Imperial Valley press., 1919-04-11
HENRY CABOT LODGE.

Your EXcellency, Ladies and Cen
tlemen, my Fellow Americans:
l am largely indebted to President
Lowell for this opportunity to ad-
dress this great audience. He and
| are friends Of many years, both
Republicans. He is the president OF
our great university. one of the most
important and influential places in
the United States. He is also an
eminent student and historian of pol
Iitics tnd government. He and | may
differ as to methods in this great
question now before the people, but
| am sure that in regard to the Sc
curity of the peace Of the world and
/ tie welfare of the United States we
do not differ in purpose.
| | am going to say single word,
/ if you will permit me, as to my own
position. | have tried to state 1t
over and over again. | thought |
had stated it in plain English. But
there are those who find in misrep-
resentation convenient weapon
for controversy, and there are 9TH
ers, most excellent people, who per
haps have not seen what | have said
and who possibly have misunderstood
me.
1t has been said that | am against
a League of Nations. | am not; far
from it. | am anxious to have the
nations, the free nations of the world,
United in a league, as we call 1t,
society, as the French call it, but
united, to do all that can be done
to secure the future peace of the
world and to bring about a general
disarmament.
Early Speeches in Favor of League.
| have also been charged with in
consistency. In the autumn of 1914,
Theodore Roosevelt made speech
in which he brought forward the idea
of a League of Nations for the pre-
vention of future wars. In the fol-
lowing June, of 1915, speaking at
Union College in New York, on Com
mencement, | took up the same idea
and discussed the establishment of
League of Nations backed by force
II spoke of it only in general terms.
| spoke again in favor of it in the
following winter before the meeting
of the League to Enforce Peace.
But the more | reflected upon 1t,
and the more | studied it, the more
difficult the problem appeared to me-
1t became very clear to me that IN
irving to do too much we might lose
ali: that there were many obstacles
and many dangers in the way; and
that it would require the greatest
skill and self-restraint on the part
of the nations to make any league
that would really promote and
strengthen and make more secure
the peace of the world.
In January, 1917, the president OF
the United States brought forward
plan for a League to Enforce Peace
| in an address to the Senate, and /
discussed it at some length, showing
| the dangers of the proposition and
the perils which it would bring, not
only to peace, but to the United
States.
During all this time, may say; |
was in consultation or | was talk
i ing with Theodore Roosevelt in re-
gard to it. His position and nine
/ did not then differ.
! On December u | made a speech
in the Senate in which | discussed
the fourteen points and some OF the
nomentous questions raised by the
proposition for a League Of Nations.
Roosevelt Gave Attitude Full APP
prOval.
Colonel Roosevelt wrote an article
in the Kansas City Star upon that
speech. approving it and commend
ing it. | read a single paragraph
( from it:
/ "Our need is not as great as that
of the vast scattered British Empire,
| for cur domains are pretty much IN
ring fence. We ought not to un-
der.ake the task of policing Europe,
Asia and Northern Africa; neither
ought we to permit any interference
with the Monroe doctrine, or any at
tempt by Europe or Asia to police
America. Mexico is our Balkan pen
insula. Some day we will have to
deal with it, All the coasts and isl
and which in any way approach the
Panama canal must be dealt with by
this nation, and by this nation in
accordance with the the Monroe doc
| trine"
On January Of the present year
the Friday before his death-he die
tated another editorial which ap-
peared in the Kansas City Star aft
er his death. ! wish time would per
nit me to read it all, but / Will read
only one paragraph:
" Let each nation re-
serve to itself and for it's own de.
cision, and let it clearly set forth
questions which are nonjusticible.
Finally, make it perfectly clean
that we do not intend to take po-
sition Of an international Meddlesome
Matte. The American people do not
wish to go into an overseas war un-
less for very great cause, and
where the issue is absolutely plain
Therefore, we do not wish to under
take the responsibility of seending oul