davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The weekly times-record. (Valley City, N.D.) 1912-1922, 1919-01-23
SATISFYING RELIEF
FROM LUMBAC0
Sloan's Liniment has the
punch that relieves
rheumatic twin8es

This warmth-giving, congestion
scattering Notwithstanding REM
edy benetrates sOithout rubbing right to
the aching spot and brings quick relief.
surely, Clearly. A wonderful help for
external pains, sprains, strains, stiff.
ness, headache, lumbago, bruises.
Get your bottle today-costs little.
means much. Ask your druggist for it
BY na.nt. Keep it handy for the whole
family. The big bottle is economy.
The weekly times-record. (Valley City, N.D.) 1912-1922, 1919-01-23
.lsE{iX3

have had so goo sleighing as we have
Lad so far this winter.
Peter Olsen was hauling barley
from Berea for feed last week.
Geo. Hager was Valley City Wis
itor Saturday.
c. J. Olsen came down from Bis
marck last Saturday evening.
The Green Township Farmers Club
is very quiet this winter, nothing 60
ing on whatever. -.
Rhein Z Speltzman are busy haul
ing coal for the consolidated school.
The weekly times-record. (Valley City, N.D.) 1912-1922, 1919-01-23

DIR. r. l.. W1CKS. OCULIST -.
Special attention given to the fit
ing Of glasses. Wicks Block. Phone
No, 493.
The weekly times-record. (Valley City, N.D.) 1912-1922, 1919-01-23

A few minutes Monday morning
was spent in giving the school yells
to show the basket ball boys how
much we appreciated their victory
Saturday night.
The weekly times-record. (Valley City, N.D.) 1912-1922, 1919-01-23
HIGH SCHOOL NOTES

The senior class is glad to welcome
back Ruth Scott.
Several new pupils have enrolled.
Among them Blanche McClafflin, Rob
ert Russell and James Peake.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29

mands" com prised in the social re-
form planks now in the platform of
our party; they are not a compro-
mise with the capitalist state, but
imply a revolutionary struggle
against that state and against cap
ltalism, the conquest of power by
the proletariat through revolution
airy mass action. They imply the
new soviet state of the organized
producers, the dictatorship of the
proletariat; they are preliminary
revolutionary measures for the ex-
preparation of capital and the intro
duction of communist socialism.
That is the Left position But
the Left Wing did not stop with
the issuance of a manifesto. The
leaders of the Left began a sys-
tematic campaign to secure control
of the party, and they went about it
in this fashion.
The Rights accused the Let's
Of forming "permanent organiza-
ton, organized on branch lines with
delegates to central committee, ex-
ecutlve committee, and an executive
secretary, and that their aim is to
organize in the state, and ultimate
ly in the nation; second, "that
their (the Lefts') aim is to capture
the Socialist party machinery, and
should they fail in that to split the
party; third, "that they haye ap-
pl}cation and membership cards"
and, fourth, that they have a
treasurer and treasury"
The Rights further accused the
Let's Of ordering their adherents
through the central committee to
"sit on the left" "In all
matters involving Left Wing tactics
vote as unit with the steering
committee" "Do not make
motions, ask for divisions, roll call
and appeals from the chair. The
steering committee will attend to
that"
The Rights say further that the
Left Wing delegates must have
nothing to say, but "must surren-
der their rights to the steering COM
mittee. Who appointed them?
What party authority have they?
No one seems to know. If you are
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29

