davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12
Robertson Opposed
Foreign Generalissimo

Sir William Robertson, chief of the
Imperial General Staff, was unalter
ably opposed to a unified command.
He was opposed also to the Eastern"
policy, and he and Lloyd George were
IN direct conflict on both these points.
Robertson, moreover, represented both
the heads and the rank and file Of the
army. They lived and breathed in
army traditions and insisted that the
British army should never 20 under
foreign commander They recog-
nized what fine and patriotic thing it
was for President Wilson to let Amer
icans troops be brgaded with the
French and English under French and
English generals, and commended him
highly for it; but as soon as the sug
gestion was made that foreign gen.
eral should command British troops
they broke into violent execration.
In its final stages the controversy
between the Fasteners" and "West-
erners" was lost sight of to large
extent in the furious quarrel over the
united command. Lloyd George finally
won the long battle when the direc-
ton of Allied strategy was placed in
the hands Of the Versailles Council
1t only remained then for the final
steps to be taken for the appointment
OF generalissimo. It was a matter Of
tactics. The principle Of a single di.
rection had hean concadad
Sir William Robertson resigned az
chief of the general staff and Colonel
Repington broke out with an article
in "The Morning Post" that caused
both him and the editor of "The Post"
to be fined s1o0 in Bow Street police
court for publishing the article after
it had been forbidden by tho censor.
But the country as whole saw the
crisis coming on the battleAelds Of
France and apparently accepted the
decision. though grudgingly.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12

ible magnifcence of energy. The paci-
fists were baying him, while the war
dogs barked at his heels. He seemed
in open alliance with Northcliffe. One
sought in vain for his friends. Yet he
remained perched on his eminence be-
cause there was no one to take his
place. There seemed but two alterna-
tives-Lloyd George and war to victory
muddled through somehow, or Asquith.
1t was the Germans who came to
Lloyd Georges aid. They started their
great offensive, and for the second
time Britain had to forget politics for
national defence. Once before during
the great retreat from Mons to the
Marne politics had been cast aside,
With one accord the British Empire
now watched in breathless silence
while the British army fell back from
the Hindenburg line to the fringe of
Amiens.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12
Disaster Blamed on
Versailles Council

But once new toehold was estab-
lished there was demand for explana-
tions that would not be denied. For
four months Germany had advertised
her offensive, and for weeks the Eng
lish papers had been filled with stories
that the only fear of the army was
that the German threat would not be
made good Yet the British army had
not only suffered a great defeat, but
had barely escaped irreparable disaster.
Why was it? Who was to blame?
Plainly, the line had been too lightly
held. Why? The army said the fault
lay with the Versailles Council, which
had decided on the extension of the
British line and ordered the move
ments of the troops. The evidence
available is that at the time the British
line was extended south of St. Quentin
the Versailles Council could have de-
cided at the most that the move was
desirable. 1t would have to be car
ried out by Sir Douglas Haig in his
discretion, and the strength with which
the line was held would be controlled
entirely by Sir Douglas Haig and the
British General Staff. This seems to
have been the limit of the powers of
the Versailles Council at that time.
The official explanation was given by
Lloyd George in the House of Com
! mons on April 9. He said:
What was the position at the be-
ginning of the battle? Notwithstand-
ing the heavy casualties in 1917, the
army in France was considerably
stronger on January 1, 1918, than on
January l, 1917.
Owing to the growth of the
strength of our armies in 1917 when
this battle began the combatant
strength of the whole Of the Ger
man army on the western front was
quite equal to, the total combatant
strength Of the Allies in infantry.
They were slightly inferior in ar
tillery.
They were inferior in cavalry,
they were considerably inferior, and
what is very important they were
undoubtedly inferior in aircraft.
According to all the facts which
have come to hand as to the losses
OF the battle, That roughly represents
the relative strength of the combat
ants OH both sides at this moment.
/ will now tell the House some
thing of the measures adopted to
meet the emergency. l have already
explained what was done about the
French reserves. The Cabinet took
every step to hurry up reinforce
ments, in order to fill up the gap in
our armies. No such large numbers
OF men ever passed across the Chan
mel in so short time AS the emer-
gency was great, it was impossible to
allow those who were summoned to
France the usual leave to visit their
relatives. 1t was with the greatest
regret that We found it necessary
to cancel this permission, and moth
ing but the gravity of the position
would have justified SO harsh a pro-
ceeding. But the troops accepted the
position in a manner which is worthy
Of the fortitude, courage and patriot
ism they have shown throughout.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12
Colonel Repington
Led Attack

