davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
Always Thus

Second, from time immemorial I'M
ruly tribes have dwelt in the wilder
parts OF the country along the banks Of
Nile, chiefly in Upper Egypt, where
they INDUCED in family or village VEN
dettas, Girga against Assiut, and
Dendera against Koft, with border
1orays and the abduction Of women.
tong back hundred years to the
reign of Mehemet Ali, whenever there
was trouble in district the adjacent
village was held responsible by an ele-
mentaly system which correspondent to
the Saxon frank pledge, and tho local
sheikh might be executed and have
his head stuck on pole as warning
to other village elders.
When we came in 1882 we abolished
all these practices in favor of French
procedure which we did nat under
stand ourselves, and therefore left in
the hands Of ignorant tgypuan youths
or The fafauet, the hesl Of when had
only qualified Ia passing a lenient eSs
animation far foreigners 81 the law
school or Ain The result wes meet
unsatisfactory, leading to constant
friction between the rareuet and Pc
ice Tor many years. until Sir John
Scotts plan of Assize courts was
adopted. The chief obstacle TO sue
cess Is the Arabic language itself, in
which the entire proceedings, written
and oral. were conducted, because that
language, with all its beauties, is not
suitable for the purposes OF modern
civilization, at least in scientific and
legal matters, owing to its vagueness
OF expression and lack Of minor infec-
tions and subordinate clauses, which
are so essential for accuracy of judg-
ment.
Third, the Bedouin fringe, which
may be likened to the most offensive
type of our own gypsies who wander
about the country and rob our hen
roosts and coal sheds. They are beg
gars and vagabonds. a nuisance in the
suburbs of Alexandria and a danger in
the provinces, a worthless population
without master, free to enter the
frontier villages, to join with the worst
class of fallaheen for loot and piliags
and then to disappear into their native
hills of the desert.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27

period of world history, and-as is a.
serted by our advcrsaries-which is to
usher in the new era of international
justice, cannot be conceived and can
not have real existence unless each
people analyze, in the most careful
manner, the clauses by which it is to
bind itself, and sanction them by its
signature only after a full realization
of their scope.
"Whatever we may do in the face of
the threatening tyranny, 1t Is the peo-
pie that must will 1t and demand it
and must assume the burden with see-
ing eyes, The people itself must be
the lhatahce to decide whether the
terms are acceptable or TO be- rejected,
whether the treaty ought to be de-
elihed ma a whole or only In acme of
Its clauses. The Arst refer
endum of the German republic ought
to be reserved for the decision over
accepting or rejecting the peace treaty.
This ought to be the demand of the
German nation itself"
The "Berliner Neueste Nachrich-
ten" reported on March ID a mass
meeting at the German capital
where, after listening to speeches by
prominent men like Baron RIGHT
hofen, Professor Sering and Herr
Ludemann, member of the National
Assembly, the crowd adopted reso-
luton calling on the government to
sign only "a peace of justice, con-
cluded between equals" one which
repudiates "every attempt to break
up the German country and to in
terfere with domestic conditions of
GERMANY"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
Will Germany Sign?

sign a peace which does not contain,
as sanction and corollary, league
Of nations, and one to which Germany
is admitted in advance as an equal
member (Clause and 4, September
q, 1873, a league that puts the regu-
lation Of international relations under
the guaranty of the peoples themselves
who conclude the peace and rids this
regulation from that secret diplomacy
and cabinet intrigue which to-day rules
the Paris negotiations. The security
Of world peace must be anchored in this
league of nations to which Germany
sincerely and earnestly wishes to be-
long. Then neither territorial nor mill
tary guarantees will be needed, and for
this reason we are not going to sign a
peace which annexcs German land and
puts German territories under partic-
ular law, and which demands from Ger
many disarmament which is not stimuli
taneously undertaken by the other men,
bers of the league. There is only one
choice: either the league of nations
safeguards peace, order and the sane
tity of treaties, or else the several
nations have to provide the safeguards
themselves. Those, therefore, who to-
day demand such safeguards deny the
foundation and principal aim of the
league of nations.
1--WE cannot sign a treaty that ap-
proaches the problem of territorial
settlement otherwise than on the basis
of free assent of the populations i'm
mediately concerned and not according
to the national interests of the other
states CLAUSE 2, July 4. 1879. In case
of the Saar district it is the German
population there, In ease of Poland and
West Prussia it Ia the population of
these two provinces that are the popu-
latiena Immediately concerned. and not
tho Poles or tho French. A peace that
dspeses otherwise we shall not aign,"
AS further terms which the Ger
mans will reject under any eircum-
stances, Dernburg enumerates a
colonial settlement which will ex-
clude, without compensation, Ger
many from the benefits of colonial
possession, and bill for damages
and reparation transgressing the
amount assessed for actual physical
destruction caused by illegal war
fare. He denounces emphatically
Lloyd Georges statement about
Germany's obligation to pay "to the
last farthing of her ability" as be-
ing at Variance with the Wilsonian
principles on the basis of which Ger
many had made her surrender.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
What We Won't

