davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10
THE OTHER SlDE-THE BROWN ONE


Army; of shipping for Allies; of labor,
skilled and unskied-n fact, short
on everything necessary to wage a successful
war. Speed up is--and must continue to be
the order of the day if this war is to be
won by the federation of nations, yet how
is the speeding up to be accomplished under
rigid labor laws enacted for peace times and
a gluttcd labor market?'
Senator Brown put the question to me
sharply Hastily | thought Of the power
crclsed by Fuel Administrator Garfield in his
solution of the coal shortage proben; of the
LESS days dccreed by Food Administrator
Hoover; of the Federal government taking
over the great railway systems of the coun-
try for the duration of the war; of the
thousands Of men taken by the draft from
workbench, office, farm, to fight overseas for
those who remain at homeland put coun
ter question: Isn't it possible for nations
LABOR to continue on Il peace-time footing
though the war god claim sacrifice from all
other classes?"
No. said the Senator earnestly. Labor
must make it's concessions if this nation IS to
90 Its share in the winning of the war. Last
summer the Council of National Defence
sounded warning to labor that some ante
oelium standards must be lowered during the
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

Senator are you interested in canneries?'
"Emphatically, No. There are no canneres
in my district, and have no financial or other
interest in the canning industry. Furthermore,
canneries would receive no more exemptions
under my bill than would other industries
speeding up to help win the war"
Without wrapping the flag about himself,
Senator Brown conveyed the idea that his
thought for the country in its hour of
need, and that he believes his bill will enable
the states industries to do their share
To the listener his sincerity seemed unmis-
taxable, his patriotism unquestonable, his
remedy Oft-heard Characterization of
that remedy flashed through my mind as
started to read, for the first time, the pro-
visions of the bill 1t isn't startling 1t is
only what Senator Brown said it was--a
broadening of the powers already granted by
law to the Industrial Commission. Each mem
Der of this commission is paid $4,000 year.
and two weeks ago, according to news item,
the commission was designing boomers for
women employed in machine plants Why in
vest 900 year in a commission if it can
not be trusted with anything more important
than deciding whether women's boomers shall
extend to the shoetops or to the ankles?
A. r. w.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

stress of war conditions and belated prepara-
tons, and suggested that the Governor of
every state should have the power to relax
certain labor law restrictions in times of crisis
such as the present. In accordance with the
councils suggestion I have introduced a bill
S. 115, which enlarges the powers Of the pres
ent Industrial Commission subject to review
by the Governor. This bill provides for the
suspension, after due investigation by the COM
mission, of any labor law which hampers OBJ
structs or interferes with the successful prose
cution of the present war, the suspension
order being subject to the Governors APP
prevail The power conferred by the bill would
end two months after the present war, pro-
vision for its termination being made in Sec
ton %
Senator Brown queried, sit is said that
any additional power given to the Industrial
Commissions would result in the 'negation of
every labor law Of the state. Do you think
it would have that effect?"
"Since the commission is composed Of five
men. two of them labor representatives, and
their rulings cannot become law until ap-
proved by the Governor, such result is un-
thinkable," said the Senator. "Surely labor
can trust its own men, chosen from the ranks,
with some discretionary power.'
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

IN PUBLIC meeting and private converse
q ton, in editorials and news items ap-
pears q new Song of Hate" its male
dictons directed at Senator Elon r. Brown
and his bill "relative to the enforcement Of
certain laws to hours of labor The
up-to-date epithets of scorn, "traitor' and
pro- German are freely used in referring
to the Senator. and the prediction that all
state labor laws would be abrogated by the
passage of the bill is heard every side. The
last time heard the prophecy it was sur
sounded by such a wealth of dismal adjec-
tives as to arouse the suspicion that Senator
Browns real intention had been lost sight of
while speakers AID editors tossed the adjcc-
tivaI ball from one to the other.
Resolving myself into an Investigating
r1it4ee Of one called upon this alleged would
be destroyer Of all human happiness (such
hanniness at least as is secured by state labor
ltws) and was courteously received by an
anDle-cheeked white haired, energy radiatng
centlcrnan in no way resembling the word
pictures painted Of him. asked why he had
introduced the obnoxious bill. Here is his
answer:
",rbfs nation Is short Of foodstuffs, both
raw and manufactured; short Of munitions;
Of clothing and equipment for the National
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