The war party attack on the Premier
was led in the press by Colonel Rep
ington, the military critic of "The
Times" who never allowed the contro-
versy to lapse for moment, but re-
turned again and again to the most Bit
ter attacks. Repington not only wrote
constantly about the man power prob
lem, which was generally recognized
as being of pressing Importance, but he
never allowed TO die the contest be-
tween the "Easterners" and "Western-
ers"-those who believed in continuing
the war in the East and those who held
that the conflict should be confined to
the Western front--and he was the
mouthpiece for the army's opposition
to unified command ON the Western
front.
Lloyd George had inherited the
Eastern" policy from the Asquith gov
ernment, but it was an inheritance
that he could not escape. The policy
was inaugurated by Winston Churchill
when he sent the Naval Reserve to
Antwerp on an expeditions conducted
under his own auspices and indepen.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12

dent of the army chiefs. Having scored
one achievement for the civilian state
gists, hs led the. movement for the
Gallipoli campaign and, with the as
sistance of Lloyd George, succeeded in
having it undertaken.
Neither one has ever been forgiven
for that, but Churchill was the one
who had taken the chief responsibility
Lloyd Georges part was less conspicu-
Gus, and fast following events would
have let it be forgotten had he not
adhered to the general Eastern" pol
icy, once inaugurated.
On the other hand, Lloyd George has
been from the beginning the leader in
England of the demand for a unified
command. He has stood for it and
fought for it when he has had to stand
alone against the united opposition Of
army chiefs, politicians and people.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12


among the radicals, Socialists and
and laborites led by Arthur Hender-
son. They wanted a peace by con-
cliation and arrangement.
Insisted on
Settling Matters
Lloyd George insisted on fighting it
out, and there were long controversies
over the British labor leaders meeting
German Socialists at various Stockholm
conferences, and the Lloyd George gov
ernment became involved in a maze of
minor discussion and political contro-
versy.
So far it was question of attacks
and obstructionist tactics by the peace
party, but to this was added the dissat-
isfaction of the "bitter-enders," as
they were called, who were continually
after Lloyd George in the name of the
army. They demanded men, men, men
and more men. Man power was their
slogan, and they demanded increasingly
that Lloyd George should get after the
"slackers," comb out the factories and
workshops and get on with the war.
These were Conservatives.
Thus was created the strange situa-
tion of Lloyd Georges old friends, the
radicals, combining with his and their
ancient enemies, the hide bound Tories,
to cause his downfall. Stranger yet,
the one party attacked him in the name
of peace, while their partners in the
business attacked in the name of war.
They hated each other intensely, but
they both hated Lord George more.
The Premier recognized the need for
more men for the army and preached
that need continually, but labor OBJ
jected to all schemes for "combing out"
and obstructed the government in near
ly all it's moves. The government did
succeed in keeping up the supply Of
guns and munitions, and not only keep
ing up the supply but greatly increas-
ing it, SO that huge reserve was Gre
ated. At that point, however. labor
CT
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12
In his article Colonel Repington

