davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Republican farmer., 1919-04-18
Says Situation Is Still Fraught With Peril For AM Countries
Tried To Rob Walter B. Lasher After Fashion Of
 Yellow Backed Fiction

Detective Salmon Impersonated Proposed Victim and Amateur Blackhanders Were Taken Redhanded- Trade School Student and AccompLce Held in $2,000 Bai-Lydicker is Youth Haggerty
 Married Man.
Republican farmer., 1919-04-18

the day before the armiStice was signed there was revolution in the state of Baden and the American prisoners saw freedom once more''
 MT. Hope had been gassed on the day he was captured and suffered greatly when in prison from the ef- fleets of the deadly fumes. but he is now very much recovered and the in cldent is a thing of the past. He arrived in this country. on March 25, on the George Washington and re- ceived his discharge at Camp Dix, N. J., April 10.
Republican farmer., 1919-04-18
TALY's REFRESHMENTS MEET

Rome, April 16-CHavas)-R Repre- sentattves of 12 cities of southern Italy held a meeting here yesterday ar which emphatic support of Italy's territorial claims before the Peace Conference was expressed. The con- g-ess sent a telegraph message to Premier Orlando announcing that the members of the gathering were un- animously determined to fight for the granting of Italy's territorial demands
Republican farmer., 1919-04-18
SNOW HAMPERS FIIGHT

St. Johns. N. F.. April 16-With q heavy snow storm raging here this morning it was considerable doubtful whether q start could be made today in the attempted transatlantic flight Boh Harry c. Hawker, Australian pilot of the Sopwith biplane team, and Captain Fred P. F'aynham. the British fiier of the martinsyde plane, are ready to start at the first favora- bIe opportunitN
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
Bosh about
Capital and Labor

Fifth, the final step is to give labor a
real interest in the profits of the business.
and this is the lowest price at which the
capitalistic regime can buy itself off from
the danger of revolution There is great
deal of preaching to the effect that the
interests of labor and capital are identical.
That is all bosh. The interests of labor
and capital are not identical. 1t is labor's
aim, and its proper aim, to obtain in the
division between capital and labor all that
it can, just it is the aim of capital in its
division of the results of capital and labor
to obtain all it can Up to the point of
an industry going to smash the interests
of labor are opposed to the interests of
capital. How to make this division of the
results of industry between labor and capi-
tai is the most difficult of all problems
an my own opinion we should look at it
in this way: There should first be two
definite charges against the net profits Of
industry, 1) living wage to labor, and
CD minimum return to capital. Then
after labor has received a basic wage and
capital has received a minimum return,
all that is earned should be divided be-
tween capital and labor, and in my opinion
it should be divided equally.
Il am thoroughly convinced that if we
are to save the present order Of society
must make such thoroughgoing conces-
sions as I have here Indicated I have had
a talk recently with Sir Robert Horne and
l said to him: Are you out for mustard
plasters? If you out for mustard plas-
ters only, if you are looking for mere pal
liatives, you are going to fail. Ny rec
ommendation to you is to appoint the
strongest royal commission that can be
brought together and have them consider
these last two points, that is, the part
that workers should play in the control of
industry and the methods by which labor
can be given a real interest in the profits
of the business. l would have that COM
mission composed of the strongest possible
representatives of both capital and labor,
and would make the decision of the COM
mission law"
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
america the Last
Hope of EuroDe

