The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1919-05-09
SHALL WE LAUNCH
A LABOR, PARTY?
(By VIM. NJ. Short.O

This is a subject which is being
given serious thought by a large
number of the workers of the ma
tion at this time. Sentiment on the
subject is pretty much divided, and
strong arguments for" and
against" can be heard from either
side. 1t is an issue that should be
met squarely, and this cannot be
done until We first honestly and in
telligently analyze the question at
issue in all it's angles and phases.
The theory of establishing and
maintaining a labor party, of the
workers, by the workers, and for
the workers, is sound; and under
fitting circumstances would accom-
plish results in practice. But are
the existing circumstances fitting?
Let us stop a minute and see. Two
great eroups of workers have devel-
oped powerful labor parties, those
of New Zealand and Australia, and
of Great Britain. Our brothers of
Great Britain have labored for
many years, and with remarkable
success during the last ten years, to
develop a powerful political labor
party. They have succeeded in this
respect in large measure. But have
they brought the solution of the
many vexing problems that affect
Labor that its proponents had hoped
for and believed in? The verdict
of a large number of those directly
connected with it is, No.
The shop stewards movement is
the direct outgrowth of too much
labor party. The lure and fascina-
ton of the political game attracted
the best intellect of the labor move
ment many of the officials of the
different national organizations are
also Labor members of Parliament;
the interests of the most vital de-
Tense of the workers, the economic
organizations, have suffered as a
consequence. While it is true that
considerable remedial legislation
has been secured, in the main, the
promises held out have not been
realized. The workers of Great
Britain are starting out to get on
the job today what the political
party had promised for tomorrow.
The shop steward movement is one
of rebellion against unfulfilled po-
litical promises.
The formation of the triple al
lance, composed of the Miners Fed
Grafton, the Dock Workers, and the
National Railway Unions, is further
evidence of this tendency. This il
lance has marshalled it's great eco
nomic strength to demand from
their government the nationaliza-
of mines and transportation sys-
TENS. the establishment of a six
hour day, and five-day week, to-
gether with substantial and neces-
sary increases in wages. A govern
ment Coal Commission has already
recommended the establishment of
a seven-hour day in the mines this
wear, and a siX-hour day in 1921,
with a 20go increase in wages. The
naturalization of mines and trans
portation systems is still under con-
sideration, with the alliance still
holding out for its concession by the
government.
Now. if a labor party is the pana-
cea that has been claimed for it,
why, after developing it, are the
workers in the basic industries of
Britain reverting to economic ac-
ton? The answer has evidently be-
come quite clear to the workers
over there. However, this doesn't
mean that the labor party will die;
it will continue to function in
bringing about from time to time
political reform, bat the great revo-
lutionary changes in the lives of
the workers are going to be secured
on the economic field
Australia and New Zealand have
had Labor governments and are
still maintaining powerful political
parties, but in spite of this, the
workers there are finding it neces-
sary to strike on the industrial
field to obtain that which it has
been impossible to secure by polit-
ical power. Let us come home to
America now. Can we afford to
launch any new political movement
in face of the lessons furnished by
Britain and Australia that would
tend to detract thought and energy