The Bridgeport times and evening farmer., 1919-08-01

that it would not insist upon those | reasons being formulated into rules
 that would either prevent future | fighting or become part of the prize | ring code.
 'But soberly, can we calmly face | the world and proudly say that the | one plan which ingenious man has de- ! vised for the prevention of war or its {; lessening will not be given counten- | ance by America-the America of the | humane Lincoln? Is that not too | much like Germany refusing to join | at the Hague? Can we whole heart l edly say that it Is best for all that we ] should stand aloof at this time, and, 1 refusing to join hands with all the | other nations tell them that we shall remain 8 law unto ourselves, a Sage | among the nations?
 Unless I am greatly mistaken just l such a policy had much to do with | the coming of this war when 1t did. | England did not tell Germany what | her policy would be until the time 1 came to declare war, and then 1t was too late. "The world does not need nations that are judicial after the act, so | l much as it needs nations that are ex- ecutive and legislative before war comes-prevention,n not punishment is 1 the one large hope. For while we may not be pro- foundly certain that the way to a sure and general peace has been found wo are profoundly certain that some ex- perrin ent must be made. The old way has been a failure. Can we not agree on that? The old way of let ting war come if 1t will, of letting nations that hate and nations that en- wy and nations that are mad, arm | tNav, Txva,
 may show their power over neighbor nations that live in trembling and in fear-this old way is played out, 1t is i too costly. We are committed by our | consciences and by our conception of ! the right relation between men to end this old way if that Is possible. And | we nev f can know what Is possible ! until ,|e make effort in hope and with courage Do find some other way in which to live. This does not seem l to me to be the mandate of a mystical ideallsm or the beckoning call of a sentimental internationalism; 1t is rather the command of common sense | and the expression of a practical ! Americanism."
 Coming to an analysis of the League | as consistent with American policy
 and law, NIT. Lane said:
 Our sovereignty Is secure because
 every act of the League which could affect us must be taken with our con- sent and can no5be taken otherwise ! The covenant forming the League Is | based on the assumption that each ! party thereto honestly desires to ad- | here to the principles for which the ] League stands and to see that these | principles are carried out. It Is es-
 sentially a Gentleman's Agreement, | and no action can be taken for its en-
 forcement without all joining in the | proposed plan. We remain masters
 of all our internal affairs-the right
 to pass such immigration laws as we | desire and make such restrictions or
 prohibitions on commerce as we see
 fit. An American tariff policy and
 exclusion policy are secure.
 ''As to foreign trade we are alto | gether free, save that as against
 nation that violates its agreement made with the world we shall cut off
 trade relations while 1t is recalci-
 trant. We shall join in an interna-
 tional boycott against a club member who breaks the rules.
 ''The Monroe Doctrine, which Is our
 one self protective article of foreign policy, is recognized. Aggression
 against the territory or independence
 of any American nation by a non
 American country we will be free to oppose.
 The right of Congress to alone de-
 clare war is not invaded. We can
 not even on the advice of the League
 be forced to participate in any war.
 There Is no implication that we will The guarantee in which we join
 of national boundaries and indepen- dence Is only against outside i'm
 vasion. It is world wide extension
 of the Monroe Doctrine. It permits | revolutions or civil war or peaceful
 change of boundaries. This guaran-
 tee does not pledge us to send an army to the support of the invaded : nation, yet as I would interpret the
 covenant 1t might involve us in war
 as Last step fr possible series.
 That is to say, if a nation wiIfuIiy ana without submitting its controversy to l the scrutiny and consideration of the League invsdes another country for the purpose of annexins it or over | throwing its sovereignty, this nation 2 and those similarly situated would be
 morally required to help the invaded
 country, and this might be affected by following a series of steps running as . follows; A joint or individual note , of protest; the severance of diplomat 7 ic relations with the offender; sxpUl- } sion from the League, (These would l be administrative steps not calling for Congressional action.) If these vers , not effective there would follow more drastic acts. A plenary boycott; as sistance to the invaded country OF its g allies in the form of money or muni- tions; or lastly, a declaration of war. These last would all come only by Congressional action, the covenant l leaving it to each nation to determine what course should be pursued,
 Tt would appear, therefore, that there is double safeguard against 3 our being drawn into a war between : European countries, for war could not 3 be advised by the Council without ths , American member on the Council