manded their recall. A short
time later group of members of
Local New York, led by "Jim"
Larkin, Eamonn MacAlpine, Louis
Fraina and John Reed, drew up Il
document which they called the
"Manifesto and Programme of the
Left Wing Socialist Party, Local
Greater New York"
Before quoting excerpts from this
"manifesto" it may be we'll to state
some essential facts of this bitter
conflict. According to the Let's
the Rights, who say they are as
Left as the so-called Let's, have
always temporized and played with
social reform measures. The
Let's say that the Rights are
content to secure their aims solely
by political means, and that the
Rights, although they use revolu-
tionary terms, do not mean them
literally, but use them for effect.
In short, the grievance of the Left
Wing is that the Right Wing is
too slow. Immediate action" is the
slogan Of the LETS.
Now, in this manifesto nothing
that is startlingly new is proclaimed.
1t is the usual Socialist analysis Of
society. But it contains pro-
gramme that is, to say the least, in
teresting. And in order to compre-
bend the processes of thought
through which the composers of this
manifesto" arrived at their "pro-
gramme" the excerpts that follow
may prove Illuminating:
"Prior to August, 1914, the ma
tons Of the world lived on volcano.
Violent e7uptions from time to time
gave warning Of the cataclysm to
come, but the diplomats and states
men managed to localize the out
breaks, and the masses, slightly
aroused, sank back into their &C
customed lethargy with doubts and
misgivings, and the subterranean
fires continued to shoulder"
"Many trusted blndly, some in
their statesmen, some in the cohe-
sive power of Christianity, their COM
mon religion, and some in the grow
ing strength Of the international So
cialist movement. Had not the Ger
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29

man Social Democracy exchanged
dramatic kilograms with the French
Socialist party, each pledging itself
not to fight in case their govern
ments declared war on each other?
A general strike of workers led by
these determined Socialists would
quickly bring the governments to
their senses"
But revolutionary socialism was
not destined to lie inert for long.
In Germany, Karl Liebknecht,
Franz Mehring, Rosa Luxembourg
and Otto Ruhle organized the Spar
tacus group. But their voices were
drowned in the roar of the cannon
and the shrieks of the dying and
MANNED"
All this is interesting, but what is
far more interesting is the attitude
that the Let's take on treating
with industrial unrest" Conclud-
ing their historical discussion, the
Let's finally come down to the
local situation. They deny that
their difference with the Rights
is dissatisfaction with those in con
troll of the Socialist party, but in
tactics. What they object to is that
the Rights will not fan present
social unrest into Irregular" revo-
luton.
They say "this essential task is
being shirked by our party leaders
and officials generally"
An attack on the league Of ma
tons follows the manifesto, assert
ing that it is another form of "cap-
italist imperialism.
Bourgeois reforms" are objected
to because they may divert the
workers from their Revolutionary
aim" "The capitalist class OF
America is using organized labor
for it's imperialistic purposes. We
may soon expect the capitalist class
in true Bismarckian fashion, to
grant factory laws, old age pen.
sions, unemployment insurance, sick
benefits and the whole litter OF
bourgeois reforms, so that the
workers may be kept fit to produce
the greatest profits at the greatest
speed"
The manifesto derides purely po-
litical activity and holds that the
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29

only purpose of the Socialist in
"capitalist parliaments" is to OBJ
ject, and to have nothing to do
with bills and the like. One might
quote more Of these Interesting"
paragraphs, but that would take
many pages, and it may be as
sumed that by now the reader is
we'll acquainted with the thought
processes Of the Let's. One may
very we'll conclude with the pro-
gramme of the Let's.
The Programme
1t is the task of revolutionary
Socialist party to direct the strug-
giles of the proletariat and provide
programme for the eliminating
crisis. It's propaganda must be so
directed that when this crisis comes
the workers will be prepared to &C
cept a programme of the following
character:
(a) The organization of work
mems councils; recognition Of and
propaganda for these mass organiza-
tions of the working class as instru-
ments in the immediate struggle, as
the form of expression of the class
struggle, and as the Instruments for
the seizure of the power of the state
and the basis of the new proletarian
state of the organized producers and
the dictatorship of the proletariat.
OBJ Workmen's control of indus
try, to be exercised by the industrial
organizations Industrial unions or
sovets) of the workers and the in
dustrial vote, as against government
ownership or state control of indus
try.
(c) Reputation Of all national
debts-with provisions to safeguard
small investors.
(d) Expropriation of the banks-a
preliminary measure for the complete
appropriation of capital.
(e) appropriation of the railways
and the large (trust) organizations
of capital-no compensation to be
paid, as buying out" the capitalists
would insure continuance of the
exploitation Of the workers; provi-
sion, however, to be made during the
transition period for the protection
of small owners of stock.
% The specialization OF foreign
trade.
These are not the Immediate de-
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29
Communist Party May Develop
From 1nsurgent
Faction

tration of capital. and third, the
class war.
The first doctrine, according to
Marx, is proved by the constant
change in society as testified to by
a perusal of history. By change he
means revolution. The whole move
ment of history is viewed by him as
necessary, as the effect of material
causes operating upon human be-
ings. He does not SO much advocate
the Socialist revolution as predict it.
In the second doctrine Marx pre-
dicted the concentration Of competi-
tive businesses into trusts, which
he said would make more glaring
the evils of present-day society; and
the third doctrine, that as time went
on there would be a separation of
society into two classes-that Of the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie and
that when the proletariat learns
how to combine internationally it
will take over the control of society
and abolish all classes.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29

