Arizona republican., 1919-10-28


 that the ability to seize an unfair ao- vantage and get away with it IS no justification for its exercise. It meant even more than ordinary justice. It meant that the man who may have the power and ability to further the ends of justice in any way who sei1lsnly shirks this duty is anti-social and an enemy to society. Class consciousness, which is only another name for class hatred, had no place in his social creed. Manhood consciousness meant every thing. That no man has proper re- gard for his own manhood unless ne has just respect for the rights ana claims of others; that one may not de- mand fair treatment unleS she be Will ing to give it-were first principles Tn his creed of social justice. In all the contention and strife that divide the so-called classes in America, in the struggle for supremacy between capital and labor, in all the agitations for changed industrial conditions is it not true, my friends, that in the application of this simple rule of ''the square deaf' can be found the only solution, the only basis upon which there may be built the lasting and durable peace Of justice and good will?
 For Passionate Patriotism
 But Theodore Roosevelt stood not only for the square deal, but he stood also for a healthy, robust and an in tensely passionate patriotism. He held to the old fashioned notion that devo- ton to ones own country was para mount to any ideahstic scheme of in ternationalism. He abhorred, with all the passionate strength of his loyal soul. those who preached the doctrine that patriotism, in the sense of stand ing for ones own country as against the world, is only a narrow selfish and provincial attitude of mind unworthy of men of real breadth of vision. He despised the man who could see his country insulted and it's honor assailed without emotion. He had contempt for the man whose love of peace was greater than his love for liberty, for right, for justice in international af- fairs. He looked upon the man who at- tempted to compass the world in his altruistic regard in the light of the man who is so occupied with the private and personal affairs of his neighbors as to cease to be regardful of even the primary needs of his own family. He believed, to be a good neighbor, one must first be true to his own family; to be a good citizen of the world, one must first be loyal to his own country.
 Jealous of America's Honor He loved America. He revered her traditions. He was jealous of her honor He was quick to see any danger that threatened her from within or from without He was equally quick to see where her duty lay. Injustice, oppres sion and wrong anywhere had in him a foe willing to fight, if need be, for their suppression.
 When Belgium was invaded he be- lieved it the imperative duty of the democratic nations of the world, and especially America, to protest in the name of freedom and of justice. His Americanism was intense, but not so 1arrow as to exclude the just claims. of other nations or to be regardless of the | appeal the weak, the helpless and op- 1 pressed anywhere may make for pro- | lection and he was quick to respond
 in the name of common humanity.
 His Ame-icanism was not merely an
 emotion that famed when aroused and grew cold when the excitement died away. It was steady and constant thing. He applied it in everything he did. In business, in politics, in all so- cisl relations, the public good meas
 ured his standard of right or wrong. ]
 noted the public welfare. It was a
 menace when it became inimical to the
 good of the state, and by the state he
 always meant the people of which it is composed. Partisanship in politics
 was only a means to an end-the put
 ting into effective action the will of the majority. Social customs and in- stitutions were significant as they eff fected the life and character of the na- ton.
 Sacrifice the Only Test
 The most characteristic thing in the Americanism of Theodore Roosevelt
 was that he applied but one test tc
 patriotism and that was the spirit oi
 sacrifice. Burning words of patriotic
 enthusiasm meant nothing if behind
 them all there was the craven heart
 the cowardly evasion of ones duty when duty calls for the surrender o1
 ease, of comfort, of health or of lift
 itself.
 can present his viewpoint no bet.
 ter than by quoting his own words a: found in that remarkable essay called ''The Great Adventure
 Only those are fit to live who dt
 not fear to die-and none are fit t,
 die who have shrunk from the jo! , of life and the duty of life. Both Tiff
 and death are parts of the Great Ad venture. Never yet was worthy ad , venture worthily carried through b, the man who put his personal safet, . first. Never yet was a country wort
 living in. unless its sons and daughter, were of that stern stuff which bad them die for it at need. And neve , yet was country worth dying fo unless it's sons and daughters though
 of life, not as something concerne, ! only with the selfish evanescence o the individual, but as link in tn ; chain of creation and causation so tha ; each person is seen in his true rela ' lions as an essential part of the whole whose life must be made to serve tn { larger and continuing life of tn f whole"
 : Sums Up His Greed
 |. It seems to me that in these word | is summed up the whole of the Roose veltian creed--life is a great adventur ! "a joyous one if we make it so-bu
 it is made joyous or even glorious il
 the measure we contribute our talents our effort and, if need be, our per ]. sonal existence to the common goot a In conclusion my friends, want. if :, may, to empndSize lHlS thought. NOV . that he is gone, is the life, characte |. and teachings of Theodore Roosevelt k to have no significance to us excep f as a matter of national pride and fo
 the glory they reflect upon our his 8 tory? Is his to be regarded merely a f another great name added to our na 0 tional Valhalla of fame? When sue t mighty problems confront the natio d and the world just emerging from tn t shadow of a war that shook the yer t foundations of civilization itself, ca ,, we afford to forget those principle