Under the caption, "What We
Won't Sign," DR.. Bernhard Dern-
burg, formerly unofficial Ambassa-
dor of Germany in the United States,
and since appointed Minister of
Finance in the Scheidemann govern
ment, writes in the "Berliner Tage-
blatt" for March %:
"The German people will not stand
for the camouAage which paints with
the colors Of the Wilsonian clauses
every attempt at intimidation, every
hankering after power and revenge.
The German people will not sign
peace that does not promise that i'm
partial justice and lasting reconcilia-
ton which has been assured to US by
President Wilson on September 81,
1918. Above all we are not going to
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
\ EFORE the present Consti-
n tuition was adopted and the
thirteen colonies had become
thn TYrifod C+otao 80 A~~~

lea, the loose-jointed federation
made treaty of alliance with
France. That is the only treaty of
alliance America has ever made, and
it was not made under the existing
Constitution, But President Wilson
is currently reported to have hound,
or to have promised to bind, America
to come forthwith to the aid of
France If hey eastern borders are
ever again attacked by Germany.
American opinion was immedi.
asely agtated upen the subject and
was decidedly against any such
proposition az WAS fofeshadewed In
The Paris dispatches, Within a few
days Mr.. Tumulty, The Presidents
secretary, observed this phenom-
enon and cabled the President with
the result that on Thursday Mr..
Iumulty gave out the following
statement at the White House:
I'm view Of the fact that certain
newspapers Of wide circulation
throughout the country)have intimatod
mat tho President bad entered into
a secret alliance or treaty with some
OF the great powers, conveyed this
information to the President, and am
to-day in receipt Of a cablegram from
him giving positive and unqualified
denial to this story"
Just what Mr.. Wilson has done
or promised to do is shrouded in
mystery, but whatever he has done
or has promised to do all the Amer
lean correspondents in Paris seem
agreed that he has done it or prom
Used to do it, and that 1t was this
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27

doubt of its value, and France Is too
polite to imply doubt.
"At the same time France will ask
that note be made, the merest mem
orandum at some convenient place in
the treaty, that England and America
engage to supply military force to
protect French soil if it is again in
vaded. But no disbelief in the efficacy
of the league of nations is to be con-
strued. None at all.
"The French have to be practical
about this question of national secu-
rlly In other matters, like love, litera-
ture and pulling down ministries, thew
allow themselves some latitude. But
touching the defence of French soil
against German invasion they long ago
agreed among themselves to keen on
the plane Americans indicate when
they refer to brass taeks Fpsnee
doesn't know for sure what a league
or nations would be, but II dees knew
what German Invasion ID.
Whatever other means the peses
conference may like to try, France Ia
willing to go in on II for the sake Of
good fellowship awith the little reser.
walton referred to. Let there be n
league by all means. But let England
and America be ready with men and
guns in case-well. just in case"
While some thousands Of miles
away "The Charleston News and
Courier" said:
III the French have asked for and
received some such guarantees az this
in application, so to speak. of the
stipulations in tho tentative league
covenant, it seems no more than ia
their due and no more than is neces-
sary to carry the league through the
early and most critical stages of its
existence and give it chance to
achieve its full development as a world
society,""
But when it comes down to the
question of whether this nation is
ready and willing to enter into
military alliance, even with France.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
philadelphia Inquirer

