davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

the danger of provoking American labor to
forget his past services and of raising an
obstacle to the realization of the Presi-
dents diplomatic policy.
What is that policy?
Finally, terrible suspicion of incipient
American mlitarism appears:
At the moment when the President, in
the development of his diplomatic policy,
is trying to provoke public parleys and
obtain the confidence of the German So
cia!ists Mr.. Gompers denounces the pub
nc discussion of war aims and pours out
abuse on the German Socialists. His pol
icy maintains the Federation Of Labor as
useful instrument of the American army,
but If an American wishes to find labor
leaders who understand and are intell-
gently supporting the political strategy OF
his own goNrnment he must turn to
France and England
SO ends the piece.
The New Republic" and the Admins.
tration have often thought alike.
If "The New Republic" is wrong, so arc
many others wrong, and the intellectual
situation needs to be clarified by a few
short Anglo Saxon words.
If "The New Republic" is right, then a
profound change has taken place in our
official mind, unawares to the people-to
the congcmerate mind.
In that case what we need is new
declaration of war
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

nOY, get out the map, and put Crarv's
~ Mills on it.
It's not all snowdrift and Sleep
'ng sugar maple bush up in the Northern
New York country. No, by heck. Crary's
Mills is one place where they hustle.
Is there any other four corners in the
nation, with feedstore and a schoolhouse
and rumbling old mill under the hill, that
can beat Crary's Mills in patriotism and
efficiency, as displayed in their Red Cross
pillow contest? Crary's Mills challenges
the country.
"No husking bee ever equalled it." saws
'1he st. Lawrence Plain Dealer" mouth
piece of the north country "Two teams
were organized, with seventy-fve on each
side. All the folks for miles around
hitched up and drove through the drifts to
the corners to get into the game. They
finished up 2,297 pillows for Red Cross
hospitals in two weeks.
Every man, woman and child was at it,
clipping, clipping, clipping, to fill the pill
lows as fast as they were ready Every
rag, every available piece of cloth that
could be spared, and often Il great deal
that could have been used for other pur~
poses went into the clippings. Busy hands
flew. The storms kept the men indoors,
not to read, but to clip, not just during the
day, but until way into the small hours of
the morning.
"Chpplng parties were held somewhere
every night They were all the rage. One
night Dick Potter scratched his head, went
out into the back shed, and returned with
an old sausage machine which he had
resurrected. Soon the sausage mill was
pouring forth quantities of light, pulvcr-
lzed rags. Leslie Boyden went at things
went at everything, in fact--with huge
pair of shears, and had thirty pillows to
his credit. Over the phone comes the in
formation that John Richardson took the
prize for hand clipping, having shipped
away until he had filled one hundred pill
lows.
$50 it went on merrly for two weeks,
every living soul in Crarys Mills just clip
pity-clipping for all they were worth.
When the contest ended the Boydens led
1,151 to lag"
Pretty good, Crary's Mills thinks, for a
town that never expected to win a prize
for anything but low temperature and high
snow drifts.
Pretty good, Park Row echoes To prove
our admiration we offer prize of five
pounds OF the best Crary's Mills maple
sugar guaranteed first run of sap, to the
apartment house in New York City which
will take up the challenge and beat Crarv's
Mills in clipping rags for the Red Cross.
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

