New-York tribune., 1919-12-29
Books

John Spargo seems to have two OBJ
Jects in view in his new book. "The
Psychology of Bolshevism" He in
tends, 1T seems to US, to make out a
case against Bolshevism and also to
make out casc for himself. His sue
cess is more marked in the former
attempt than in the latter. lie points
out clearly and concisely fundamental
differences between BolshevIst theory
and practice and the theory and prac-
tlce of modern socialism. He scores
legltimately against all those who
charge that America committed des-
potlc acts during the war, such as the
suppression of free speech, and at the
same time fails to make any protest
against the suppression of free speech
by Trotzky and Lenine. But he grows
less logical when he tries to explain
why he assailcd the suppression of free
speech in Russia but refraned from
criticizing what he regarded as sup
preston in this country.
In speaking of what he calls "a
highly hysterical policy of repres-
sion' we find Nh Spargo excle4 4nlng
that "in all too many cases we became
as brutally savage as the Prussians.
The savagery of many of the sentences
imposed by our courts for violation of
the laws relating to sedition was
equaled only by their stupidity" And
later, ut is impossible to overestimatc
the extent to which the savage vindic-
tlveness of our treatment Of such Of
tenders against the sedition and es-
pionage laws has contributed to the
growth of Bolshevism."
Now, whether these sentiments are
literally true, somewhat overdrawn or
entirely false is beside the point and
need not concern US. If John Spargo
believed that repression during the
war was putting us in some cases on
par with the Prussians and was aid
ing the spread of Bolshevism it seems
fair to assume that he made a public
and spirited protest against these al
legged injustices at the time when he
says they were being committed But
as matter of fact Mr.. Spargo made
no such protests until much later
date
We assume, therefore, that he is
explaining his own position when he
writes:
"Thousands of liberals and radicals
who had devoted themselves to the
task of winning the war reeled under
the shock Of these savage sentences
so much more severe than those mete d
out to similar offenders in other lands
including Germany. To remain silent
and unprotestng in the face Of wrongs
so grievous seemed like a desertion
OF their principles and ideals, like
treason to conscience. Yet they could
make no effective public protest with
out giving encouragement and strength
to the anti-war agitators and aid and
comfort to the enemy. 1t was a posi-
tion involving intense mental and spr-
ltual struggle and torture. They real.
ized the imperative need of mani
festation Of unbroken SOLIDARITY"
That, OF course, is an entirely loei-
cal, although debatable, position, but
little later in the book Mr.. Spargc
seems to throw his side of the argu-
ment away when he writes:
I'm the summer of 1918 in England
France and Italy it was the expert.
ence of the present writer to be con.
tlnually called upon to explain to
puzzled minds how nation could pos.
slbly be sincere in its professions that
1t was fighting to make the world safe
for democracy while permitting the
most astounding and vindictive SEN
tences, such as were frequently re-.
ported in the press. The anti-war So
clalists, the bourgeois pacifsts and the
reactlonary o-German groups mad,
this the theme Of = very infuentia