New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1919-02-16

TNHE moral propriety of entering
into negotiations with the Bolshe-
n vik government may be argued
pro and con; but it is difficult to
see what else the Allies could do in regard
to Russia. This seems to be the general
trend of American editorial opinion on
the question of the Princes Islands con-
ference. On the other hand, it is univer-
sally pointed out that for the contending
parties in Russia it would BE- suicidal not
to accept the invitation, especially after
the Bolshevik have declared their inten-
ton to attend.
"The Springfield Republican" summa-
rizes the situation thus:
"Ihe Allies greatly desire settlement of
the Russian question, and will have scant
patience with any group which refuses TO
negotiate. A parallel might be found in the
case of labor war which has so exhausted
tolerance that either labor capital by
refusing concessions might easily a
shifting of sympathy toward the other side.
"This psychological side of the case the
Lenine government has not overlooked, and
the riva, governments cannot afford to over
look it, either. If sympathy with the Boil
shevik is still confined to very narrow cir
ces, it is obvious that sympathy with their
opponents has waned very rapidly of Late
1t is equally to the interest of the
Allies and the non Bolshevik Russian
parties, some writer's contend, that the
latter should be represented in full at the
Prinkipo conference. "The Washington
Star" says:
at would be most unsatisfactory for the
representative of the Allies to meet with
the Bolsheviki alone. That would be tanta-
mount to direct treating with an organi-
cation that is generally regarded as an out
law Possibly however, acceptance by the
Bolshevili will cause reconsideration by
the other Russian clements"
That for the Allies the conditio sine
quo non for parleyng with The Soviet
government is the latter's recognition Of
the Russian national debt is generally
emphasized. Says "The Ottawa Citizen:
1--WE learn now that Leninc has agreed
that the Soviet government would pay the
bond interest on the old foreign debt of the
country, and that with this concession he
will go to the conference on Princes Islands
fortified with the armor of declared right
eousness. AS a matter of fact, ne could
not go otherwise. The first proof of Rus
sia's good faith to be demanded by the
Allies would have been the recognition OF
the responsibility of whatever government
Russia would have, ultimately, for the bonds
in question, unless Russia conceded that the
Allied ard neutral nations would be treating
with outlaw nation in a commercial
sense and all the treaties and agreements
that could be entered into in the circum-
stances would not help matters No country
will trade with creditor who has repu-
dated his honest debts"
Though American public opinion may
acquiesce in dealing with the dc facto
powers of Russia, considering the
step largely as a necessary evil, it
is the view of many American editors
that our government was not particularly
fortunate in its selection of one of the
two American delegates to the confer
ence. The appointment of William Allen
White, editor of "The Emporia Gazette"
and novelist of the great Middle West,
finds universal approval. On the other
hand, the naming of Professor George D.
Heron meets with considerable resent
ment "The Springfield Republican"
commends both appointments on the