davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
FRANK P. WALSH,
Co-chairman Of the National War
Labor Board.

principles he has stated as follows:
The telegraph company under
stands that IN organizing the Ma
tional War Labor Board it was
intended that organizations that
were unionized should remain so
and those pursuing the policy Of
an open shop should not be
changed. By inference it is
equally clear that organizations
non-union in character should also
pursue that policy during the
period of the war; that the prin-
ciples formulated by the War
Labor Conference Board and
recommended to the President had
as their fundamental basis the
continuance of the relations af-
fecting the organization of en-
ployes existing at the opening Of
the war.
If this is not true, and if these
principles are interpreted as COM
pelling this company and others
in like situation to abandon their
settled policies and leaving outside
organizations free to work as
they may see fit among their en-
ployes, then the hands of the en-
ployers are tied and the principles
Of the War Labor Board furnish
cloak behind which a propa-
ganda for the unionizing of labor
in every industry may be carried
on without let or hindrance.
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07

strike, if it were actually to !.
called, is difficult to predict NJ,
Carlton has claimed that the Con,
mercial Telegraphers' Union has ..
no time had any members among f.
employees, and produced the signed
statements Of his men to prove Il
This evidence, however, was ron.
dered meaningless by Mr.. Koner.
kamp's announcement that he had
previously issued a circular to his
men, urging them to sign the com.
pany's statement under duress"
Mr.. Konenkamp has never made
claim as to the unions secret mem.
bership among the company men
but they are supposed to number
some $500. These men would cor.
tainly strike on Mr.. Konenkamn,s
word, and many others would doubt.
less join them out of sympathy.
The strength of the strike. how.
ever, would lie in the sympathete
action of the solidly unionized rail.
road telegra piers, who handle sO
per cent of the Western Union,s
rural work in addition to their reo1,.
lar employment. The electrical work.
ers, who control the maintenance n,
the equipment, have also agreed IN
strike as against the Western
Union. The tie-up would probably
not be complete, but it would un.
questionably hinder the telegrapAie
service materially.
Mr.. Cartons claim that under
government operation the men would
be denied the right of unionizing and
affiliating with outside labor organl.
cations is scarcely tenable. It is
true that the labor policy of Mr..
Burleson, under whose direction the
wires might come, is frankly hostile
to the unions, and it is true that the
men are worried about this. But
Mr.. Burleson is notoriously out Of
sympathy with the President in these
matters, and it is probable that the
latter's policy would prevail. The
government could scarcely deny to
the men the privileges which it had
sought to force their emnlovar m
grant them.
The true precedent for the situa.
ton is perhaps provided by the rail-
roads, which are under government
operation, but not government own.
ership, rather than by the postofics
department, long a government prop
erty. Mr.. McAdoo's policy towar
labor is explicit. In his order (
February 21, 1918, he said:
No discrimination will be made
in the employment, retention or
condition of employment of en-
ployes because of membership or
non-membership in labor organiza-
tions.
This would seem to be an effective
precedent.
Further, Mr.. Burleson, speaking
recently before Congressional com.
mittee, stated that the wages of the
telegraph operators would be, in case
Of government operation, materially
increased. All in all, it seems Ger.
tam that the men will be in more
favorable position when the wires
are taken over. They will, of course,
agree with the government not to
strike during the war. The strike
order for July s was automatically
held in allegiance by the Presidents
action on last Monday.
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
Taft s Opinion
OF the Status Quo

