The sun., 1918-12-29


tional associate in the business of
treaty making, does not know. The
newspapers do not know. The vari-
societies Of political thought and
propaganda do not know. The pollti-
cal organizations which make the
platforms which are supposed to
direct political policy do not know.
The people Of the United States them
selves do not know.
Consequently, although there is
much thinking In this republic about
practical measure for safeguarding
the peace Of the world, as far as pos
sible. against such Unreasonable ca
lamities as that which has recently
overcome the planet; and although
there are many and diverse ideas Of
preventive and preservative schemes,
ranging from MI. BAYAN's conception
Of a system OF treaties engaging irate
nations to stop and count three hun
dred and sixty-fve days before pro-
feeding to actual hostillties, and from
Senator KNox's idea that for present
purposes there is adequate security
in the association Of Powers which
has Just won the great war, all the
way to the rainbow visions of n World
Federation under mlllennial condi-
tons. there cannot be said to exist
any approach to unity Of American
thought on the subject. No man, how
exalted his official station, how
ever capable and assured his own
mental processes, whatever the char
acter Of the project contained In his
doubly and trebly locked intellect, has
a mandate to speak representatlvely
for the American Republic, for there
is at this time absolutely no consen-
sus Of American opinion as to a League
Of Nations
Yet there are certain obvious facts
Of the situation, certain lessons In
wrought in American experience, GER
tain principles and traditions insepa-
rable from the American spirit, which
bear directly, and in our view i'm
pressively, upon the general question
OF a~cuuiescence in any form of super
national control involving the merg-
ing, in any degree, Of national sover-
and independence Of action.
II.
To our present participation in an
effective scheme Of world police there
is in the fundamental law a concrete
obstacle which seems to have at.
tracted little or no attention on the
part Of those who have considered
the subject from the various angles
of approval or doubt.
The position Of the United States
in this respect differs from that OF
other Powers where strict lImi-
are not imposed on executive
or legislative action by the text and
spirit of a written Constitution.
For the employment OF the armed
Of the United States, and the
Of money in the Treasury
produced by the taxation Of u citi-
zens, for police Intervention in a
quarrel between two foreign nations
neither Of which we have d.
rect cause of war, and in the absence
a declaration of wap by us against
one or both, there is no warrant in
our Constitution-no warrant what
ever, express or implied.
The prevalent confusion OF mind
regarding this cardinal fact is perhaps
due to a failure to perceive the essen
tial distinction between such Joint op-
erations as our advance upon .Pekln
along with the British. the French,
the japanese and the Germans at
the time OF the Boxer troubles, or
our latest entry into Mexico, or our
present occupation Of Coblenz during
the armistice, and, on the other hand,
an expedition of our military or naval
Mt the call OF an international
board or council with whose majority
decision our vote may not even have
coincided, for the repression of strife
concerning us only to the extent OF a
and altruistic desire for uni
versal peace.
Our troops marched to Pekin to
American lives and American
property. For coerclve measures Of
hat sort, In the absence OF a war
,ause or a declaration OF war, there