The Fargo forum and daily republican. [volume] (Fargo, N.D.) 1894-1957, 1918-09-28

4
forced this war upon us. We do not
think the same thoughts or speak the
same language of agreement.
1t lis Of capital Importance that
we should also be explicitly agreed
that no peace shall be obtained by
any kind of compromise or abate-
ment OF the principles we have
we are fighting. There should ex-
list no doubt about that. / am,
therefore going to take the liberty
of speaking with the utmost frank
ness about the practical Implications
that are involved in 1t.
III 1t be in deed and in truth the
common object Of the governments
associated against Germany and OF
the nations whom they govern, as
coming settlements cectire and
lasting peace, it will be necessary
that all who sit down at the peace,
table shall come ready anc willing to
pay the price, the only price, that
Will procure it; and ready and will
/ ing, also, to create in some 4 virile
| fashion the only instrumentality by
which it can be made certain that
! the agreements OF the peace will be
! honored and fulfilled.
That price is impartial justice in
/
, matter whose interest is Gro 4sed. and
not only impartial Justice buS also
the satisfaction of the several pen-
pies whose fot:ures are dealt with
That Indispensable instrunertaIlty
Is league Of nations formed under
J covenants that will be efficious.
without such an instrumentality. by
which the peace of the world can be
guaranteed, peace will rest in part
upon the word Of outlaws and only
upon that word For Germany will
have to redeem her character, not by
what happens at the peace table, but
by what follows.
Importance of League.
| And, as see it, the constitution
of that league of nations and the
clear definition Of its objects must
be a part, in a sense the most es-
sentlal part Of the peace settlement
ITSELF 1t cannot be formed now. If
formed now 1t would be merely new
alliance confined to the nations as
ISOLATED against common enemy.
1t is not likely that it could be form
! ed after the, settlement. It is neces-
sary to guarantee the peace; and the
peace cannot be guaranteed as ansaf-
ter-thought. The reason, to speak in
plain terms again why it must be
guaranteed, is that there will be
| parties to the peace whose promises
have proved untrustworthy and
means must be found in connection
with the peace settlement itself to
remove that source of insecurity. It
would be folly to leave the guarantee
! TO the subsequent voluntary action
Of the governments we have seen
destroy Russia and deceive Rumania
But these general terms do not
disclose the whole matter. Some de-
tails are needed to make them sound
| less like a thesis and more like
practical program. These, then, are
some Of the particulars, and I state
them with the greater confidence be-
cause I can state them authoritative
ly as representing this governments
Interpretation OF it's own duty with
regard to peace:
Some Concrete Details.
First the impartial justice meted
out must involve no discrimination
between those to whom we wish to be
just and those to whom we do not
wish to be just. 1t must be a justice
that plays no faVorites and knows no
standard but the equal rights of the
several peoples concerned:
Second no special or separate in
terest of any single nation or any
group of nations can be made the
basis of any part Of the settlement
which is not consistent with the COM
mon interests of all;
Third, there can be no leagues or
alliances or special covenants and
understandings with the general and
common family OF the league of ma
tons:
Fourth, and more specifically,
there can be no special, selfish &C.
onomic combinations within the
league and no employment Of any
form of economic boycott or exclus-
ion except as the power of economic
penalty by exclusion from the mar
kets of the world may be vested in
the league Of nations itself as a
means of discipline and control.
Fifth, all international agree
ments and treaties of every kind
must be made known in their entirety
to the rest of the world.
Special alliances and economic
rivalries and hostilities have been
the prolific curse in the modern
world Of the plans and passions that
produce war. It would be an insin-
cere as well as an insecure peace
that did not exclude them in def
mite and binding terms.
The confidence with which I ven
ture to speak for our people in these
matters does not spring from our
traditions merely and the we'll known
principles Of international action
which we, have always confessed and
followed. In the same sentence in
which say that the United States
Will enter into no special arrange
ments or understandings~wi parti-
cular nations let me say also that the !
United States is prepared to assume
it's full share OF responsibility for the |
maintenance of the common coven- |
ants aand understandings upon
which peace must henceforth rest.
We still read Washington's immortal
warning against 'entahgling alli- |
ances' with full comprehension and
an answering purpose. But only
special and limited alliances en- |
tangle; and we recognize and accept |
the duty of new day in which we |
are permitted to hope for a general |
alliance which will avoid entangIe- |
ments and clear the air of the world |
for common understandings and the |
maintenance of common rights.
Clearing The Air.
I have made this analysis of the |
international situation which the war |
has created, not Of course, because |
I<doubted whether the leaders OF the |
S10e1C hoLiois anu pSopISS Will WnOIn |
we are associated were Of the same |
mind and entertained a like pur- |
pose, but because the air every now |
and again gets darkened by mists and |
Groundless doubtings and mischiev-. |
Gus perversions of counsel and it is |
necessary once and again to sweep /
all the irresponsible talk about peace |
intrigues and weakening morale and |
doubtful purpose on the part of those /
in authority utterly, and if need be
aside and say |
things in the plainest. words that can /
be fond. even when it is only to saw