The Bridgeport times and evening farmer., 1919-04-04
IRELAND AND
 THE LEAGUE
(Newark N. J. News.)

leans on the Irish question have be
 come more radical in recent month.
 this is not surprising. Many whc
 were merely home rulers a shor
 time ago advocate complete inde
 pendence today. Sir Horace Plunket
 commented on the remarkable re
 Tival of interest here in the Irisl
 problem. Incidentally, he revealed
 that his own opinions have changed
 His views today are far from the
 views he held when he wrote Ire
 land in the Nineteenth Century,
 The views of the men who have or
 S=T.:Sed the new Center party in Ire
 land have changed. These Centrists
 were largely Unionists, opposed tC
 broad home rule, or home rule al
 all stephen Gwynn, the chairman
 of the new party, was a home ruler
 but here is General Hubert Cough,
 who resigned his army commission
 when MT. Asquith threatened 10 en-
 force home rule, affiliated with the
 new party and declaring that the
 greatest need of Ireland is seir-gov-
 ernment. The secretary of the new
 party is a brother of a Carsonite
 member of Parliament
 Opinion has moved ahead on both
 SAAe5 bl Lile [AlIdEIlC. BuL some or the
 most eloquent pleaders for the Irish
 cause should stop to consider the
 wisdom of linking their campaign
 with opposition to the League of
 Nations.
 Their opposition to the league is based on that article of the coven- ant which says other members of the
 league shall undertake to preserve
 the territory of any one of them against 'external aggression" They interpret this to mean that United
 States as a member of the league,
 would be compelled to go to the aid of England in case of an uprising in Ireland. Of course it means nothing of the kind. A rebellion in Ireland would not be external aggression"
 Words mean what they say, as President Lowell would put it.
 A League of Nations cannot injure the Irish cause. Can 1t be of any benefit to the Irish cause?
 Absolute home rule has been op- posed by leaders of Tory opinion in England almost as leenly as Irish in dependence is opposed and from their viewpoint, logically so. The ar Eunent of the Tory, and even of many who are not Tories, has al- ways been that an independent Ire land would expose England to for etgn attack and aggression from the west. That argument vanishes the moment q League of Nations is es- tablished- It will have thereafter no force. That very article of the GOV enant in which certain Irish-Ameri- cans profess to see a menace to Ire land actually buttresses the Irish case for self-government Article x or the covenant pulls the chief con tention against Irish seIf-g government from beneath the British feet.
 Suppose rebellion actually occur- red in Ireland. How long vou1d if he before an instrun entality like the League of Nations would step in to mediate? The moral force of the i civilized world would ultimately in : terfere not to crush the rebels, but To give them hearing before all mankind; not to protect Britain. in :. deed. but to save the revolutionists i; On tho other hand, ii the rebels vera succeeding, a public opinion, born of ! human nature itself, would not per i init interference
 TO put 1t very badly, suppose 1 Russia in time becomes a member of i the League of Nations. Her pet hate whether justly or unjustly. fs Britain.
 'eF1hany Will be member Of the League of Nations. Is 1t to be pre- stunned that she will be very partial 10 England? And what about the f scandinavian nations? And Spain? fl And in the United States, what 2, Il engulfing sentiment would arise to exert moral pressure on Britain in case of an Irish revolution! Ireland Il might indeed coTet the opportunity to take her case to the court of tha ! League of Nations. Without a lea que where could she successfully appeal? Nowhere, with hope of ac- II Llon- It can never he called an i'm l pertinence for a League of Nations TO take up the Irish question. or for 1 one or more members of the league 1 70 press for such consideration. That l Is very different from taking it m 1 In the Peaces Conference
 The Leg g7Ie Of ations is the s17b- | 'titute for Imperialism. It is the fl 1eath knell of imperialism. And inn i Derial!sm is the idea that has kent | Il from Ireland. If i'll here shall be no League of Nations il Fnat VIII happen to those German 1 'olonies? Into whose lap will +hav II all? Imperialism will continue 70 III ;rcW fat if there is no League Of il Nations And the day of sa1r- II government for countries like Ireland II will be delayed II The new Center party in Ireland III control of excise and cus- III oms duties by an Irish Parliament lIl That Is. t wants Canadian home II u!s. Home rule on Canadian lines If 8 surely the minimum today, Which III viii mean, again. Irish membershiD II n the League of Nations. II It Is strange to hear friends of H reland denouncing the league as an II iernal barrier to Ireland's homes II 'hen 1t is exactly the opposite. It Is II trange to sec these men occupvInr II he same position toward the league IlI g do some traditional AnsIophiIes II rho have suddenly evinced a brand II CIV suspicion of the motives of John il iu!. It is odd to observe The Irish II World and The Gaelic American II making common cause with George Il iarvey's Weekly. the New York Sun II nd the New York Tribune. H.! Truly the world is out of Joint II iut probably the overwhelnfnr H JOrIty of Irish-Americans ara 5o HI