New-York tribune., 1918-10-28
MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Strange Resolutions

A nation in so serious mood as ours
at this moment will hope profoundly,
notwithsta nding the Presidents appeal
to his fellow countrynen to Sustain me-
with undivided minds and vote only for
Democrats, that he was in no wise asso-
ciated with the extraordinary resolutions
introduced in the Senate few days ago
by Mr. j. Ham. Lewis, proposing vote
of sanction for the Presidents acts, in
advance, whatever those acts might be.
The views and expressions of the states
man from Illinois are normally more ex-
citing than important, but it is q matter
of deep concern if his resolutions in any
way reflect the wishes of the President.
They made this unheard-of proposal:
"That the United States Senate ap-
proves whatever course may be taken by
the President in the matter of his replies
and dealings with the German govern
ment.
"F'urther, that the Senate in
dorses and approves whatever methods
he may employ to achieve the result of
victorious peace and indorses
such determination as he shall reach as
to the manner best calculated to pre-
serve the dignity of the nation and it's
complete vindication.'
These resolutions might be taken
merely as another Of the idiosyncrasies
of the gentleman from Illinois were it
not, first of all, that Lewis is the Demo-
cratic whip in the Senate, and, sec
ond, because Of a curious reflection Of
the Presidents own mind contained in
the call for support of the Liberty Loan,
issued on the day the President formu-
the German government. It is at least
strange to find so shrcwd and familiar
a student Of the American people pen
ming such a line as this:
81 earnestly request every patriotic
American to leave to the governments of
the United States and of the Allies the
momentousa discussions initiated by Ger
many, and to remember that for each man
his duty is to strengthen the hands Of
these governments,' etc.
As private citizen, or, say, as pro-
fessor OF politics at Princeton, the Pres
dent could no moro leave off discussion
of things so momentous as Germany s
proposals of peace than could any other
American voter. With Mr.. Roosevelt or
Mr.. Taft in the Presidential chair, he
would have probably felt as free, and,
more, as duty bound, to give his own
carefully considered opinion as other
distinguished citizens now do Ours is
government of public opinion, purely
and wholly. We have clumsy form of
governmental machinery for the swift
registry of public sentiment The pro-
cedure in Great Britain and in France,
which the President himself has so long
and so ably advocated, of a Cabinet d-
rectly responsible to Congress and of
a Congress directly responsible to the
people, is much simpler. But it is we'll
TO remember, as eX-Prssident Taft
points out, that no treaty can be con-
cluded without the approval Of two
thirds of the Senate, which would inevi-
tably reflect very large measure of pub
lie opinion in this country Unless we
are to do away with the Constitution al
together, Congress or the Senate could
no more give blanket certificate of
approval, in advance, to any and every
act or word of the President than it
could vote to make him absolute dictator
and car of all Americai