davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16
MARINES LOSE FIRST.

The Marine Officers Training Camp
team dropped its first game of the
season yesterday to Camp Meade at
American League Park. The Meade
men won by 3 to in eleven innings.
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16
Will Ply MIDDIES.

ANNAPOLIS, May 16.A-North Caro-
lima State will bring its football
eleven here on October 4 for a game
with the Middies.
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16
q. ALRANa TAKEs M.

st. Adams added another victory
to its already long string in defeat
ing Episcopal High School BY score
Of to at Alexandria yesterday.
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16
OPERAToRs WIN GAME.

Naval Operations smashed in a
16-to-4 victory over the Bureau team,
in the Government League, yesterday.
Garmiss allowed the Printers but
three hits. Hager knocked two
Ihomers and a triple.
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16
ORDNANCE GETS IN.

Ordnance got in ahead OF the Ship
ping Board by a score of 6 to > yes
terday. Regerson allowed four hits
and fanned eleven.
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16

Bob lie Gendre, OF Georgetown, is
going TO receive a great reception
when he goes home to Lewiston, Me,
next month. Well. the kids earned il.
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16
Hero md There.

Jack Dempsey will learn wrestling
tricks. VIII the toe-hold be admitted
at Toledo on July 4?
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16
DUNDEE SHADES wHELAN.

ST. PAUL. Mimi, May 16.-John
Dundee, of New York. shaded Billy
Whelan, of St Paul, in their ten
round fight here last night
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16

Eddie McGoorty knocked out Harry
Reeve in three rounds at London, but
that's not such a much. Joe Borrell,
a second rater, OF Philadelphia, did
it in six rounds, and Joe doesn't class
with the Oshkosh boxer.
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16

Zeb Milan may be on his feet in
three weeks, but he'll be long way
from strong enough to bat and run
bases. His illness is the toughest
deal given the Griffs in many a day.
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16

Tex Richard is in to clean up a
small fortune on July 4 Well, after
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16

listening to the hot air for four
months, he'll probably figure it well
earned. KSAN
The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1919-05-16

Gold Pours In Gor Big Contest
Seats and Tex Richard Smiles
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16

nominal relations with the Paris
Conference and have rejected for
themselves the application Of the
essential principles of the league Of
nations, while the Greeks, the Poles
and even the recently defeated Ger
mans have calmly challenged the de-
cisions of that Paris Conference
which is the precursor of the league
Of nations itself. We have seen, at
the same time, an ever-growing pro-
test in France.
But all of this is incidental to
the main fact The strength of the
league of nations in Europe lay ex-
clusively in the belief that it pos
sessed the unqualified approval of
the whole American people, and that
if there we're not established through
the medium Of the Paris Conference
league of nations which would re-
ceive the approval Of President Will
son, then the aid and cooperation
of America would be withdrawn.
Had Europe suspected that there
was real division in America over
the principle, the league Of nations
idea would have been totally aban-
doned by the time the President had
returned from his February visit to
| America
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16

European affairs, encourage the GER
mans to make a new bid for world
power.
Not less clearly we shall have to de-.
eide to what extent we mean to con-
tribute in men and in money-both
may be necessary-to guarantee the
permanency Of such states as Poland
Czecho-S lovakia, Jugo- Slavia, since
without the assurance of our supper.
all three may disappear at no dis
tant time. BY attaching reserva.
tions to the Treaty Of Versailles. O,
even by repudiating the treaty and
making q separate treaty with Ger
many, we will at best only dode,
these issues for a brief moment
since the questions themselves WIN
IN
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16

the greatest battle in our history
and made a financial sacrifice unpar-
alleled in our history. To believe
that we can escape an even greater
sacrifice in any later conhagration is
to indulge in absurd optimism.
We can, as certain politicians ad-
vocate, seek to restore an isolation
which itself broke down, with ter
rible consequences, less than three
years ago; bat failing this effort to
reanimate a spirit which had to be
abandoned in hot haste, after untold
humiliation, we shall have to adopt
some policy toward the rest of the
world and, if only in self-defence,
participate in some measure in world
affairs.
AS have said, have no intention
Of participating in the contempo-
rary political debate, but it seems to
me that President Wilson was right
beyond all cavil in his recognition of
the changed relation of his country
toward the world. One may agree
or disagree with the adjustment he
sought to establish toward new
condition, but it is less than ordi-
nary justice not to recognize
that he was correct in perceiving
that a new condition existed and q
new adjustment was necessary.
His own trip to Europe was, in a
very real sense, a physical demon
stration of the new relation of the
United States to the rest of the
world; his association with Great
Britain and France was an equally
plain acceptance of the fact, which
seems to me unacceptable, that for the
future our own fortunes are mex
tricably bound up with those of the
two great liberal powers Of Europe.
The course of France and Great
Britain throughout the peace confer
ence was a clear demonstration of
e frank recognition of the new order
in the world.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16