Can 1t be that the United States
as member of the league is to be
called upon to guarantee against out
side attack the political integrity of
the British Empire and all other men,
bers Of the league and, in addition. as
the member of new triple alliance
outside the league, to offer an addi-
tlonal guarantee with respect to the
political integrity of Great Britain and
France?
Ut Is all very strange, very confus-
ing, but the patience of the American
people is long suffering. In due time
the terms of the made over cove
hant' the terms of the treaty and the
terms of all alliances, projected or in
contemplation, must find their way to
the Senate OF the United States. there
10 be discussed before any covenant
OF treaty or alliance will be worth the
paper " Ia written on. so far AS tina
uhitea states Ia concerned, Then will
'he eyes Of the American people bs
openeds
That In making any promise ef
military aid for France President
Wilson was stretching his powers
TOO far was pointed out by "The
Chicago Daily News" which said
1T Is scarcely necessary to point
out that President Wilson is not IN
position to make any such binding
promise to France, even assuming TINT
MS own oft-rercated declarations
against the old form of alliances or
understandings, and against the whole
doctrine Of the balance Of power. can
be reconciled with a special treaty
guaranteeing France against wanton
aggressions by its Teutonic neishbor.
All treaties binding the United States
nave to be ratified by the Federal Sem
ate and that body is certainly not in
iavor OF military or other alliances.
Neither would the American people
entertain the idea at this time of an
entangling alliance of any SORT"
And Oscar s. Straus, on the
ground in Paris, warned against the
United States participating in an
alliance within the league Of ma
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27

lions. He observed, in an interview
with 1.-THE New York Herald":
"A military agreement or alliance
between these three powers for the
protection of the Rhine frontier would
be sharp wedge driven into the
heart of the league and would ulti-
mately lead to it's dissolution.
1.-THE three weapons the league
possesses against an offending nation
are sufficient defence pending a de-
clslon to use military force. Diplo-
matte relations would be severed; ma
tlonals of violating member of the
league would not be permitted to have
any communication with the outside
world and complete economic block
AIDE would bs put into effect
Military fierce would follow this If
" we're found necessary 70 use it,
"Ihe Constitution If the Uaited
states prevents the use of any army
Ia this connection without ths eeesent
OF Congress, However. France can hs
assured OF adequate protection If tho
league IL permitted TO function a,a,g
the lines laid down.
ANY arrangement within the leapua
on the part of the United States. Fnr-
land and France would be death blow
to the league itself and would mark
the return of the old order Of th,pus
and of wars"
The "Matin" assumes that the
agreement is in effect new Trinle
Alliance, comprising England.
France and America. Burr Price Of
1.-The New York Herald" has the
same idea. He said:
There is, however, one grand mvs-
terry pervading Paris. That is wbetber
Americans and the British have pledged
themselves in secret compact to guar
antee by force of arms, If necessary tho
safety OF France. Premier David Lloyd
GEORGE seemed to intimate such a thing
IN his speech before the House of Com
mons Too, French newspapers openly
'n'lmate 1t, but when ! asked American
ana British statesmen concerning it they
smut their lips tightly"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
Shall We Go In for acknowledgements

fact, or near fact, that brought Pre-
mier Clemenceau to accept the
league of nations and made possible
the agreement of England, France
and America on the terms of the
treaty with Germany. That some
thing was done seems to have been
confirmed by the President himself,
A special dispatch to "The Sum-
from Paris said;
president Wilson virtually author
ICED a confirmation Of reports of an
alliance between the United States and
France by allowing his spokesman to
say that nothing would be done that
was contrary to the principles Of the
league of natiens,
"This was authorized when state
meRt WAS shown to the President frem
the 'MatiR' asserting that the alliance
already was embedded In the form of a
brief HtipulAtina that the United States,
Great Britain and France would UNDER
take mutually TO give assistance II Ger.
many attacked France again, and that
this agreement would be signed by the
three powers here coincidentally with
the signing Of the treaty Of peace"
AT any rate, the positive and un-
qualified denial relates to only half
of the report. 1t does not deny
that a promise has been made to
Premier Clemenceau. Meanwhile
this country has already expressed
It's opinion. Entangling alliances
are contrary to the entire history of
American international policy. Yet
it was recognized that there was
plenty of excuse for France in seek
ing an alliance with America. For
example, "The Kansas City Times"
observed:
France must not be taken as being
skeptical Of the security offered by the
league Of nations. Not at all. France
has accepted the league as inevitable.
France doesn't say the 'untricd expert
mcnt may not work. That would imply
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
II"O SIGN OR NOT TO
SIGN" is now the ques-
ton the German Hamlet.