SAID:
The reports to which l allude may
be true or false. If false they can be
denied. They allege that Mr. Lloyd
George. attempted to stampede the
Council of War into approval of an
ether side show and that he conspicu-
ously failed. Secondly, that when the
numbers of our armies and the cry
ing need for men were stated author
ltatlvely to the council, he left our
Allies without hope that they would
be be met and burked full discussion.
Thirdly, that he has practically elm
mated the General Staff in London
from authority on the Western front,
and has deprived the field marshal
commanding in chief of one of his
most indispensable means of action.
can see no good reason for inter-
fering with existing arrangements
under which Field Marshal Sir Doug
las Haig and General Petain each
commands his own troops, and all his
own troops, but, of course, if the
French government wish to create
French army of reserve and place it
under a separate commander this is
wholly their own affair.
Petain and Haig will, Of course,
OS~SPV 0Ay POlItlCdl OCClSlOu VI LUelI
respective governments, no matter
how silly, but must say that / feel
the deepest pity for the general who
descends upon General Petain with
any new tricks.
The Army Council will, l hope,
make firm and united stand in the
interest of the army, and will make
the position perfectly clear. Every
body has to go over the top sooner
or later in this war, and it may be
now the Army Councils turn.
This article was fair statement of
the position Of Lloyd Georges warlike
antagonists, put in its bitterest terms
1t contained all the counts of the in
dictment against him-man power, East
and West, unified command and civilian
strategy.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12

always with a mental reservation re-
lating to Jellicoe's late arrival with
the battleships and the failure to cut
off and destroy the German fleet. To
this was added the growing dissatis-
faction over the ease and frequency
with which the southeast coast was
raided by German vessels.
The German naval policy was to raid
the English coast and compel the Brit
ish Admiralty to break up the feet
concentration in order to protect the
coast, thus opening a channel for sub
marines and raiders and perhaps set
ting the stage for a sortie by the Ger
man fleet in force. Jellicos's policy
was to hold the fleet together in north
ern waters, draw the blockade lines
tight and be ready at all times to meet
the German fleet in full force, leaving
the coast protection from minor raids
as secondary problem.
Northcliffe's papers led the demand
for coast protection. Their slogan was
more aggressive naval policy against
submarines and submarine bases, pro-
lection of the southeast coast and a
policy of action instead of q policy of
waiting for the Germans to come out
Of hiding. Northcliffe owns more than
fifty publications Of all kinds. They
made Sir John Jellicoe their target.
and Jellicoe went, while Sir David
Beatty was appointed in his place to
the command of the grand fleet
Then came Robertson. Northcliffe
attacked him and Robertson went. The
people did not like it. They had never
liked Northcliffe, looking upon him as
the exponent Of yellow journalism in
England. 1t soon became noticed that
IN these attacks Of Northcliffe on men
IN once ne never made the mistake of
attacking the wrong men, and it came
to be believed that when Northc,iTa
started an outcry against man that
man was slated to CO.
Premier With
Northclifep
FROM this grew the charge of collu
sion between Northcliffe and the gov
eminent. 1t was said that he was
tipped off in advance and it was said
that Lloyd George was under the con-
troll OF Northcliffe. But the most gem
orally accepted explanation, stated
BADLY, was that Lloyd George used
Northcliffe to prepare the public for a
change. He first, through Northcliffe,
wrecked a reputation and threw the
man overheard.
Sir Hugh Trenchard was another ex-
ample. He was head of the air service.
Northcliffe went after him, demanding
reforms, demanding aggressive action,
demanding new policy, demanding a
new head of the Air Board. Within a
very short time Sir Hugh was shorn
OF his reputation and replaced in the
Air Board by Lord Rothermere-of all
men, Lord Northcliffe's brother. At
the same time Northcliffe, who had
been chief Of the British Mission to
America, became the head of propa.
ganda in enemy countries.
1t was wonderful day for the
Hsrmsworth family, but it was heaping
UP trouble for Lloyd George. Neither
OF the brothers held onto his position
very long. They got out on the same
day, each giving i'll health as the rea-
son. Tho question was Immediately
asked If Northcliffe intended to turn
his batteries on Lloyd George.
At this time Lloyd George was gath
ering trouble for himself with sncred-
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12
New Problems
Vex Premier