1t is aknost certain now, in view
of the opposition to the league Of
nations displayed by the Senate, and
as consequence Of the concomitant
sentiment in favor of withdrawal
from all active participation in Eu-
ropes quarrels, that Europe will
more and more seek to adjust its
concerns without American advice.
We may expect to see the British
and the French consent to Italian
possession in Fiume; we may believe
that France, with American veto
withdrawn, will remain indefinitely
in the Sarre Basin; we think. that
the voice Of Paris addressed to Rus
mania will grow gentler, now that
conditions have changed.
But if the scheme-the vision of
a world organized through the
league Of nations-has been terribly
shattered, at least as to realiza.
ton, and postponed for many years
it is no less certain that the United
States must adopt some alternative
policy. AS a consequence Of the
assassination of an Austrian arch
duke in a.Bosnian city we sent more
than 2,0O0. 900 men to Europe, feueha
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
Opposition, Has Gained

The course Of opposition in the
United States, the extent of that
opposition and it's success in DELAY
ing action, and thus weakening the
effect of ultimate action, have been
destructive of the European regard
for the league of nations itself. A
new adjustment is taking place, a
new basis Of international relations.
or rather reversion to the old basis.
is discoverable in many directions.
At no distant time we are likely to
see new alliances in Europe, new
associations Of nations; an effort to
restore the balance Of power. de-
stroyed by Germany in the last war.
is inevitable.
In the face Of all these circum-
stances 1t seems to me inevitable
that the United States will have
soon, very soon, to adopt real for
eign policy based upon the facts in
the world situation. We shall, to put
It BADLY, have to decide whether we
shall stand with France and Great
Britain in maintaining the condi-
lions created in Western Europe by
the Peace Of Versailles or whether
we shall, by washing our hands of
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
American Credit Needed

I do not think it is an exaggera.
ton to say that the degree Of
stability which exists to-day IN
Europe is, in a considerable meas
urc, founded upon American credit
and upon the belief that American
aid and participation in European
affairs is assured. II we abstain
from promising the French aid IN
case Of new German aggression
the French will stay at the Rhine
as they should. If they stay ct
the Rhine corresponding adjust
ments will follow all over Europe
and these adjustments bring nov
wars sooner or later, wars which W
can hardly avoid participating in.
The conviction in Great Britain
! that we are done with Europe and
determined not to associate ourselves
with the British as we'll as ths
French in world affairs will inevi.
tably drive the British into q nsw
system Of alliances, established by
new series of secret treaties. By
contrast the mere certainty that
American aid will be Forthcoming ID
case Of new German assault VIII
restrain Germany from aggression
and obviate for the French and Brit
ish alike the necessity of seeking q
new world settlement, which must oe|
new world unsettlement, since VI
will bring with it new armament
and new military burdens. 4
In the larger sense the Units
States has never had a real foreis'
policy, nor did it until 1918 ever 81"
effective evidence to Europe OF ~
real greatness as a world powes'
Given that all-sufficing demonsts*
ton, it now needs only a wise i0r
eign policy to make our recogn'~
strength adequate to protect "
against ali dangers Of war and eos
tribute powerfully to the prevetss.
Of wars which might involve Us. D~
without policy the old danger W.
remain.
tcopyrishs. 1919. ~ III. xcc,srs ~
paosf eyadieatss
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16

The Importance Of the United
States In the world which had been
created by the war was nowhere so
intelligently appreciated as In
Britain, and the Paris Conference
was recognized as providing the OPP
portunity to clear the way for fu-
ture intimate association between
the United States and Great Britain
in all world affairs. Thus, had we
gone to Paris advocating, for ex-
ample, permanent alliance be-
tween Britain, France and the
United States, or any other form
Of world association compatible with
British safety and legitimate SELF
interest, 1t would have had unhesi-
Eating support. The British were
merely bound, in their own view, to
stand with America and to support
American desires at Paris. In this
conception there was more than
selfishness and not a little honest
gratitude for American aid, together
with an extension Of what had been
British policy for several decades
namely, to foster American friend
ship and seek American association
in world affairs.
But it is a mistake to believe that
for a league of nations, for the
idea or the principle, there was
general or considerable support in
Great Britain. The British govern
ruent officially supported and the
British nation, so far as It actually
advocated league of nations,
acted upon the settled conviction
that the league Of nations repre-
scented the desire and the demand
Of the American people. Had Mr..
Wilson at any stage Of the proceed
ings abandoned the idea it would
have been discarded by the British
without delay. In a word, it repre-
sented for them the demand Of a
nation which they aesired to please
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
get hin, irto q hospital!