IL ton the German Hamlet,
casting anxious chances
in the direction of Versailles, de-
claims before the footlights of world
publicity.
The German peace delegates have
been summoned to Paris for April
25, and the Allies have served warm
ing on Ebert that they shall be real
plenipotentiaries, and not mere mes
sengers or figureheads.
"You have taught us in very
short time how the Russian repre-
sentatives muet have felt at Brest-
Litovsk," prominent German pub
licist recently addressed the Allied
statesmen. The denunciations of
a peace of violence" are usually fol-
lowed by the threat, put in the form
of Question: "What if we refuse
to sign?" 1t would not be the first
leaf the rulers Of defeated Germany
have borrowed from the Trotzky
manual of craftsmanship.
Summarizing a forecast of the
peace terms, Frank H. Simonds
cables from Paris
"Now, brought face to face with
these terms, will the Germans sign, or,
following the example of the Russians
at Brest-Litovsk, will they refuse to
sign and offer passive resistance?
Again, If they sign, will they sign in
the spirit they aligned the armistice and
then, as In that case, oppose every con-
ceivahle obstacle to It's performance,
compelling new efforts, ralang new
disputes, seeking to postpone payment
until Great britain and America are
eliminated from tho continent and
France and Belgium atand alone In tie
presenee Of a superior enemy9 Equally
interesting Ia the question whether
modern Germany will follow the en-
ample of Prussia after Jena, and, evad-
Ing the provisions of this treaty az
Prussla evaded the provisions of the
Treaty Of Tilsit. arm herself for a new
struggle and seek to revive the tradi-
tions of Leipsic and Waterloo. These
are great concerns Of the future
A Berlin correspondent of The
Tribune, cabling on April 81, an
swers the question thus phrased by
Mr.. Simonds by saying that
strong likelihood exists that the Ger
man government will either refuse
its signature straight out, or else
that it will submit the treaty to the
National Assembly, or, perhaps, to
popular referendum-which would
mean rejection without fail.
A survey of German press opinion
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27

would tend to justify these con-
lectures. Writing in the "Neue
Freie Presse" of Vienna, Professor
Hotzsch, the famous Prussian pub
licist, says that
"unless the fourteen points of President
Wilson inspired the treaty Germany
should adopt the attitude or the Rus
slams at Brest-Litovsk and refuse to
sign"
Herr Georg Bernhard, in the Ber-
lin "Vossiache Zeitung," repeats
Professor H0tzsch's allusion to
brest-Litovsk. Germany, he thinks,
must pursue more active policy,
and he explaing
unfortunately, Ersberger and acme
of the present Cabinet think that the
utterance Of protcsts s an active policy.
But this will not suffice. Protests are
all very we'll in their way. What Ia
urgently to be wished Is that if the
Entente propose to commit in Paris the
folly that the Germans showed at Brest-
Litovsk, the German plenipotentiarics
must refuse to put their signatures to
any peace that goes outside the fourteen
points of Wilson,"
On March 10 the Hamburger
Fremdenblatt," one of the most
substantial German newspapers, re-
ported under a Berlin date line:
1--WE know that the government has
fully considered the idea of rejecting
the peace treaty, down to the ultimate
consequences of such step. Never
theless the government has come to
the conclusion that it will not submit
to peace of violence, ACKNOWLEDGMENT
and enslavement. Naturally, the de-
cision will be made, as far as possible,
not by the German delegates, but by
the national government itself, and the
latter will not be able to act in this
tremendous question without consult
ing the National Assembly. 1t is right
that this should be so. But the full
power to say MOI will be given to our
delegates In advance"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
1taly's Big NO

