The Connecticut labor press., 1919-05-17

tionS of veteran observer, John +.
Fry, editor of the Mo1ders' Journal,
who has an article entitled Labor and
Politics." a part of which is herewith
printed from the Labor Review
The absence of a labor party in the
United States is not an evidence that
trade-unionists have not taken a active
part politically. In fact, the American
trade union movement has been par
ticuiarly active politically, but it has
been opposed to party or partisan pol1t1-
cal action. 1t has taken an active part
in politics for two essential reasons:
One, the necessity of securing leg1sla-
ton and the other, the ACCESSIBILITY OF
e1ecting trade-unionists to public ott1ce
and of having them appointed to official
positions, so that our movement would
have direct representation, not only in
legislative bodies but in administrative
capacities.
"a combination of these two avtiv-
tiles is found in the legislative efforts
to have department of labor estab-
ished, the head of which would be a
member of the Presidents cabinet and
the activities which followed the enact
ment of this bill to have trade union
list appointed to the position. The first
and present secretary of labor is Will
lam B. Wilson, formerly secretary of
the United Mine Workers Union of
North America. and one of the ablest
trade unionists which our movement has
produced -
within recent months several labor
bodies have launched labor parties. I'm
questionably the members of our trade
unions have the right to adopt those
methods and policies which seem most
advantageous to themselves provided
that these are not IN conflict with the
laws of the American Federation of
Labor. 1t is equally true, however, that
at all times strade-unionistS, in outlining
programs, must have iIh mind the gen.
eral welfare and the general policies of
our trade union movement.
when a point is reached where de-
cisions must be made, we must be
guided by the light of experience.
rather than by economic or political
doctrines and creeds, or by the super
fetal logic with which these may be
presented. It is not the apparent sound
ness of doctrine which is presented
to us so much as the actual results
which have followed certain efforts,
which we must accept as our guide.
The only safe light for our feet shines
from the lamp of experience.
"Unqlestionably, our efforts In the
industrial world must be supplanted by
legislative activity, for there are certain
] fields in which legislation alone can es-
tablish conditions which the workers re-
Quire. This is particularly true of those
measures which establish fundamental
rights and regulate conditions of labor
of such character that they cannot be
determined upon, or administered
through negotiations or. agreements be-
tween trade unioniStS and employers.
a Il,
ers of the world two methods have
been adopted to secure essentially neces7
sary legislation; a positive one through
the organization of labor party, such
as has been adopted by our British
brethren; and the other, a negative
policy (if ] may be justified in using
this tern) which, has been adopted by
the American trade union movement
In the United States we have en-
deavored to secure the legislation re-
CURED through the election of trade
unionists, and our friends, whenever
possible, regardless of their party affi1ia-
tons, and through the defeat of those
public representatives who are antagon-
istic to our movement and to the legis-
1ation which is required.
There are those who hold that the
British method is more effective in
securing practical results than our own.
If we are TO draw any sound conclu-
sions from the British methods as com
pared with the American, it must be
from the results which have followed
their application.
Twelve years ago, the trade union
movement of both countries was
confronted with crisis. In Great
Britain the Taff-Vale decision threat
ened the existence of effective trade
T., 41,a TT~,:HaI C%a+ae 4Ia o+
titude of the leading representatives in
congress, coupled with decisions of our
federal courts in many cases affecting
labor, has served notice upon the Amer
lean workmen that, unless great
change occurred, trade unionism in
America could exist only under enorm-.
Gus handicap. RI.
The. Taft Vale. decision gave new life
to the Labor party In Great Britain. At
the election which followed shortly aft
erWards, a much larger number of labor
men were returned to parliament and,
because of the vigor which they dis
played, it was possible for the British
workers to secure LEGISLATION which
proved of great advantage to them, in
addition TO the Trades-Dispute bill
which reversed the .Taff-Vale decision.
During this period the American trade
union movement, following it's we'll
established policy to elect its friends
and defeat its enemies, continued to
place its confidence in this method.
In 1907 IN extraordinary conference
of trade union representatives was held
in Washington, D. G.. at which 1egisla-
tive grievances were formulated and a
demand made that certain fundamental.
legislation should be enacted by con-
gress. This was presented to the
President of the United States. the
speaker of the House of Representa-
tives and the president pro tenn of the
Senate. At that time majority of
both branches of congress were OPP
posed to the legislation which had been
demanded.
The American trade union mvoe-
ment Immediately began a campaign in
tended to defeat its opponents in con-
gress and elect those who favored the
legislation desired. As a result, all of
the legislation demanded at that time,
with the exception of the contract con-
yict labor bill, has beer placed upon
the federal statute books, and, in addi-
ton, there has been written into the
law the statement that the labor of a
human being is not a commodity or
article of commerce. III
while our British brethren through
their Labor party have secured marked
benefits, the outstanding fact remains
that the. legislative victories of the