81 have reached what to me are some
startling conclusions. They are set forth
in what follows with such funess as was
possible within the limits of the time If
they were only my own conclusions, there
are some of them that | should doubt my
self. 1t is hard to believe, when one sees
what is outwardy perfectly normal
country with its people quietly moving
about, apparently fed and clothed to
normal standard, that there may be i'm
pending a catastrophe for such people-a
catastrophe that they themselves do not
dream of at the moment, a catastrophe that
may be marching with the grim certainty
that marks tragedy. But this catastrophe
may be averted if statesmen are wise
enough and if America is wise enough; for
America is the last hope of Europe
"America must be brought to understand
what has happened to Europe and be filled
with sympathy, but not with sympathy
alone, for charity alone cannot save Europe
America must understand how her own
fortunes-her own future-are bound up
with the fate of European civilization and
that European civilization is confronted
with extreme dangers. Without Americas
help the catastrophe cannot be averted.
believe; but by Americas help I do not
mean America s charity. If once we grasp
the full import of what the war has brought
to Europe, at once we see what vast re-
sponslbilities and opportunities the war has
brought to US believe we will place our
selves at the service of Europe as a whole
nation, just as we threw our whole ma
tonal strength into the task of saving Eu
rope and the world from military domi-
nation. Europe is now to be saved from
financial and industrial breakdown There
are possibilities of a cataclysm in the situa
ton and time will move very rapidly.
believe much of the disaster can be averted
but that can only be done if America under
stands"
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
Radicals Only
10 to IS Per Cent


The spread of Bolshevism through the
dictatorship of a minority Mr.. Wander
lip sees as a possibility in any Eu-
ropean country where industry is para
lyzed and ,idleness is followed by hun
ger and want:
This minority of extremists nowhere is
large. In England it was estimated in both
conservative and radical quarters, as being
at the minimum somewhere between 10 and
16 per cent of the total organized mass Of
union labor. I fancy the proportion is not
less, and doubt if it is much more in anv
OF the European countries which visited
Everywhere it is an active and distinctly
forceful minority and knows mach of the
power of propaganda. Within the labor
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17

Americans not driving Germans from
their homes or resorting to deportation
and forced labor. This idealism is an
impeachment to a realization of the great
ideal Of peace.
1t is tragedy of the world that the
decision rests with Germany. She wanted
war and had it. 1t is for Germany to
say whether peace is to reign. If the
Germans act on the theory that they
can wear the Allies out by protitless
occupation, peace will not be hastened by
making life comfortable during the occu-
patton. Our softheads will, of course,
ask this, but will be wrong as usual-will
be enemies to the peace whose virtues
they promise.
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
COntentgslent
affects Production

English employers believe that produc
ton hinges on contentment, that content
ment cannot be secured merely by wages,
and that if labor is given a larger voice
in the management of the purely industrial
conditions of the shop there will be not
only a growth in contentment, but there
will be cooperative spirit in which men
will bring their brains as we'll as their
muscles to the task Of production. They
feel that from capitals point of view every
such concession made will be far more than
compensated in the increased production
secured.
81 believe that it lies within the power
of American employers and of, American
capitalists similarly to make short cut
without great sacrifice to a future of indus
trial peace, and to escape what might be a
conflict that would be as dangerous to her
national life and prosperity as was the
conflict we have so happily passed through
That short cut may be reached if these
interests will with one accord come
to the point Of view that has already been
reached by European employers and capital.
That will require a true vision, develon-
ment of human sympathy, a grasp of eco
nomlc principles, a concession in time
rooted prejudices and a quickened under.
standing of the aspirations and the no;n+
OF vie" OF labor. Is it too much to hone
for2
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
BOIsheuisn,
a Passing Phase

IN his interviews and speeches Mr.
Vanderlip has stressed the financial aid
which he conceives we must bring to the
aid of Europe by way of an interna-
tional consortium of bankers. In this
volume even more striking are Mr. Van
derllp's views upon labor unrest and the
duty of capital in this country to meet
and solve its problems. Mr.. Vanderlip
studied English progress along these
lines, and was profoundly impressed by
1t. tie does not take an alarmist view
OF Bolshevism. In an interesting chap
ter on The Power of Minorities" he
gives secondhand picture of Russia
and ventures two prophecies. He notes
the compromises to which Lenine has
been driven in order to make his COM
munlstlc theories work and predicts that
the "Bolshevik regime is a passing
phase which will be succeeded by a
"dlctator again representing an ef-
fectlvely powerful, small minority" This
will in turn be followed by "a constitu-
tlonal monarchy, for Russia, with it's IS
per cent of illiteracy and with it's un-
stable and idealistic national character,
IS not ready for a real democracy"
When Russia thus emerges Mr.. VAN
derlip predicts that it will be the most
solvent nation in Europe, because it
has the richest natural resources and
may have marvellous prosperity For
another guess. Mr.. Vanderlip thinks
that Russia will be dominated and ex-
plotted by Germany unless the United
States shows unexpected prescience,
courage and disposition to take
financial venture"
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17

