The Bridgeport times and evening farmer., 1919-05-02
LORD WIMBORNE'S SUGGESTIONS
 FOR SOLUTION OF IRISH PROBLEM
Securing Equality.

Equality can be procured in either or both of two ways:
 By giving extra representation to minority constituencies.
 By the partial nomination of a Senate, so that in joint session eQui- nbrium would be assured.
 The objection to an artificial bal ance of this kind Is that It Is un- democratic but, when we consider that the recent Franchise Act violat- ed the dogma of political power, based upon the mere counting of nos es in at least four particulars, mo- tceably in the arbitrary reduction of the women's vote by raising their suffrage age to thirty, 1t is clear that even in the most doctrinaire circles it is realized that institutions, like the Sabbath of old, were made for man, and not man for institutions.
 If this device would fit the problem we need not worry ourselves unduly as to its academic propriety.
 Adequacy and practical efficiency are our chief concern.
 Let us test it by this criterion.
 It may be confidently asserted that no Parliamentary leader will ever embark upon a legislative project unless supported by a reliable Par Eamentary majority; and, therefore, in the case which we are now con sidering, we may deduce that no Irish Minister would be tempted to propose legislation which must inevitably of fend the interests or susceptibilities of half the Legislative Chamber of Chambers in which he speaks.
 This means that all questions in volving the historic, racial, and re- ugious differences which are respon- sible for the present division in Ire land would automatically be excluded from practical politics.
 The stalemate would neutralize the possibility, and hence suspend the Sn- ducemenD of either present party trying to take advantage of the other.
 But it would go further. It would exercise the demon of outworn and mutually injurious conflicts.
 Once the age-old hachet was per- force buried, political parties in Ire land would group themselves in new and unexpected ranks.
 Civic and national interests would fall into modern compartments
 The duty, then, of British states manship is to establish moratorium for old rancours. This is the cardinal consideration, but regard must also be paid to existing political facts.
 An unamended Home Rule Act is on the Statute-book, and, on the other hand, Ulster is guaranteed against coercion.
 Having regard to these three sets of circumstances, only one course of advance seems open. It is this: Set up an Irish Parliament. subject to Imperial supremacy, based upon equal Par1iam entary representation for the two parties. After tenor, better, ffteen-years, let 1t be open to either party to secede-Nation- alists in pursuit of the independence to which they are credited to aspire. Untonists to revert, under a system of partition to which they now sub scribe, to their former legislative union with Britain.
 In this way neither faction Is more than temporarily constrained. No pledges or aspirations are fundamen- tally violated. The experiment is without prejudice"
 If this were done. I would venture humbly to predict that at the expiry of the probationary period the Irish problem as we and our fathers have known 1t would cease to exist
 The reason for this optimism is based upon the knowledge that the moderate element of both parties in Ireland has never been heard amid the vociferous clash of partisans at Westminster and elsewhere, and that if they had a practical chance, this tacit majority would prevail in point ing out the path of mutual interest, common patriotism, and Christian reasonableness.