Evening star., 1919-12-28

enabled our legislative branch to re-
ject treaty negotiated by the execu-
tive and even more to discover that
tthe legisla tive branch contemplated
doing just this.
But the truth is that in order to take
effective notice of this the European
representatives would have been
forced to join battle with the Presi-
dent of the United States. who held
and would for two years continue to
hold control of all government de-
partments. whose voice would settle
the continuation or abandonment or
such aid as Europe was receiving ana
needed.
Now. looking to the future. what
reception will the next peace delega-
tion sent from America to Europe
have. or the next delegation sent to
negotiate any treaty or agreement
1t must come from the President. his
power to negotiate treaties is un-
questionable. 1t may well set sail
when the Senate is controlled by an
opposing political party. or il may. in
conformity with the views OF the Pres
, ident, subscribe to agreemtns which
are repugnant to the whole Senate or
a ajority thereof without regard to
party. In such case what viii become
of the treaty, the agreement? viii
not Europe. once burned. shrink back
from a new danger.
France Paid I'm Advance.
had to make a physical surrender OF
policy, of title, to acquire what she
regarded as an American pledge TO
pay in the future. She got the Presi-
dents pledge. but she lacks the coun-
tersignatl re of the Senate. and the
discount she has. in return for her
resignation Of title, is valueless. But
her resignation of title is written into
the treaty of Versailles. Now in what
spirit will the French be forced to
IN 70 Nt-ffh
delegation come to her shores or met
elsewhere?
The fact is obvious The next time
we send a delegation, a commission to
negotiate treaty, whether to Europe
or to Asia, il will be a fact notorious
that the commission, even if headed
by the President. can give no promise
of ratification of the treaty by their
government. France. Britain, Italy
can give such a guarantee. because
the negotiatorS act as the direct
agents of a majority in the dominant
Legislative branch. but a similar
American guarantee must be lacking.
If in this next conference. as in the
last, American representatives urge
upon those of other nations agree
mentS to certain notifications of ma
tional will, which, however useful to
the cause of world amity. can only be
made in return for certain guarantee
coming from the other side. any
must disappear. because the American
representatives are without power to
make any effective pledge.
Alternative Is Absolute Power.
A system of checks and balances
may be essential to preserve liberty
in domestic affairs but it carries with
it the certain possibility of anarchy
in foreign affairs. If ii be regarded
as unwise to permit the President to
go abroad and undertake engage
ments, on behalf of this country, sub
ject to no Legislative restraint. ought
not the legislative branch. then. to be
permitted to name. at least a majority
of the members of any international
delegation, to name them from its
own ranks and thus to remain in inn
mediate relation with the treaty
makers?
The alternative is to give the Pres
ldent absolute power. but in the pres
ent temper of the nations il is plain
such revision of the Constitution is
unthinkable. Yet some revision GER
tainly seems necessary when one
recognizes that the peace of the world
! has been almost indefinitely post
poned owing to the absence of any
official or body capable of breaking
the deadlock between the President
and the Senate. Possibly some way
might be found. in case of a deadlock,
to throw the whole matter into the
House of Representatives and let il
break the~4ie.
To me the struggle between the
Senate and the President seems some
thing far more significant than a bat
tie between persons or partisans. Per-
haps the President. il he had been
William Mckinley instead of Wood
row Wilson, might have placated the
Senate. Perhaps the Senate. had it
been composed OF those we are ac-
customed to call the fathers" would
have risen above personal or parti-
san considerations. Frankly I doubt
this. but the fact is that two parts of
the government. operating well within
their rights. have come into collision.
blocked the world road to peace and
demonstrated fundamental defect i'm
our system, Immediately expensive for
the whole world and calculated if il
is not remedied, to do indefinite harm
to American negotiators in the fu-
ture.
Worthy OF Passing Attention.
And there is one other circumstance
worthy OF passing attention. Up to the
recent months, at least, we have never
had foreign policy, have never needed
one, except SO far as traditional isola-
ton has served as a makeshift But
new developments in the world have
forced upon US the need of a policy:
we have got to be one thing or the
other in the world. President Wilson
therefore proposes one policy. the SEN
ate amends it into a totally different
shape, but still leaves it a considerable
policy. But then the deadlock prevents
the adoption of either; whole foreign
affairs. which obviously should be a
matter of party contest. have become
the chief issue of a domestic political
combat.
1t is plain, then. that no summary So
luton of the present Washington dead
lock is possible. We may get peace
and treaty. but we have touched new
questions which will not be answered
by any compromise now. Unity in com
mand in foreign relations has become AL
most as necessary for US as il was for
the enemies OF Germany twenty months
ago.
Copyright, 1913 Mcclure Newspaper svpd,cate,