above the open ocean is quite another
tale. Of course, this Is not an uncom-
mon episode for fliers. A cloud area or
fog bank often overturns pilot The
strange, gasping fact here is the thought
of these two humans rushing at 120
miles an hour somewhere over waste
of waters, bound upon the most appall
ing venture ever attempted by man, and
losing the sun, moon and stars, the
whole sense of gravity, the earth itself,
for hours at time. Neither nightmare
nor Samuel Taylor Coleridge ever did
better.
After such a fight what is a small
voyage like death, across a peaceful
river, to fate determined? For hu-
man daring our hats are off to this
Englishman who fought the sun, the
stars and Sir Isaac Newton's best the
ory, and beat them all.
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
Materials and Machinery
Would Be Allotted

"The international loan commission
would propose to the borrowing nations
that they would furnish to them credits
to the determined amounts, to be expended
in the way provided, against obligations
that in the case of every nation followed
the same formula. The obligations would
run for say fifteen years, bear per cent
interest, provide for amortization of one
fifteenth each year, and be repayable, inter-
est and amortization. in the currencies Of
the various lending countries in the propor-
tcn in which the obligation was at the
time of each interest payment actually held
by the nationals of such country.
Each borrowing nation should pledge
first lien upon it's customs revenue to meet
the interest and amortization service OF
that portion of the international loan 'Allc-
Gated to that particular nation"
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
Taking Heavy Risks

1t is true, as The Times says, that the
treaty, or at least the covenant part Of
it, is in some danger. But there must
be emphatic dissent among reasonable
men from the reasons for the danger as
catalogued by The Times.
The responsibility for any confusion
that may exist is not with the creek
less" men of the Senate, but springs
from recklessness elsewhere.
These things are in the record:
/. Treaty proper and covenant were
joined, whereas as one deals with the
past and present and the other with the
future, the problems are so dissimilar
as to call for disassociation.
2. The artificial joinder was to pre-
vent consideration of the covenant
was to defeat by trick of diplomacy
consideration of a farreaching agree
ment, together with that provision of
the Constitution which requires the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate.
3. Examination having shown that
the covenant may be construed as jeop-
ardizing the national sovereignty and
as surrenderng the Monroe Doctrine
and as morally committing this nation
to participate in every quarrel, never
theless the Administration has resisted
all proposals looking to Interpretation
and qualifications which will put the
doubtful matters at rest.
The danger will disappear when the
letter and the spirit of the Constitu-
ton are respected and there is dis
played a readiness to accept amend
ments or reservations which commend
themselves to right reason. Nobody is
against the peace treaty, and one-third
of the Senate can scarcely be mustered
to oppose any sort of league of ma
tions.
The evidence is that the Senate will
continue in the path on which it has
entered. The course of the debate i'm
plies that the Senate will
/. Will ratify the treaty, including
the covenant, if amendments are yet
added at Paris.
2. If amendments are not added, then
~ VIII eiioO Idtll DuC DIS W IIlo
covenant, when ratifying will insert
reservations which will remove doubt
as to what this country agrees to.
Among the Administration sup
porters should be some one with a voice
loud enough to reach Paris, to say:
"The course now pursued puts the whole
covenant in jeopardy, and possibly the
peace treaty. Stubbornness is folly. If
delay is to the advantage of the Ger
mans it is clear where blame will rest"
Constructive critics are the covenants
best friends. Its enemies are those that
urge blind acceptance. For the outlook
for blind acceptance is dark. The easy
way to put the covenant through is by
attaching interpreting reservations. No
one will accuse the Administration SEN
ators of scheming to bring about the re-
lection of the covenant op of wanting
to prolong the war. But viewing the
situation as it is they take heavy risks.
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
An international
Peace Loan

