Norwich bulletin., 1918-09-28

teeQs peace VIII rest III part upon the word of outlaws, and only upon that word. For Germany will have to re- deem her character, not by what hap | pens at the peace table, but by what follows.
 And, as I see it, the constitution of that League of Nations and the clear definition of it's objects must be a part, IS in a sense the most essential part, of the peace settlement itself. It can not be formed now. If formed now, it would be merely new alliance con- fined to the nations associated against a common enemy. It is not likely that it could be formed after the settlement. It is necessary to guarantee the peace; and the peace cannot be guar anteed as an afterthought. The req son, to speak in plain terms again, why 1t must be guaranteed is that there will be parties to the peace whose promises have proved untrust- worthy, and means must be found in connection with the peace settlement itself to remove that source of inse- curity. It would be folly to leave the guarantee to the subsequent voluntary action of the governments we have seen destroy Russia and deceive Ru- mania.
 But these general terms do not disclose the whole matter. Some de- tails are needed to make them sound less like a thesis and more like a practical program. These, then, are some of the particulars, and l state them with the greater confidence be- cause can state them authoritative ly as representing this governments interpretation of its own duty with regard to peace:
 First, the impartial justice meted out must involve no discrimination be- tween those to whom we wish to be just and those to whom we do not wish to be just. It must be justice | that plays no favorites and knows no l standard but the equal rights of the several peoples concerned.
 - Second, no special or separate in terests of any single nation or any
 group of nations can be made the
 basis of any part of the settlement which is not consistent with the com
 mon interest of all.
 | Third there can be no leagues or alliances or special covenants and un- | derstandings within the comman and general family of the League of Ma i tions.
 ! Fourth, and more specifically, there
 can be no special, selfish economic
 combinations within the league, and | | homie boycott or exclusion except as
 the power of economic panalty by eX- | clusion from the markets of the world may be vested in the League of Ma | tions itself as a means of discipline
 and control.
 Fifth all international agreements and treaties of every kind must be made known in their entirety to the
 rest of the world.
 
 Special alliances and economic | rivalries and hostilities have been the | prolific source in the modern world of 1 the plans and passions that produce
 war. It would be an insincere as well as an insecure peace that did not eX- l clude them in definite and binding terms.
 The confidence with which I ven
 ture to speak for our people in these
 matters does not spring from our tra-
 ditions merely, and the well known
 principles of international action
 which we have always profess
 ed and followed. In the same sentence
 in which l say that the United States will enter into no special arrange
 ments or understandings with particu-
 lar nations let me say also that the
 United States is prepared to assume its full share of responsibility for the , maintenance of the common covenants and understandings upon which peace must henceforth rest. We still read , Washington's immortal warning against entanSling alliances with full
 comprehension and an answering pur-
 pose. But only special and limited ! alliances entangle; and we recognize and accept the duty, of new day ir which We are permitted to hope for g general alliance which will avoid en L l fGo Er1A a11 Il l., . world for common understandings ! and the maintenance of common rights.
 : T have made this analysis of the internal situation which the war ha, created, not, of course. because I doubted whether the leaders of tht - great nations and peoples with whom . we are associated were of the samt mind and entertained a like purpose . but because the air every now anC ' again gets darkened by mists anc . groundless doubtings and mischievou ? perversions of counsel and it is neces t sary once and again to sweep all tn . irresponsible talk about peace in . trisues and weakening morale ant ' doubtful purpose on the part of thos z in authority utterly, and if need b.
 unceremoniously, aside and say thing
 in the plainest words that can b. 2 found, even when it is only to sa, over again what has been said before |, quite as plainly if in less unvarnishet terms.
 f As l have said, neither I nor an a other man in governmental authori . ty created or gave form to the issue ' Of this war I have simply responde a to them with such vision as I coul = command. But I have responded glad
 | I,o i, grown warmer and more confident a = the issues have grown clearer an
 clearer. It is now plain that they ar . issues which no man can pervert un
 less it be wilfully. I am bound to fig1
 for them, and happy to fight for ther as time and circumstances have re 1 Vealed them to me as to all the world Our enthusiasm for them grows nor and more irresistible as they stan out in more and more vivid and un n1istakable outlines.
 And the forces that fight for ther draw into closer and closer array, or | gaEize their millions into more an more unconquerable might, las the become more and more the though and purpose of the peoples engaged It is the peculiarity of this great wa that while statesmen have seemed [ cast their ground and their point view, the thought of the mass of mel l whom statesmen are supposed to ir struct and lead. has grown more an l more unclouded, more and more cel 1 tain of what it is that they are fight l ing for National purposes have falle | more and more into the backgroun and the common purpose of enlighter ed mankind has taken their plac The counsels of plain men have be II oil I,e straightforward and more unified tha l tha 0f SoObic4 4ad Y,ao,,