Arizona republican., 1918-01-09

Fourteen concrete proposals Iaid down by the president began with the declaration that the days of private international understandings are gone and tNat covenants of peace must be reached in the open. Briefly summar- ized, the other points were:
 Absolute freedom of the seas in peace or war, except as they may be closed by international action; removal of economic barriers among nations as sociating themselves to maintain peace; guarantees of the reduction of ar maments to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety; impartial ad- justment of colonial claims, based upon the principle that the peoples concerned have equal rights with the govern ments; evacuation of all Russian ter ritory and opportunity for Russia's po- litical development: evacuation of Bel gium; evacuation of French territory and fighting of the Alsace-Lorraine wrongs; readjustment of Italy's from tiers along recognizable lines of nation ality; free opportunity for autonomous development of the peoples of Austria Hungary; evacuation of Rumania, Ser bia and Montenegro and guarantees for all the Balkan states; sovereignty for Turkeys portion of the Ottoman
 
 alities: an independent Poland with ac- cess to the sea; and general association of nations for mutual guarantees of independence and territorial integrity to large and small states alike
 A notable feature of the address was the sympathetic attitude of the presi- dent toward the Russian representa- tives who dealt with the Germans at the peace conference.-the BolsheYiki. often execrated for their defection from the entente and for permitting them selves to be drawn into the Teuopic peace trap. The Russians, he said, presenting a perfectly clear statement of the principles upon which they would be willing to conclude peace. were sincere and in earnest, and when they found that the actual German 1 terms of settlement came from the military leaders who had no thought but to keep what they had taken, the negotiations were broken off.
 l Upon the question of whether the | Russians and the world are to listen to the military and imperialistic minor ity which so far has dominated the Teutonic policy, or to the liberal lead CTS and parties who speak the spirit | and intentions of the resolutions adopt | ed by the German reichstag last July | the president declared, must depend the | peace of the world. This was in line with his previous declaration that the word of the present rulers of Germany could not be taken for anything worth while. but he took care to disclaim any | intention to suggest a change in Ger man institutions.
 Everywhere in Washington it was agreed that the president had made a great address and had given expres- sion to the views of the American peo- pie as whole. The difference of opin- ion was as to whether it was q peace or war speech. Some members of both houses of congress professed to believe that the Germans might find the terms laid down acceptable as q basis of negotiation and to hope that a bona fide offer might result.
 In some quarters, however, there was no such optimism and the speech was looked upon as a great war document clearing the atmosphere for the gov ernments and peoples fighting Ger many, heartening the disorganized , Russians and furnishing a light for the German people themselves when they want to see it.
 In response to the universal query , as to the reasons which impelled the chief executive to make his appearance . so unexpectedly before congress again to enunciate the aims of the United States and its co-belligerents. it Wa. [ stated authoritatively that in the opin- , ion of President Wilson the psyche logical moment had arrived when i was absolutely necessary to make . 5 strong effort to counteract the evil eff . fects. of German duplicity and doubl, dealing upon the Russians who haS
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