The book concludes with a detailed
account of Mr.. Vanderlip's proposal for
financing Europe. The prime economic
necessity he considers to be to re-
establish promptly the flow of produc-
tion so as to give employment to the
millions of unemployed. Government
loans he considers impracticable; yet
the situation must be treated as
whole Therefore he urges an "inter-
national peace loan" upon the following
basis:
"The governments of the leading nations
each should appoint a consortium of bank
ers, to have charge in the respective coun-
tries of the fotation of an internationa!
loan of q certain amount. These consor-
tiums of bankers in conjunction with their
respective governments each should appoint
members of an international loan commits
sion, the headquarters of which N ght well
be in the peace palace at The Hague, and
the number of representatives Of eacn
country, respectively, or their voting power,
should be equitably determined.
"The international loan commission woule
determine, from the facts regarding tho
industrial situation in each of the possible
borrowing countries, the proportionate allo-
cation of parts of the total loan to each
borrowing nation; and later should de-
termine, in conjunction with representa-
tives from. the borrowing nations. the
definite amounts of machinery, raw ma
terial, rolling stock, etc, which should be
furnished.
Each lending nation would furnish,
according to it's capacity an amount OF
machinery, raw materials, etc, equal TO its
amount of participation in the international
loan, with adequate safeguards insuring 10
the borrowers that these materials were
furnished at proper prices.
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
Does Germany Seek Compulsion Z?

The contradictions Of the dispatches
naturally arouse uncertainty; but piec-
ing them together, it would seem Ger
many seeks compulsion.
The Scheidemann- Ebert government,
It's seat none too stable, is interested in
home politics. 1t would not do to ac-
cept the peace terms at once. There
is one matter as to which monarchist
Spartacan and Social Democratic Ger
mans agree. No German would paw.
so the falsehood is in circulation that
the treaty violates the armistice pledges.
propaganda to this effect is carried on
and is echoed as usual in this country
II the Allies yielded. it would be a gain;
II they did not, the tradition that Ger
many had been unjustly treated might
aeip; meanwhile, the reigning bureau
cfa's OF Germany would keep their Jobs.
90 Rantzau. ranted, beginning by in
saiting the peace conference.
"ili Germany yield on Saturday. or
viii she compel movement into Cor
many! The latest utterances suggest
tnae ecneldemann and Ebert do not vet
think they have insured their hold. Az
Irotzky ran away from Brest-L -Litoysk
yelAng ne would not sign, and Lenine
. signed when the Germans advanced II
3 IS not unlikely Scheidemann wants the
dement, that may accrue by shouting "An-
other Brest-Litovsk."
NO desire in Germany to resist is gen.
eraiiy conceded. The German, as he re-
veaied himself, does not fight unless odds
favor him. His astonishrnent when tho
Seigians made hopeless resistance was
honest. 50 there is little danger Of
bloodshed. Hans may trust the British
and the Americans, but he doesn't trust
she Belgians and the French--fears they
~se ready to knock German towns to
pieces, a. an Offset to what occurred in
Belgium and Francs. Herein, It Ii worth
f1nerh, II the strdpsest pressure for
eiEnIns. Germans count on British and
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
engaged, and they want that not "a ~

engaged, and they want that not as an
act of grace, but as a right.
81 have been very anxious to know i,..
what was in the minds of our workers i,
regard to what they want in their relation
to industry. You cannot find that out
merely by sitting on the opposite side Of
table during an acute stage of labor
controversy. I have therefore taken a great
deal of pains to get into touch not on,v
with the men in my own industry, but with
employees generally. have had representa-
tive workmen spend week-ends with me and
talk the subject over as man to man, and
| have had meetings of representative
workmen drawn from various industries to
discuss the subject. These meetings vera
not so brief and formal that we failed to
get at the heart of the question, but were
conferences where we got into such rela
tlons with the men that we were enabled
to bring out what was really in their minds.
| would take a country hotel and bring to-
gether for a weekend conference larea
groups of representative workmen, and the
result has been most enlightening
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
The Unchanging German

