New-York tribune., 1919-02-08
Manifesto of Seattle
Strikers Most Radical

eHOrt TO keep them from violating thell
contract. These leaders are as much
strike threatens the authority and even
the very existence of national labor
organizations. If the example it has
set is followed elsewhere the national
organizations will become impotent and
superhuous.
The original strike was for 81 an
hour. The agitation for an sS day on
top of a forty ght-hour week started
last summer. The men were then re-
celving " cents an hour Their con-
tention was duly taken up by the Macy
adjustment board, which has charge of
all shipbuilding wage and labor ad-
Justments. A delegation Of Pacific
Coast labor leaders came to Phiadel-
phia and Washington and tk whole
situation was canvassed by the officers
of the Emergency Fleet Corporation
and formally by the Macy board. The
latter decided the advance in the cost
Of living at Seattle did not justify an
/ increase 10 81 All hour, but that 80
cents an hour would be fair pay on
both the Pacific and Atlantic coasts.
lnasmuch as the award was not made
until after August /, which was the
end of the six months period for which
the former wages applied, the sO-cent
award was made retroactive to that
date.
The men, supported by their national
organizations, objected to this award.
and an appeal board was constituted to
pass on their protests. This board
deadlocked. Thereupon the local lead
ers began to agitate for strike. The
strike referendum was taken just be-
fore the armistice was signed, so the
strike would have come even had the
war still been in progress
At this point the local and ma
tional leaders parted. The national
organizations were solemnly bound to
abide by the decisions of the Macy
board. The fact that the appeal had
come to nothing did not affect the
obligation, the decision of the Macy
board was binding.
Since the strike began the Macy
board has done nothing because q
fundamental of it's attitude and that
of the Emergency Fleet Corporation
is to have no dealings with men who
are on strike in violation of their
agreements.
If the men were to return to work
the Macy board might, perhaps, take
some steps looking toward mediation,
but it could go no further It ex-
pires on March 81, and anyway the
Emergency Fleet Corporation feels
that in view of the excessive cost of
shlpbuilding it has reached it's wage
limit.
The Emergency Fleet Corporation,
and not the shipbuilding concerns, has
had to stand all the additional wages
that have been auth horized by the
Macy board, as the builders were com
PEELED to accept them and could not,
of course, be expected to carry out
their contracts at originally fixed
prices if the board insisted on making
the ships cost more.
This leaves the dispute one purely
between the strikers and the ship
building companies. The Emergency
burden of added costs, as during the
war, when it had no choice. So far
as it is concerned, the yards can
make any sort Of 81 deal they want
to with the strikers, but the increased
pay that may result will have TO come
out of the builders pockets. The gov
ernment is rot in any hurry for the
ships now, and as the men actually
voted to strike while the war was on
it has no eompunction about taking
advantage Of the situation in its turn.
Director General Piez is absolutely
decided in the position He is being
criticised without stint because ships
are costing so much, and he will take
no responsibility for further adding to
the cost.
The general view in Congress is that
the Emergency Fleet Corporation has
been not only fair in it's wage scales,
but far too lavish with public funds in
establishing them. If dollar dav
we're granted in Seattle it would have
to be granted everywhere, and another
$500 900 would be added to the cost
OF the already costly emergency ships.
1t is not believed there is any danger
of the strike extending to Eastern or
even South Pacific Coast yards, but it is
realized there is possibility that the
RADICALS may take advantage of the Sc
attle example to start strikes elsewhere.