course, and that there have even
been defections from his own party.
AS to the right or wrong Of the
course Of the opposition, as to the
views of clear majority of Ameri-
can people, l say nothing, and this
detail is unimportant for the pres
ent discussion. What is tremendous
ly important is that Europe has dis
covered that the United States is
not unanimously for the league of
nations, that one strong political
party, one important faction Of the
American people, opposes it.
And, more than this, the actual
adoption of the treaty, with or with
out essential reservations, will not
now change the fact that Europe no
longer looks upon the question as it
did last winter. 1t no longer be-
lieves that the United States de-
mands the league of nations with a
determined spirit and will turn its
back upon Europe if the league of
nations Is not accepted by all Euro
pean nations. On the contrary, the
character Of the debate in the Sem
ate and of the reservations which
have been framed, together with
the substantial vote received by the
various amendments, discloses the
United States, so far as a minority
Is concerned, at least, as unwilling
to accept for itself certain league
of nations principles as were France
and Italy.
There is then for the European
nations who never did believe in the
league Of nations itself, and par.
ticularly for those nations which
saw in it positive menace tc
their own existence, no remaining
incentive to accept, since it is by NJ
means clear yet that the United
States will accept and unmistakablt
that the United States is far from
making a unanimous demand upor
Europe to accept.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
Prestige Is Din,,ned

To put the thing a little differ
emily: Had the United States Sem
ate promptly ratified the Treaty of
Versailles, had there been any i'm
mediate and widespread public ex-
preston Of approval, had the press
and the platform in America de-
monstrated that the course of the
President at Paris was beyond all
debate, subject to no question, the
course which the United States de-
sired, had there been no Republican
majority in the Senate opposing,
no Republican press in the nation
denouncing, no division, even among
Democrats, the result in Europe
would have been sure, the strength
of the league Of nations would have
been established, its prestige and
authority enormously enhanced.
But just the opposite has hap
pened, with consequences which are
OF utmost Importance, because what
ever one may believe individually
about the wisdom or the folly of the
league Of nations conception, how.
ever much one may agree or dis
agree with the ideas and ideals OF
the President, we shall all of US
have to deal with facts, we shall
have to recognize that the course
of the United States Senate, the
direction events have taken in the
United States, have contributed t.
weaken enormously, probably to de.
stroy, the influence of the league OF
nations as a force in world affairs.
Yet the whole settlement framed
by the Paris Conference was inter.
woven with league Of nations ideas;
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
Europe, Losing Faith in League Seeks New Alliant
United States Must Work Out a
New Foreign Policy if Dan
ger Is To Be Avoided

lieve that European nations, which
listened to the urgings Of America
reluctantly, only when they were
still convinced that these urgings
were the expression Of the unani-
nous will Of the nation, will continue
to listen now, when they have been,
in a considerable measure at least,
repudiated by one great political
party.
AS n consequence Of what has
happened in Washington in recent
months not few Of the decisions
made at Paris, not a few Of the ar
rangements, are bound now to be
abandoned. Europe beyond much
question will revert to European
methods Of settlement in many in
stances, particularly if the ultimate
outcome of the debate in America
shall be the real or apparent de-
cision ON the part Of the United
States to disassociate itself from
world affairs.
But such a decision can hardly
hold for long or fail to be danger
Gus, since In the end It IS impossible
to conceive Of any general world
disturbance which will fail to in
volve us. I do not believe myself
that it Is conceivable that the United
States would ever permit Germany
to conquer France or Great Britain.
German domination Of Russia, with
the inevitable association Of Ger
many and Japan in the partition of
China as we'll as Asiatic Russia,
would have a peril for us far great
er than for Europe. Merely on the
social and economic side another
great war in the present generation
or the next might easily mean the
destruction of all order and govern
ment on the planet and relapse to
anarchy and chaos.
We are, then, it seems to me. bound
by the consequences Of the World
War to continue our active participa-
ton in European affairs. In his
league of nations the President
sought to create an organization in
which we should be able to play an
honorable part, with as little peril
to ourselves as possible. The scheme
was Professionally accepted by Eu-
rope only because Europe felt that
it was matter Of life and death to
have America share on any terms.
For them the covenant Of the league
of nations was in the nature Of arti-
cles of partnership prescribed by the
potential partner possessing the
largest capital and bringing the
most desirable patronage.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
Opinion Divided Here

Now it is patent that there has
been in the last six months an I'M
mistakable division of opinion in
America. 1t is manifest, spread
upon the records Of Congress, set
forth in all the newspapers, re-
ported in all the cable dispatches
to Europe that one Of the two great
political parties, itself a majority in
the Senate, has aligned itself
against President Wilson's European
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
France Made Concessions