were ethically dubious when they. were
made, and are now absurdly out Of keep
ing with the new situation created by
tho disintegration Of the Austrian
empire"
The case against the stand of the
Italian government is summed up
tersely by "The New York Evening
POST:
In its substance, Mr.. Wilson's state
ment sets forth powerfully the great
national advantages of which Italy is
already assured. The question there
fore reverts to the rights of other
nationalities, and Mr.. Wilson sets forth
the case of the new independent states
that are to be built up on the ruins Of
the Empire Of the Hapsburgs. Linked
with these aspects Of the matter are
the fundamental principles which were
accepted by all at the time Of signing
the armistice, and the functions Of the
League of Nations. The whole is en-
bodied by the President in a reasoned
and persuasive argument.
"From this, and from the backing
which Mr.. Wilson is sure of, it will
be impossible for the Italians, in the
end, to get away. There will be-
many rumors, magnificent gestures,
heated rhetoric; but the weight of
moral judgment, with the economic
resources Of which the United States
has such visible and such strategic
command, will finally turn the settle
ment of the Adriatlc controversy along
the lines indicated by President
Wilson,"
And "The New York World"
pointing out that the armistice was
concluded on the hasis of the Wilson
ian fourteen Aeints, saya;
"rhere Ia only one honorable and
only ene practical eeurse for the
italian government to take, and that
Ia to return to the pledge to which 1t
adhered on Nov. 4, 1918.
President Wilson's statement Ia re-
gard to Fiume Ia IN reality an ulti-
matum. If Europe wants the kind Of
peace that Italy's demands imply Europe
must make it alone The United States
cannot underwrite any new programme
of Imperialism"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-04-27
at the peace con-
~ ference, has taken a large
part in the work Of settling

part in the work of settling
the affairs of the world in
general; she also has been having
lot of trouble in her own family.
Nationalist movements have sprung
up like weeds in rose garden after
a soaking rain. Irish separation is,
of course, a hardy annual; but the
opportunity offered by the peace con-
ference has bred separatist move
ments in India, South Africa and
Egypt, as we'll. India and Egypt
have both followed the Irish ex-
ample of rioting, and there has been
a good deal of bloodshed in both
dependencies, though the outside
world has not always been able to
determine exactly how serious the
rioting has been.
The case Of Egypt seems to have
been the most serious, for it was
used by Winston Churchill, Minister
for War, in the House of Commons,
to get through the bill for a large
standing army. He was able to pre-
sent the Egyptian situation in such
a light that Parliament was con-
WINGED a standing army of not less
than 100000 men was needed to keep
order in the empire, let alone keep
ing Germany from breaking out
again. And the news dispatches
have made known the fact that
large number of British officers and
soldiers, probably reaching to sew
eral score, have been killed in Upper
Egypt
Who's to Blame?
DR., Georges Same. the we'll
known French authority on the Near
East, blanca the British for their
own troubles in Egypt. Writing in
"L'Europe Nouvelle," the Paris
radical weekly, he says:
IL HuBJ be IeCVBHlbeu SHat VI dil
Oriental peoples tho Egyptians are the
only ones who have ncontestable rights
to demand independence, for they are
the only ones who are vertically homo
geneous. Out of 100000 Of inhab-
tants Egypt counts less than 100000
Christians, which is a religious ma or-
ity without counterpart. Moreover,
the Egyptians are richer and better
organized and more advanced than any
other Orientals. 1t is natural, there
fore, that they should demand the
benefit Of the principle of nationalities
in the reorganization Of the world.
"On the other hand, it cannot be
denied that the attitude of the British
officials has played a large part in the
evolution of Egyptian opinion. These
functionaries have permitted an in
tense propaganda throughout the Orient
against the system of protectorates,
against the French influence in Syria
and in favor Of the extension of the
Sherifate and the development of
powerful Arabian state. More than
this, they. were not satisfied to permit
this propaganda and to favor it, but
they even went to the extent of or
ganizing it themselves with methodical
care. What is there surprising, if this
seed they have sown so widely should
sprout and bear fruit even where it was
not wanted?
"The ground was thus prepared and
the agitators had an easy time. 1t
was certain that ideas of independence
would make rapid progress and would
end in rioting when the Egyptians saw
themselves refused access to the peace
conference SO widely opened to their
Arabian neighbors, when they were
told thew would not be allowed to en-
joy the liberty so generously granted