Though this Interpretation was
not admitted at The time of the
boards formation it was in sub
stance agreed to by Mr.. Taft when
he wrote in reply to Mr.. Carlton:
l do not think our principles in
clude the closed non-union shop in
the status quo to be maintained.
So interpreted, the compromise
may be stated in these terms
Labor agrees not to seek to enforce
a closed union shop; capital agrees
not to seek to enforce a closed non
union shop. In effect, though capital
surrendered its right, during the
war, to fight unions as such, labor
did not surrender its right to
create them.
President Gompers interpreted the
declaration simply as evidence that
"the government has recognized the
right Of workers to belong to the or
ganization Of their trade"
This conflict of readings was in
evitably destined to lead to a con.
f1lct Of claims. Perhaps the Presi-
dent foresaw what was coming and
made up his mind that the price
should be paid. Certainly, by au-
thorizing the two sentences else
where quoted from the statement
of principles and policies" and by
his subsequent bold support of
them, he gained the almost fanaticaI
support of organized labor to his
war programme.
But what was not so readily to be
foreseen was that labor should Sc
methodically and shrewdly take ad-
vantage of the opportunity offered
The formation of the board was an.
nounced on March 80 and confirmed
by the President in a proclamation
issued April 8. Immediately S. J
Konenkamp, president of the Com
mercial Telegraphers' Union, issued
the order for the simultaneous or.
ganization meetings on April %. A
hundred and forty Western Unior
employees, according to the company's
statement, publicly joined the unior
and were promptly discharged. Many
of them, and of the 600 or roo late,
discharged for the same reason, were
financially supported by their broth
er unionists during the pendancy o1
the dispute. The City Central Unior
of Seattle claims to have supported
no fewer than 200 Of them. 1t was
eager to call general sympathetic
strike in the city to bring the dis
pute to head, but Mr.. Konenkamr
was resolved to keep the figh,
centred in Washington and to act
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
Above-Samuel Gompers, labors generaissimo.
At efNewomb president Union; right
s. Konenkamp president the Teegraphers

these passages were intended to pre-
serve the status quo, in regard to
unionism, in all industries. 1t was
certain that an attempt to define
more accurately the status q1,o
in advance of the specific application
would lead to all sorts of hair-split-
ting, to detailed statements on the
application of which there might be
twelve different opinions, which
might wreck the usefulness of the
board
1t was intolerable that the position
Of the board should be jeopardized
by such hair-splitting. 1t was neces-
sary to agree upon one principle
capable of clear and uniform ap-
pllcation. Apparently the fiat as
sertion of the right to unionize was
the most satisfactory one to be
found. If, however, it be assumed
that there was sparring during the
preliminary conferences, then it
must be added that labor mannuvred
its rival into q position which has
since proved to be untenable.
Wilson May Have
+ oreseen Conflict
On this critical proposition of the
right to unionize the struggle eventu-
ally turned. Close observers must
have foreseen it, and it is reason
able to suppose that the President
understood the situation. He must
have foreseen that the board, COM
ing into conflict with important in
terests, would be subject to attack.
and that it must rapidly grow either
stronger or weaker. And he cer-
talnly resolved not to let an instru-
ment of such potential value die at
the first blow, as his action proves.
1T is likewise certain that Mr..
Gompers, and labor men close to him.
were confident of the course Presi-
dent Wilson would take. The fed
Grafton president has for some
months been close to the nations
executive. He was intimately in
terested in the drafting of the
boards principles and policies"
which could scarcely have been per-
fected without his approval. To be
able to give his men confidence that
these guarantees were of an effec-
tive character and not mere state
ment of good intentions he needed
some assurance that the vague pow
ers OF the board would be supported
by executive action at the proper
time.
The union leaders set to work in
the most confident manner immedi-
ately after the formation of the
board. If they had had definite
knowledge as to the intentions of
the White House they would have
acted exactly as they did.
There is, Of course, no reason for
supposing that the principles of the
board were not accepted in good
faith on both sides. But it is clear
that they were variously interpreted
by those interested.
President Cartons reading Of the
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07

conformity with the variation in the
cost of living. These traditional
principles of organized labor were
affirmed: The minimum Cor civ
ing") wage; equal pay for women
in mems work, and the basic eight
hour day. (The last means not
that the hours of labor shall be ar
bitrarily limited to eight, but that
additional hours shall be paid for
at an increased rate.)
These provisions represent neces-
sary safeguards for labor and
hroached no serious controversial
point, since they are generally ac-
cepted by enlightened employers, or,
at least, can be altered at the end of
the war. The board also made pro-
vision for the mobilization of labor
in cooperation with the trade unions,
and urged uninterrupted maximum
production.
The serious question was that
concerning union recognition. Un
this general question the unions
have been stubborn. The right to
join unions is to them the sum Of
all other labor rights, the one ade-
quate protection against industrial
tyranny. And though they might
not need unions for their protection
during the war, the weakening of
their position in the present crisis
might leave them at the mercy Of
INSCRIPTIONS employers when peace
comes and some millions of soldiers
return to food the labor market.
Without some sort of recognition
of the right to unionize it is certain
that labor's support could never
have been gained for the War Labor
Board.
What Both Sides
Surrendered
The compromise arrived at in the
boards statement of principles was.
or was understood to be, this: Capt.
tai surrendered the right to fight the
unions; labor surrendered the right
to fight capital. More specifically.
capital agreed not to attempt to de-
stroy unions and labor agreed not
to attempt to enforce the closed shop.
The right of both employer and en-
ployed to form associations was
specifically affirmed, and the right
of either side to use coercion was
specifically denied. The coercive
weapon which labor surrendered Gn
SO far as it was under the iuris-
d!ction Of the board) was the strike !:
the coercive arm which capital sur
rendered was the discharge of en-
ployes for union membership. The
critical passages were these:
"The right of workers to or.
sanixe in trade unions is recognized
and affirmed. This right shall not be
denied, abridged or interfered
with by the employers in any man.
ner whatsoever" employer,
should not discharge workers for
membership in trade unions, nor
tor legitimate trade union ,activi-
ties"
1t was generally understood that
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
The Composition
OF the Labor Board

