davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

the military nations? Are we to be COM
mitted in advance to deny ourselves the
right to make mutually beneficial under
standings with the other English-speaking
peoples, or with France or Italy, or with
South American countries, or with Japan,
or with any other power: Are we to be
committed in advance to forego the tariff
protection of our labor and our national
prosperity and the vndication of our own
treatment by other nations by means Of
reciprocal arrangements we may find it de-
srabe to make?
1t was always true and was early recog
nized by all that the object of this war was
and is the permanent removal Of the Ger
man menace. In the formula restitution
reparation and guarantees" the word guar
antee is not to mean written guarantees,
such as we have seen treated as scraps of
paper in the cases of Belgum's neutrality,
Of accepted international law, of Hague
conventions, OF the rules of civilized war
fare on land and seas. We shall have the
guarantees we ask only when we know as
fact, irrespective of the solemnities of
diplomatic promises, that the German men
ace is at an end once for all. Even "resti-
tuition and reparation"; even the return Of
Alsace-Lorraine to France: even just from
tiers for Italy and Rumania and the rescue
and restoration Of Russia and independence
for Jugo-Slavs, Czecho- Slovaks and Poles,
and for the nationalities oppressed by Tur-
key; even the liberation of Africans and
others from German colonial oppression
all these matters-however absolute their
intrinsic importance-for the prime pur-
pose Of the war, which is, I say again. for
our guarantee against the German menace
are Of chief interest because they subserve
that guarantee. Viewed in any other light
they are matters of post-bellum reconstruc-
ton.
We shall have our guarantee against the
German menace when we know that Ger
many, whether as autocratic monarchy, as
republic, or as democratic monarchy, cannot
again menace US. On this we shall require
the word of Foch, of Haig, Of Daz. and of
Pershing, for wars are won by bullets and
blood, not by ink and eloquence.
We shall require also evidence that the
German grip upon Russia. the Balkans and
Turkey has been loosed. We must never
allow to be obscured the prime purpose of
the war. From that purpose flows as
corollary the purpose to strive to make the
menace of unjust war from any quarter as
improbable as we can.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

responsibility of being prepared any day
to pass.
Everything possible has been done to
tighten the task of the Executive in the
conduct of the war; An ephcmeral PROPOSAL
was made at an early stage that there
should be Congressional committee to
keep Congress informed on the conduct Of
the war That proposal failed. No other
committee was ever seriously proposed ex-
cept one of consultative, advisory claarac-
ter, designed to secure common counsel and
universal cooperation, so indispensable alike
to democratic government and to true eff
cheney in craftsmanship
There have, indeed, been various attempts
to create deliberative and consultative re-
iatlons on matters Of policy between the
Executive and the Congress. Such oppor-
tunity for counsel would have enormously
lightened the task Of the nations repre-
sentatives. 1t would have informed them
for the discharge of responsibilities from
which they cannot in any case escape.
Even an entirely regular and proper reso-
luton Of Congress to inform itself in rela-
ton to its function of appropriating money
to carry on the war was hotiy branded BY
the Chief Executive as showing "want Of
confidence in the Administration when it
was proposed to investigate the airplane
expenditures. Now, the making Of this in
vestigation was the constitutional duty Of
the Legislative branch The principles upon
which this is true have been followed since
the foundation Of our government, and in
the light of these principles it was mos.
unfortunate that this proposal Of the legis-
lative branch to exercise its clear right and
perform its imperative and indispensable
duty should have been branded ss a want
Of confidence in the Administration" One
is compelled to say that heretofore Execu-
tives have rightly not SO considered it.
On the occasion to which I allude, and It
is quite typical, the President, in his letter
to the Senator from Virginia, said
protest most earnestly against the adoption OF
who intends to support the present Administration
in the conduct of the war will vote against t.
These are serious times, and 1t is absolutely neces
sary that the lines should be clearly drawn b.
tween friends and opponents.
Lincoln, speaking to delegation in 1864,
which WAS urging him to separate the sheep
from the goats-those for him, as were the
delegation, and those against him-at a
time when it might mean his own defeat
for reelection, uttered these lofty senti-
ments:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

