The Bridgeport times and evening farmer., 1918-02-23

settlement through the democratica1- ly elected representatives of a free people,"
 Case for an International Conference
 To be in favor of an International Labor and Socialist conference dur ing the prosecution of the war de- notes in the minds of certain sections of the public a willingness to accept an inconclusive peace. Nothing is further removed from my own mind, and think can safely say, from the minds of that section of the Majority Party of the British Labor movement which supports the proposal for an International Conference, than con- currence in a peace settlement which would not be honorable and demo- cratic, and which would not contain practical provisions against any fu- ture recurrence of the present world catastrophe.
 But, in my judgment, a military victory for the Allies will not be suf- ficient to prevent Germany reorgan- izing it's military resources in prepar- ation for another war in years to come. Britain entered upon this war as the champion of the rights of small nations and the sanctity of treaties to frustrate Germany's plans of military aggression and world dom nation; and to obtain a just, honor able, and durable peace. A good part of this program has already been achieved, and the remainder must be accomplished before the world can, with safety, return to the happier l TnTT Sfe1 tory is only means to this desirable end, and not the end itself; and the responsibility for a continuance of the war until the ideal peace can be obtained must be thrown upon Ger many and not upon the Allies. It is of the greatest importance to the success of the Allied cause that | the Allied governments should at once declare in more definite lan- guage the objects for which they con- tinue to fight. Great Britain entered upon this war with clean hands, in support of high ideals and great prin- ciples; surely if we intend to come out of the war with clean hands there can be no good reason against the government stating clearly and pub | licly the fundamental issues for which we fight. Not only the German peo- pie, neutral nations, and at least one | of the Allies, viz, Russia, entertain many misconceptions regarding the | objects for which the Allies are fight i ing; but even the general public of our own country are more or less confused as to what the government means by an honorable and durable peace.''
 What is required is a clear state ment of our peace aims, and if these are in strict accordance with the ob- jects for which we entered the war, a refusal by Germany to accept them could only have the one result of strengthening the determination and moral passion of the Allied peoples to prosecute the war in a military sense to a successful issue, and the full responsibility for a continuance of military effort, with all the losses and sacrifices it would involve, would rest solely upon Germany.
 Destroy the Kaiser's Power''
 At an International Conference, which, as I have repeatedly declared, would not be a Peace conference ex- cept in a preparatory sense, oppor- tunity would be afforded the repre-
 sentatives of the Allied Labor and
 Socialist movements to say to the
 German Socialists, and particularly the Minority Socialists, who have con-
 sistently opposed their own govern ment during the war solely because they were incapable of sympathizing
 with it's immoral and aggressive pol
 icy and designs for world domination.
 The Allied peoples are ready to
 make a righteous peace, but the first
 step rests with the German people.
 You must democratize your machin-
 cry of government. The authority and
 power of your peace delegates must be derived from the people, and not
 from your Kaiser, whom the world
 distrusts. The Allied Labor and So-
 cialist movements are just as strong
 ly opposed to German Imperialism and militarism today as we were in 1914, and we are determined that their power for evil must be broken P for all time" (By The International ! News Bureau, Inc, Boston, Mass.)