The board was composed Of
five representatives of capital, five
of labor, and two of the general
public" one named by each of the
groups. The labor representatives
were appointed by the Federation
Of Labor; the representatives of
capital by the National Industrial
Conference Board. The two groups
carried with them into the board the
informal assurance that their con-
stituents would accept for their
guidance the principles to be agreed
upon.
The five labor members represent
ed five of the most essential war in
dustries and more than a million
trade unionists. The employer mem
bers represented many millions of
capital and the temper of the
majority of large manufacturers.
That they could agree upon a labor
policy gave hope that a similar
agreement could be found between
labor and capital generally the
country over
FOR CAPITAL:
Loyal A. Osborne, New York, vice
president of the Westinghouse Eec-
trio and Manufacturing Company;
chairman Of the executive comm ittaA
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
Five Employers
V ote Against 1t

The board voted to make no
recommendation in the case, but its
finding was only adopted by a ma
Jority vote. The five employer mem
bers voted against it. With this
split on a crucial matter the boards
very existence hung in the balance.
President Wilson was obliged either
to throw the board into the discard
or come to its support.
He wrote to Mr.. Carlton (and at
the same time to Mr.. Clarence
Mackay, president of the Postal Tele-
graph, asking them patriotnally
to accept the boards finding for the
good of the nation. At the same
time, for the sake of the record, he
sent a similar letter to Mr.. Konen-
kamp. Mr.. Mackay responded in the
affirmative. Mr.. Konenkamp, of
course, did likewise-a nice bit of
irony, since he was patriotically
accepting his own victory. Mr..
Carlton refused. Again he had been
tactically defeated; he had placed
himself in the light of defying the
President and obstructing the gov
ernment's war policies.
Only then did Mr.. Konenkamp be-
gin to talk of u strike. Technically,
at least, he was justified, since he
had submitted to all existing agen-
cies, and these had failed. He ac-
tually did call a strike on paper.
though it's date was never an
rounced. President Wilson then re-
Cuested both sides to delay action
for while. There followed con-
versations the nature Of which has
not been recorded. After two weeks
the matter remained where it had
stood. The strike was then called
definitely for tomorrow, July 8.
Through all this controversy the
men had conformed to every rule
and the company had defied every
rule. BY every rule the strike was
justified.
The action Of the President, now
made inevitable, could not be taken
against the technically innocent
party. 1t had to be taken against
the party technically at fault. It
was directed toward dispossessinp
Mr.. Carlton of his control Of the
lines.
The character Of the proposed
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
BY II. K. Moderwell