necessary to resort to the measure Of
making fundable notes of the United States
legal tender but sincerely desiring to CO.
operate" etc.
And later on President Lincoln, in a
message to Congress:
while giving this measure approval
however, l think it my duty to express my
sincere regret that it has been found neces-
sary to authorize SO large an additional
ISSUE" etc.
Always the same. First hundred and
fifty millions. Then another hundred anc
fifty. Then another hundred and fifty.
Always more and more And always with
regret.
And always the same firm belief that
the best of men will not in the pinch OF
necessity do wrong things. Listen to Rep
resentative Spaulding's speech on the sec
ond issue:
II trust there will be no necessity for
any considerable issue of new notes. But
to guard against possible contingencies
am willing to confer large powers upon
the Secretary, believing that he will exer-
else the power wisely, patriotically, and for
the best interests of the country"
Large powers for the Secretary! 1t all
reads as if it had been said in Congress
yesterday.
1t was said in Congress yesterday, OF
the day before, over just the same kind
OF measure, in a little different guise, with
just the same shifting, devious intent
Is there any reason to suppose that
Secretary McAdoo is a greater, wiser
and more courageous man than the Treas
ury Secretary of that day, Salmon p.
Chase, author of the national bank act
and virtually founder Of our present-day
American banking system?
Secretary Chase had vision, courage,
real constructive genius He drove the
national bank act through Congress in
the face of tremendous opposition and in
the face of great prejudice throughout
the country. Yet even he lived to see
the evil Of his resort to the fatal fiat
dollar
AS Mr.. Roberts describes, the total is
sue of "greenbacks" in the war was only
about $460000O 900. Yet their actual cost
to the country in delaying the day of sound
money, the organization of business upon a
stable financial system, must have run into
the billions.
To-day there is before Congress bill
which, if it were carried out in it's intent,
would add not $460,o0O,ooO, but $4,000
100000 to the nations currency. Such an
issue would, we believe, invite a more i'm
mnent peril to our financial system than
~. j C.,x.1 VI
1t is defended by the same kind Of able
men, with the same sincerity, with the
same words.
Even with Russia in front of their eyes
they cannot see
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04
The Tribune's War Fiction

Many of our readers nave enjoyed the
french and German war stories, trans
lated by Mr. William L. Mcpherson, which
have been appearing in The Sunday Trib-
une for the last two years. An interest
ing valuation has been put on these stories
in Mr.. Edward J. O'Brien's "The Best
Short Stories of 1917" the third issue of
Mr. O'Brlen's yearbook of the American
short story, just published by Small May
nard & Co.
Mr.. OBrien makes critical listngs each
year of the best short stories printed ir
American magazines and other periodicals
According to his tabulations, The Tribune
III 1917 ranked fourth in the United States
IN the percentage Of short stories of hign
literary distinction which it published
Our percentage was 73. "Scribner's Maga-
zine,' "Harper's Magazine" and "The
Century Magazine" were ahead of us by a
small margin. Each of them had a per-
centage of go "Colier's Weekly" had a
percentage of AZ, "The American Maga-
zine" 46, "The Metropolitan Magazine" 81,
"'The Saturday Evening Post" q, and
"McClure's Magazine" 20.
The Sunday Tribune published last year
thirty-nine of these translated short
stories. Thirty of them came to Mr..
O'Bren's attention. Of the thirty twenty
star ranking. Since February 18, 1917,
thirty-one French stories have been Of
fered. Fifteen of these were double
starred and two were triple-starred
1t has been a pleasure to The Tribune
to introduce to the American public the
who have come to the front with the war.
Masters of the snort story like Frederic
Boutet, Maurice Level, Rene Benjamin
and Alfred Machard, who are doing brill
liant work in France, are still practically
unknown in the United States. A few
Americans, perhaps, have heard of Pierre
Mile and Nine. Lucie Delarue-Madrus,
since they had established regulations in
Trance before the war began. But all
these authors, who picture the real life of
France in wartime with admirable sin
cerity and high technical proficiency, de-
serve much wider recognition here.
To bring our public into touch with their
writing and to stimulate American inter
est in the wartime literature of France
have been the chief objects Of these trans
lations. The Sunday Tribune will continue
to publish tnem. They are worth while not
only because they have exceptional literary
quality, bat because they vividly illuml-
nate the spirit in which the French people
behind the lines as we'll as at the 'front.'
arc reacting to the strain and sacrifice OF
70
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04
Why Go to Boston,

(From The Albany Knickcroocker Prcss)
"The Philadelphia Telegraph" presents TINS
which IL calls "a short lesson in government
ownership:
Before government control this the usus'
question
Passcnger-What time are due in Boston
Brakeman (politelyl l-Six-hfteen.
After government control:
Pnssenger-What time due in Boston
Brakeman taggrcssvelyl When we get there
But this is hardly fair Aggressive ma"'
ners, lack of manners, have never peen
entirely absent under private ownership Oh
any utility. And besides, how could pat'encs
be expected with an individual who is anxious
to get to Boston?
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04
Right Thing: Wrong Place
Fron The Manchestcr Gunraianl