Now, that is the present situation
generally in the American Socialist
movement. The Right Wing be-
lieves in general change, the Left
Wing insists on immediate change.
And by change both factions frank
~ say they mean the overt,rning of
the present social order.
Socialism as a power began with
Karl Marx. Marx was born in 1918
at Treves, in the Rhine Provinces,
his father being a legal official, a
Jew who had nominally accepted
Christianity. Marx led a very active
life after he graduated from several
German universities, being constant
ly expelled from various European
countries for his revolutionary writ
ings. In l847 he was asked bv the
German Communist League to draw
up for them manifesto, which
appeared In January, 1s4s. This Is
the famous Communist Manifesto,'
in which for the first time a CO.
herent system Of socialism was set
forth.
This Communist Manifestor
must be explained If the controversy
in the Socialist party is to be un.
derstood. The most essential Of
Marks doctrines may be reduced K
three - first, what is called tn,
materialistic Interpretation Of his
tory; second, the law Of the concen
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29
Force Viii Yin

The manifesto ends with an ap-
peal to the workers of the world
to rise on behalf of communism.
"The Communists disdain to conceal
their views and aims. They openly
declare that their ends can be at
tanned only by the forcible over
throw of all existing social condi-
tons. Let the ruling classes tremble
at a Communistic revolution. The
proletarians have nothing to lose
but their chains. They have a world
to win. Working1nen of all coun-
tries, unite!"
Both factions of the Socialist
party agree that the second Inter
rationale has failed. The recog-
nized leader of the Right Wing,
Morris Hillquit, in an article
recently published in "The New
York Call" makes that admission.
This is important, because Hillquit
is the international secretary of the
Socialist party in America.
But what the Let's and Rights
do not agree upon is what the third
Internationale is to be. Hillquit
says in this article that "the task of
organizing the third 1nternationa
is still before us" while the Let's
say that the 1nternationale must
be the one called by Nicholas Leniae
at Moscow.
While the Socialist party has had
Left movements in the past, none
has equalled the present movement
in seriousness. The split came about
twelve months ago in New York
City, when the Socialist delegation
Of seven in the Board of Aldermen
headed by Algernon Lee, voted in
favor of the fourth Liberty Loan.
This act brought about the "break'
which had threatened the regular
Socialist panty for some time, for
prior to the entry Of the United
States into the late war the So
cialists in convention at St. Louis
passed a series of resolutions in
which the Socialists placed them
selves on record as opposing war
And although many Socialists Of ma
tional Importance left the Socialis,
movement because when the way
came it would not relinquish its po.
sition, the Socialist party stood
firm in its decision to oppose the
war.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29
By Louis kantor

TIME birth Of new party is
very near. It's unhappy and
exceedingly unwilling father
is the respectable American
Socialist party. This undesired child,
at present "crudely" referred to as
the Left Wing, will be named,
most probably, its fond godparents
say. after All uncle in Hungary
the Communist party.
The above is briefly the situation
in which the American Socialist
party finds itself.
What is it all about, asks the
average American citizen. The an
swer is not easy. One must first be
familiar with the philosophy of So
cialism to comprehend the whole af-
fair, and principally the "tactics"
that the Socialist party in America
as well as in Europe has employed
in its efforts to attain it's entire
philosophical programme. The pres
ent article will first concern itself
briefly with the Socialist pro-
gramme.
Socialism, most of its protagonists
will agree, is the advocacy of COM
munal ownership of land and capt.
tai. Communal ownership, says one
writer, may mean ownership by a
democratic state but cannot be held
to include ownership by any state
that is not democratic. Needless to
state, this, of course, is not the only
definition of socialism.
"Some Socialists writes Ber-
trand Russell, the famous English
author, in a recent book, "expect
communal ownership to arrive sud-
denly and completely by a catas-
trophic revolution, while others ex-
pect it to come gradually, first in
one industry, then in another. Some
insist upon the necessity of COM
pleteness in the acquisition of land
and capital by the public, while
others would be content to see lin
gering islands of private owner
ship, provided they were not too ex-
tensive or powerful. What all
forms have in common is democracy
and the abolition, virtual or COM
plete, Of the present capitalistic sys-
tenn"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29