Germany is unrepentant and arrogant
even in disaster She still imagines her
self a fit and equal associate in the
family of nations. AS such she unblush-
ingly demands charter membership in
any league of nations which may be
formed.
The counter proposals breathe every
where the spirit of this challenge of
outside opinion. They protest against
the abolition of existing German rights
beyond the Continent Of Europe as "im-
possible to great people, who not only
have supreme need for markets and sup
plies, but aOho haze sho1Un themselves
capable of sharing the quorzd's task of
colonization."
The German delegates reject the AL
lied reparation scheme as an infringe
ment of German sovereignty. They say
that they will accept responsibility only
for cloiliom losses in occupied France
and Belgium, and will pay an indemnity
of ,000,000,000 solely on condition
that their own counter proposals as to
colonies, overseas trade and territories
are accepted.
They refuse to surrender the Kaiser
or other Germans accused Of violations
of the laws and customs of war, on the
ground that such action would be extra
legal.
They add touch of grotesqueness to
their attitude of nationalstic 1aaauete
and selfsufficency by promising that
Germany will "do everything in her
power to preserve humanity from an
other war"
German psychology is unchangeable.
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
.HE alarming views of Mr.. Frank

HHE alarming views of Mr.. Frank
A. Vanderlip upon the state of Eu-
rope are set forth at length in
this volume. 1t does not purport to be
formal or exhaustive study. 1t was
dictated entire in the five days of his
return trip from Southampton to Hall
fax. 1t presents his conclusions, drawn
from direct contact with the facts, and
the best minds Of Europe. 1t is an i'm
posing array of great men that Mr..
Vanderlip describes in his preface; and
it is interesting to note that of the whole
list he took "the greatest amount of in
formation, the broadest, most states
manlike views, the finest analysis of So
cial conditions" from an American, Her
bert c. Hoover.
The preface gives this general out
line Of Mr.. Vanderlip's thought:
seeing these almost normal externals, might
conclude that, with the signing of peace,
Europe was almost ready to resume its
old life in the old way and, given time
to heal the visible wounds of war along the
battlefront, would again be the Europe we
used to know. And so if there are return
ing travellers who have not seen what has
impressed me, shall not be surprised nor
will have any fault to find if they describe
Europe exhibiting little change from pre-
war days.
New-York tribune., 1919-06-17
4 Short Cut
TO Industrial Peace

i am convinced that it is along these
lines that industrial peace lies I have
come 70 teel profoundly that a liberaIizing
ol the views of employers and CAPITALISTS
IN respect to labor will be followed hv
gain to both sides, the value of which
could hardly be measured In that direc.
'.oh hes the nope that America may make
the same sort of short cut to industrial
peace 'ha' she made in freeing herself
from lie of apprehension of military
domlnatlon 1t seems to me clear as CRYSTAL
that along this road there lies not only
great moral satisfaction, but side bv s;da
with that lies the greatest material nros.
perity' r
Mr. Vanderlip devotes a whole chap
ter to expounding the views of an nm
named English employer whom he
quotes at length. Five great principles
OF labor's rights society must accent
in this view
l. The minimum wage.
z. The forty-eight Cor possibly the
fortyfour) hour week.
8. Security against unemplovmen+
through an insurance fund to which
workmen, employers and the state
should all contribute.
a. A larger control of industry by the
workers.
s. A real interest in the profits of the
business.
The English employers views upon
the two last points, apparently ap-
proved by Mr.. Vanderlip, are as follows:
Fourth, larger control Of industry by
the workers. This should be the next step.
The workers of this country have made up
their minds that they do not intend to
continue as wage slaves. They want a
voice in the administration Of the indus
trial part of the business in which they are