New-York tribune., 1919-08-31
National Federation Issues
Review of Conditions by
! James Sullivan, Former
(; Assistant to Compers
General Strike Chief Fear
English Workers Part i'll
Politics Criticised and
Leadership Termed Weak

A summary of the present labor sit
uation in Great Britain by James ".
Sullivan, former assistant to Samuel
Gompers on the advisory commission,
Council of National Defence, was
made public yesterday by the National
Civic Federation. Mr.. Sullivan repre-
sented labor on the commission sent
abroad by the Civic Federation to
study and report upon postwar indus
trial conditions in Great Britain,
France and Italy, and his views and
conclusions arc presented in four ar
ticles, "The Passing of the British
Shop Steward Movement "Democ
ratization of Industry" "Chaotic Brit
ish Labor Politics" and "Great Brit
aims Industrial Triple Alliance.'
British workers are confused. he de-
clares, and their efforts weakened by
conflicting political ambitions of lead
ers. 1.-THE London Herald" claiming to
be one Of the principal labor organs,
is widely suspected, he asserts, of
drawing financial support from Ger
man bankers and rebel Indian sources,
while some of the most radical lead
ers, supplying advanced ideas in the
"intellectuals" who have never been
wage earners themselves.
Prefers U. S. System
His conclusions, based upon Gre
full survey of the entire situation in
Great Britain, are that, with its Labor
party, the British labor movement is
fundam entally weak; that the Amer
ican trade union system, in COM
parison, is moro cohesive, more potent
and more efficient and beneficial to
the country as whole. and that under
the American Federation of Labor
there has been more real progress here
than has been achieved by the four
big unions Of Great Britain. Wages
in this country are better and living
stand ndards vastly superior. he says.
With regard to characterization Of
industry, Mr.. Sullivan says his obser-
vations abroad showed him that Ameri-
can employers have yielded, without
pressure, a greater measure OF self
control and government to workers
than the English labor movement has
yet been able to gain. Referring espoci-
ally to the enthusiasm with which the
democratization movement has been en-
braced by certain elements in the
United States, he warns that high hopes
are not justified for the reason that
out of approximately 100000 work.
ers 31,000,000 are in agricultural, pro-
fessional and clerical pursuits, who
would be uninfuenced by such move
ment.
Discussing the rise and fall of the
shop steward system, Mir. Sullivan says
1t was a wartime schism among the
trade unions, the Importance and per
manence of which was greatly. over
rated by social perfectionists" in this
country, who hailed it as an advanced
sign Of the advent of Utopia. 1t rose
during the war to remedy q funda-
mental weakness of trade union organ
ization in Great Britain, he declares.
This weakness is the result of the fact
that British unions are not organized
as in America, on the shop unit plan,
but according to living areas, because
british unions incorporate some Of the
features Of friendly societies." On
this account q man belongs to the same
union wherever he works, whereas in
this country the worker transfers his
card to the union having jurisdiction
In the place to which he has moved
Leaders Distrusted
"This gap in efficiency" Mr.. Sullivan
continues, characterized some of the
largest unions. With the dilution of
skilled labor came relaxed union ORGAN
ization, with distrust of higher union
officials, because of their impotence in
sudden crises. Here was oppoi oitunity
for the modern youthful agitator-cn-
ergetlc, unafraid, unencumbered chat
Ing under restraint from his elders in
union positions. When fired by social
1stic faith, the steward standing for the
unorganized rocked little of immediate
consequences could he but promote the
cause. He was in Office for that pur-
pose.
ut was at this stage that deputa-
tlon from the stewards of the Wool
wich Arsenal was assured by Winston
Churchill as Minister of Munitions that
they should be the body consulted con-
cernlng work in that important gov-
ernment establishment, thus ignoring
the regular union officials Similar rec.
ognitlon was soon extended to other
large industrial centres.
District committees, seeing shop
stewards recognized and setting aside
union laws, venturcd to follow suit, and
IN turn were suspended. In many parts
OF the country local, unofficial shop or
cra1t spokesnlen practically dominated
IN dealings with perplexed employers.
uncertain whether agreements were to
be observed.
Differing from the United States.
mere was no authorized central execu-
1--WE standing for general wage work
ers organization, covering all ocCupa-
Iions for the entire country, with which
employers, singly or in bodieu might
treat. -
Better Record Here
The capablity of the American Fed
Grafton of Labor to come to a WORKING
understanding with our government on
its entering the war and TO offer to
employers complete union mechanism
appncable to every industry through
out the country, with models of rules.
regulation and organization for the
rapidly forming unorganized workinr
forces, even to having an authorized
union agent in every considerable
workshop, is matter of very recent
history"
"The British labor movement. differ
ing fundamentally from that of
America, is politico- economic in charac-
ter. 1t has four separate organiza-
tlons, varying in type and purpose:
"(D The Trade Union Congress-.
meeting annually to decide principally
upon the several measures to be asked
of Parliament and to elect its 'Parlia-
mentary committee whose mandate is
to watch all legislation affecting
labor The secretary's report of the