VTTUHF TIC -Hu"VT1tSFVF
Scene: Market Place.
Three working women with shawls on their
heads and carrying baskets and bags. First
woman: 81 stood in t'queue at Maypole's this
morning, when man COON along and pulled
a woman out at stood just in front o. me-
and started milling her. There were bother
and t'bobby COON along and said. What's the
mattcr?' Th' chap said, This is my wife.
went home to my dinner, and i'stead O. finding
here theer I find her here. She's no need to
be here, for we've four pounds o margarine
and half pound o butter at home, SO I've been
humping her. Bobby said. oh. thump her
again. and won't see you" Second woman;
"Well, it wasn't right, and don't agree with
it. He oughtn't to "a shown her up Ike
that. He ought to "a waited till he'd got heF
home and then milled her"
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04
A Boon to Historians
ciTrom' Tho Hartford Cou,ant

George Crecl uses thirty-cight pages of bet
ter paper than the Hartford newspapers are
using in printing complete topical index of
his "Oficial Bulletin" since the dato of the
first number, May 10, 1917. Topical indexes
nre costly productions not only in the print.
ing, but also in the making. We suppose that
Mr.. Crcc had this work done for the benefit
OF tho historians who dig and compile in the
year 201s. There may be ns many as half n
dozen or them, and clearly they ought to have
the best. But their comfort comes high for
US now.
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

nque, and, by the outcome of the fighting
prepared by the enemy to his own advan-
tage, superior to him in MS own field
The swift, magnetic thrill of just pride
in the achievement and noble anger for
the lost now passing through the Ameri-
can army doubles the power of every
division. Ripping across the Atlantic and
spreading westward, it exercises that CO.
hesive force which single emotion gives
the morale of any people.
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04
Lesson of the Greenback

"All of these compromises were lHSloteu
upon by practical people, who admitted that
theoretically those who stood out for sound
principles were probably correct, but that
statesmanship required concessions; more
over, conditions always unusual
"Whcn the first grecnbacks' were issued
the very existence Of the nation seemed to
be at stake while in later emergencies times
were hard, prices of products were low, mort
cages were oppressive, industry was de-
pressed etc, and each time those who stood
for sound principles were told that they had
nothing constructive to ofer."@From the
Story Of the GrecnbacL.
Dull enough to most mortals arc ques-
tions of finance. But the story of the
financing of the Civil War, which we print
to-day on our financia! page, from the pen
of the Hon. George L. Roberts, is of an
other sort.
It's lesson is so vivid, its parallels with
the present day so striking, that few of
our readers will put it down until they
have read it through.
1t is the same old story Of a lack of
confidence in the people, the same lack
of courage boldly to appeal to their
patriotism and loyalty, the same uneasy
disposition to resort to all the usual
schemes Of shifty finance which has char
acterizcd almost every nation in almost
every war.
Although Mr. Roberts does not allude
to the fact it is pretty much the story
of the American Revolution, when there
was the same resort to paper money, with
the usual disastrous results. We get an
echo from that rather distant day in the
famous phrase,
"Not worth a Continental"
The "Contncntals" were not soldiers
for as soldiers they were the astonishment
and chagrin of the trained troops that
came against them. The "Contnentals'
were the shin-plasters or paper substitutes
for money which came to be almost as
valucless as did the Confederate currency
of the Civil War
And the curious part about it all is
that, apparently, the lesson must be
learned all over again by each new gener
alton meeting the same difficulties. AnC
the arguments are always the same.
They are "practcal," not theoretical
They are always put forth with rescrva
tons and regrets. at is a question OF
cxpedency" or necessity"
Very interesting is the letter which Mr.
Roberts quotes from Representative
Spauldng, Of the Eric District, in reply
to criticisms. With hardly change of f;
line it could have been written ycster
day:
"Pcrhaps you suggest some othe
mode Of carrying on the government fo,
the nort hundred ddys"
1T is much easier to find fault than it il
TO suggest practical measures"
And Secretary Chase is in the sam,
vein:
"Rcgrctting exceedingly that it is foun'
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