" called upon Congress las.
Monday to authorize gov
ernment operation Of the tele-
graph lines (along with the tele-
phones) he took q step which labor
believes will enable it to unionize
all the essential industries Of the
country.
It believes that it can do this
under the express protection of the
National War Labor Board Of Ar
bitration, and can put itself in a
position to proclaim the closed shop
from Maine to California i'm
mediately upon the close of the war.
Labor believes that if the war
lasts long enough (and a year may
be long enough for the purpose)
its close will see complete victory
for it in the half-century long
fight to organize American industry
The Presidents step, labor be-
!ieves, proves that he will support
by his vast executive power the
decisions of the War Labor
Board, which is pledged to sup
port the unions in their campaigns
to unionize all industries, provid-
ed only they do not seek to en-
force the "closed shop"
Labor is not primarily inter-
ested in government ownership,
except as a club to be held over
the recalcitrant employer. 1t is
willing to postpone the closed
shop if in the meantime it can
recruit the strength to insure it
later.
But in the meantime, the out
standing fact is that the President
of the United States has exercised
his executive power to enforce
the unionization of a non-union
company. Henceforth, to fight
the unions is to fight the govern
ment's war programme.
Though the end Of the story has
not been reached the Presidents
power and purpose have been dem.
onstrated. Whether the govern.
ment will assume full operation Of
the wires, or only some species OF
wartime supervision, whether the
President will act under the man.
date Of Congress or with his owr
emergency power, whether the com
pany will still at the last moment
surrender, these are secondary con
siderations.
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
3OR MEMS FIRST MOVE TOWARD UNIONIZING NATION
Western Union Dispute Was Public Performanc.
of Drama Long Rehearsed by Leaders as Test
of Power i'm Wartime Crisis

scrupulously according to the rules.
The union summoned the War
Labor Board to take cognizance of
the case. 1t made no other issue
than that Of the discharge Of men
for union membership. 1t refused
to complicate the matter with ques-
tions of hours and wages, though
the Western Union is known in labor
circles as "bad employer"
The board took evidence on all
sides, though the company did not
accept its jurisdiction. Mr.. Taft
and Mr.. Walsh constituted them
selves a section" and proposed to
Mr.. Carlton that he take back the
discharged telegraphers. They did
not ask him to recognize the union,
but promised that they could give
him the unions pledge not to strike.
Thus Mr.. Carlton would receive the
benefits of collective bargaining
without having to recognize the
union.
Here again, Mr.. Carlton, who had
already publicly defed the prin-
ciples Of the board, was quite out
generated. He had based his anti
union policy on the contention that
"the first obligation Of the tele-
graph system is to maintain unin-
terrupted service" But this laud-
able aim was exactly what he was
jeopardizing and what the board was
offering to guarantee. By refusing
the guarantee, Mr.. Carlton was pub
licly inviting the very thing he was
pretending to avoid.
He countered with two alternative
proposals, one that the question of
joining the Commercial Telegraph
ers' Union should be determined by
a secret ballot of the employees, and
the other that the men should be
aided in forming their own union,
pledged to keep clear of outside affil-
iations. Either of these proposals
might conceivably have been accept
able at an early stage. Indeed, if
Mr.. Carlton had been able to show
the board any bona fide union within
his organization at the beginning of
the dispute he might have won his
case. But once the board had been
called in it could scarcely accept
substitute proposals on point on
which its own declarations were ex-
plicit. To have done so would have
been to open the way, at the begin
ming of its existence, to substitute
proposals on any and all of its prin-
ciples, a course which in time would
have made its "policies" meaning
less. Mr.. Taft stood squarely by
the original position of the section"
and refused MI. Cartons proposals.
At this point, technically, the
function Of the board in the West
ern Union dispute was at an end.
AS Mr.. Taft had written: cot
course your submission to our iuris-
dlction is matter of discretion, but
| deprecate an attitude on the part
OF an employer of men so widely dis
trlbuted which may defeat the use
fulness of our board"
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
Situation Created
BY Labor Leaders

But the situation has been no
accident, no spontaneous conflux
of events. 1t was a situation de-
liberateiy planned and created by
labor for the express purpose Of
forcing the very events which
have come to pass. The "West-
ern Union dispute" has been
New-York tribune., 1918-07-07
Labor Prepares
For New Assaults

With the scalp Of the Western
Union in its belt, union labor is
already preparing for new assaults
on industrial strongholds which
have for generations resisted Its
encroachments. AS things stand,
there appears to be nothing to pre-
vent the unionization of the country
from going on indefinitely toward
the universal closed shop.
1t is curious fact that this state
Of affairs is in large measure the
work of an agency whose function
was supposed to have been the pres
ervation of the industrial stotus quo.
The immediate reasons for the
Presidents action are obvious. He
faced strike which might cripple
the telegraphic communication of
the country--a thing intolerable in
war time. Mediation by the War
Labor Board, his own device for
preserving industrial peace, had
been refused by the company after
being accepted by the men. Ac-
cording to the stated principles of
that board, the men were wholly in
the right, the company wholly in
the wrong. To avoid a strike it be-
came necessary to grant the mems
demands. And since the President
could not legally force these de-
mands upon a private business he
took steps to do SO by making that
business public one.
It is believed by some that the
Western Union directors desired the
naturalization of their wires, to re-
ceive the government guarantee of
profits. But this, if true, does not
alter the Presidents action as it at
fects future labor disputes. Hence
forth, for the period of the war, the
threat Of government control men,
aces any corporation which rejects
the War Labor Boards jurisdiction.
The Little River news. (Ashdown, Little River County, Ark.) 1897-current, 1918-03-02
RICHMOND News
*+%t**|***a+***%+ :