which are operated by the labor
of the rest of the people and which
are necessary to the life Of society.
This system necessarily involves
class division and class rule and
the exploitation of the work.
ing class by the capitalists.
The purpose of the Socialist move
ment is to substitute social owner
ship and control of all that is neces-
sary to the peoples life so that all
the people shall be just owners and
all shall be comrade workers This
means a far more radical trans
formation of society than any which
has taken place in the past
How will this change be ef-
fected?" he was asked.
Socialists" answered Mr.. Lee,
edo not conceive that such great
change as this can be brought about
by the action of a few. We know
that it must be accomplished
through the conscious and purpose
full action of an effective majority
of the people in all the principal
countries of the world. 1t is to this
end that we carry on our year
long work of propaganda and edu
cation and have done so through
two generations of patient labor, re-
warded by the evidence which
every year brings forth that our
work is not in vain.
eff it depended only upon us the
task would be still more difficult.
But the Morgans and the Rookie
fellers, the Roots and the Over
mans, the Wilson's and The Clemen-
ceaus are always unconsciously
helping to SOW the seeds of dis
content and to furnish object les
sons which help to clinch the les
sons which we teach with tongue
and pen"
How does the Right stand on
the dictatorship of the proletariat'
question:" Mr.. Lee was further
questioned.
Il am not quite sure what the
phrase dictatorship of the pro,e-
tariat' means in the mouths of our
Left Wing AS Marx used it, it
meant the triumph of an awakened
selt-conscious Workinb class and ia
that sense oil Socialists expect IL
and seek to hasten its adrent."
During the month of May the
national executive committee of the
Socialist party met, and the result
of its meeting was the suspension of
all the Left Wing branches they
could possibly reach. The Let's be-
came sore. Said they: Here the
Rights have been yelling that we are
trying to split the party and they
come right along and split it them
selves. Seven foreign language
declarations were suspended and the
charter of the party in the State Of
Michigan was revoked.
In this condition the fight between
the Let's and Rights logged along
the Let's setting date for three.
day conference in New York CITY
beginning June 81. The Journalistic
warfare was kept up until severa'
weeks ago, when the Russian Soviet
Government Bureau was raided by
agents of the Lusk Committee
headed by Archibald Stevenson. see
rotary of the Union League Clui
and associate counsel of the Lusl
Committee.
SO the Lusk committee ma,
decide the wrangle that the Left
. and the Rights have been having al
to themselves, and set the "Lefts
right. But all this aside, the pres
ent indications presage the Dirt.
Of new party-a Communist party
, as it is called in Hungary, and
Bolshevist party, as it is known il
| Russia.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29
The Storm. Breaks

So that when, on April 9, 1918,
the aldermanic delegation voted in
favor of the fourth Liberty Loan,
the storm broke loose. The seven
members were vehemently con-
demned on all sides and individual
members of the Socialist party de-
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-06-29
he Left Wing Bolts Splitting the Socialist Party
Who the Socialist Leaders Are
and What They
Believe

