The Bridgeport times and evening farmer., 1918-03-04

Danube Monarchy is the vital point of our policy today. and must be a guiding line for the future. The faithful comradeship in arms which
 has proved itself so brilliantly :4uring the war must continue to have it's ef- feet also in peace, and we on our part
 will bring everything to bear, in order to bring about for Austria Hungary
 justified claims.
 IF. Turkey. Also in connection with
 the affair mentioned by President
 Wilson under point No. 12, which con-
 cerns our brave and powerful ally,
 Turkey, l would like in way to
 forestall the attitude of Turkish
 statesmen. The integrity of Turkey
 and the security of her capital, which
 is closely connected with the ques-
 tions of the straits, are important and vital interests also of the German Empire. Our ally can in this respect always rely on our most explicit as-
 sistance.
 Poland Excludes Russia 13. Poland. It was not the Entente (Who found nothing but meaningless words for Poland, and before the wal l-neVer meditated on her behalf with Russia) but the German Empire and | Austria-Hungary who freed Poland | from the Tsaristic regime which was expressing her national Individuality Therefore, it must be left to Germany fnd Austria Hungary and Poland tC come to an greement about the future
 organization Of that country. We are
 as has been proved by the negotia- tions and declarations of the last year, well under way with the task.
 IA. The league of nations As re- gards point 14 I am sympathetic, as
 is shown by my previous political ac- t;Vity, towards any thought which for the future excludes all possibility and probability of wars and tends to pro-
 mote a peaceful and harmonious CO., operation between the nations. If the conception of the Lea gue of Nations mentioned by President Wilson dem onstrates under further developne ent 1 and after trial that it really was con- ceived in a spirit of complete justice Q all, and with complete freedom from prejudice the Imperial Govern Iaent will be gladly prepared---af-el rll the other questions in suspense have been settled-to investigate the principles of such a national rnior. Gentlemen, you are convcrsant with the speeches of Lloyd George and the proposals of President Will son. I must repeat what I said at the beginning. We must now ask our selves whether out of these speeches and proposals a really earnest and
 honest desire for peace appears be-
 fore us. They contain certain prin- ciples for general world peace, which we also admit, and could form points
 Of departure and aim for negotiations.
 Where, however concrete questions are concerned-points which are of decisive importance to us and to our allies-there the wish for peace is less perceptible.
 lintcnte's Deception
 Our enemies do not wish to "des- troy Germany, Duu they cast furtlVe and covetous glances towards parts ot our lands and those of our Allies. They speak with respect of Germany s position, but the idea that we are cul-
 prits who must do penance and prom rse reformation repeatedly makes it. self apparent. This is the usual tone Of the victor to the vanquished- This also is the tone of the man who points to all our former statements of will ingness for peace &s mere signs of weakness. From this standpoint, from this deception, the leaders of the En- tente will first have to free them selves.
 In order to make this easier for | them I would like .o remind them exactly how the situation really stands May they believe me when
 I state that our military situation was never so favorable as it is now. Our | kighly-gifted army leaders face the future with undiminished confidence | in victory. Throughout the whole ar my, in the officers and men, lives the unbroken joy of battle. l remind you of the words which I spoke on No vember 29, in the house. Our repeat edly-expressed willingness for peace 1 and the spirit of reconciliation which was revealed by our proposals must | rot be regarded by the Entente as | license permitting an indefinite lenS-
 thening of the war. Should our ene- mics force us to prolong the war they will have to bear the consequences
 resulting therefrom.
 l If the leaders of the enemy powers
 are really inclined towards peace let
 them revise their program once agam,
 or, as Mir Lloyd George said. intro duce another reconsideration. If they do that and come forward with fresh proposals then we will examine them carefully, because our aim is no oth-
 CT than the establishment of a last
 ing general peace. But this lasting
 general peace is not possible so long
 as the integrity of the German Elm
 pire, the security of her vital inter-
 ests, and the dignity of our Father
 land are not guaranteed. Until that
 time we must quietly stand by each
 other and wait. As to the purpose |pentlemen, we are all one.
 Regarding the methods and the 1 ''modalfties' there may be differences of opinion. But let us shelves all
 these differences. Let us not fight
 about formulas which always fall | short in the mad course of the world events, but, above dividing party con- troversies, let us keep our eyes on the one mutual aim, the welfare of the Fatherland. Let us hold together, the government and the nation, and vic
 tory will be ours.
 A good peace will ana must come
 The German nation bears in an ad- Y,lirabie manner the sufferings ana
 the burdens of the war, which is now in it's fourth year. In connection with these burdens and sufferings, I think
 especially of the sufferings of the small artisan and the lowly-paid off, cial. But you all men and women will hold on and see it through With Iyour political knowledge you do not