the matter, and the view of short-sighted
BUSINESS at that. That view turns to-day
toward capitalizing all possible opportuni-
ties to break down labor legislation.
The Legislation that Senator Brown is
attempting to father foredooms New
York's productivity. He is asking that in
the interests Of increased production New
ork be started on a course That has been
proved to limit production. New York
doesn't have to theoriZe in this connection,
she doesn't have to experiment along these
lines. Theory has been put to the test; the
experiment has been worked out. All New
\ ork need do is to turn to the record of
England and France.
The chief medical officer of the British
Board of Education and NJ. Albert Tnonl-
as, French Minister of Munitions, testify
to the serious danger of a war measure
wnlch wlthdraws protection from children.
Orders issued by General Crozier, of the
Bureau of Ordnance, in November, 1917,
are imperative in their demands for stand
ardzation of hours and conditions of labor
for adults engaged in the manufacture of
ordnance and supplies and of manufact-
urers filing war contracts. In the case
of women's labor General Crozier specifies
that existing legal standards are to be
"rigidly maintained,' night work is to be
prohibited, the employment of children IN
der fourteen is to be prohibited and the
Federal Child Labor Law must be strictly
observed.'
The bill now before the Senate War
Committee and industriously pushed by
Mr.. Brown gives complete discretionary
power" to the industrial commission and
wipes the slate clean of the system of
checks and balances built up in the inter
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

Y W. c. A board of Watertovn has passed
resolutions of protest. The Trades Assembly,
the WatertoWr federation of all trade unions in
the city, in meeting on February 8, wrote !,
letter to Senator Brown disappearing the bill
The Watertown Women's Christian TEMPER
Union, the Martha Glass of the Metho-
dist Episcopal Church and the Calcium Sta.
Grange are among the smaller organizations
that have passed formal resolutions against
the bill
Then why, asks does the gentleman from
the 35th District pursue his course so dog
gedly? Is it that he is backed by corrupt in
terests and will gain financially if the bill goes
through? This charge is made against Sena-
tor Brown and the face of it it is easy to
believe.
But Watertown, however much it dsagrees
with its distinguished Senator on specific
issues, holds fast and true to the mans intec-
rity.
Friends, enemies all say the same thing
Reactionary, yes. Always on the wrong side.
Stubborn as a mule. Doesn't care what any
body thinks. Doesn't know he has anv con-
stituents And honest as the day is long"
That's the way they size him up Thew curse
him 1854 days out Of year and elect him the
365th. They ask Kim for something he doesn't
think is good for them, and they don't get it.
Up here they believe in direct primaries He
doesn't And nothing in the world, least Of all
what the people here think is going to stop
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

him from trying to get the primaries. sena-
tor Browns people supported local option and
the Hill-Wheeler bill the Senator fought it.
Senator Browns wife, daughter and best
friends worked for woman suffrage Don't
think it's good for EN- says he, and became
their worst enemy in the Legislature. For
these adventures, the Senator always far
behind his party, usually just squeaking
through the election. Then he goes down to
Albany on his miserable little plurality and
does as he pleases.
George Sherman ran against Mr.. Brown for
the Senate, is a Democrat, and has no use for
the Senator's ideas and aims.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

But you'll have to prove it to me that he's
dishonest he said. II don't in the least be-
licve he's tied up with canning interests
Another man who opposes him in all things
therw up his hands at the mention of the bill
Can you beat it?" he asked in evaporation.
Always doing something-the blacklist reac-
tionary ON the map. Yet he's got the nerve to
90 on and fight to the finish, and must say
we admire his brass, if nothing else"
That's the situation, then This bill is up to
the Senator himself. Everybody's against it
including some of his own people. If he car
whip it through the Legislature it speaks much
for his power and little for that of the women
of the state,
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10
Your Representative and Mine
By ROSE YOUNG, Editor The Woman nixeu"

WHAT people want when they send
w representative to the Legislature
at Albany is representation. What
they feel more OF less entitled TO is that
the CHOSEN legislator shall reflect the
thought and feeling of the state in gen
eral as we'll as the local community in
particular. For most people the states
ideals and ambitions constitute the back
ground from which the individual legisla
tor is to project his individual contribu-
ton in fairly harmonious relation.
1t is the lack of harmony with the back
ground that makes the attitude of Senator
Elon r. Brown on labor legislation in New
York hard to bear. He is not representa-
tive. He seems rather to pride himself on
the fact that he is not. He arrogates to
himself rights Of opinion and decision with
which New York people do not invest their
representatives. In the matter of labor
legislation he is to-day, as he was last year,
laton into the balance, not only with the
opinions of men far higher in national and
international affairs than he, but, as we'll
with the adverse experience of whole ma
tons along the very lines of his advocacy.
And he is doing it against the feeling and
conviction of the state.
New York voters are not concerned with
Senator Browns mental and moral reac-
tions as a man; nobody cares whether he IS
personally an honest citizen on a creature
of "the INTERESTS; nobody cares whether
he is personally pleasant gentleman, with
red cheeks, or an oblique moralist, with
mouth for the pie of privilege. Suffrage is
so entirely a settled matter that nobody
even cares that he used to be an anti, but
when Senator Brown the LEGISLATOR begins
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10
Find Ont What You Think About
the Broom Bill and Tell It TO
Your Representative at AIbuuv
What They Say About Senate
Bill lis in Its Own Home Town

Jefferson and Oswego counties, has been cir
cularlzed, and practically every one, except
few dominated by anti-sufragists, Mrs. Lamon
expects to take formal action against the bill
Her replies are coming in now in assuring
numbers. To every audience of women that
Mrs Lamon or Miss Grace Easterly addresses
on citizenship the subject of the bill is brought
up and the stamp of disapproval given.
Mrs. George Stebbins vice-president of the
Jefferson County Suffrage Organization. speaks
tor the suffragists in condemnng the bill. The
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

SSo VI WUiIIdll anu
children.
In view of Federal
efforts to keep stand
ards up to the mark,
and in face of the
sorrowful experience
Of other warning
countries, which hur-
iiedly broke down
their protective labor
laws only to have to
build them up again
as hurriedly, it is in
conceivable that New
York should be so
misrepresented at
Albany as to have
foisted upon her Sen
ator Browns reac-
tlonary legislation.
AS for New York
women, it is with a
sustaining sense Of
their new-come power
that they range them
selves against his pro-
crane. The question,
What are you going
{@ i -I4 .AcS,
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

to insist that his
private and individ-
ual opinion is to do
away with the OK
perience of states
and nations, when he
begins to say 1.-The
State, that's me-
then it is that New
York women begin
to see in him a pub
lie menace as well rs
a public nuisance.
Let US say that
Senator Brown has
TO connection with
inc Cdnner1eS , let us
say that his mind
functions irrespect-
i've Of his pocketbook ;
let us say that it is
only his intense DE-
sire to serve Amer
lea that makes him
want to speed up
without regard to
what breaks down.
Just what is this
mans record that
Now NOrI- wI,c,1IJ
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10
MlsREPREsENTING WATERFOWL

"ATERTOWN, n. Y, Feb. 26.-Whatever
senator klon r. Browns motive is IN father
.ag and supporting a bill to suspend existing
'aoor laws for the period of the war, he is not
supporting the bill in answer to "call from
COME Watertown is the Senator's home;
ssnerson and Oswego counties comprise his
assflct There is no pressure upon him from
A own constituents to support such a bill;
acre Is some feeling and action against it.
a general, Senator Browns own people are
~ 'ainAing way or the other about tho
1L HIS is agricultural country, with some
"Aaufacturing centres, where silk, paper.
ssper machinery and munitions are made. The
Ailners are not interested in labor questions;
.sanized labor Is relatively small and peace
~ group. The two newspapers of Watertown
ave gwen the bill no editorial comment and
- as oriefest Of news items. The Rural New
''Ezer' has given considerable space to the
s'ssentation OF the measure without express
.as any opinion az to its merit or demerit.
.ae.e is, therefore, no crystalized and active
,ssa1sfaent against the bill az there is in New
sork City.
VA the other hand, progressive thinkers, in
..aing all women with the exception of the
.-S1iara2lsts, who will not lift q finger
- the best friend they ever had, all
UT many oranges, the Young Womcn'a
80 'A'lan Association, the Northern Fedora
v. w. oi Wgnen's Clubs, representing 5000
..s'~theae all express themselves as unal-
. ,.A0'y opposed 10 Senate Bill No. 10. Senator
4. "a 10 rot, therefore, representing many of
:. 1S'pe in this matter, for many II them do
@se. lie IL incorporating some Of his
re' Tor some Of them do care, intensely.
-. ~ Francis Lamon, president Of the North
~, 'oeration Of Wmnen's Clubs, former press
.,.s' nah for the sufra2iats, and teacher of
s,s'lanip 10 the new vo1ers, cares az much ~
iii. IN the world could care about any
,.ss- one opposed the bill last year, and now,
g.. ;, from sickbcd she Is narshalling her
70. asand ~ oppose IL this year. Every
Club In the northern section, including
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

consider his opinion against the munitions
ministers of France and of England and
the economic and industrial experience of
these and other countries in war times?
Drape himself in patriotism as he may
to-day, the Senator was just as much for
the abrogation Of labor laws in New York
before this country went into the war as
he is now. He is very definitely taking
"tusiness' point of view in connection with
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

longer finds them nelplessly huddled back
on indirect influence. 1t is as full-f1edged
voters that you and | can make appeal in
these later days to your and my representa-
tives at Albany. So far the new investture
has been far from proving a. drawback, and
you and | must do our full part in the
effort to measure up to its possibilities in
crises like That confronting New York's
women and children workers to-day
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

of the motor car and Polly gets out and lifts
up the hood and talks about the carburetors
and petcocks in terms that are all Greek to
me. gave up long ago any attempt to under
stand that engine and I perfectly willing
to remain in the same dire ignorance of the
Brown bill, except that still possess shred
of my New England conscience and when that
still small voice. whispers the word duty"
it's all up with me-
| fancy that [ pretty good example
of a certain type of the new voter, namely
the woman who knows nothing whatever Of
politics, civil government party issues; who
has never clamored for or against ''votes for
women" who would much rather sit quietly
at home and knit for the soldiers than attend
lectures political subjects, but who, now
thrust upon her, feels it her patriotic duty
to get out into the world and find out what
it is all about so that she may vote intelli-
gently.
THE CONSUMERS LEAGUE ACTS
Miss nellie Swartz, the secretary of the
Consumers League, has planned an extensive
campaign throughout the state, including
meetings to be addressed by prominent
speakers and all sorts Of printed propaganda
Miss Swartz is authority on labor con-
ditions, as she spends the greater part of
her time in the various factories throughout
he state looking after the interests and the
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10
By SARAH ADDlNCTON REID

NNJANUARY II Senator Eon R. Brown
rose in the Senate of the New York
~ State Legislature and introduced
measure, .'relative" he said, ito the enforce
ment of certain laws to hours of labor"
The bill went quietly through the usual form
ar proposed legislation, and was ordered to
the Committee on War Measures as Senate Bill
No. rs. The Albany correspondents stuck in
modest paragraph about the bill in their
snt stories.
That first day thus passed uneventfully, but
%. on January IS. when the women of New
York read the modest paragraph from Albany
announcing the introduction Of the BILL there
was mighty seething and stirring. Meetings
we're called formal protests were made, reso-
utions were telegraphed to Governor Whit
man, Senator Brown, and Senators and Assem-
olymen at the Capitol For this innocent
sounding bill was none other than the identi-
cal Brown bill' passed by the Legislature last
year, fought to the bitter end by the women of
the state, and finally disapproved by the Gov
srnor. Senator Brown has fshed it from his
pigeonhole this year and started the fight all
over agaiu-
And fight it is, for with their newly-won
power CO political pressure the women aye out
to win-and Senator Brown is not celebrated
for pacific methods in the Senate. It is the
frst test that the woman power of the state
has met since November g.
But what is this bill that is agitating the
women of all classes. kinds and creeds in the
state What does Senate Bill No. is mean?
It means, briefly, that if it becomes law all
lsbor regulations. including those of hours
sanitation. ventilation fire protection, may be
lifted at the discretion Of the State Industrial
Commission whenever for the prosecution OF
he that commission deems it necessary.
It is a blanket waving of the laws FOR safe
guarding men, women and children in industry
during the period of the war, and for not more
than two months following, at the discretion
Of the commission. It particularly is aimed at
the women and children. because it is around
hem that the safeguards have been built, care
July, year by year. There is, for example. no
regulation Of hours for men by law in this
state.
What the Administration thinks about labor
qlestlons, however, and what women think,
wat progresslves among both men and women
ank, matters very little to the Senator from
Hatertown, apparently. But when he intro
suces bill IN the face of warning from Eng
and the patience of his opponents begins to
zane.
For this very same thing happened in Eng
and at the outbreak Of the war. In panic,
aoor laws we're waived at first, factories ran
light and day. After few weeks sickness
and loss of time increased among the workers,
sorn out by long hours and Sunday work, and
Efficiency o7d output actually fell
his, then, is Englands experience and
Warning, and yet Senator Brown introduces
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10
By ELENE FOSTER
(Netu to Sufrage)

Gk"HE BROWN BILL" A fortnight ago
| had never even heard of ''The
Brown Bill It might just as we'll
have been the Smith bill or the Jones bill so
far as l concerned. The mere idea that
it was any sort of political measure
enough to strike terror to my soul.
| had much the same all-gone feeling at
the mention of the Brown bill that I have
when something goes wrong with the engine
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-10

THINK OF
safeguards
of the nation rather
oring fhemsei,