davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Draugas. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1917-current, 1918-08-26
AMER|KONA| STOJO OFEN-
SYvON vESLE FRONTE
vOkieCiai dumia atgal IS myliQ
iIgiO frOntu
TaIkininkai fOrmuOja kyi
Siaur0je DuO Scissors
NAUJA OFENSYVA GAL NUNES KARE VOKIETIJON

kur randaSi vOkieGiQ visOs
industrijos ccntras.
Daily Express correspondent
tas AmSterdame raSo, kad vO-
kipGiai tikiSi but atstumti
prize up6s MeuSe. Mes jie stip-
rina savo pozicijaS Sale tos
up6s BeIgijoje.
VokieGiai kasa didelius ap-
kaSuS tarp Dinant If Gavet,
90 myliQ rytuose nuo Bapau-
me. Shame darbe dalyvauja
tukStanGiai nelaisviQ If BeIgi-
JOS civiliQ zmOniQ.
Amerikonai sugadino vokie-
ciu plenus.
Be abejon6S, kad vokjeciai
name atSitraukti. Bet iie IA
dtjo tai padaryti pamazi. Ang
lp ataka tai paskubino If su-
gadino visuS jQ plenus. TQ
patvirtino pa9mimas daugyb6s
nelaiSviu.
Ttmytojai praneSa, kad vo-
kieCiQ toll SiekanGios armotos
meta ugni ant Soissons. Taip-
gi praneSa, kad mate gals.
rus visa nakti ivairiose Veto
Sc tarp VeSle If AiSne.
NeIaiSviai iSaiSkina, kad jie
negali nieko pasakyti apie
gaisruS. Cia sp6jama, kad vo-
kieGiai yra priversti pasitr&uk
ii Siaurin nuo Vesle II todel
viska degina.
Sumazintas vokieGiQ artile-
rios veikimas' patvirtina tai
kininkQ nuomone, kad vokie-
ciai nelauks, kol anglai pri-
vers juos pasiSalinti. Bet rem
giasi patys vietas apleiSti.
Draugas. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1917-current, 1918-08-26

Washington, rugp. 25. -
Nuo kar3s pradziOs Suv. VAL
stiios paneSa sekancius nuos-
tolius:
Draugas. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1917-current, 1918-08-26
Miraurnont apsuptas.

VOkieclai MlraumOnt'e per
daugeli dienq laikesi. Jane
randasi simtai negyvQ vokie-
GiQ. Gi dabar talkininkai pra-
dejo is visq pusiq miesta
spausti.
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27

Peru never surrendered absolute title to
them. Chile holds them by force, and
her government is apparently satisfied to
continue holding them on that basis. The
situation is one which breeds irritation
and warlike passions.
The United States will probably join
with other leading American powers in
Offering mediation War should be avoid
ed, since the plebiscite which Chile prom
ised offers an equitable solution of the
dispute. A South American struggle
over a question Of "self-determination"
would be queer preliminary to world
peace conference which is to settle many
similar questions in Europe.
But we must reckon with bitter ma
tional enmities and prejudices in this
controversy. It's emergence is another
powerful argument against the prolonged
absence from Washington Of the Presi-
dent and the Secretary of State.
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27
The Chile-Peru Flare-Up

The present friction between Peru and
Chile is the outgrowth of a grievance of
thirty-five years standing. Peru has an
Irredenta in the Tacna and africa dis
tricts, taken from her by Chile after the
war of 1898.
Chile got into a dispute with Bolivia
over the development of the nitrate de-
posits in the Bolivian maritime province
Of Antofagasta. Peru, having similar
nitrate holdings further north, became
involved in the quarrel Chile over
whelmed both the Bolivians and the
Peruvians, finally. occupying Lima.
In the treaties of peace Bolivia ceded
outright all her frontage on the Pacific
Peru cedcd in perpetuity the province of
Tarapaca, and yielded 'Tacna and Arica
for ten years, the inhabitants having the
right thereafter to determine their ma
tional allegiance by plebiscite.
The ten years of probation expired in
1893. But Chile, on one pretext or an
other, postponed the vote 1t has not vet
been taken. Peru has tried repeated,y
by diplomatic means to secure an execu-
ton OF the treaty. Failing in this. she
finally withdrew her minister from San
tiago.
The Tacna and africa districts arc
more than an Alsace-L Lorraine, because
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27
The Tangle of the Cables