Richmond, Feb. 28.--(Special.)-
Ed Wilson and A. c. Willingham have
| left for the camps.
Prof. J. l.. McAdams has been quite
J i'll the past week. but is improving
now.
Mr.. Billiard OF Mineral Springs has
| accepted a position with W. M. Sykes
Miss Mabel Hall was in Ashdown
Saturday.
Misses Myrtle Brown and Winnie
Perry and Mr.. J. M. Perry were in Tex
arkana Monday.
Mr.. and Mrs Bob Shackelford OF
Foreman were in town Saturday.
The Epworth League had a very in
teresting program Sunday night.
AID Fellows is here this week survey
ing.
The board of directors had a meeting
Saturday night and elected the follow
ing teachers for the next term: j. L.
McAdams, principle, Miss Willie Lewis
intermediate grades, and Mrs. J. L. Nc
Adams primary grades.
The girls Of Richmond High School
will organize 4 basket ball team and
begin work as soon as possible.
On Feb. 26 the Canning and Pig
Club members Of Richmond school
was organized into community club
by Miss Norwood, Mr.. Wallace and Mr..
Johnston. We enrolled sixteen mem
bers and the following officers were
elected: Lucy Wade, president; Mabel
Hall, vice-president; Maggie Hemphill.
secretary; Johnnie McCuller and Cora
Davis, reporters. The members are
very much enthused over their work
and expect to be the winning club Of
Little River County this year. Some O.
the canning club members have their
seeds planted and most of the boys
have their pigs and calves.
The Little River news. (Ashdown, Little River County, Ark.) 1897-current, 1918-03-02
EADE'S CHAPEL NEWS
%***a%as, $685.. :.

Wade's Chapel, Feb. 28.-tSpecial)
-irhere was quite a nice turn out al
the Chapel Sunday afternoon.
! We noticed Miss Myrtle Wade was
Gus walking sunday. Wonder where
Pete was?
III. Ro#eu (Pete) Cobb returnes
Monday f1om Hor2tio where lie had
gone to spend the week end with his
cousin, Tom Lewis.
| Miss Lois Boyer is here visiting he.
sister Mrs. George Cobb,
hrs. Moore and daughters were Wis
itiag near Oak Hill Sunday
B ayne Go5b was in Arden #e5haz-
day.
We are glad to learn that 1Er !. P.
Poad an5 is LITTLE sen have finished
picking cotton in time to START another
crop.
tTy. Claude Wade and his former
wife, Miss Eva Allen have been CIT
driving for the last two Sundays. 1t
seems that when Mrs. Anna Wade lost
her husband, Mr.. Allen gained a son
and Miss Beatrice Withom and Mis-
Beatrice Withem beaux, eh, Steve?
Steve Crews goes to Arden as ragu,
lar as ever, but he don't hitch odd
Dam at MFR Aliens front gate any
more, and the blues IS favorite song
of his now.
Herbert Wade Of Foreman was visit,
ing here Sunday
Leo Wilson returned from Idaho
yesterday.
Roy Cobb's and Jim Davis horses
got loose Saturday in Arden 2n1 Were
found that night at Mr.. Hubert DAVIS
0. K Lewis was over from Horatio
attending to some business N3E3a.
The speaking was attended Dy :
large crowd at the Chcpei Thur day.
Can somebe1y tell me whero on
would DC most likely to ind c. 4. "
Whict, place does he live? Ne a
know where lie hangs out
The farmers are very busy propaT-
ing fer another crop. Let's al Wae.4
together ana crush, starve or b.o&-us
the Kaiser.
Carl Withem wasl at Oak Hill Sua
cay We suppose it was because therv
were Moore out there than here.