Evening public ledger. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1914-1942, 1919-04-01

una DTeStueHC OF inc FTenCh Association OF
Peace Through Ldto
IF WE consider as a whole the manifes-
L tations of political life in modern France,
we cannot fail to be struck by one trait
which is common to them all. This trait is
rationalism.. The average Frenchman by
temperament has but little of the mystic;
but he makes UP for this by a passion for
clear IDEAS
The system of Descartes. which is Just
the system of clear and distinct IDEAS" is
essentially the expression of the French
spirit, and dominates the whole development
of French thought in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. In particular It in
spires to a large extent the "ideology" Of
the French Revolution
II the Declaration of the Rights of Man.
and of the Citizen" of 1889 opens with the
fundamental axiom: Men are born and re-
main free and equal in rights" it is because
LIE Discours de la Methode also opens with
the assertion: Common sense is the thing
best distributed in all the world" and be-
cause this equal apportionment Of reason
among all men makes it impossible to justify
hereditary privileges" No more 'nobles,"
no more peasants" nothing but free per
sons,' citizens with equal rights. This char
acter explains every aspect of French legis-
lation-the rights of every citizen to qualify
for any office. the separation of Church and
State. free and compulsory education, the
exclusion of religious instruction from the
school, universal and compulsory military
service.
WIHAT. then. is in France the general
w principle from which the idea of the
society of nations 10 derived? 1t Is the
thoroughly rational conception that what is
true of individuals is also true of groups
of individuals-that law, which succeeds In
assuring minimum of liberty, order and
security inside human societies, must be
capable also of establishing peace and Jus
tice between these societies by uniting them
in still larger groups
Besides, thorough equality between hui
man beings has this result that they find
beyond the frontiers of their own country
men like themselves whom they must re-
spect: and thus the law does not stop at
the gates OF the city National law contains
the germ of international law. -
But side by side with this purely logical
idea there is also a moral idea. The French
man. while nationalist, is also a univer-
salist. He finds 1t hard to admit that a
people should keep for itself the benefit Of
the moral riches with which 1t Is endowed
and he is passonately attached to the propa-
ganda Of IDEAS In the equality of indi-
fiduals, on which the equality of peoples
rests, he sees the origin of a duty--the duty
Of spreading abroad truth and justice.
IN1lo explains now the French Revolution,
l. which opened with the "Declaration of
the Rights of Man and Of the Citizen" very
quickly went on to claim the rights Of the
peoples, the principles Of the society of ma
tions, and to proclaim crusade for the es-
tablishment of International justice. AS
early as 1880 Danton declared that patri-
otism must have other limits than the
universe; and Mrabeau. that realist poll
tician. eagerly evoked the compact of the
federation of mankind" The same year
Nn1n TOD
bly, draft. whose first article declared 1.-The
universally of the human race as forming
but single and identical society whose OBJ
Ject Is the peace and happiness Of all and
each Of its members" The second article
specified that in that great general society,
the peoples and states. considered individu-
ally, enjoy the same natural rights and are
subject to the same laws of justice as the
individuals in partial and secondary soci-
cites"
This is undoubtedly the first instance in
political history of an express affirmation
Of the principle of the society of nations.
THE French mind is often accused of
L losing itself too readily in ideologies
which may be described as chimercal; but,
though there may be some ground for this
charge in the past, it would seem today to
be without foundation. The programs of
lasting peace put forward during the war
are remarkable rather for their prudence
parative timidity is explicable enough in a
people which was surprised by war when
the great majority of its citizens were pro-
foundly pacific, and when, indeed, many Of
them thought war TO be highly improbable.
The rude surprise Of 1914 justifies the in
sistence upon peace guarantees" which is
general among all the theorists of the So
ciety OF nations. Undoubtedly all agree in
recognizing that an international organiza-
ton of the peoples must carry with it
like every regular national society-certain
legislative, executive and judicial institu-
tions; and every one has ended by accept
ing the idea of a Parliament, an admins
tration, and a tribunal which would be COM
mon to all the peoples belonging to the So
ciety of nations. But of these three pow
ers" which are proper and essential to every
political organization, 1t Is, as a rule, to the
judicial that most importance is attached
People are less concerned with conducting
in common the great interests of mankind
than with avertng future wars; and for
this purpose the main effort is concentrated
upon juridical methods such as will secure
the\peaceful settlement Of international con-
ficts. There is talk of commissions of in
qury. Of conciliation, of compulsory arbi-
tration; in short above all, of completing
the work, so obviously imperfect, of The
Hague Conferences.
FTNTiE creation Of "the United States Of the
i World" seems to many minds a still dis
tant IDEAL and the general disposition is to
advance by stages, the first Of which would
consist in constituting the existing group
of Allies into a 'league of nations to i'm
pose peace" To such a league would be
admitted such neutral states asr possess a
democratic constitution, and Germany her.
self. when she has furnished incontestable
pledges of her political and moral regenera-
ton.
1t is the same prudence (which prompts
many minds to maintain as complete al
possible the independence of each of the
associated states. Undoubtedly in principle
it is admitted that every assoca ton among
states involves certain Limitation of ma
tonal Sovereignty; but there is very
general inclination to reduce this Limitation
to the strict minimum necessary for con-
cluding international compact. The idea
of federation" and still more that of
a superstate. is repugnant to the majority
of minds. In this respect French opinion
does not appear to have reached the same
degree of ripeness as British or American
opinion.