The more the seizure Of the cables is
considered the less the wisdom or ur-
gency appears. The armistice had been
signed. There was no grave eXigency.
And now diplomatic difficulties appear.
1t hardly seems probable that other
countries will allow this government to
have control of cables from their shores,
and these the only means of quick COM
municaton, save wireless, with the rest
of the world. And all the Atlantic
cables except one run from other shores
than our own. There is only one line
direct from the United States to Europe.
The others run from Canada or the
French Isle of St. Pierre. All that can
be taken over save this single direct
wire is the tail ends of the others. These
would still be under the jurisdiction, and
in any case of difficulty under the con-
troll, Of the Canadian or British and
French government.
This is the practical side of the mat
ter. More important still is the political
side. This belated seizure seemed rather
a drive for additional power than clear
necessity. The war is made a pretext
for every kind of governmental extern
sion and apparently for precipitating
this country into governmental owner
ship whether it has will or no. We are
already undertaking one tremendous ex-
pertinent. That is the government oper
alton of the greatest railway system in
the world. The results to date are bv
no means clear And this is true also
of the governments essay in the man
agement Of the telegraphs Meanwhile
another experiment in governmental ac
tivity is currently reported to he in a
highly chaotic state, and that is the
operation of the express companies. 1t
is not clear why the government should
take on more ~4neblems with these very
large ones unsolved.
And there are some excellent reasons
why it should not. This country has
achieved a marvellous success and the
unquestoned prinlacy in the industrial
and economic world without govern
mental interference or the methods of q
Prusslan bureaucracy. There do not
seem very vital reasons why we should
begin to dabble in them now.
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27

France turned to Clemenceau, as the
Allies, spurred by his urgings, turned to
toch in the presence of military dsas-
ter. And when Clemenceau came Frsnce
was again the cornerstone of the ALI
ance, the foundation on which victory
was built. He became, almost in an
hour, the embodiment of France; and be-
fore the end those who had opposed him
shrank from challenging the man whose
voice was the voice of the nation. In de-
feat he made the nation believe victory
possible, and when victory came it
seemed but the logical conclusion of his
leadership.
This war has produced more great
generals than brilliant statesmen, and
the achievement of one general, the VIC
tory Of Foch, is a far-shining triumph
which will endure through all history;
yet without Clemenceau Foch would
have failed and | believe that when
France comes to decide to whom she
owes her "lost provinces" she will IN
hesitatingly recognize the gift as that Of
the man of seventy-seven who forbade
the cession in 1871 and redeemed the
loss in 1918
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27

dom of the seas involves. A perfectly
clear statement Of the essentials OF such
freedom was given in an article in the
April number Of The American Journal
Of International Lam. 1t read: "Free-
dom Of the seas means abolition of con-
traband and commercial blockades and
the right Of capture or destruction Of en-
emy merchant vessels"
How could it mean anything less? That
is the construction Of the phrase which
the Germans have always had in view.
They needed freedom of that sort. Had
they enjoyed it from August, 1914, on
they would never have lost the war.
Does our government share this lati-
tudinarian view of the freedom Of the
seas, with its corollary of the abolition
of naval power? Nobody can be sure.
Are our peace delegates to go to Paris
pledged to a programme never revealed
to the American public?
An explanation is due the people. 1t
Is also due the Senate-a coordinate
branch Of the treaty-making power. 1t
should have been given when the four
teen articles were first put forward as
the basis Of peace which our government
favored.
1t is very late now to issue an authen-
tic Interpretation.
But better late than never.
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27
Seeing Red

To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: What claim has the red fac r.
place on our streets among the flags Of
nations?
What ideals does it represent? Judc;ne
by Russia, it represents loot, destruction
and murder, the pillaging of those who
have been able to construct by those who
are able only TO destroy; the tyrannv If
the few over the many.
Its votaries will tell you that this blood-
red color symbolizes the brotherhood ~
man. But are we anxious to assert orr
blood brotherhood with all men. for in
stance, with the Fuegans, the Hottentots
the head hunters Of Borneo or +bo
barbarlans who have lately warred on men
ike scientific Indians and on women ond
children like none but themselves? 10 u.
wish to claim brotherhood with these. or
with the tiger, the hog, the skunk or the
rat, whose blood is also red?
Ked is the most exciting of MI colors
the most dangerous in suggestion to tha.
large class of paranoiacs whose desire for
bioodshed, whose tendency to "see red" is
just under the surface. No matter what
those who carry it say, the red flag Is tho
symbol of violence. 1t has no more noce
on our streets than placards openly advo-
eating plunder and killing, and is probably
more dangerous in suggestion than anv
such open indictments would be.
II. A. CAPARN
New York, Nov. 23 1918
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27
In a Swiss Mirror
To the Editor of The Tribune.