But France was forced to sur
render it's opposition because Of the
support assured to Mr.. Wilson from
the outset by Great Britain, and
Italy was temporarily dragged along,
never, however, with the smallest
real enthusiasm. Clemenceau, find
ing that Lloyd George purposed to
back the President, was constrained
to follow similar policy, although
he came to it far less readily than
his British ally and was never able
to carry with him any large faction
of his fellow countrymen.
Yet the ultimate French decision,
like the immediate British resolve,
was founded upon an appreciation
Of the new position occupied by the
United States in the world, its ire
mendous power, it's gigantic re-
sources. Unless these resources
were to be turned against France;
unless France, wellnigh ruined by
the war, was to be deprived of
American aid, it was inevitable
that French statesmen in the Paris
Conference should accept American
demands. And for the French, like
the British, the league of nations
was accepted as the expression Of
the wellnigh unanimous will of the
American people, as the President
was welcomed as the unchallenged
spokesman Of his nation. "America
be pleased" was the watchword of
the Paris Conference; and accepting
the league of nations was believed
to be the sole method Of satisfying
the American people.
I wish I could make clear the ex-
act situation at Paris, because it is
essential in order to understand the
new situation in Europe to recog-
nize the facts Of last winter and
spring. For the league Of nations
idea there was practically no Euro
pean support. Such support as
there was came entirely from Brit
ish sources, and it was, in the main,
due to recognition that any such
league Of nations as had been out
lined would in the end infallibly de-
velop into an Anglo American ALI
ance. AS far as France and Italy
were concerned there was open hos
tility, honest, patriotic apprehen-
sion. Accepting the idea represent
ed to Frenchmen one more sacrifice
made necessary by the war, but &C.
copied with bitterness and with pro-
found apprehension.
Since that time we have seen that
Italy and Rumania have deliberate.
~ withdrawn from any but the most
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
League Is Undermined

Events in the United States, the
course Of the Senate in particular,
have served to undermine fatally
the foundations of the league Of
nations in Europe. 1t is idle to be-
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16

a vast machinery was created, all
sorts Of compromises and adjust
ments were made, many If not all
Of which fall to the ground, with the
league Of nations itself. Above all
else, the European nations, regain
ing their freedom of action, as a
consequence Of American division Of
opinion over the league Of nations,
are bound to seek new adjustments.
The best illustration of this is the
course Of Italy, which is now enlist
ing more and more active support
from her European allies, France
and Britain.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-11-16
By Frank II. Sirnonds

by AJlI14Oux0
Ut MUST be fact unacceptable
for all thoughtful Americans
that the close Of the long debate
over the Treaty Of Versailles
and the necessary action Of the Sem
ate will have to be followed by the
adoption of some orderly and rea-
spned foreign policy on the part of
the United States. As it stands there
seems no chance that the pending
treaty will be amended, but all signs
point either to it's adoption with such
reservations as give it an entirely
different character from that de-
signed at Paris or to its rejection
and the immediate proclamation Of q
separate peace with Germany.
With the domestic political cir
cumstances Of this situation I have
no desire to deal at this time, but
of the external consequences, which
will be very considerable, it seems to
me worth while to make some analy-
sis. In the first place, it must be
clear that the character Of the de-
bate and the extent Of the opposition
to the decisions of Paris which has
developed in this country will ma
terially if not completely change the
view of Europe as to the value Of
the treaty itself and as to the rela-
ton of America to Europe.
Thought U.S.Wanted League
! have tried many times in my
letters from Paris and since I re-
turned to emphasize the fact that
the league. Of nations and all the de-
tails in the Treaty of Versailles
which were written in as natural
consequences of the acceptance Of
the league Of nations idea owed their
existence to President Wilson and to
the universal assumption in Europe
that in demanding the creation of
league of nations the President spoke
FOR the United States, which was
itself united in favor of such a world
organization.
1t Is true that most of the actual
machinery and the larger part Of
the form Of the league of nations
were British contributions. Mr..
Wilson carried to Europe not COM
plete system, but merely a fixed de-
termination to bring about the Gre
alton of a league Of nations. Lord
Robert Cecil and General SHUTS
were, in fact, in large measure
the authors of the provisions writ
ten: Into the Treaty Of Versailles to
create a league of nations.
On the other hand, had President
Wilson not championed the idea, the
British would not have presented 1t
at Paris. There was no spontaneous
or, widespread support of the idea in
Britain, before President Wilson
went to Paris, nor was there ever a
time when British support of the
idea was not in the main the re-
suit of a well defined policy to sup
port American wishes in Paris, 50
far as these were not directly
inimical to British interests, with
the purpose of contributing to the
extension of Anglo-American friend.
ship and association.