Washington standard. [volume] (Olympia, Wash. Territory) 1860-1921, 1918-10-18

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sponsibility. If it is not. then tn,
responsibility will be taken by som,
one else-by the state or by tn,
workers themselves-and along will
the responsibility they might alsC
take the property.
l make no attack on private prop
erty as property. | am merely re
cording that the nation will no
longer permit property rights to take
precedence over human rights. Where
humanity and property come directl,
into collision, as in the workers de
mand for a fair wage, humanity mus
| have the right of way. The rights
of property begin where the rights
of human beings to wholesome ant
happy living leave off.
During arbitration proceedings in
industrial disputes where the living
wage has been demanded, we have
Familiarity met with two types of de-
murrer. The first is: This raise
in wages would cut down profits and
hence confiscate property" The sec.
ond is: This raise in wages would
put us out of business The simple
sense of equity is beginning to throw
both demurrers out of court. In the
first case you have the simple col
lision of human rights and property
rights. And though the law COM
monty protects property in all it can
get, simple justice denies it's right to
get anything at the expense of the
health and happiness of human be-
ings. A living wage to the workers
is first lien on all industrial prop
erty. This is fast becoming law
in the public conscience, and it will
soon become rule of conduct among
men.
The second demurrer is even less
fit for a civilized society to entertain.
The industry which can not pay a
living wage has no right to exist. It
is the worst of profiteers. 1t is prof
iteering in human blood and tears.
II private enterprise can not pay a
living wage, then public enterprise
will.
Hitherto, while property has been
protected by an intricate structure of
law, the most elemental of human
rights, the right to a decent living,
has been almost a stranger to our
laws. For decades labor unions were
prohibited by stringent laws, and
strikes were prosecuted as criminal
conspiracies. Material wealth has
been the peculiar ward of the law.
Human life, deprived even of the
weapon of concerted action, has had
to look out for itself.
And although the legal interpreta-
ton has altered somewhat in the last
few decades, the old concept still
dominates many minds, even while
the executive branch of the govern
ment is vindicating the right of
workers to freely organize in any
form they see fit. There are still
others who. by economic necessity.
would undermine and destroy this
right. through the iniquitous "indi-
vidual contract; who would Oblige
countless thousands of women to
work exhausting hours in unwhole.
some surroundings, upon the plea
that any interference with such rep
rehensible practices would be a depri.
walton of property without due pro-
cess of law; or to rob the little
children of their Heaven-born right
to a happy childhood, by sappine
their little bodies of strength in the
miserable surroundings of factory
again contending that If not per-
mitted to carry on this cruel prac'
tice their constitutional property
rights are being invaded, or that the
much-punctured theory of Estates
rights" is being strangled.
| But against this grotesque inequity
in our social framework revolution
l think. has begun to take place II
the public conscience. l believe the
critical moment in this peaceful revo
luton will be dated by historians II
the year 1918 A similar revolution
let us remember, came over Americ;
in relation to chattel slavery some
where between 1S45 and 1855. l
took several years more, including
four years of bloody warfare, tt
enact the popular demand into law
because of the stubborn resistance
of the property interests affected.
In regard to chattel slavery thu
sense of justice asserted a human
right supplemental to, even defian