New-York tribune., 1918-12-19

x
any treaty obligations to assume that
task. Unless impelled by their own
conscience and judgment, it is more
than doubtful whether any treaty could
| drive this nation to n foreign war. Is
it not better, then, that the obligation
we assume should depend upon our own
Judgment and the conscience OF the
English-speakng peoples and our pres
ent allies. rather than upon the Judg-
ment of some vast world league?
Let us suppose, for example, that
there should be proposed n permanent
entente Of the speaking reo--
pies and of the French, Italian and
Japanese to enforce this peace; to con-
i suit together whenever peace was any
where Threatened, with view to en-
deavor to maintain peace; to cooper
ate economically, each recognizing the
others leadership in its peculiar field.
and to form a permanent committee
for consultation on these subjects.
What Would United States Do?
"The Question would then arise as to
whether the United States should, for
general purposes, join in or remain
outside of such an entente. I think
the day has gone by for the rejection
on principle of any close association
of this government with governments
Of other countries. To dogmatize
against any possible entente under any
possible circumstances would be almost
as unreasonable as to wish to rush
headlong into some Utopian world
league
"Washington referred to detached
and distant situation that no longer
exists as all know
Suppose that it were proposed that
the United States should bind itself
Ix,or tyyt in
given circumstances. Under the Con
stitution, war can be declared only by
I the Congress- How could the Presi-
dent, by negotiating a treaty, and the
Senate, by consen' 'sg to its rati:ica
ton, bind this country to declare war?
A declaration of war is, under the
Constitution, prerogative of the
Congress. The appropriations to in
itiate or to conduct war are in the dis
cretion of the Congress.
"The Senate has always been jealous
of its treaty-making function. When
arbitration treaties have been before it
the Senate has steadily refused to con-
sent to a treaty for the arbitration
even of justifable questions, except in
form that would reserve to it the
right to say yes or no to the question
of the fitness for arbitration of each
specific issue that might arise under
any such general treaty.
How. then, could President of the
! United States, even in conjunction
with the Senate as part of the
treaty making power, bind in advance
the Congress of the United States to
vacate its pre-decision, under the con-
stitution. of future questions of de-
claring or not declaring war; nay,
more, to surrender to foreign nations
their constitutional right to make that
Ixyt1n
Sees Danger in Move
Might not the annulment of so i'm
portant check upon war-making dan
gerously diminish the peoples rightful
control over that most momentous
step-the declaration of war?
:, Some of the league of nations en-
thuslasts have referred to those who
would look before we leap as men
these Utopians have looked backward
tor every idea they now so enthusi-
as anSitlcally flash before the public eye
Their every idea and aspiration is as
old as the Amphictyonic League, the
grand design of Henry w, the holy
alliance of Alexander l. They have not
coined new phrase; they have coined
IS to be scrutinized in the light of his
tory. 1t did not pass in the past. Have
we sound reason to believe it a safe
currency to-day?
Gwen the forcible prevention or just
decision of all international war.
wherever and however arising, by a
league Of nations of which the United
States was member would pre-
suppose the sending of American troops
thousands Of miles for some distant
purpose perhaps of no great concern to
american citizens. However small the
force we sent. still some ones sons
would be asked to die for farawav
cause of rather academic appearance.
II do not believe the American people
would approve such an exigency.
should not wish to see this country
slgnatory to an agreement which the
American people would be likelv TO
repudlate If pus II the test I should
not vote for 9nT -rosty that subjected
this notions Judgment and conscience
as to its vta interests or its war
making preragat;ve to the will of a
foreign majority
Americanism First
81 think the American people
North South, East and West-believe
/ in Americanism. / think they believe
IN nationalism as an instrument for
good. do not for one moment believe
they would be willing to see this coun-
try ordered about by heterogeneous
world league of al nations. I do NOT
think that, whon they come to study
the subject. they Will be willing to
go further than policy of nationalism
a little mitigatsd and accommodated
20 a iudicious and limited accord upon
certain common mutual concerns. es-
pecia]ly if that accord be first of all
an accord Of the E glish-speaking
peoples, and, as it now is in fact. with
our principal great allies for the firm
enforcement of our war aims.
Even without ar entente. except for
the unfinished business Of enforcinp
and lnsurlng our war aims. the United
States can. without any ENHANCEMENT
Whatever; place in advance at the ser
vice of the worlds peace, if seriously
threatened, tho whole of its influence
and OF its potential power.
New Declaration
"This con be done, as l said. bv a
new declaration Of some correspond-
ence to the Monroe Doctrine. q docls-
ration that menace to the liberty of
Europe is menace to America. and
mat America will consult her friends
4 and prepare for action if ever such
menace shalt again arise.
u have said enough, I hope, to make
this much clear:
II. That the issues of the war were