policies, IN insstence upon information
and upon rightful share on behalf OF the
people, in the determination Of the courses
of the American government at this most
grave and difficult time, then truly the
coming elections have for the American
people transcendent importance.
During the period from 1914 until to-
day, Senators will remember, the PRESIDE
has expressed, and always with the Gam
solemn emphasis, the greatest possible va
rlety OF ideas and attitudes upon the "a
ture of the war, upon Americas relation -
the war and, what is now most in po.nf.
upon the terms upon which Ame,ica *
wiling to live at peace with Germany and
the world. / need not weary you with re
cital OF how the winds of Administration
opinion have veered all around the com
pass from exaggerated neutrality, even Or
thought, through pride too great TO be
provoked to fight; through readiness. afte-
the Lusitania, TO compromise the U-boa.
barbarity as breach of world law in re-
turn for half-hearted promise to try TO
spare our ships; through the idea of peace
without victory, and so forth and so forth.
the long way around to "force without
stint This strange evolution, too. has not
connoted the revealing of fundamental
facts that need ever have been hidden from
the clear eye of wise statesmanship. ask,
then, this question:: With what reason can
the Senate, can the American people, be
asked to assume for the latest ideas scat
tered through the address Of January s.
1918, and all the later addresses, an i'm
n1SS hi L.
earlier ones7 Yet these latest ideas. still,
IN indefinite form, have actually been Off
clally referred to-some as terms, Others
as principles of settlement. Be they wise
and safe or be they foolish and dangerous,
that is not the question. The question is,
Shall the conditions upon which the Sen
ate and the American people believe they
can safely live at peace with Germany and
with the world-shall these conditions be
decided by the fat Of one man, or shall
they be tested by the unbiased. sober judy
ment Of the nations representatives wbese
duty it will be to accept or reject, By .
two-thirds vote, whstever terms may be
finally presented to end war and to estab-
lish lasting peace?
Are the American people . free people
of high spirit and of an intellectual ability
and energy equal to the obligation OF
democracy, the obligation to form and 70
assert, through their eho6en representa-
tives, their judgment upon the policies OF
their country? Or are we merely . com
plaeent people, intellectually indolent, laa-
lily aequiescent, looking for masters and not
for leaders? Which is the true American.
Which type 10 the Senate to reflect n its
action and thought on behalf u chs nssisss
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03
9nal Interest Centres Vote for New Congress

- EDITORIAL columns from one end
~ of the country to the other have
- been filled, this past week, with
discussions of President Wilson's
.r.al for the election Of Democratic
e~ress. In these closing days of the
..mpaign the event has created ire
udous sensation. AS was to be ex-
...tsd, the newspapers Of the country
"a in discussing the document aligned
,ssnselves more closely behind their
IN banners. Some Democratic organs
.sret the publication of the appeal as
.soucrtune, but practically without ex-
,stion they approve It's subject matter.
sue Of them quote appeals made for
/. reelection of President Mckinley in
,n8 but Republican editors answer that
a. two cases are not analogous.
Tbe general tenor of newspaper COM
mt Is one of establishment. 1.-THE Colo
10 Springs Gazette regards it as "the
,hat amazing appeal that has ever come
81 Of the White House; and "The Kan
q City Journal echoes with this: 1.-THE
nj extraordinary appeal ever sent from
ia White House in the interest of a
|sartisan dictatorship" Colonel Roosevelt
e,ned 1t ''the most lamentable appeal ever
u,.de by President during great war"
aThe Seattle Post~Intelligencer" is
MN severe:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

Blease had made speech in the sum-
mer of 1917 in which he used this Ian
guage:
n was opposed to this war. Had been
United States Senator or q Congressman
l would have voted against It, and believe
as religiously, as firmly as I believe that
there is a God in heaven, that, on the final
judgment day, every American citizen who
is killed in this war Will be charged against
the President of the United States and the
members of Congress Of the United States
who voted for it as an unwarranted sacri-
flee, in the sight of Almighty God, OF fresh
young American manhood"
When Blease's Charleston organ tried
to make it appear that he was fully ac-
ceptable to the President the latter wrote
letter to correct the error.
The President also aided in the defeat
of Vardaman in Mississippi by writing
letter containing this passage:
"If the voters Of Mississippi should again
choose Senator Vardaman to represent
them. I should be obliged to ac-
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

The excessive lntermingiing of the prob
lem of victorious ending of the war with
a grea. variety OF projects of world re-
construction renders our task as I have
said, most difficult. AS a coordinate branch
OF this government it is our duty, i believe,
to make clear the Senate's sense of the i'm
mediate necessity of Qualification and sim
plifcation of any programme that enters
into the ending Of the war or the building
of the future and the Senate's sense Of
the instant necessity Of full counsel and
accord upon all such programmes between
the government of the United States and
the governments of our allies.
And there is necessity that underlies
these urgent needs. That is a clarifcation
for the Senate itself of the policies to
which it may later be called upon to con-
slider giving its sanction. In this matter
are guardians of the nations mandate,
and we cannot default
Some days ago there was made on this
floor the pSeposterous suggestion that the
Senate ratify in advance whatever might be
the will of the Chief Executive. A few
days ago the country was astounded and
shocked to find that Chief Executive call
ing for the election OF Democratic Sena-
tors and Representatives precisely in or
der that his individual authority should
be untrammelled by counsel. pass by the
unjust, not to say outrageous, implica-
tions OF that unique document of partisan
politics. That the two proposals should
associate themselves in ones mind is, I
regret to say, due to the proneness of some
Senators and representatives to make
themselves mere registrars of the will of
the Chief Executive instead of independent
deliberators upon the country's problems.
When there is talk of the abdication of
the Kaiser it is a peculiar moment to pro-
pose that the American people should sb-
dictate their right to have opinions or that
the Senate and the House should abdicate
their sworn and Independent duties.
l ask Senators whether it is the will of
the American people or the will of Wood
row Wilson that is to determine the policy
of the United States in the two matters Of
ending this war and of founding future
peace. | ask them whether they pronose
to subject the vital interests of the Amer
lean people to their own independent iudp-
ment or whether they are content, before
their conscience and their country, to be
the mere registrars of the will Of one man?
This is the issue before US.
The abdication Of their constitutional
duty of independent judgment by the Sem
ate or by the House. spells autocracy. No
more; no less. If Democratic members are
for such abdication, if they are reluctant
to Join their Republican colleagues in nom
partisan, independent scrutiny Of proposed
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

/. You have spoken of the consideration which you
think I SHOULD pay to my friends contradis-
that you mean by that those Who agree or r0 dis
agree with me in my views of public policy. I
recognize no such thing political friendship
man Loyalty in favor of the Union. wiling to
vote men and money, spending his time and money
and throwing his influence into the recruitment of
our armies, think it ungenerous unjust and inn
poI.lc 70 make his views in abstract political
questions test Of his loyalty. I. will not be
party 70 this application of pocket inquisition
a.. have no right to act the tyrant to mere
political opponents. If votes for supplies
coura2es desertions does all in his power to carry
tne war on to successful issue, have no right
70 Question him for his abstract political opinions
l must make dividing line somewhere between
those who TIE opponents of the government
ana those who only oppose peculiar features of my
Administration while they sustain the government
Alas, MI. President, what 8 difference
between that spirit and the partisanship
and secrecy Of the present Administration.
VI its partisanship Republicans are the Pc
culiar victims. Under its secrecy and its
aversion to taking counsel Democrats and
Republicans in Congress, in Office and, with
one conspicuous exception in private life
appear equally to suffer
But Executive methods 80 unique in
American history, so aloof in isolation from
the peoples representatives, so absolutely
prohibitory of anything like counsel can
never for one moment abrogate the consti-
tutional power and solemn duty of the Sem
ate to disentangle the mesh of words that
cling, some as healthy growth and some as
dangerous fungi, upon the sturdy tree of
Americas war aims, which are Americas
peace terms, and from which will terminate
Americas after-war policies. A solemn
duty is before the Senate
I will merely touch some Of the quite
open questions upon which the American
people have never passed, but which we are
warned may quite possibly be treated by
the Executive in contradstinction to the
Senatorial branch of our treaty making
power as adjuncts to our war aims to be
attained by altruistc negotiations. To be
sure, all the ideas in question are so ex-
pressed as TO make it difficult even to do SO
much, and it may be that therein lies saliva
ton here and in the practical good sense
of the American and Allied nations. For
example, are we, naval power with a
proud history, and whose greatest ally is
the greatest sea power, to be committed in
advance to sweeping changes in the we'll
established international law of the sea,
which we did SO much to fashion, while the
land is conveniently left as battlefield for
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

