The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1919-12-26

Evidently you have overlooked
the fact that the Erdmann Act was
repealed in 1913 and that the New
lands Act has been substituted in
its place. There is nothing particu-
larly wrong with this enactment.
Your question might have been
better framed had you asked what
kind of railroad legislation should
not he enacted.
Without venturing into the
problem of whether the railroads
should be owned and controlled by
private interests or by the govern
ment, / have no hesitancy in stating
that whatever form of ownership
or control may ultimately prevail,
that any and all legislation intend
ed to enforce or promote compulsory
arbitration or include anti-strike
provisions should be defeated if we
are going to be true to the ideals
of freedom and democracy so clear
ly manifested during the war per-
iod
While strained relations between
employers and employees are to be
deplored, while strikes are not de-
sirable and are favored only as
final means Of protest, the wage
earners cannot and will not admit
of the right of any person or any
Legislative body to compel them to
remain at work when for any rea-
son whatsoever the conditions of
employment become distastful and
unsatisfactory.
The right to quit work after all
other methods of adjustment have
been exhausted is the concrete eX-
preston of individual liberty.
The workers Of America are not
opposed to voluntary methods of
arbitration. They are opposed to
compulsory arbitration which in
fact means, the fixing of wages,
| hours and conditions of work by
lew. Such condition and relation
of employment is a denial of the
rights of free men-the right to
freedom of action-thc right to
| freedom of contract. In fact. it is
return to involuntary servitude-
industrial serfdom. There is moth
ing which is fraught with more
danger, which results in more
rank injustice and injury than
compulsory arbitration and COM
pulsory service.
The Cummings bill now before
Congress is the most un-American
piece of legislation ever proposed
by anyone. 1t not only intends to
return the railroads to private in
terests, but it likewise undertakes
! to guarantee to the railroad hold
ers an income of six per cent on
all their investments, whether these
investments originally represented
legitimate capital or merely water
of every shade or color, while dur
ing the war the Government only
| paid to the millions of patriotic in
vestors in Liberty and Victory
Loan Bonds an income ranging
from three to four and one-half per
cent interest.
Besides attempting to place this
heavy financial burden on the peo-
pie, Senator Cummins and those as
| ISOLATED with him further propose
to turn the railroads back to these
private interests with over two mil
lions of workers tied hands and
feet to the railroads and the rail
road interests. 1t is difficult to
conceive a more vicious proposal
than that which is now proposed to
re-enact and re-establish serfdom
| and slavery.
h'i ne lllN VAL w lell the SOA-
eminent found it necessary to take
the railroads out of the control of
private interests, these workmen
were free and as such responded in
all their activities in a truly Ameri-
can fashion. Now that the war has
ended, it is proposed to return the
railroads to these self same inter-
ests which the government to ok the
control, and in so doing deprive
these loyal and patriotic American
wage earners of their liberties and
! freedom. Under the cloak of indus
trial peace Senator Cummins would
now impose involuntary servitude
on the railroad workers and give
added powers to private railroad in
terests over the lives of nearly two
million of wage earners.
1t is suggested that the govern
ment do not return the railroads to
private interests for at least two