a Left Wing delegate you and your
branch have no rights, but must
blindly follow the dictates Of the
steering committee"
But the Let's went on with their
work and paid little or no attention
to the mild attacks of the "reac-
tionary Socialists" And in order to
do their work better in this city the
Let's began the publication Of
weekly newspaper. Not that this
paper was the first Left Wing or
gan to be published; there were sew
eral others in different sections of
the country; but it was the first in
New York City. The paper was
called "The Communist" and was
brought out early in April of this
year. One of the chief reasons
given for its publication was
that the party press, or "The Call"
would not give the Let's space.
This paper is edited by John Reed.
The two principal associate editors
are Eamonn MacAlpine and N. l..
Hourwich. The business manager
is Benjamin Gitlow.
Other organs are "The Liberator,"
edited by Max Eastman, and "The
Revolutionary Age" edited by Louis
C. Fraina, responsible for much of
the intellectual philosophy of the
Let's.
THE Socialist" has a griev-
ance against the Let's, and that
is the title which they say has been
imposed on them. They deny Wig
orously the title of Right Wing
"The Socialist" draws a picture Of
Socialist party sections in Europe
and points out that the Right Wings
of Europe were those factions
which favored the war 1t Their
discusses conditions in the loca'
Socialist party.
In other words, say the miscallel
Rights to the apparently miscallec
Let's, "We're the right Left anc
you're the left Right"
At this point it may be we'll tx
state that there are not only these
two factions in the Socialist party
There is the so-called Centrist fac
ton. But we are concerned only
with the other two, and the position
of the Centrists may be best ex
planned by saying that they are "or
the fence" and as yet undecided al
to what group they will join.
Lees Vie,us
The writer went to see Algernor
Lee, the leader Of the Rights il
Hlllquit's absence. Mr.. Lee is chic.
of the Socialist delegation in tn,
Board of Aldermen and is a grad
uate of several American universe
ties. He is also the educational di
rector Of the Rand School Of So
clal Science that was raided by tn,
Lusk Committee during the earl,
part of the week.
At first, like the leaders, of tn,
Left Wing, Lee refused to dis
cuss the entire matter, giving tn
same answer that the Left lead
ers did: GIVE Socialists do no
care to make the capitalist pres
the political arena of our domestic
difficulties. He was finally pre-
vailed upon to discuss the situa
ton. He was asked what the DO
sition Of the Right Wing, or tn
regular Socialist party, is.
"The Socialist party" he said
rs frankly and avowedly revolu
tionary in its aims. What ! meal
) by this is that it aims at thor
oughgoing change in the who'll
structure of society. Our presen
social order is based upon privat
ownership by part of the people O
the means of wealth productio
Harrisburg telegraph. [volume] (Harrisburg, Pa.) 1879-1948, 1919-08-29

To the Romans also is ascrbed a
game that suggests modern golf.
1t was played with n feather stuffed
ball and called paganica. because
Harrisburg telegraph. [volume] (Harrisburg, Pa.) 1879-1948, 1919-08-29
WEST END WINS
SHUTOUT GAME
Stricken Lands Sixteenth Vic
tory; Final League Con-
test This Evening
Standing OF Teams

Fans must hand it to those West
End champions. They must also
give Edwin Stricken all that is COM
ing to him, and then some more.
West End last evening whitewashed
the Enginemen and Firemen, score
to 0. Stricken was a big factor,
in fact he has been one OF the boys
who played a big part in winning
the Twilight League pennant. This
makes 16 games won and five lost
for Stricken. He is the leading
pitcher in the league.
Moe Eveler was on the mound for
the railroaders and he too pitched
good game but lacked support He
had one bad throw. The last contest
of the season will be played this
evening with the Enginemen and
Firemen. The champions want to
keep in shape for the opening game
In the City Championship series at
Island Park Monday afternoon.
West End Scores Run
west End scored in the third in
ming. Kline opened up with a single
to left. Stricken flied out to short
and w. Euker fouled out to Dill
McCord singled and Kline crossed
the plate. Shafer ended the inning
by grounding out, second to first.
TWO more runs were added in the
fourth. Embick singled and
Palmer then worked a double steal
successfully. L. Euker flied out to
Madden. McKeever grounded out,
short to first, Embick scoring on
the play. Kline followed with q base
hit, scoring Palmer. Stricken flied
| out to Waltz and ended the inning.
The fourth run was made in the
fifth. after w. Euker and McCord
had been retired. Shafer singled and
stole second. Dill threw to Win
gard, who left the ball roll to cen
ter field and the runner started for
third. Ford recovered the ball, and
when he threw to third base to catch
Shafer at that bag, the ball went
over Scheffers head and the West
End thirdsacker crossed the plate.
The score: