The daily Nome industrial worker., 1918-03-25

sympathetic creature, hates to see a dog die in pain, and has given him. self hundred of times over in the ef- fort to make his fellows life a little longer or more easefuL Civilized man is like this. It is his practice, the thing he lives by. And he would like to resume the natural and Christian relationship-even with his enemies, when he can cease to think of them vindictively. But he cannot. By reason of immence area of the Strug gle. the obscurity and perplexity of the fpblitical issues that are constantly arising in it, the limited mentality of our statesmen, and the embargo which war mnintaines on religion, reasons and social service, it seems almost inn ganizable means of rescue from it. Thus while the will to war recedes n correspo ndence with the decline of the material forces that sustain it, the will to peace suffers, too, by the weak ness of even the growing atrophy of mans soul. Are we not lost?" ask the doubters. How can these broken communities ever be restored? Who vii undertake to govern them, tax them, moderate them, lacking as each enc is in the true repairing stuff of social unity? Will not he Russian nnarchy spread till it overwhelmes us all?"
 Yet it is in the act of asking this most perrlaxing question of all the Sphinz's problems of the war that we begin to see the answer of it.
 Mr Edward Carpenter has said with truth that the war arose not merely from the emmy between one group of nations and another, but from the seed of enmity (which each nation bore in its own bosom. The war was or main has been fought by young and poor ones. But unnatural as that di- vision of functions must seem to every just and good man, it is in itself the expression of d deep moral Assure in the fabric of the modern state. It is tsc love of power which has brought the world to this pass; the power of one class over the life of another class passing into the ambition of the most materialized of all the European so- cieties to exercise this power over it's rivals. Christian thinkers have often liked to reflect that it was slavery which brought the first great Euro pcan Imperialism to the ground. Has war broke out, every great commercial city in the world was the moving wheel of slime tremendous engine of economic power. What measure of
 liberty was likely to be left to the worllpeCple under a system which put every natural agent of mans physical needs, and therefore every avenue of his labor. under a few hundred men sitting in board rooms in London of Johannesburg, in Berlin or New York? Internationalism in supply and manu- fracture is necessary and right. But beneath the internationalized capital of our times has lain something very like national slavery expressed as over trial diseases. It's masters were abso- lutely dstrustful of each other and , one after another of their crowning acts of exploitation--in North and south Africa and in the for East-all but ended in general war. They could
 not make just peaceful division of the worlds rich inheritance: for they 1 conceived of power as force, pursued 1 it (with the help of their governmental
 in mutual jealousy, and based it on the
 esential subjugation of the general will and mass of mankind black, white and NeIioN' liltS lliuuStAN' WitOH SHouIi ! unite men, divided them. Wealth, which should be the sign of fuller general life, became merely the sym
 bel of grasplng and restless one, and science, which is the victory of reason, overthrew it.
 Is there, then, no element of hope, no 
 possible and available service of res cue for society? There is. It is not u matter of small significance that the class which, with some exceptions, has spoken of the war with most sense and moderation is that which has suf-