Albuquerque morning journal., 1919-03-07
MARCH 7, 1919
LEAGUE or NATIONS PROBLEM
MOST VITAL EVER FACED BY
TIE AMERICAN PEOPLE.


The Journal believes comparatively
few of us have much comprehension
of the gravity of the league of nations
problem. The more we think on the
question the more serious its aspects
appear.
This is the most momentous hour
in human history. President Wilson
himself says this nation is called upon
to surrender some of its rights, and
that to refuse to do so would be in
excusable selfishness toward the rest
of the world.
After again carefully reading the
proposed constitution of the league of
nations it seems to the journal that
there are four tests which should be
applied to it:
l. VIII it abolish or prevent wars?
2. viii it affect great constitution
al principles, bulwarks of our protec
ton?
3. VIII it rob US Of vital attributes
of sovereignty?
q.
ence and therefore our life as a ma
tion?
The proposed constitution recogn-
ICES that wars will come probably and
provides for fighting them. Its pur-
pose is TO minimize the evil by throw
ing the economic and military weight
of the nations composing the league
on the side of right as the right may
be judged by the league. But even
the greatest nations do not always see
the right. Not many years ago we
had the spectacle of the fleets of all
the great European powers lombard
ing the towns on the Island of Crete,
because the Cretans, under the leader
ship of Ecnezelos, rose against the
tyranny and the atrocities of Turkish
rule. The British fleet took an active
part in that bombardment.
There is no question that the con-
stitution would require congress to
abandon its right to declare war;
also congress would be powerless to
preme council of the league of nations
willed war against any country for
any cause. The league would tell us
what armed forces we should have,
and how much in the way of arms
and ammunition and other equipment
we migrt provide for ourselves. 1t
would require the president of the
United States to give up his rights as
commander-in of our armed
forces except as they might be em-
ployed for domestic purposes,
DO we not yield our sovereignty
when we yield the right to say when
we shall declare war when peace,
what our army shall number and how
many ships our navy shall have, when
they shall be used, when our treaties
shall be binding and when they shall
become mere scraps of paper" what
our treatment of commerce shall be-
and how great our tribute shall be to
the maintenance of the supcr-power
that will exist when the league of ma
tions is actually created?
Finally, we must all agree that the
life of nation goes out when its
sovereignty ceases, that independence
ceases when our conduct is dictated
by others and when our continued
existence depends upon the will of
others.
Whether or not the constitution of
the league of nations may sterilze .
of our national powers, is the question
now under discussion. 1t is a ques-
ton so tremendous that we have not
grasped it in all that it may signify
to our future.
1t is not safe to leave the phrase
ology of the constitution of the league
to be construed after its adoption.
Language at best is an imperfect me-
dium for the precise expression of
ideas. 1t is often susceptible to vari-
Gus constructions. The obvious duty,
then. is to make the language of the
constitution as clear and exact as pos
sible. That is all the senators who
object to hasty ratification want.