Arizona republican., 1918-02-27
HAVE NO INTENTION OF RETAINING BELGIUM

mise"
 HAVE NO INTENTION OF
 RETAINING BELGIUM
 Tt has been repeatedly said
 mat we do not contempIate re-
 taining Belgium, but that we must
 De safeguarded from the dancer
 or country, with which we de-
 sire after the war to live in peace
 and friendship, becoming the ob
 Ject or the jumping off around
 ct enemy machinations.
 1T, therefore, a proposal came from the opposing side. for example. from tee government in Havre, we skould not adopt an antagonistic attitude even though the discussion at first might be only unbinding.
 Meanwhile, it does not appear as IT MT. Runcimans suggestion has a chance of assuming tangible shane. and 1 must adhere to the existing methods of dialogue across the chan nel and ocean.
 Adopting this method, I readily admit that President Wilson's message or February II represents, perhaps a small step toward a mutual ran proachement. l, therefore. pass over the preliminary and excessively long declarations in order, to address my self immediately to the four princi- pies, which, in President Wilson opinion must be applied in a mutual exchange of views.
 QUOTES WILSON ON BEST
 WAY TO GET TOGETHER
 "The first clause says that each
 part of the frank settlement must
 be based upon the essential justice
 of that particular case and upon such adjustments as are most | likely to bring peace that will be | permanent.
 l Who would contradict this? The phrase coined by the great father o1 the church. Augustin, fifteen hundred years ago-justitia fundamentun regnorum'-is still valid today. Ger tain it is that only peace based in al It's parts on the principles of just ice has prospect of endurance.
 The second clause expresses tn, desire that peoples and province. shall not be bartered about iron sovereignty to sovereignty as if the, were mere chattles and pawns in .f game, even the great game, now for. ever discredited. of the balance O. | power.
 This clause, too, can be uncon ditionally assented to. Indeed on, wonders that the president of tn, l United States considered it necessar, to emphasize it anew. This claus, contains polemic agtisst condition long vanished, views isains1 cabine politics and cabinet Iar,S. agains mixing state territory eshd princel and private property, which belong to a past that is far behind us.
 T do not want to be discourte ous, but when one remembers tn earlier utterances of President Wilson one might think that he is laborin, under the illusion that there exist in Germany a1 antagonism between an autocratic government and a mas of people without rights
 INITIATES WILSON DOES
 NOT GET GERMAN VIEW
 And yet President Wilson knows as, at any rate, the German edition ( his book on the state proves-Germa political literature, and he know. therefore. that with us. princes an governments are the highest member of the nation as whole. organized i Qic ibi III Ol d Stdle, sHe fllS0eSI mem bers, with whom the final decision lie But, seeing that they also. as tn supreme organs, beling to the whol the decision is of such a nature ths only the welfare of the whole is tf guiding line for decision to be take It may be useful expressly to poir this out to President Wilson's country men.
 "Then finally. at the close of tf second clause. the game of the balant of power is declared to be forever di. credited. We too. can only gladly al 1, plaud. As is well known, it was Ems land who invented the principle of u : maintenance of the balance of powe in order especially to apply it whe one of zhe states on the European COT tinent threatened to become too power ful for her. It was only another e, preston for England's domination. : The third clause, according to whic 2 every territorial settlement involve ] in this war must be made in the intel i. ests and for the benefit of the pop, 1; lations concerned, and not as part ~' (Continued on Page Thre&