New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-01-27
No Eight on the President

the present moment than the injection oil
partisan or personal color into the pres
ent crisis at Washington. The demand
for more effective organization Of this
nations power for the business of wal
does not come from Republicans or mer
of any single party. 1t does not come
from any single state or section. 1t did
not spring from Oregon or Senator Cham
berlain; from Nebraska or Senator Hitch
cock; from Georgia or Senator Hardwick
nor from Oyster Bay
1t is a nationwide demand, irrespective
of parties or personal affiliations. We be-
lieve that no one will be quicker to realize
this, and to foresee the consequences. than
President Wilson. And we believe that
in his own time and his own way he will
yield to this demand. He must Things
cannot go on as they have been going
and as they threaten to continue.
1t is not difficult to see how the present
situation has come about. 1t is trite to
say that the Presidents primary interests
and predictions in this vast struggle are
on the side of the determination of broad
national policies-if you please, of states
manship and diplomacy And on this side
he has represented the feelings and aspi-
rations of the American people with great
distinction. 1t would be grotesque to sup
pose that he could have the same genius
for or intimate acquaintance with the bust
ness of getting ready a colossal supply Of
rifles, machine guns and heavy ordnance,
food and clothing for the soldiers. ships
and conveys to take them to the battle
fields in France. 1t would be in no wise
surprising if the President had not deeply
realized, as at the beginning of the war
Mr.. AsqWth, for example, did not deeply
realize, that this latter work was bust
ness mans jobfor men with lifelong
training for that kind of work and not a
task for either routine soldiers or clever
lawyers. England had her bitter expe-
rlence in bungling and unreadiness, and we
are already tasting ours
We are nation of plain spoken people.
and this is no time for needless reticence.
1t Is well known that there is in the Pres-
dent a strong vein of self-wll, bordering
at times upon obstinacy. 1t would be fate
full for the nation if that spirit should be
aroused at this iuncture Above all cues
lions of personnel or administration we
have need of preserving our national
unity, alike of thought and purpose. Under
our Anticipated form of government. which
no one has condemned more earnestly in
his writings than the President himself.
we cannot change our national admins
tration at a stroke, even in case of supreme
need, as the democracies of ENGLAND
and France can do Nor is there any
national disposition for such a change
save on the one side Of the business con-
duct of the war
There is no call for a revision of the
broad policies of the Administration any
more than there was in England when the
Asqulth Cabinet fell. And for the rest. q
Democratic administration is in power
and will so remain, with President Wilson
at Its head, to the end of it's fixed term.
by the provisions of the Constitution the
President is at once our Premier and Com
mander in Chief He has and he will hold
the undivided loyalty of the whole nation
II only he can see that some of the men
and some of the methods in which. through
ms absorption in other matters. he has
put his faith must give way to men and
methods OF more energy and decision.
NOT yet, we are sure, does the President
realize that already the chiefs of his adj
mlnlstratlon are passing to him the blame
Tor all the lndecision and delay. Mr.. Gar
Held now states that he wished to issne
ms shutdown order last November. With
out pauslng to consider whether this was
the proper remedy, it is obvious that tb;s
order would have had far more henef-
clal effect then than two months ]atar
when the tie-up was complete. A log lam
at It's beginning can sometimes be broken
by the quick action of a single arm. An
hour later it may require a charpc If
dynamite. If it be true that the o,dor
was held up at the Presidents instance #
would be confirmation of the belief that
he cannot delegate full authority to his
subordinates and that all matters of mo-
ment must be left to him for decision.
The President could i'll afford to allow
the belief to become general that the whole
conduct Of the war rests on his shoulders
alone; that it is to be, for us, "personallv
conducted" enterprise. We have need of
all the nations strength, energy and
brains. Such an assumption of universal
authority could in the end only force such