Denver labor bulletin., 1918-08-10
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in behalf of the civilization of the
world, presented against the autoc-
racy of Germany. The Congress, the
United States, by practically a unani-
nous vote, decided that the time had
come to recognize that we were in a
state of war with imperial Germany.
And since then the American workers
have given such loyal support to the
government of the United States and
her allies that it has no parallel in
the history of the world. And in con-
nection with it came a recognition on
the part of our government and on
the part of the allies of the tremen-
dous part that American labor is per-
forming in this titanic struggle.
AS one of the results of our move
ment of labor we have had enacted
into the laws of the United States a
declaration of principles that cannot
be found in the archives or the statute
books of any country on the face of
the globe. There are two of them,
one that the seamen of America are
free men and we have seen the last of
the bondsmen of the sea; the other
that the labor of a human being is
not a commodity or article of COM
merce. In other words, human be-
ing can no longer be utilized and
placed upon the same scale as side
of pork or ton of coal; that the labor
of human being is part of his very
existence, part of his very life. And
now, my friends, l ask you whether,
with kaiserism possibly victorious,
that doctrine would be worth any
thing in the United States or any
where else?
Our republic was formed because of
grievances which the people of the
American colonies endured and suf-
fered And in the document which
declared for the creation of this new
nation and its independence from any
other country it also declared funda-
mental principles. Among them was
the inalienable right to life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness. 1t was
based upon the declaration that gov
ernments obtain their just powers
from the consent of the governed. l
ask you, my friends, / ask the men
who believe in this day that we can
have a negotiated peace, with the
present situation as it is, whether it
is possible to maintain a republic,
democracy founded upon the right of
men to the pursuit of life, liberty and
happiness, and the principle that gov
ernments obtain their just powers
from the consent of the governed, if
we make peace with kaiserism until
kaiserism has been destroyed?
More than 140 years ago, when the
fate of the struggling colonists was
hanging in the balance and gloom
seemed about to overtake large part
of their forces, when hunger and pri-
walton and rags was the lot of the
volunteer fighting man, there arose a
spirit, the spirit of the times, and the
declaration of one of the great pio-
neers of the struggle was, "Now is the
time that tries mems souls" And
that declaration falls into insignifi-
canoe when compared with this hour
of peril, for in this year of grace, 1913,
the declaration may be repeated with
emphasis-now is the time that tries
mems souls. For if we be craven, if
we fail to do our whole duty men
must lose heart and courage and men
cannot fight under such circumstances.
Knowing the enemy with which our
country and our cause is dealing, we
may well repeat, "Let US have liberty
or let US have DEATH" 1t is better to
fight and to lose than not to fight at
all. If we fight and lose there will
be left in the hearts and the minds
among tne 1eW tne spirit 10 struggle
on for freedom; it will be handed
down from father to son and from the
son to his sons in the generations to
come. The fighting spirit for the
right will be rekindled. The spark
of liberty at least must be main
tanned in our breasts or we are cow
ards and poltroons, unworthy of the
great heritage of liberty that has been
handed down to US by the men of
other days.
have said, "If we should lose 2"
There is no such possibility. The