
truth would be the more significant if
spoken of British industrial unionism
problem could be before Britain.
"The nations hope is that the cata-
clysmic strike by the 'one big union
may never come. From members of
the Triple Alliance itself have come
proposals for nationalzing by legiti-
mate means the industries in which it's
members are engaged.
For state ownership of railways
there is of course ample precedent, |
but operation by employees become di-
rectors and controllers is an untried
plan. Since both the miners and the
railway men propose compensation to
present owners, with continuance of
the wage system for the operatives,
their outlook contemplates legitimate
procedure, -communstic ownership
and q form of operation in theorv
democratic"