In the election for a Senator from
Wisconsin last March the President sent
a telegram to Joseph E. Davies, Demo
crat, IN support Of his candidacy; but
this Administration candidate was de-
feated by Senator Lenroot by more than
10000 votes.
In Michigan the President drafted"
Henry Ford as the common candidate
for both parties. He was accepted by
the Democrats but was rejected by the
Republicans in favor of Commodore Tru-
man H. Newberry. Mr.. Wilson wrote
letter in behalf of Senator j. H. Lewis's
candidacy to succeed himself in Illinois.
In the South the President interfered
IN five states to prevent the reelection of
Senators or Representatives of his own
party whose record on war measures had
not been satisfactory, or, as in the case
of Blease in South Carolina, to keep out
a candidate who had shown himself con-
spicuously unfit by his attitude toward
the war.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

|THE Senate has its eye fixed on
the approaching crisis, when the
j. future of the world will be fixed
s by the policies the Allied forces
initiate at the conclusion Of war. Amer
Z go has learned that it cannot separate
Itself from the rest of the world; there
) : an inescapable relation between its in
e'nal policies and those ideas and ideals
!. Z would set afloat upon the great seas
mat touch all the shores of the world.
N the following excerpt from the debate
. the Senate Of early last week, Senator
Ancx, Of Pennsylvania, formerly Secre-
AIRY Of State, outlines some Of the condi-
IONS that attend the present situation.
ali. KNOX: Mr.. President, as the Senate
likely soon to be brought to one Of its
h0ss important functions In one Of the most
important periods Of the worlds history,
'ees that we ought without delay to Ak our
attention most earnestly upon the intricate
problems that we already face and so to
aasae'patc and prepare for the wise dis
eaafge Of that function. The gravity Of
WI responsibility could not be exceeded.
sae measure Of the wisdom with which we
sasil discharge 1t is the studious and indie
psndent forethought we now bring to tho
'''maiation OF our views upon questions
ssas are already too clear to be postponed
Z neglected. 1t is we'll, therefore, to ex-
name into the responsibility of the Senate
sne present critical situation and to re
Astx Upon some Of the most salient and
s'Sent phases Of that situation.
When there is q question Of Americas
sns to war, the Congress alone can de-
sAte var. The act of declaring war in
sades necessarily the determination Of the
10se Of war. The determination Of the
.ass Of war includes necessarily the de-
Summation Of tho aim of the war, which
me removal Of the cause. Therefore, it
through tho Congress alone that the
s5'can people give their mandate to con-
IVY war and their mandate az to what is
'as aim Of the war.
~ ale this country is at war, the Presi-
as - commander In chief Of the army
- navy, is charged with the conduct Of
ss''stes. In addition to the powers incl
4'si to that function the Congress has
upon him many other powers.
~, It ID the nation, not the Pres
or the ADMINISTRATION" that 10 ~
ts,-.' 10 tho whole government Of the
a states. and each and all Of It's parts,
81 we President or the Administration"
= $50 That carries on the great business
M
..... there ID question Of Americas
q make war, war can Only be ended
Irsaties can be made only BY
~ the advice and consent Of the
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

