The Fargo forum and daily republican., 1918-11-23


anarchy. Fortunately, in one re-
spect, the victorious nations are far
better placed than those of 1916.
There are almost no rivaIries as
| among themselves, France Britain
conflicting purposes. Italian aspira-
| tions are only possible sources of
trouble, where the Italians disagree
with the SlaYs and the Greeks over
Adriatic and Aegean territories.
Little Chance of Division
For the Germans to repeat the
achievements of Talleyrand at vi
emma in dividing their conquerors
there is lacking the material every
where present at the earlier gather
ing. Differences can come out only
of principles rather than territory.
That they may come is apparent
when one recognizes. for example,
the very wide difference Of views be-
tween Great Britain and President
Wilson over the question of the
freedom OF the seas"
But far more fruitful source of
difficulty must be seen in the situa-
tion of Germany. France in 1915,
when the Congress of Vienna met,
was In the hands of a king restored
by allied 9bayonets. Owing his
throne to the allies and holding it
only by their aid he was bound to
accept their conditions. The return
o T Napoleon temporarily abolished
the decisions of the Congress of vi
emma and had he won Waterloo
would have reduced them to ashes.
His defeat and disappearance alone
saved the work Of the Congress at
Vienna
The situation with respect to Ger
many is far different. The power in
that nation has fallen into hands
certain to be as hostile to the con-
querors as were the Hohenzollerns,
If only because the conquerors must
now impose upon socialistic Germa-
ny the costs of the devastations
wrought by monarchial Germany.
In 1914. and again in 1915, the con-
querors OF Napoleon deliberately re-
signed claims against France that
they might not prejudice the posi-
ton of the king they had placed on
the French throne as to insure his
fail once their armies had been with
drawn. Ssir s'ES&i
In word, It was for the self-itl-
terest of the conquerors of Napoleon
to establish in France the idea that
they made the war not upon France,
but upon Napoleon, and to establish
this idea they left France practical
ly intact and imposed no considerable
indemnity. By contrast we must
liberate the subject nationalities Of
Germany, the Poles, Danes and the
inhabitants OF Alsace-L e-Lorraine, and
we must compel the German people
to pay for what German soldiers
have done in Belgium and K France.
We do not seek punitive i4demnities,
but restoration indemnitiess are CO.
lossal and unless we 4 collect them
France and Belgium will have to
bear the intolerable burden imposed
by German crimes.
The absolute justice Of purpose
with respect to Germany does not
lessen our difficulties in realizing
them. Socialistic Germany will re-
sist, must resist, for it's own exist
ence will be imperilled, it will almost
inevitably fall before the extreme
elements, If it accepts peace with
the burden Of many billions of in
IDENTITIES. 1t cannot resist militar-
lily, precisely as Russia could. not re-
sist the unjust conditions OF Brest-
Litoysk. but it can refuse to sign.
Must Have Government
4 Nor lis it easy to see how we can
negotiate until Germany has a.chiev-
ed some form of recognized govern
ment, that is. until the revolution
has been accepted. by the German
people at a general election. What
is done by the representatives of the
present regime may be repudiated
by the nation. Moreover, no settle
ment is conceivable that leaves Rus
sia out Of the reckoning, and how
are we to deal with Russia?
In one sense a peace congress is
simple. We have the power TO write
the terms which express our just
claims against Germany 4 territorily
and otherwise, but to enforce them
with respect to indemnities is anoth-
.er matter. We can occupy German
territory as the Germans III occupied
French territory in 1871 and as the
allies occupied French territory after
Waterloo, but If a revolution like the
Russian upheaval is in progress in
Germany this will not aid us to get
iIldemnities.
II what is now taking place in all
of Central Europe should turn out
to be- but the prelude to a revolution
of the Russian type. then any peace
negotiated at Versailles might prove
a dead letter, or at least be SUSPEND
ed for a long period of time while
Germany was in the throes of revolt.
and the very consequences Of reyo-
luton might so destroy the economic
fabric of Germany as to@Fender pay
InenC Impossible Tor many years
do not mean to be understood as
believing that we can or should fore
go indemnities; we have no FIGHT to
ask the French and the Beieiana
who have been despoiled by the Ger
mans, to bear the loss themselves.
But am trying to set forth the reay-
sons why the debate at yersailIas
may be long, as most such debafes
are, and why the agreement, when
formulated, may be even longer in
execution. Germany has laid down
her arms: she can fight mo more:
she will have to accept our terms. SO
tar as normal assent Isl Concerned:
but II Germany follows the Rugsian
example, either before or after the
peace Is signed at Versailles, our
piopiela u WI, nave been only scratch