l9oo-thc first great mass movement in Rus
sia with clear political aims! "'The revolu-
ton has come!" he shouted in an ecstatia
essay completed on January 20.
The >revolution filled the entire year Of
1905 with the battle cry Of ever increasing
revolutionary masses. The political strike
became a powerful weapon. The village re-
volts spread like wildfrc. The government
became frightened. 1t under the sign of
this great conhagration that Trotzky framed
his theory of immediate transition from alb
solutlsm to a socialist order. His line of ar
gument was very simple. The working class,
ne wrote, was the only real revolutionary
power. The bourgeoisie was weak and in
capable OF adroit resistance. The intellectual
groups were Of no account The pcasantry
was politically primitive yet it had an over
whelming desire for land. To secure perma-
nent power, the working class would have to
win over the millions of peasants This
would be possible by declaring all the land
the property of the people.
1t was precisely the same programme
which Trotzky is at present attempting to
put into operation.
In the fall of 1905 it looked as if Trotzky's
hope was near its realization The October
STRIKE brought autocracy to its knees A
constitution was promised. A Soviet (Coun-
cll of Workmens Deegates) was formed in
Petersburg to conduct the revolution.
Irotzky became one of the strongest leaders
OF the council. 1t in those months that
we became fully aware of two qualities of
Trotzky's which helr him to master mon
his power as a speaker and his ability to
write short, stirring articles comprehcnsible
TO the masses.
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04
Second
And Escape

I-AitQ 1SCclDC
Irotzky was arrested on November 6, 1900
together with the other members of the
Revolutionary government" A year later
ne was tried and sentenced to life exile
in Siberia. Again he underwent all the hard
ships of winter Journey to the far north.
Hc was under rigid surveillance, but in de-
lance of difficulties he managed to escape His
way back was an exploit that required un-
usual physical endurance. He left the main
road and in sleigh drawn by reindeer
crossed an unbroken wilderness of 500 versts,
equivalent to 500 miles
Early in spring he arrived abroad He
established his home in Vienna, where he
lived till the outbreak Of the great war His
time and energy were devoted to the internal
affairs of the Democratic party and to
editing popular revolutionary magazine,
which was being smuggled into Russia. His
meagre living he earned by contributing to
Russian legal" magazines and dailics
met him first in 1907 at the International
Socialist Congress in Stuttgart GERMANY
He seemed to be deeply stepped in the revo-
lutionary factional squabbles. Again I met
him IN Copenhagen, Denmark at the Inter
national Socialist Congress OF 1910. He was
the target of bitter criticism in the Russian
delegation for his press comment on 0
the factions He seemed to be dead to any,
thing but the problem of reconciing the Boil
shoviki with the Mcnshcviki and the minor
divisions. Yet that air of Importance which
distinguished him even from the old famous
leaders had in 1910 become more apparent
BY this time he already we'll known
and respected figure in the ranks of inter
national socialism.
In the fall of 1912 he went to the Balkans
as war correspondent. There he learned
to know the Balkan situation from authentic
sources. His revelations of the atrocities
committed on both sides attracted wide at
tentlon. When he came back to Vienna in
l913 he was a stronger intcrnationalist and
q stronger ant-militarst than ever.
On August 3, 1914, Trotzky and his family,
AS enemy aliens, had to leave Vienna for
Zurich, Switzerland. The story Of their wan
derings from Switzerland to Paris, from
Paris to London and from there to America
/ all because of Trotzky's radical opposition
to the war, is already we'll known. When |
met him here he looked haggard; he had
grown older, and there was fatigue IN n
expression. His conversation hinged around
| the collapse of international socialism. He
thought it shameful and humiliating that the
Socialist maiorties Of the belligerent coun-
tries had given tho their Endorsement
"1f not for the minorities OF the Socialist
parties, the true Socialists, it would not be
worth while living" he said once with deep
sadness Still he strongly believed in the
internatonnizing spirit of tho war itself
and expected humanity to become more demo,
cratic and more sound after cessation of
hostilities. His belief in an impending Rus
sian revolution was unshakcn. Similarly un-
shaken was his mistrust OF the Russian non
Socialist parties.
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

You can purchase merchandise advertised IN iHt
TRIBUNE absolute safstor dissatisfaction results
In any case THE TRIBUNE guarantees to your money
hack upon request red tape. No uubhln9. we make
geod promptly If the advertiser docs rot.
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use fer
e3ubica,icn of dispatches credited TO II or hot
paper and also tho local Ees OF
spont aneols origin published herein.
All rights republication of all other matter herein are
reserred.
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

MADISON, Wis, March 2-When the
lower branch Of the Wisconsin Legislature
meets on Monday to resume its struggle
over the La Toilette loyalty resolution
every member will be in his seat
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04
What Made Him
A Leader