the national affairs in all kinds Of ways;
and to do these various things he needs
and wants the support Of docile, subservi-
ent majority. That is the explanation Of
the milk in the cocoanut"
"The Los Angeles Times" declares:
politics seems to be adjourned by all
save Mr.. Wilson"
"The Hartford Courant" also points out
that the next Congress will have nothing
to do with the war, and therefore
"The President has made his monstrous
appeal on series Of false assumptions"
"The Cincinnati CommercialAppeal"
says eve regret our President" and
adds:
"In very grave measure President Will
son by laying aside the mantle Of states
manship, spotless in its purity Of exalted
idealism, and assuming for the time the
cloak Of partisan politics, never immacu-
late, has done the country Of which he is
Chief Executive, the American people
whose chosen administrator Of national af-
fairs he is, no small degree Of hurt"
"The Milwaukee Sentinel regards the
Presidents letter as
POLITICALLY strangely illJadvised, in fact,
poor politics, and not at all unlikely to de-
feat its own purpose, the election Of a
Democratic majority
but the paper deprecates the language
of Chairman Will Hays in answer to it.
The New York Tribune does not agree
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

ces.s their action as condemnation Of my
Administration, and it is only fair that
they should know this before they act"
In Georgia, too, the President secured
the defeat Of Senator Hardwick, another
war delinquent, by indorsing the candi-
dacy of w. J. Harris, who was elected by
large majority.
In other Southern states the President
took hand in primary contests for Con-
gress seats In Alabama he opposed the
reelection of George Huddleston in the
Birmingham district, because of his op-
position to war measures. The cry of
Presidential interference" was in this
case used freely and successfully, and
Huddleston was reelected.
Finally, the President scored an easy
victory by declaring himself against the
return of Representative Slayton, of
Texas, on the same grounds as in the
other Southern cases. Slayton found dis
erection to be the better part of valor and
withdrew from the race.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-11-03

Senate. Advice and consent to a treaty
ending war necessarily includes deter
mination Of the question whether the aim of
the war has been achieved in accordance
with the mandate of the American people
whether the treaty falls short of that man.
date and also whether it goes beyond in
manner to violate that mandate. There
fore it is through the Senate of the United
States, quite as much as through the Presi-
dent. that the people of the United States
are to say when, whether and how their
mandate to conduct war has been executed
by the attainment Of their war aim
To begin war has always been a COM
paratively quick transaction; to end war
has always been much more long-drawn-
out transition. This is because nation
generally enters war with a clear-cut, sim
pie aim; but the course Of events, the fer
mentation Of political theories in the caul-
dron Of war and the ambitions and pet
THEORIES Of statesmen, cause to cluster
around the prime war aim multitude Of
corollaries and subsidiary objects, many OF
which may not be essential at all to the
prime war aim for which the people have
given their mandate. These are vastly null
tiplied when the number Of nations at war
is great.
Now, the ending Of particular war and
the firm founding Of the future general
peace to follow it may well be regarded as
two separate functions, at least in theory.
And in practice the two tasks should at
least be kept separate in our conceptions.
To the task Of ending the war belongs all
things essential to our prime war aim.
To the task Of firmly founding future
general peace belongs the careful examina-
ton Of each end everything that has been
proposed as a corollsry to our prime war
aim or as . subsidiary war aim. This task
Is m especially heavy one, because, be it
remembered, upon none Of these corollaries,
upon none Of these proposed subsidiary war
aims, has the American people given its
mandate; and It will be through the Senate
that such mandate must come
The separation of the two tasks of ascer-
tanning when the prime war aim Of this ma
ton has been achieved and, secondly, of
accepting or rejecting one by one the null
Hilarious eorollaries and subsidiary war
aims that have been proposcd-and many
Of them arc adventitious and Questionable
is heightened by the facts, frat, that it has
been sought to make this mass of clustering
ideas part Of the res gestss by linking
them with tentative discussions with the
enemy: and, secondly, because the array OF
ideas referred to has not been tested by an
attempt to implant them in the form Of
concise, practicable stipulations.
But upon all these things, as trustees of
large share Of tho peoples authority to
make treaties, the Senate has the appalling