To the Editor of The Tribune
Sir: My attention has been called to an
article entitled "In a Swiss Mirror' which
was published in your issue of November
IA. 1t is an extract from the "zdrcher
Morgenzeitung," an obscure paper which
has recently been founded in Zurich. The
article, very unfriendly in tone to the
United States, would hardly be worthy Of
notice if its title did not tend TO give 1t
an undue Importance and to create the
impression that it truly voiced the senti-
ments of at least large part Of the Swiss
people. This impression would be entirely
erroneous. Never in the history Of our
country have the Swiss people been SO en-
Enthusiastically rro-American as they have
been in the course of the last year. There
is perhaps at the present time not single
subject in the realm of foreign politics Oh
which all Swiss so unanimously agree ~
in their admiration for gratitude towaIo
and cordial sympathy with their gres'
American sister republic The paper from
which you quote has recently been attacked
manic Switzerland as serving foreign IN
tcrests. It's editors were peculiarly ~
advised when they undertook to assail she
attitude of your country at the preseh.
time, as that alone would suffice to braho
them in Switzerland as aati-Swlss.
l can assure you, sir, that if your rea0-
ers could see the soul of Switzerland tney
would discover sentiments very difereh'
from those reflected "In Swiss Mirror.
Let us hope chat the victory which mas
made the world safe for democracy WIZ
also protect Switzerland against German
propaganda in the future. Such invo'uh,
tary misrepresentation as both you, sir' sn'
we have been victims Of, in the prese"'
case will then be avoided.
WILLIAM f. RAPPARp,
Professor at the University Of Gsness'
Switzerland.
Legation Of Switzerland. Washington ~
c., Nov. Is, 1918. :
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27

menceau came-but he did not fail, he
has not fallen. Caillaux is behind bars.
Malvy IN exile, the lesser defeatists have
faced firing squads or hed-and French
armies are in Strasbourg and Metz.
The first, the impossible, task of Gle
menceau when he came was to restore
the Rome front, shaken by defeat in the
field and by defeatist propaganda behind
the lines. France, after all the terrible
sacrifices of past years, with the Rus
sian revolution destroying her great
Eastern ally, with new invasion in
sight faced crisis which had but two
solutlons-collapse or the discovery of
leader. France, the true France. was as
SOUND and determined as ever, but with
out leadership nothing more was DOS
sible.
But how shall one describe the mira
Gle OF Clemenceau's leadership! Almost
IN an hour the atmosphere cleared.
Backed by Clemenceau, Petain reorgan-
lied the army; single-handed Clemenceau
wrestled with the traitors and the weak
hngs. 10 every protest, to every feeble
whine, he responded-"Je fails la guerre"
ASK him questions, make motions in the
Chambre, seek to trap and entangle him
the answer was ever clearer and clearer
II make war, I make war" "The VIC
tory is to the side which lasts to the last
quarter Of an hour"
The defeats of the spring left him un-
shaken. He faced hostile critics in the
Chambre with the dust and mud of the
battlefields on his clothes. He left the
tribune to reappear in the front line. He
was as scornful of personal danger as
he was impatient of petty intrigue. The
armies knew him better than the politi-
clans. His spirit was the spirit of his
countrymen, but seeing it revealed in
him, his countrymen acquired new conf
dence.
When the line broke in Picardy he
was almost the first on the scene. and
brought back to Paris the first authentic
news that the flood had been checked
1t was the same Flanders when Haig's
army stood with it's back to the wall
The skies are already Frightening" he
told Paris, as he returned from Bethune.
There was time" Clemenceau once
said to me, "when I despaired of my
countrymen. l believed France was fin
lshed-but now-now, look about for
Yourself | have not one word to saw"
That was in the Verdun time. That was
IN the hour when he was daily thunder
ing The Germans are at Noyon."
Then and thereafter his confidence in
his countrymen was immeasurable; his
lmpatience at the mistakes, the lack of
courage, the blindness beyond restraint
for three years, ever growing shriller.
his voice thundered forth the warnings
and the denunciations provoked by the
little men and the weak men
And at last, with ruin in full sight.
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27
Our Anti-Bolshevik Army