On the eve of the revolution of 1905
Trotzky was already Il revolutionary journal
list of high repute. We admired the vgor of
his STYLE the lucidity of his thought and the
strai ightness Of his expression. Articles
bearing the pseudonym IN. Trotzky" were an
intellectual treat, and invariably aroused
heated discussions. 1t may not be out of
place to say few words about this pseu-
donym. Many an amazing comment has been
made in the American press on the Jew
name, Trotzky. 1t seems to be little known
Il practice widely followed in Russia not
"Gorli" is pseudonym; "Shchedrin" (Salty-
kov) is pseudonym; "Fyodor Sologub" ia n
pseudonym
Revolutionary Russia did not question the
race or nationality of writer or leader.
We all admired Trotzkys overwhelming
power of emotion, the depth of his convc-
tons, the vehemcnce of his attacks on the
opponents of the revolution. AS early as
1904 one line of his revolutionary concep-
tions became quite conspicuous: his opposi-
tion to the liberal movement in Russia In n
series Of essays in the Social Democratic
Iskrn "Spark," in collection of his essays
published in Geneva under the title "Beforc
January NINTH" he unremittingy branded
the Liberals for lack Of revolutionary spirit.
Trotzky's own political line was the revou-
tion--a violent uprising of the masses,
headed by organized labor, forcibly to over
throw bureaucracy and establish democratic
freedom With what an outburst of blazing
JOY he greeted the lpheaval Of January .,
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

TE is tall, strong angular; his appear
we'll as his speech gives the
~ IA impression of boldness and vigor.
His voice is high tenor ringing with mettle.
And even in his quiet moments he resembles
a compressed spring.
He is always on the aggressive. lie is full
of passon-that white heated, vibrating men
tai passion that characterzes the intellectual
jew. On the PLATFORM we'll as in private
life, he bears air Of peculiar Importance,
an indcfinabe something that says very dis
tinctly, "Here is a man who knows his value
and feels himself chosen for superior aims"
Yet Lean Trotzky is not imposing. He isl
modest. He is detached. Back in the depths
of his dark eyes there is a lingering sad
ness.
1t is only natural that he, a gifted college
youth with a strong avidity for theoretical
thought should have exchanged, twenty years
ago, the sombre class rooms Of the university
for the fresh breezes of revolutionary activ-
ity. That the way of all gifted Russian
youth. That was especially the way of edu-
Gated young Jews whose people being
crushed under the steam roller of the Rus
sian bureaucracy.
AT Work. for
Socialist Unity
His first period of work was short. In 1901
in the prison of Odessa, the city of his birth
dcvouring book after book to satisfy his men
tai hunger. No true revolutonist was ever
made downhearted by prison. least of all
Trotzky, who knew it was only brief inter
val of enforced dleness between one period
Of activity and others. After year so of
prison vacation" as the confinement
called in revolutionary Jargou) Trotzky
oXiled to Eastern Siberia, to UstKut, on the
Lena River, where he arrived early in 1902
only to seize the first opportunity to escape
Again he resumed his work, dividing his
time between the revolutionary committees in
Russia and the revolutionary Russian colo
nies abroad. The years 1902 and 1903 saw
the growth OF the labor movement and Of So
cial democratic influence over the working
masses TrotZky, an uncompromsng Marx
ist an outspoken adhercnt Of the theory that
only the revolutionary workngmcn would be
able to establish democracy in Russia, de-
voted much of his energy to the task OF
uniting the various social democratic circles
and groups in the various cities of Russia
into one strong social democratic party, with
Il clear programme and we'll defined tactics.
1t was IN connection with this work that
Trotzky's first pamphlet was published and
widely read. It was entitled "Thc Second
Convention of the Russian Social-D Democratic
Labor Party; Geneva, 1903), and dealt with
the controversies between the two factions
Of Russian Social Democracy which later be-
came known as the Bolshevki and Menshc-
| wiki. Trotzky's contribution attempt
at reconciliation between the two warning
camps which profcssed the same MARKHAM
theory and pursued the same revolutionary
aim
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04
GUAEANTe eE

Entered at the Pcstofce al New York as Second Class
Mail Matter
New-York tribune., 1918-03-04

VttI
WASHINGTON, March 2-"German Kul-
tur' and the expression deutschland
uber Allies" arc not at all understood in the
United States, Theodore Sutro, of New
York, counsel for the National German
American Alliance, told the Senate sub
committee Investigating that organization
to-day, in testifying against the resolution
introduced by Senator King which would
cancel the charter under which the German
Alliance is incorporated.