Ashland tidings. [volume] (Ashland, Or.) 1876-1919, 1918-12-24
.FREEDOM OF THE SEAS"


II is a well established fact that a
citizen going about, his hip pocket
full of arsenal is a menace to society.
He is considered dangerous by every
state and every nation. Indeed so
dangerous that all of them have en-
acted laws for his restraint and af-
fixed heavy penalties for carrying
weapons. His government has pro-
vided legal means for his protection
and he must be content to live under
that bulwark. His plea that he vol
unfairly carries weapons for the bet
ter protection of society is OF no
avail, he must give up his gun.
A proper league Of nations would
provide international laws for safe
guard of great and small and create
legal machinery to enforce 1t. Inter-
national courts could be established
with power to adjust all disputes be-
tween nations and the armament Of
the world to back its edlcts. 1t
wound not be a revolutionary meas
ure. Already it has proven fit So
cial rampant in every civilized ma
tion. Simply by extending individual
restraint to nations, on the same
principle, with the same kind of in
strument Of justice and power world
peace could be secured. There would
semain no further need for indi-
vidual armament. The information
al court would have enough to po-
lice and enforce legal edicts.
That is the only method by which
the freedom Of the seas can be main
tanned. The only sure defense against
arbitrary power is greater arbitrary
power. Freedom Of the seas left to
arbitration of any individual nation
is bound to result in another war.
Rules of commerce are exacting. The
struggle for commercial supremacy
will continue and the nation with the
most and biggest guns will take ad-
vantage, even to the extreme of
crushing Its competitor by force of
arms.
Just now England insists on main.
tanning supremacy Of the seas. She
sets up apology that In the past, with
fleet supreme, she has left the seas
open to the commerce of all nations
British seas control propaganda isl
now being spread in America almost
as lavishly as that OF the enemy in
1915. It should not influence the de-
termination of the American people.
Any league Of nations which leaves
the armament Of the world, or OF any
nation in fact, or the freedom OF the
seas to any self-constituted power is
a menace to future tranquility. Be-
sides 1t is in contraventon of all the
lessons Of experience. 1t comprises
no part Of civilized necessity.
The Navy department is now be-
fore Congress for an appropriation
sufficient to build fighting sea units
enough by 1925 to offset England 3
power over the sea. Secretary Baker
thinks 1t is the only wise expedient. |
Well, what IL we do? What is to |
hinder England from vastly increas-
ing her navy so that by 1925 hers
still will hold the same relation to
ours 1t does now? Building great
navies will not insure peace. II is a
measure looking toward war. Sup
pose, by exercise Of our superior
American genius and promptness we
DO snatch from England power over
the seas by 1925. England will like
iy speed up to catch us and extend
the contest until the treasure OF
both nations is exhausted. or, until
the seas are so crowded with men-of-
war there is no room for craft of
commerce on the whole face of the
deep. yet the end will not come un-
I'll one fleet annihilates the other and
one nation becomes at last arbitrary
master of the seas. 1t is futile. Peace
will never become firmly established
by such policy.
The world is ripe for permanent
peace. It's spirit was never in better
fervor for a lasting truce. Her fresh
wounds still bleed from excessive ma
tional ambition to dominate by SUI
perior power. Little difference
whether by land or by sea. Both are
abominable and can come to but one