New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-01-26


tain her fleet to resist unjust aggres-
sion. If she did not she would starve
in week. The question of disarma-
ment must depend upon the success of
the league of nations and the demon
stration that il can furnish that in
surance of protection which nations
now have through their own navies and
armies
League an Inspiring Idea
THE league of nations is an inspr-
ing idea and 40 one with sense Of
responsibility would willingly diminish
its prospects Of success. A weary
world, vctors and vanquished alike
grieves to-day over the tragic sacrifices
Of war They see the crushing burdens
of armament which a continuance Of
pre-war conditions would involve and
though bruised and battered and sick
ened with it all, they are strongly re-
solved if possible, to make an end of
It's horrors. Men everywhere have set
their minds, their wills. upon a league
of nations as the only possible en-
bodimcnt Of this ideal.
"But it would be weak and foolish
to refuse to recognize that between
hope and full achievement great gap
may lie. A League of nations will not
spring up like mushroom in a night.
1t will come slowly and, possibly, out
of great tribulation, and until the
happy day of its security dawns We
must be prepared to defend ourselves
against aggression.
Must Have Security
During the transition we must secure
10 ourselves a means of defence in
proportion to the danger which may
threaten. And it is because of this
vital necessity that we cannot agree to
immediate limitations upon sea power
when no corresponding limitations are
set upon land power, or air power.
"1hus the question of freedom Of
the seas stands to-day to the thoroughly
practical as we'll as to the profoundly
ignorant. 1t is really 81 question Of
I the nature and extent Of belligerents'
sea rights in their relation to other
billigercnts and to neutrals.
"Perhaps the most useful method of
| approaching the question is to set out
! shortly the belligerent sea rights
which Great Britain claims, and to in
dictate what is understood to be The
view of the United States on each
J point: These rights may be stated I'M
der the following headings:
{. The right of the navy to fight
tho enemy anywhere outside
! of neutral territorial waters This
, might be thought to be beyond chal-
lengc, but have already pointed out
that President Wilson's second point
makes no exception in relation to
Warshlps, and, on d strict construc-
tlon of the clause, naval frhtln
outside territorial waters would be
prohibited except under international
sanction.
Capture of Enemy Ships
50 The capture of enemy MGR
chant ships and enemy goods
thereon. Upon this right depends
the possibility of putting effective
pressure on the enemy by strangling
his commerce. The exercise of this
right has gone far to win the war.
he United States has always theoret-
lcallN maintained the principle that
private property, with the exception
of contraband of war, should be cx-
empt from seizure, whether it be
enemy or neutral owned. This is a
question of the first Importance and
viii probably be the main problem
Tor immediate discussion.
90 The capture of contraband Of
war and all ships carrying it,
whether enemy or neutral
"a The right to search all ships
on the high seas
.SS Blockade of enemy ports or
coast and the capture of YES
sells, including neutrals, attempting
to run tho blockade
$50 far as know, rights Nos. an,
. have not been challenged by the
United States, unless President Will
sons second point contains objection.
! to them.
eve may expect the SUPPORT of The
United States in insisting upon the re
tentlon of prize courts for judicial de
termination upon captured vessels an,
goods as opposed to the German prac
tlce of indiscriminate sinking at sight
We may expect similar support in con
demning the laying Of mines on tn
high seas.
Capture at Sea Chief Issue
at therefore appears that if tn
United States maintains her traditional
attitude, the principal subject for dis
cuSSiOn will be that Of tho corturo -