Albuquerque morning journal. [volume] (Albuquerque, N.M.) 1903-1926, 1919-09-05

we will be obliged 10 do things we
| don't want TO do. If the treaty were
wrong that might be so; but if the
treaty is right we will wish to preserve
right / think / know the heart of
this great people whom I for the time
being have the high honor TO repre-
sent, better than some other men that
| hear talk.
OF Revolutionary stock.
Il have been bred and am proud
| to have been bred in the old reyolu-
tionary stock which set this govern
ment up, when America was set UP as
a friend of mankind. and | know If
| they do not, that America has never
| lost that vision or that purpose.
but l haven't the slightest fear
that arms will be necessary if the pur-
pose. is there. If know that my ad-
| versary is armed and / am not | do
not press the controversy and IL any
nation entertains selfish purposes set
against the principles established in
this treaty, and Is told by the rest of
the world that ii must withdraw it's
| claims, 1t win not press them.
THE heart of this treaty then, my
! fellow citizens, is not even that il pun
ishes Germany--that is q temporary
| thing-it is that II rectifies the age
| long wrong which characterized the
history of Europe.
There are some of us wished that
| the scope of the treaty would reach
some long-ago wrongs, 1t was a big
job and l don't says that we wished
that 1t were bigger, but there We're
other wrongs elsewhere than in Eu-
rope and of the same kind, which no
doubt ought TO be righted, and some
day will be rign ed, but which we
could not draw into the treaty, be-
| cause We could deal only with the
countries whom the war had engulfed
| and affected. But so far as the scope
OF our treaty went, We rectified the
wrongs which have been the fertile
| source of war In Europe.
Source OF Revolutions.
Have you ever reflected, my coun-
trymen, on the real source of revolu-
ton? Men don't start revolutions in
a sudden passion. Do you remember
what Thomas Carlyle said about the
French revolution? He was speaking
of the so-called Hundred Days Terror
which reigned, not only in Paris, but
throughout France. in the days of the
his readers that back OF that hundred
days of terror lay several hundred
years of agony and of wrong. The
French people had been deeply and
consistently wronged by their gov
eminent; robbed, their human rights
disregarded and the slow agony of
those hundreds of years, after while
gathered into a hot agony that could
not be suppressed. Revolutions don't
spring up over night; revolutions
gather through the ages; revolutions
come from the long suppression of
the human spirit; revolutions come
because men know that they have
rights and that they are disregarded
And when We think of the future of
the world in connection with this
treaty, we must remember that one of
the chief efforts of those who made
this treaty was to remove that anger
from the hearts Of great peoples, great
peoples who had always been sup
pressed and always been used. who
had always been the tools in the hands
of ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS of alien
governments, not their own. And the
makers of the treaty knew that IL
these wrongs were not removed there
could be no peace iiKsne world, be-
cause, after all, my fellow citizens,
war comes from the seed of wrong,
and not from the seed of right. This
treaty is an attempt to right the his
tory of Europe, and in my humble |
Judgment ii is measurable success.
Mixture or Peoples
81 say measurable. my fellow citi- |
zens, because you will realize the diff |
ficulty of this. Here are two neigh
boring peoples. The one people have
not stopped at sharp line and the
settlements of the other people, or the |
migrations, begun at this sharp line;
they have intermingled. There are
regions where you can't draw ma
tional line and say there was Slavs on
this side and Italians on that; there
is this people there and that people |
there. 1t can't be done. You have to
approximate the line. You have to |
come to 1t as near as you can and
then trust to the process of history
to redistribute, it may be. the people !
who are on the wrong side of the line. |
And there are many such lines drawn
In this treaty and to be drawn In the
Austrian treaty. and where perhaps
there are more lines of that sort than
in the German treaty.
when we came to draw the line |
between the Polish people and the
German people. not the line between
Germany and Poland---there wasn't
any Poland, strictly speaking--the line
between the German people and the
Polish people, there were districts
like the upper part of Silesia, or rather
the eastern part of Silesia, which is
called upper Silesia because it is a
mountainous part and the other part
10 oaf HIGH Silaeia is chiefly Polish |
and when we came to draw line to
represent Poland 1t was necessary to
include high Silesia. il we were really
going to play fair and make Poland
up Of the Polish peoples wherever We
found them in sufficiently close neigh
borhood 20 one another.
The Silesian Problem.
"But 1t wasn't perfectly clear that
Upper--that high Silesia wanted to
be part of Poland. At any rate, there
were Germans in high Silesia who said
that it did not, and therefore we did
there what we did in many other places
places: we said, Very well, then, let
the people that live there decide We
will have a referendum within a GER
tain length of time after the war, I'M
der the supervision Of an information
al commission, which will have q suf-
ficient armed force behind 1t to pre-
serve order and see that nobody in
terferes with the elections. We will
have an absolutely free vote and high
Silesia shall either go to Germany or
to Poland as the people in high Silesia
prefer
and that illustrates many other |
cases where we provided for a refer
endum or pfebiscite, as they choose