The Bridgeport times and evening farmer., 1919-10-01


 recently declared in the House of Commons that he soon intended to occupy himself with the Irish prob lem. Questioned by Sir Donold Mac Lean, leader of the liberal opposition, f<S Sepled: '"The government will surely sss-eeaait certain propositions to Parliament at the earliest possible oc- sas1on."
 Sr. Lloyd George, it is true, added aat this occasion would present itself only at the opening of the autumnal Sssssion; nevertheless the Irish ques- Essaa has been put before the world, publicly and officially, by the British Government itself. There IS no indts- cretion, therefore. in commenting upon dt.
 In dealing with this subject which we make no pretense of exhausting in a day. and whose developments we must follow successively, our goal is the true well-being of all corcarned
 After the war, as well as during it, france remains absolutely loyal to England, her ally of tragic days On the other hand after the war as well as during 1t, an instinctive and an clent sympathy unites Frenchme1 and Irlshmen- This sympathy has been lately stirred to deeper life by the coming of American soldiers to fight ny our side, for many of these Ameri- cans were of Irish descent, and we know that the cause of Ireland has a large popular following in the United States.
 Simple spectators of Irish events we wish in our hearts to see this long struggle which has lasted for seven centuries and a half, ended at last bv the triumph of a new spirit the spirit which should inspire the League of Nations
 From the legal point of view, the Irish problem today appears very clear. A law of 1914 arranged for autonomy, Home RuIe," in Ireland. This law is intended to go into effect six months after the end of the war. It would seem at first that there was nothing to be done but to await the expiration of the legal period of delay and then begin the test of the new regime. But because of financial rea- sons, this regime has lost it's founL,-- tions, and because of political reasons no one will have anything to do with it.
 On the very eve of the war the Orangemen of Dublin were preparing armed insurrection, so unwilling were they to accept the Home Rule government of Dublin. Since then, on Easter Monday, 1916, there has been a revolt at Dublin; the chiefs of the revolutionists rejecting Home Rule altogether, and demanding com plete independence. The revo4t was suppressed, but the suppression had it's martyrs.
 At the elections of December last, it was seen that the Sim Feiners, that +o nf iT6A- pendent Irish Republic, had on their side the immense majority of the Irish people outside the uniontst dis tricts of Ulster.
 Again, all the Unfonists are not Orangemen Poutrance in the man. ner of Sir Edward Carson; this was clearly seen three months @-go when the Carsonist candidate was beaten in the East Antrim cJntest by a more moderate unionist.
 It may be recalled that the Sim Fein members of Parliament have re- fused to sit in the British House oi Commons. They have formed at Dub- In an organization which they con slider the foundation of a democratic and independent government. But they have no material power at their disposition for the British authorities have proceeded to the military occu- patton of Ireland and have applied martial law.
 Few notes on the working of the system of occupation have been pub ushed Sir Arthur Steel-Mailland, once under-secretary for Foreign Ali fairs, said recently in the House of Commons, "The veil should be lifted, We should know what Is taking place at our doors"
 The British Government, however, has not yet responded to this appeal and since "the veil" has not been lift ed. it Is difficult to deliver an impar- tial Judgment on the internal condl- ton of Ireland. A lucid review of the history of Irish affairs during recent wears may be found in M. Louis Ire guiz's book Ireland in the Universal Crisis. Let us allow him to explain +he past, reserving for the instant our views on the present and the future
 For some time it has been GUS tomary to regard the Irish question as largely a religious one. It was said that the partisans of Irish autonomy or independence were, in general Catholics, and that all the Protestants wished to maintain the union. This very summary distinction should be set aside, for 1t by no means con- forms to the reality.
 Among the most 1ntransigeant champions of Irish independence are emphatic Protestants. The heart of the Irish question is that it is above all g. question of nationality, of race, even the Celtic race.
 Professor Erin MacNeile, described a. as "a true Ulster Scot" writing in the I1eague of Nations Journal for June last. prints these word@-"We of Ire land have only the power of being faithful Even were we to judge the present by the past, this, indeed, is the worst thing that can possibly happen to us, to be the only nation ] of the white race, governed against its will by the governm ent of another people. This state of things cannot last
 Now, then, can such a state of \ things he brought to an end? In the | absence of all signs from the govern ' nent, our colleague of the Times has
 n the merit of seeking and propos-
 potlg a solution. He expected it to l,-- Criticized on every hand, as 1t was.
 .a .a he also hoped that his scheme
 aIght be a foundation, or @ pretext