New-York tribune., 1919-02-05

torial compensation without regard to
the racial affinities of the peoples. 1t
is this sort of thing to which the Presi-
dent rightly objects, and it is because
this sort of thing has been done under
the sanction of the balance of power,
perhaps, that he condemns the whole
principle. Thus, the congress gave Bel
GUM over to Holland. regardless of re-
ligious antipathies, in themselves certain
to make union impossible. All the ma
terials for revolt were at hand, and it
required only the singing of an OPERA
LA Muette di Portici," in Brussels to
send the Belgians to- arms
Furthermore, the principle of the bal
ance of power has been used, not to
protect the weaker peoples from spolia-
ton, but to keep them weak 1t was
one Of the chief obstacles to Italian
unity. Italy, in the familiar words of
Metternich, was "a geographical eX-
preston" There was no Italian people
with right to a national life They
were pawns in the diplomatic game
Thus the balance Of power was main
tanned, so far as Austria was concerned
by handing over to her Italian provinces
for compensation. Poland is another
example of the evil workings of the
principle, which was maintained, SO far
as Austria, Russia and Prussia were
concerned, by dividing the whole country
among them.
1t is easy to see that if this inter
probation Of the principle were. to be
sanctioned at Paris the train would be
laid for future wars. Yet these are not
less likely to come if it be disregarded
altogether. There may have been some
perception of this fact in the Presidents
mind when he disclaimed any desire to
see the Austro- Hungarian Empire dis
membered. And it is obvious that some
very harassing problems would have
been avoided if a federated empire with
a full recognition of Slav rights could
have been established. The Archduke
Franz Ferdinand, whose assassination at
SaraJevo was made the excuse for be-
ginning the war, deserves the credit of
having seen clearly the dangers which
exclusive German and Magyar domina-
ton was bringing upon the empire and
Of having advocated trialism instead of
dualism as the best method of averting
them. But Jugo-Slavia and the Czecho-
facts, and any waiver of their national
ambitions is no longer possible. A part
of the problem, nevertheless, is to crafty
these ambitions while still preserving a
balance of power in the Balkans which
will not tempt one newly freed people
to entertain predatory designs upon their
neighbors. Jugo-Slavia already threat
ems the security of Italy; it might con-
ceivably be peril to Greece or Ru-
mania. The claims of rivals must be
adjusted on some principle. If the prin-
ciple of the balance Of power must be
abandoned, what other principle will take
its place?
England, France and Italy, at least,
have keen interest in the application
OF the principle of the balance of power
to present circumstances But it is to
be noted that the principle as they in
terpret it means simply that no one
state in Europe shall menace the rest.
This is in effect the Interpretation Of
the Monroe Doctrine, which was aimed
at schemes of foreign conquest in the
American hemisphere.
The duty of maintaining the balance
of power has fallen especially-it might
be said almost wholly-upon England
She has done in the past what the league
of nations aimed to do-prevented the
domination of Europe, and therefore of
the world, by any one nation. The en-
trance of America into European poll
tics undoubtedly tends to shift a part
OF the burden to us and so far as NAV
be judged by English public opinion.
England will be glad to have us bear
our part eve have nothing to fear
IRON such a course" DISTINGUISHED
Engllshman writes, adding that his
country "has never aspired, even when
the domination of the world was almost
IN her hands, to go one inch further
than to redress the balance. At the
end of the Napoleonic wars, if ENGLAND
had been filled with the spirit Of an-
gression she could have conquered half
the world and kept it."