New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-02-03
By Arthur s. Draper
London January S.

gerouS TO use as matches In
TINT plant. There is no more
radical, independent body in the
world than British labor. Outside
Of the Bolsheviki no class has moved
so far toward the Left; not even the
minority Socialists in the French
Republic are as pugnaciously indie
pendent as the British working
classes. The easiest way to start a
revolution in Great Britain would
be for the government to attempt to
introduce industrial CONSUMPTION.
but instead of looking for trouble,
every one over here is trying to find
q way out Of it.
Some reactionaries still advocate
industrial CONSUMPTION; some labor
extremists write books and PAM
phlets picturing in lurid terms just
how British labor is in the clutches
of a military machine more power
full than the Prussian invention. The
first class thinks British labor has
done well in the war; the second
class thinks British labor has made
all the sacrifices and that capital has
reaped nothing but rewards. The
truth is somewhere between these
two opinions.
First Rush
To the Colors
When in the summer of 1914
.Armageddon caught Britain UMPIRE.
pared, the able-bodied men of all
classes rushed to the colors in hun
dreds of thousands and complained
bitterly if the medical examiners
blocked their way to an early trip
across the Channel. All over Britain
were territorial regiments, CORE
spending to our National Guard.
Young fellows in every walk of life
were represented in these military
organizations. Besides these terri
torial regiments, which we're drafted
into the army in a body, there were
the volunteers, who because of pure
patriotism, chance to embark on a
great adventure, a desire to play in
a big game or whatever else the mo-
tive, left their regular occupation
and donned the khaki of soldier.
They represented the best of British
manhood, the finest of British man.
power. Some came from the coat
mines Of Wales; some from the
granite quarries of Scotland; some
from the shipyards of the Clyde, the
Mersey, the Tyne; some from the
great mills Of the Midlands; some
from the farms of Kent, Somerset
and Suffolk; some even from the
great ordnance works of Vickers and
the powder plants.
No one in Britain, not even Lord
Kitchener, who prophesied a three
year war and then had to qualify the
statement because certain politicians
thought it was far too pessimistic
forecast, realized what it meant to
organize a whole nation on a mill
tary basis. The farseeing German
leaders, who had given a lifetime to
the study Of this European war,
failed to calculate accurately, as is
proved by the many muddles of
1915-'16, such as the economic
breakdown and the munition short
age. Britain, which had gone from
success to success ever since the Ma
poleonic wars and had grown to feel
she could safely make blunders
which would be fatal to other coun-
tries, concentrated entirely on the
military end of the war and drifted
into sea strange to her statecraft.
Perhaps no nation equalled Britain
in self-satisfaction, assurance and
confidence. These characteristics,
annoying as they have been to other
peoples, are the very ones which
have carried this country to her
present position. Had any other ma
ton made as many miscalculations
she would assuredly have been
wrecked long ago.
Over 100000
Volunteers
AT the time Britain prided herself
greatly on the success Of her volun-
tary campaign and the Derby class
recruiting scheme, but no unprej-
udiced statesman would argue to-
day that the best results were OBJ
tanned by this method. Not until the
spring Of 1916, and then only after
overcoming severe opposition, was
enlistment made compulsory. Pre-
viously every Briton could do Just
as his conscience dictated. 1t is true
strenuous methods were often used
to force men into the army, but COM
pulsion, as such, did not exist Ger
tain agreements, chiefly that of Feb
ruary 8, 1916, which established the
principle Of democratic control, were