The Irish standard., 1919-09-27
BY Erskin Childers.
(English Author, Member of Parlia-
ment, Officer in the Ranks of the
British Army in France.)

London, Aug. 9.-Ireland is coming
to occupy strange position in the
world; the most hopeful or the most
hopeless, according to our estimate of
tendencies. In the midst of the eter-
nal conflict between right and might
she stands lonely, symbolic figure,
tragically isolated, and yet the prize of
contending principles, seemingly so
sharply defined that the issue cannot
be deferred.
Here is country governed at this
moment, like Belgium under Prussia,
by a nation which went to war to
free Belgium from Prussia. For Bel
gium was then the symbol of right,
and the defense of right against might
was the declared aim of the enemies
of Germany. The evil thing fought
against was described in many formu-
"militarism," "Prussianism," and
the rest-which all meant the same
thing-the selfish use of national
force by the strong against the weak.
The aim was to defeat this evil,
to protect the weak against the
strong and to preserve the freedom
of small nationalities" Whatever
other unexpressed purposes there may
have been, this was the aim declared
to the world, and by none more solemn
ly than Great Britain. 1t was even
urged upon Ireland as a reason for
her enthusiastic participation in the
war, although, with incredible blind
ness to the facts of human nature, the
war itself was made an excuse for
postponing Irelands own freedom, and
her consequent cOldness was used to
blacken her in the eyes of the world
as friend of "Prussianism.'
War Made for Democracy.
The declared aim of the war was
sustained and strengthened by events.
With the fall Of the Czar and the
Intervention Of America two fresh
formulae appeared-"democra and
"self-determination." These were not
new aims, but obvious extensions and
corollaries of the original one, with
the main stress laid on the emancipa-
tion of subject states instead of on the
restoration of states free before the
war, like Belgium and Serbia.
Democratic self-determination as
universal principle of human right was
the sustained burden of all the bril-
liant and ardent propaganda of Presi-
dent Wilson. He addressed the whole
world, Allies and enemies alike. "Our
message is to all imperialists," he
once said. And it was also to all sub
ject nationalities, without distinction
of race, color, religion or strategical
situation.
"We are fighting for the liberty,
the self-gOvernment, and indicated
development of all peoples" ."-(May
26, 1919
What we seek is the reign of law
based upon the consent of the gov
arno6 and Sustained nv tho oroo ni1od
opinion of mankind" 4, 1879
proclaimed in the speech to Congress
(January 8, 1879, containing the ia
nous fourteen points, which after
wards became the official basis of
peace. can evident principle" he con-
cluded, runs through the whole pro.
gramme I have outlined. It is the
principle of justice to all peoples and
nationalties and their right to live on
equal terms of liberty and safety with
one another, whether they be strong
or weak"
The principles laid down in this
speech, embodying terms of peace with
the enemy, had to deal mainly with the
direct issues of the war. Regarded in
this light, some of them lack exact pre-
cision, but their spirit is unmistakable
They prescribe free self-government
for nationalities great and small.
Committed to the Principles.
In repeatedly giving universal appli
cation to his charter of freedom for thu
weak, it would be idle to pretend thai
the President had had the outspoke1
concurrence of his European allies