Of all the points made by the rumpus
at Madison Square Garden the only big
one, the one worth all the bumps and
bruises, is the demonstrated fact that
the soldiers and sailors Of America are
anti Bolshevik, anti-red, anti all the
crazy-headed anarchy rampant in the
name Of Trotzky and Lenine and the new
Russian autocracy.
The bumps and bruises Will heal them
selves. No one peacably desiring to as
semble in American fashion was seri-
ously interfered with. It was only those
looking for trouble who met real trouble.
The whole meeting was designed to be
provocative of disorder, and in that
sense all who attended it might have ex-
pected trouble. AS a matter of fact
the men in uniforms both inside and out
side showed fine American sense and
humor in singing out, so far as possible,
actual "redness" for rebuke.
The episode makes it clear that Boil
shevik gatherings will be for a good
while frank invitation to riot and dis
order. No municipal police force, no
military police can cope with the sort of
clear-headed, justifable wrath which our
men in uniform displayed. We are GER
tainly not going to turn our streets into
battlefields and subject the peaceable
citizens of our town to the risk of
pitched fights merely to enable a few
thousands malcontents to vent vague
sympathy with murder and anarchy
1t is especially interesting that a
number of observers reported a good
sprinkling Of East Siders. among the
soldiers. The sooner our men return
the better They have been closer to
the German idea, closer to the Bolshevik
idea, than any of us. And they seem to
have learned a wisdom good to see The
notion of the dear intellectual" that a
"red" army was returning to rend us
proves to have just as much fact in it
as most intellectual" premonitions.
We shall have our fringe OF Bolshe-
viks. But our fighting men who have
seen what war is and know what order
and nationalism mean will not be of it.
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27

TNHE entrance of Petain into Metz.
of Castelnau into Colmar and of
Gouraud into Strasbourg, and the
hardly less moving return of Hirschauer
to his native city of Mulhouse at the
head of a French army, these cere-
monies marking the coming of France
to her 'lost provinces" have been
necessarily military in character. 1t
was the right of the soldiers who
made the great triumph possible to
ride at the head of their victorious
armies into the reconquered cities of
Alsace and lost Lorraine Yet even the
soldiers, great as has been their achieve
ment, must yield to the claims of a civil
ian when history comes to bestow the
final palm for the restoration of France.
Not even Foch would deny the fact
that his military victories would have
been impossible but for the aid, the sup
port, the unfailing assistance of Georges
Clemenceau. 1t is to this wonderful old
man, this republican of republicans, that
France, in the last analysis, must return
thanks for present possession of Alsace-
Lorraine. Forty-seven years ago, when
Theirs and Favre sorrowfully yielded to
Bismarck and put their names to the
document which made the sacrifice for
NAL, Georges Clemenceau was one of the
French Deputies who protested against
the act, proclaimed that the representa-
tives of the nation had no right to sur
render any portion of its territories or of
its citizens, and now, after almost half
century, as the civil chief of his ma
tion he has made good his protest.
Looking back over the little more than
year that Clemenceau has been the
civil executive of France, the Prime Min
ister, it is possible to measure his
achievement. He came to office when
the army had failed at the Aisne and
for the first and only time was shaken
In its morale. He came to power when
monstrous defeatist campaign had
begun to march over France He came
to control when tie rens of government
had slipped from impotent hands and
first a break on the home front and then
on the firing line was forecast on all
sides.
Not willingly, moreover, did France
turn to Clemenceau. His strength all
men recognized, but his strength and
his weakness alike terrified his contem-
poraries. If his eloquence in his news
paper had again and again reused the
nation, his long history of political
struggle had made enemies, and his de-
structive course over half century had
left him with few political friends and
a host of enemies.
"Briand will fail and go, there may be
another, and then will come Clemenceau,
who will try and fail, and then-then I
will come" This was what Caillaux
said in Rome in 1917 The whole game
was set up for Caillaux to come and to
make peace with Germany when Gle
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27
SHOES G. SHIPS G.
SEALING WAX
HOME COMING

