The Irish standard., 1919-09-27

ing her claim.
The refusal to do so poisons the re-
| tions of the English speaking races
and makes a constant bar to their
closer union. 1t is possible to imagine
a more conspicuously simple and ur-
gent case for conceding liberty, self
government, and indicated develop
ment," and for sustaining them by the
"organized opinion of mankind''-in
other words, by true League of Ma
tions.
Can any League of Nations framed,
in the words of the fourteenth point,
expressly Ito afford mutual guarantees
of political and territorial indepen-
dence for small States," be other than
an imposture as long as it's most pow
erful member refuses that concession?
So much for the Irish claim.
An ImperiaIist's View.
Let us put the reply into the mouth
of candid imperialist cynic.
"My dear friend, your idealistic
reasoning is pathetic. Did not you
feel it as you forged your perfect lit
tie chain of syllogisms? And in that
not you half suspect that you had de-
stroyed your case and established
mine?
"We fought against 'militarism.'
Of course, but not against our own.
All the allied empires rest on force
and it would have been excessively
ridiculous, as you seem to be partly
aware, to make their dissolution an
object of the war against Germany.
White races or colored, it makes no
matter. How could we have fought
on the side of Russia against "militar-
ism?' Let us eliminate these cOnfus-
ing 'isms,' even from 'Prussianism.'
1--WE fought against Prussia-Ger-
many-a tremendous commercial and
military Power emerging from an in
terror position in Europe to dispute
with us the empire Of the East and
the markets of the world. We honest
ly fought, too, against the German
brand of militarism, a brand which dis
credited Tin Belgium and elsewhere),
a principle honorable and legitimate
in itself.
1--WE had to represent to the Irish
that the Belgian case was typical,
and that by standing out of the war
they sympathized with rape, burn
ings, etc. They, of course, contesting-
ly, as they always do, the necessary
militarism we exercise over them,
saw the matter in another light and
wanted Home Rule first as a pledge
of good faith.
Redmond to the Rescue.
Luckily, Redmond was a chival-
rous statesman. There was moment
of agonizing suspense Il was in the
House and felt it, when he offered
Irish help, Would he demand the con-
dition precedent, firmly and squarely?
had horrifying vision of the 1rishry
flocking to the transports under the
Union Jack (green flags in their hav-
ersacks), with the Ulstermen, under
some wierd emblem, ravaging their
homes in the rear. But the danger
passed.
ITO be frank there was the same
sort of embarrassment in all our prop
aganda. We had to stress the note
of liberty beyond it's real value and
paint atrocities in very high colors,
because we had to stimulate the pro-
letariats and convert America to en-
lightened militarism, while disgust
ing her with the discreditable side
of it.
"But meanwhile the rational aims
of the war we're pursued In the dig
nified secrecy of the Allied Councils.
Fresh allies had to be obtained,
their price paid, and arrangements
made for a fair division of the ultf'
mate spoils, territorial and economic
You yourself can hardly suppose that
we fought for the beaux yeux of the
Croats and Poles ct hoe genus omne
The Croats and several other interest
ing nationalities whose names l for
get were delivered to Italy in April
1915, while we were still talking tc
Ireland about the freedom of small ma