Evening public ledger. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1914-1942, 1919-11-17
PUBLIC OPINION A STRIKE FACTOR
Potency ShoUn by Recent EUents Cues Rise Evidences H
terra in the Senate and EIse,Uhere

but we saw that it had capacities as class
to get things which the unorganized masses
OF the country did not possess. Statistics
showed that the union labor had a decided
edge on the white collar kids the. salary
was unhappy. They saw the boys in over
alls increasing their cost of living for them
And all the rest 'of us We're low in our
minds at the contemplation of class. 1t
had been our pride and our boast that no
such thing existed in America. A snake had
entered into Americas Garden of Eden
Glass consciousness is a terrible form of
self consciousness. Its first manifestations
are amazing
The labor unions set the thing going They
brought their own class consciousness out
into the open and paraded it. They were
going to dictate our political policies for us.
1t was to be either beginning of socialism
or a radical revolution. Yes, they wanted
us all to know that they were radical, or at
least that their conservative leaders were
pressed on from behind by intensely radical
followers. They planned war to frighten the
public into concessions.
They did not know how the public felt
They did not know how the public regarded
the idea that, while we were entering Europe
to make Europe better Europe was entering
us in the form of class policies for labor,
to make us worse. They did not know that
when they had become class conscious, all
class conscious. They decided to frighten us
into doing certain things and they aroused
the tempest. 1t was apparent when Judge
Gary stand against the extension Of
unionlsm-for that was what it amounted
to-awoke almost universal applause. 1t
was further revealed in the smash of the
industrial conference. 1t was confirmed
when the administration, fastening to get
on the popular side, or swept along by the
storm class conscious labor had evoked,
opposed the coal strike with trehendous
show Of force.
The reason why we have re examined all
our old settled attitudes toward union labor.
the rather liberal view of it that we adopted
in the era of concilation under Roosevelt.
is that we have to reckon with new labor
movement
Old labor was American it had little con
seriousness of interests apart from those of
the rest of us. 1t had the magazines and
meant to rise into the capitalist class. 1t
was middle class movement of a CO.
operative sort.
Labor today is swinging into another.
European direction The liberties or rights
which we could permit to distinctly Ameri-
can movement we think perhaps ought to
be taken away from one that is not Amer-
can in the way we have beer in the habit
of thinking of Americanism. This is not
to say that there are huge numbers of radi-
Gals or revolutionaries in organized labor
1t is not TO say that what has happened is
bolshevism The entrance of the I. w. w.
into the A. F. of l.. is rather proof of
class consciousness than the cause. But the
whole movement has entered upon an
inevitable stage in its development a stage
reached in Europe long ago, the process
being hastened by the war and our percep-
tion of it being sharpened by the greater
general knowledge of European conditions
and examples which the war has brought
to us.
Meanwhile labor is down. Getting il
down does not end its class consciousness
but probably rather intensfes it. But the
country has been able to measure the
strength of class movement as limited as
that composed of organized labor in this
country. 1t is not formidable. The first
feeling of fear and rage has passed. A
calmer view prevails. The inevitable has
happened, and the first shock has been passed
over successfully.