The sun., 1919-03-02

body of delegates or In tho Executive
Council or as member of the High
Contracting Parties, whichever makes
the choice. But no matter who picks
the mandatory Power, clearly some one
besides ourselves has the power to say
whether and when our boys and how
many OF them shall be sent to the arid
regions OF Armenia, or to the sleeping
death regions of central Africa, or to the
wildernesses OF southwest Africa, or to
the inhospitable South Pacific Isles, ano
when they get there It will be somebody
else besides ourselves who will determine
how long they shall remain, by what
laws they shall govern the people. and
hat shall be their measure and rules
Of protection. For II II clear Chat Is as
clear a. the covenant makes anything)
that the terms OF the protectorate are
TO be determined not by and between the
protecting and protected States, but by
the High Contracting Parties or they fail
Ing by the Executive Council in q special
act or charter.
Control Of billions Lost.
Moreover. II seems q matter Of GER
tain deduction that as parties other than
ourselves are to determine the size of
the army Of occupation which We shall
send. the methods and nature OF its oper-
ations. the length Of time It shall remain
there. the rules and principles by which
It shall govern the peoples Of the occu-
pied territory and the kind and extent
Of the upbuildins work which shall be
performed by the protecting State, then
somebody else besides ourselves must de-
eide how many billions tfor we speak
an tn ~
from our own people by taxation and
spend In the territory over which we
have been made mandatory. perhaps
against not only our own free desires
but the will Of the protected peoples
themselves
II take It to DO unnecessary to point
out how destructive all these things
would DO Of our Constitution, which
lodges In the Congress the power to
raise and equip armies. to raise revenue
and make appropriations-in both mat
tiers solely In accordance with the dis
cretion Of Congress, and which lodges
in the national Executive the power to
control and direct tie operations Of any
army in the field. including the power to
lay down the rules which shall operate
and control between the occupying army
and the inhabitants OF the territory oc-
cupied.
Thus this covenant will. II It becomes
operative, strike down most vital pro-
visions OF our Constitution. and here
again II fails to meet the test.
II am now to the third question I
have put Are the provisions OF the
proposed covenant destructive OF our
sovereignty?
Power of self-defence Lost.
Cast up in your mind the colossal
powers granted to the Executive Council
lin which. be It always remembered. we
are but one OF nine participating Pow
crs) recall the far reaching and Vita
covenants into which we shall enter as
one OF the high contracting parties: and
hold In mind that We are to give up tho
power to say when We shall have war,
when peace, what shall our army num-
Der. how many vessels of war shall we
have. how. when, where. and under what
conditions shall our army and navy be
used. when shall our treaties be bind
ing what shall our treatment OF COM
merce be, how great shall our gift OF
funds to other Powers and therefore how
great the tribute we shall pay-consider
all these and you cannot but say that
our sovereignty has in matters Of ma
tional life and death been destroyed.
Pause. Mr. President, and consider
what II Is proposed TO do-to take from
the social organism not alone the right,
but the power OF self-defence. We shall
stand not only naked. but bound and
e. helpless.
"why, sir. II Is contrary TO the eternal
course OF nature, exhibited in all her
works since the dawn OF time, for de-
fenceless organism to survive, whether
that organism be plant, animal. or social.
How then shall we hope to live?
81 come now to the fourth and last
OF my tests; Will this plan. II put into
operation, threaten our national indie
pendence and life?
Judged by all the standards OF the
past, by history and by experience. we
must answer that It does.
at threatens our life in respect OF all
those matters in which our sovereignty
IL impaired, because when sovereignty
goes. life as nation goes. 1ndepend-
ence goes when our conduct Is dictated
by others, when our continued existence
depends upon the will Of others, wher
we are no longer able to avail ourselves
OF our wonted means OF defences. actual
or by anticipation.
Conduct Dictated by Others.
That under this plan our conduct is
dictated by others cannot be gainsaid
when we recall that we may be launched
into a worldwide war without the power
Of determining what our participation
shall be, either In men. armament or
money That our continued existence
depends on the will of others Is clear
from the fact that, disarmed by the
mandate Of the league. We shall not be
t permitted to increase our armament save
by the consent Of the Executive Council.
no matter how great or pressing the
emergency or the danger
That we may no longer avail our
selves of our wonted means Of defence,
actual or by anticipation. Is not to be
successfully denied. as one Illustration
will suffice to show.
"It was Thomas Jefferson who said,
Our frst and fundamental maxim should
be iNver to entangle ourselves In the
broils of Europe: our second, never TO
suffer Europe to intermeddle with els
Atlantic affairs On this latter princi-
pie Monroe announced later the doc
trine which bears his name, namely. We
should consider any attempt on their
part tine part OF European PowarAl 10
extend their systems to any portion OF
this hemisphere as dangerous to our
peace and safety and, We could not
view any interposition for the purpose
OF depressing them 1.-THE young Ameri-
can repubicsl or controlling in any
other manner their destiny. by any
European Power, in any other light than
rs the manifestation of an unfriendly
disposition toward the United States 1t
was Secretary Olney who said. To-day
the United States Is practically sove-
reign on this continent and Its fiat Is
law upon the subjects to which It con-
fines its interposition.'