The commercial. (Union City, Tenn.) 190?-193?, 1919-10-31
Shall Demochscy survive9

| TIC dJ large may Ue COuSIueESU DE-
merely a disinterested spectator in
the quarrels of capital and organized
labor. The months since the close
of the war have brought several OPP
portunities for a realization of the
extent to which those quarrels could
be carried the effect they could have
upon the life of the nation. There
was some imitation of what the pub
| lie would have to endure when a
nationwide railroad strike was
threatened. We are now contem-
plating the widespread desolation
that would come with national
coal miners strike. Then, we have
staring us in the face the even more
serious public catastrophe of gem
eral strike by all forms and branches
of organized labor, threatened by
trade union leaders if congress en-
acts pending legislation declaring
strikes of railroad employees illegal.
In this situation, the American
public must ask itself, soberly and
seriously: Is American government
to survive? Is American prosperity
to endure? Is life in America to
continue free, with no limits upon
the individual except his ambition
and respect for the right of others?
And the American public must ans
wer those question.
What are we to make of our land,
which began as the refuge of liber-
ty-loving people, which was dedi-
Gated to the cause of human freedom,
which was baptized in the blood of
men who fought to establish demo-
cracy, and has grown in its short
career into the greatest nation of
the earth? What are we to make of
this nation Of 10O,000,000 souls
which is built upon the principles
of individual Justice, domestic tran
guilty and general welfare as the
paramount concern?
When a question arose of defend
ing the sanctity and integrity of
our nation against the Teutonic ma
chine of world conquest, we rose as
one man and gave money and lives
to preserve this great melting pot
of free humanity. We defended the
nation successfully from outside in
f1uences that would make us a sub
ject people. But the nation was never
more seriously threatened from the
outside than it is threatened from
within today. The American peo-
pie to-day are enduring subjugation.
One day we supplicate the masters
of capital the food tbarons,
the corporation magnates. An
other day we supplicate the power
full labor unions. We appeal to the
in the name of humanity, |
to make it possible for underfed fam
lilies to eat, for poor families to clothe
for poor families TO have
shelter. We plead with the labor un-
ion to remain at work, to keep the
railroads in motion, to keep our
coal bins filled, to keep industry go
ing that we may work and eat and
live.
Is America to survive by this pro-
cess? Are we to be a duplicating
nation? Are we to live from day to
day solely at the mercy of internal
agencies to which we concede power
greater than that of the American
America was born in revolt against
desootism and autocracy. Are we
to nurture these new despotisms and
and permit the destruc-
ton of that which half dozen gen
erations of builders of democracy
have created? |
The plain question before the
American people is: What is our
to be? We say: A gov
eminent by the people, of
the people and for the people.
Is it? Are we not permitting |
it to become merely a shock-ab-
sorber between the people and the
internal enemies of democracy? Is it
to be passive government in the pro-
lection of interests?
The capitalist cannot be both for
America and against democracy. The
labor union cannot be both for Ameri-
ca and at the same time engaged in
destroying the national life by de-
priving the public of food and shell
ter and comfort. The employer can
not be both an American in sympa-
thies and bourbon in industry, UNI
with his workmen |
The workman canot be both an
American and an industrial revolu-
zionist.
The course of the government |
must be determined. 1t is the boast |
ed theory in America that the people |
are supreme. If true democracy pre-