The sun., 1918-08-27


ton because the lessons Of century
and a quarter have shown that the
people Of the United States owe to him
a greater debt for the creation Of the
American Republic than to any other
man save Washington.
He was not greater than Washing
ton, but the high quality and power
and intense devotion and splendid
achievement of his service for tho
cause of ordered liberty through self
government set him next to Washing
ton. The two supplemented each other
and worked together in perfect conf
dence and affection with q single pur-
pose and the same just conception OF
the essence Of n government that
should reconcile liberty and obedience
to law, independence and peace, sover-
eighty and honor. Together they en-
dured detraction and public abuse and
strove against ignorance and folly and
selfishness and prejudice and malice
against intrisuers and demagogues and
traitors through the critical petiod
which followed the recognition Of inde-
pendence. when the principles of the
new nation had to be determined, and
the institutions to give them effect
had to be established. At the END OF
that first formative period the great
hearted character Of Washington and
the marvellous insight OF Hamilton's
genius into the principles that control
human conduct had given to the future
Of mankind the institutions OF govern
ment which after a century's test OF
human weakness, of domestic and for
eign war. Of vast growth and pros
perity, now bind together 100 1000
people into the effective exercise Of
power to preserve Christian civiliza-
ton and to defend their liberty and
the worlds liberty.
Hamilton was not greater than Lin
coin, but IL there had been no Hamil-
ton probably there would have been
no Lincoln, because there would have
been no Union for Lincoln to save.
The treaty which closed the Revolu-
tionary war removed the external
force that alone secured any semblance
Of united action among the thirteen
colonies, and there speedily ensued
state Of confusion and absence of gen.
eral direction and control almost COM
parable to the condition OF Russia to-
day. The Continental Congress under
the old Articles of Confederation had
no power whatever. 1t could not levy
taxes or command money to pay it's
own expenses; 1t could not raise troops
or maintain them. 1t could pass resolu-
tions, but could not enforce them. 1t
could make treaties. but could not keep
the promises they contained. There
was no national lawmaker or executive.
or judiciary. There could be no action.
except by the unanimous agreement Of
all the thirteen States, and when the
war was over they ceased to agree.
Each State was Jealous of it's own in
dependent power, and absorbed in the
pursuit Of its own selfish advantage;
burdensome and vexattpus interstate
tariffs and commercial r>strictions pre-
vailed. Bitter controversies had come
to the verge of war. No national con-
seriousness had been awakened, and a
people individually honest appeared to
have no sense Of collective or national
honor.
With the instructive comprehension
OF political problems in which he was
superior to all other men of his time
Hamilton perceived the essential
causes Of decentralization which were
urging the infant confederacy toward
its ruin and the nature OF the reme-
dies which were necessary. He saw
that the divine right of kings finds
its support among men in the neces-
sity OF government, that Justice and
peace are impossible without govern
ment possessed OF power to compel
obedience to its laws. He saw that IL
the members Of political community
would he free they could not rest with
the reputation OF superior authority.
but must supplement that reputation
by subjecting themselves as individuals
to the control of an effective govern
ment, resting upon their own collect
i've authority; that the organized
power Of self-governmert must take
the place of the organized power Of
royal government or liberty would
perish in anarchy. He was not alone
in this understanding. but he sur
passed all others in the clearness of
his vision, In capacity to apply theory
TO the practical affairs Of life, so that
unframed minds OF narrow scope could
understand what It meant for them.
in power Of clear and compelling ex-
position. In determination to make the
so clearly. and in the high courage
and intensity of the warrior spirit
striking for the victory Of a great
cause. In the Annapolis meeting
where but Ave States were repre-
sented he drafted the address which
called the convention of 1887. His
presence in the New York Lesisla-
ture OF 1887 was for the specific pur-
pose OF securing the appointment of
delegates from New York to that con-
vention. He did his part in the con-
vention hampered by colleagues who
reflected the hostility of George Gin
ton to the movement. II is probable
that he himself could not have brought
about the compromises of the Consti-
tuition which were necessary to its ac-
ceptance. 1t is certain that he be-
lieved far stronger government TO
be desirable. but he alone signed the
constitution as representative of
New York, and he had the largeness
to hold all minor questions of differ
ence OF no account compared with
the overwhelming Importance of Gre
ating a real national government
When the Constitution was signed he
became the first OF its champions. A
majority or the people of the coun-
try were against him. Local preiu
| dices and personal interests opposed
him. great multitude in all tn.
states were Jealous OF their individual
liberty and unwilling to surrender any