The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1919-01-04
Ulster Real and Imaginary

So much has been recently said of
Ulster, and so much that is said pro-
ceeds from ignorance as we'll as from
conscious misrepresentation of the
real facts, that it will be of sufficient
interest to inquire what is the real
Ulster. To understand this it would,
of course, be necessary to so back
into the history of the province and
show how, beginning especially with
the confiscaticn and first plantation
of James l, the Ulster difficulty was
created by England However, let us
first consider how Ulster stands to-
day and with what show of reason it
can be claimed by Carson and his as
sociates.
Englands intention was to accom-
plish in a small corner of North East
Ulster, to crush out the Irish nation
and to make it British Province,
one with England ir race and in reli-
gion, and in loyalty"
That she did not succeed. in virtue
of the means she employed to this
end is considered by Hilaire Belloc
as ga miracle in history; and the
same conclusion was reached by such
thorough Englishmen as Macaulay, the
poet Spencer, and James Anthony
Sc
these writer's explain, because the
survival of the Irish race and of the
Catholic religion in Ireland cannot be
accounted for by any Of the ordinary
laws that govern human history.
But let us first see to what extent
she actually succeeded in Ulster.
To make an estimate of the relative
number of Nationalist and Unionists
Ireland-one must follow the line that
divides the population according to
religion. In the census returns peo-
pie are not entered according to their
politics. They are, in Ireland, accord
ing to their religion. The line divid-
ing the people according to their re-
ligion does not coincide exactly with
that dividing them according to their
politics. They are Catholic Uniomists,
though they are few, and especially
few in Ulster; and there are Protes-
font Not;oro1icfc
There are also Professionals in favor
of Home Rule who would not call
themselves Nationalists, and others
who should not be called Nationalists.
The Catholic Unionists in all Ireland
are constituted of the few families
of the landed gentry who have re-
manned, or in time became, Catholic,
and of the larger number of pension
ers, office holders, and Office seekers.
For very obvious reasons neither
class of these Catholics is numerous
i'm Ulster. There the Catholic land
ed gentry is practically non-existant;
and both the Government and the Pro-
testant majority took such good care
of the offices that it was hardly worth
a Catholics while to choose his poll
tics in expectation of job.
There are really very few Catholics
in any part of Ireland who are con-
scientious Unionists. Union is re-
proach even to their own conscience.
And here exactly comes in the i'm
mense difference between the Catholic
Unionist and the Protestant National
list, a difference which explains in
great part why Protestant National
lists are, and have always been, so
popular with Irish Catholics, and ex-
plains, too, why Protestant leaders are
never so liable to suspicion or severe
criticism, and more easily become pop
u1ar idols.
The Protestant Nationalist is a con-
scientious Nationalist. He is a Ma
tionalist by conviction; and cannot be
suspected of self-seeking when he
'leaves his own" and casts his lot
with the majority. AS self-seeker
he could do better as a Unionist. The
people look upon him as able to say
with Robert Emmett: 20 my coun.
try! Was it personal ambition that
could influence me? Could 1, not by
my fortune and education, by the rank
and consideration of my family, have
placed myself among the foremost of
your oppressors?"
I have said that there are Protes'
tants in favor of Home Rule who
would not call themselves Nationalists
and these constitute the majority OF
the Professionals who have been in ia
vor of Home Rule in Ulster. 1t is diff
ficult to estimate their real number
In religion they are usually Presbyte
rians. In politics they are really Lib