Republican farmer. [volume] (Bridgeport, Conn.) 1810-1920, 1918-02-15

full governments which consider them
selves most directly affected, as Coun.
Won Hertling proposes, why may not
economic questions also? 1t has
come about in the altered world in
which we now find ourselves that JUS
tice and the rights of peoples affect
the whole field of international deal
ing as much as access to raw materials
and fair and equal conditions of trade.
Count Won Hertling wants the essential
bases of commercial and industrial life
to be safeguarded by common agree
ment and guarantee, but he cannot
expect that to be conceded him if the
other matters to be determined by
the articles of peace are not handled
in the same way as items in the final
accounting. He cannot ask the bene-
fit of common agreement in the one
field without according it in the
other L take it for granted that he
sees that separate and selfish COM
pacts with regard to trade and the es-
sential materials of manufacture
would afford no foundation for peace.
Neither, he may rest assured, will sep
arate and selfish compacts with re-
gard to provinces and peoples.
Count .Czernin seems to see the
the fundamental elements of peace
with clear eyes and does not seek to
obscure them. He sees that an in
dependent Poland, made up of all the
indisputably Polish peoples who lie
contiguous to one another, is a mat
ter of European concern and must of
course be conceded; that Belgium
must be evacuated and restored, no
matter what sacrifices and concessions
that may involve; and that nationa,
aspirations must be satisfied, even
within his own empire, in the COM
mon interest of Europe and mankind
If he is silent about questions which
touch the interest and purpose of his
allies more nearly than they touch
those of Austria only it must of
course be because he feels con-
strained, I suppose, to defer to Ger
many and Turkey in the circum-
stances. Seeing and conceding as he
does, the essential principles involv-
ed and the necessity of candidly ap-
plying them, he naturally feels that
Austria can respond to the purpose
of peace as expressed by the United
States with less embarrassment thar
could Germany He would probably
have gone much farther had it no
been for the embarrassments of Aus
trials alliances and of her dependence
upon Germany.
After all the test of whether it i:
possible for either government to e
-,
views is simple and obvious. The
principles to be applied are these
| First, that each part of the fina
settlement must be based upon the
| essential justice of that particular
case and upon such adjustments az
are most likely to bring a peace thai
will be permanent.
Second, that peoples and provinces
| are not to be bartered about from
| sovereignty to sovereignty as if they
were mere chattels and pawns in g
game, even the great game, now for
ever discredited, of the balance Of
power; but that, Third, every terri
torial settlement involved in this wal
| must be made in the interest and fol-
the benefit of the populations con
SCL IICu anu 41OI q pal VI oily
adjustment or compromise of claim
amongst rival states; and
f.. Fourth, that all well defined ma
tional aspirations shall be accorded
the utmost satisfaction that can b,
accorded them without introducing
new or perpetuating old elements O
discord and antagonism that woult
be likely in time to break the peac
of Europe and consequently of tn
world.
A general peace erected on sue
foundations cannot be discussed. Unit
such a peace can be secured we hav
no choice but to go on. So far as W
can judge these principles that we re
gard as fundamental are alread
everywhere accepted as imperative ex
cept among the spokesman of the mil
itary and annexationist party in Ger
many. If they have anywhere els
been rejected. the DIRECTORS have nc
been sufficiently numerous or influer
tial to make their voices audible. TIL
tragical circumstance is that this on
party in Germany APPARENTLY is willin
and able to send millions of men t
; their death to prevent what all tn
, WOrlQ now sees " NC JUS.
''I would not be a true spokesma
of the people of the United States
I did not say once more that we er
tered this war on no small occasio
and that we can never turn back fro1
course chosen upon principles. Gu
, resources are in part modified no
and we shall not pause until they az
modified in their entirety. Our arm
! les are rapidly going to the fightin
front, and will go more and MOI
rapidly. Our whole strength will
: put into this war of emancipation
emancipation from the threat and a
tempted mastery of selfish groups {
autocratic rulers whatever the diff
, culties and present part delays. "
: are indomitable in our power of il
, dependent action and can in no eli
cumstances consent to live in a worl
governed by intrigue and force. "
believe our own desire for a new il
u tternationa1 order under which rease
1 and justice and the common interes
a of mankind shall prevail is the desil
/. of enlightened men everywhere. Will
: out that new order the world will |
f without peace and human life will lac
= tolerable conditions of existence ar
S development. Having set our hand
s the task of achieving it, we shall n
O turn back.
n I hope it is not necessary for me
e add that no word Of what 1 have sa
e is intended as a threat. That is n
g the temper of our people. 1 ha,
y spoken thus only that the whole wor
may know the true spirit of Amerl
= that men everywhere may know tn
d our passion for justice and for sci
l. government is no mere passion
ir words but a passion which, once S
j. in action, must be satisfied. The DO,