Once on an evening, clear and chill,
When earth was growing austere and
old,
The wind ran keen DER the western hill,
Where sunset faded in palest gold.
The leaves fed fast from November's
wrath
AS dusk came winging on pinions.
fleet;
The ever-ascending, frost-bound path
Rang like metal beneath my feet.
And then-the end of the uphill track
And cleaning windows that bade me
In from the world that lay cold and
black
Into the light and the warmth of home
And there in the firelights witchery
You stood with your hands held out to
me.
So time creeps on, till the upward way
That leads from here to the hills dark
crest
Will seem more steep than the path that
day;
And when from the summit I face the
west,
Where sunset is fading pale and clear
And cold that never November knew
Walks through a world all brown and
sere,
| like to believe that, a-glimmer
through
The terrible shadows of utter night,
III mark the sign that need not
The CLEAN of the fire and the candle
light
Calling and calling the wanderer home
Daily pray at the door I see
You, with your hands held out to me.
The Bolshevihi are gaining control of
Germany, and those 1Uho Wondered hoqD
she evcr could be punished sufficiently
are dns1Oered.
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27
The Ebb Tide

less important than what he does, as a
symptom of how the Wilsonians are
feeling When he turns upon his hero
and prophet, the President, and lectures
him on personal government there can
be little doubt of what has happened.
The tide has, indeed, turned. The rush
to swim ashore has become known to
even David Lawrence.
That other perfect organ of Wilson
ianism, The NeaO York Times, does not
turn so quickly. But it is. turning. 1t
devoted the bulk Of it's editorial page
yesterday to damning the Presidents
peace trip, after discussing calmly such
thoughts as "the belief or prejudice that
Mr.. Wilson habitually prefers medi-
ocrity"
What has happened? What does it
all mean?
The example of Mr. McAdoo looms up
over the nearby landscape. Every one
is too kindly disposed toward him to ac-
cept his explanation of his resignation
literally. He has been making a huge
personal sacrifice for too long to permit
the public to believe that he is primarily
self-seeking and would abandon posts
where he is needed if he felt he could in
truth and honor retain them. Of course,
Mr.. McAdoo, like other public men, may
have utterly deceived us all by the SIM
pie device of telling the truth But that
is not Washington's view. That is not
ho ~ ;r ,,>1x NJ
David Lawrence's view.
We have only to go back a short while
to see the magnitude of the change. The
best expression of Mr. Wilson's old atti-
tude, the frankest statement of his self
confidence at it's height, is to be found
IN naive appeal which he made for
the Liberty Loan on October Is. Here
was Wilsonianism at its highest tide
l earnestly request every patriotic
American to leave to the governments of
the United States and of the Allies the
momentous discussions initiated bv Ger
many and to remember that for each man
his duty is to strengthen the hands Of
these governments and to do it in the
most important way now Immediately
presented-by subscribing to the utmost
Of his ability for bonds of the fourth
Liberty Loan
The American people were to pay and
Mr. Wilson was to make peace. Mr..
David Lawrence might interpret little
and now and then when directed clear
away antiquities, about Asace-Lorraine
and what not. But-no discussion, if
you please!
Looking back, it is easy to see that
Election Day was the turning point. Mr..
Wilson made the issue an utterly per-
sonal one; he insisted upon victory for
Wilsonianism-or defeat. "The return
OF Republican majority to either house
of the Congress would, moreover, be in
terpreted on the other side of the water
as reputation of my leadership" he
declared
He lost both houses, and the interpre
tation on both sides of the water has
been exactly what Mr.. Wilson insisted
upon. He goes abroad, if and when he
goes abroad, rebuked and discredited
leader. No wonder that his faithfulest
chronicler and interpreter is compelled
= ITO write in haste-lest he be left alone
upon the quarterdeck-tha the morale
of his friends is at low ebb."
Ebb is the word
New-York tribune., 1918-11-27

Already the machinery of war is be-
ing put to peaceful uses. Seven motor
trucks have been released by the War
Department to carry mails on the 115-
mile route between Helper and Vernal.
Utah. BY paying discharged soldier
drivers S4 day it is estimated the gov
ernment, using it's own trucks. can cut
the cost of delivery in two. AS army
rehabilitation proceeds several hundred
more trucks will be taken over by the
Postoffice Department.