The weekly Alaska citizen., 1919-11-03
LABOR'S BIG STICK

present stage is somewhat puzzling to the average American who IS outside or those organizations. With the country in the midst of state of unrest that has no par allel in its entire history, facing grave nroblems of reconstruction before 1t can continue along the lines of normal progress, labor's insistence on recognition of all ot It's demands seems about to precipitate real industrial disaster.
 The country has generally regarded the American Federation of Labor as rep resenting conservative and at the same time proressive labor clements It's presl- . dent, MT. Gompers, has stood for rational development of union labor as opposed to| the aims of the radicals, and his influence in the federation has been paramount in the councils of organized labor for many years Naturally the country wonders at the withdrawal of labor representatives, under his leadership, from the late national industrial conference.
 This wonder deepens to amazement when it is learned that the heads of ll2 federated unions have been summoned to a conference to discuss a general strike in case certain legislation is passed by con- gress. To what end is labor working when it attempts to dictate to the national law making body what laws it shall or shall not pass? A dictatorship by federated labor, or any other body in American life, is not reconcilable with American ideals or prin- ciples of government. And yet this attempt to coerce the representatives of the people, should it succeed, would be nothing less than dictatorship.
 If the unions are convinced that the anti-strike legislation contained in the Cummins' railroad bill is an infringement on the constitutional rights of the workers of the country they have recourse to the courts to remedy the error. There is req son to believe that such legislation may be unconstitutional, but is matter for the supreme court to rule on and not the labor ties. And congress cannot afford to let itself be frightened by the threat of the unions to walk out on general strike.
 If it should thus weakly yield it would open the way to intending complications If the weapon of the strike can be used to dictate to the government once, why not again? Who can say where 1t would stop when once it has been started.
 The same attitude is to be seen in the coal miners attitude against arbitration of their demands for increased pay, shorter working hours, and a five-day working week. These demands they have positively refused to arbitrate. All efforts at media tion have failed, and the President of the United States has been forced to ask the union officials to recall the strike order, but not until they had definitely refused to accept his offer for the appointment of an arbitration board to investigate the case fully and promptly and render decision according to the merits of the dispute.
 That Wilson considers the situation serious is indicated by his statement that "means will be found to protect the inter- ests of the nation in any emergency" that may arise. Secretary Lane voices the same seriousness when he writes the President ''the nation needs a conference of sane men, acting without bitterness to form a new council for national defense against civil war which some think they see."
 It is futile to say that his assertion is farfetched when the greatest and most powerful union organizations are talking a general strike of all industrial workers, when railroad workers breathe the same spirit, when even farmers organizations discuss the same movement with labor leaders. It is impossible to picturA the re-