Next Lloyd George grasped the man
power problem. The draft age WA
raised to ifty-one, and combine ont
was promised, with no exceptions. La.
Dor rose to the occasion and offered M
objections
There followed Irish CONSUMPTION and
Home Rule for Ireland. psrliareut
accepted Irish conscription in fact and
seemed ready to accept Home Rule IN
principle.
Lloyd George had battled his way
through another crisis and achieved
another triumph.
But it was not to be for long. The
Irish were Immediately in rebellion
against conscription and refused to
accept Home Rule offered as a aelye
for conscription. A series Of com.
promises began. While ireland pre-.
pared for forcible resistance to the
draft, Irish conscription was delayed
to wait for Home Rule. But 80 far
the government has been unable 70
agree on the provisions of Home Rule
bill.
These, however, are things turned
out, though presenting every appear
ance of being formidable obstacles in
the path of the government, wers
merely side issues. The great thing,
the important thing, was the attitude
Of General Maurice, director of mill.
tary operations in the Ministry Of
War, the connecting link between the
General Staff and Cabinet.
1t was part of Maurice's duty To-
receive the newspaper Representatives
from time to time and explain to them
the military situation. On April II,
on the heels of visit to the front, he
gave the newspaper men an interview
which contained grave reflections on
General Foch. He said:
The British army is playing once
more its historic role. As at Water
loo, it is being hammered while
Blucher is marching to the battle.
Our feelings now are probably very
much like those in London during
Waterloo; but, provided we are
standing firm and taking the hammer
ing, and provided Bllcher is march.
ing to battle, there is no reason to
despair. In fact, it is just the other
way: there is every cause for encour.
agement.
1t is unpleasant business, stand.
ing the hammering; but the crest
question is: What has become Of
blucher?" These figures show thss
though the French army is consider
ably larger than the British army, We
have practically taken the strain Oh
them.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12
Question Of Politics
Not War Policy

This controversy goes back to the
almost prehistoric period Of before the
war and has it's roots in the deep-seated
hatred of the Conservatives for Lloyd
George. 1t is, in fact, less concerned
with winning the war than with the
political animosity that even the tor
rent Of patriotic impulse has been un-
able to quench.
At the very beginning of the war
there were murmurs heard in London
Of the misfortune that the great strug.
gle should have come while a Liberal
government was in power. 1t was re-
called that the Boer War began under
Conservative government, but that a
Liberal ministry had to come into
power to bring it to a successful issue,
and 1t was bitterly resented that Lib
eral Premier should once more be at
the helm In great imperial crisis.
Only shortly before party feeling had
run very high over the Irish question.
II was in March. 1914, that Sir Edward
Carson was king" Carson, leader Of
the Ulster wooden gun revolt. Asquith
was coming very near to the end Of his
tenure Of Office. A general election
was approaching and there was good
reason to believe the Conservatives
stood an excellent chance Of coming in
again.
There has hardly been a time when
party feeling was more intense in Eng
land. And through it all Lloyd George
was the right-hand man Of Asouith.
He was the radical of radicals. He was
the originator Of old-age pensions and
national insurance. the income tax was
his dearly beloved step-child and he
had housing schemes and land schcmes
that made the Conservative so,fl write.
As Chancellor Of the Exchequer his
budgets were the most controversial
ever introduced in the House Of Com
mons. for they provided huge sums for
oil his pet ideas.
Then came the war and athe old
gang" as Lord Northciiffe loved to
sGu them In AThs Daily Mail" were
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12

parative inaction On the Western front
helped this situation. There was
plenty of time and opportunity to play
rolitics, and the political pot boiled.
The peace feelers of Germany also
helped.
A powerful peace party grew up
among the radicals, Socialists and
and laborites led by Arthur Hender-
son. They wanted peace by con-
and arrangement.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12
Recent Victory
Far From Final
Many Quar-
rels Lie Behind
Latest Attack S
By Fred B. Pitney

r LLOYD GEORGE has just won the
biggest fight of his political ca
reer, and in winning it has eased
the minds of the Allied world at large,
for the world knows that with Lloyd
George in the saddle Britain will never
make a German peace. There will be
victory first.
This knowledge, undoubtedly, greatly
influenced the vote in Commons and
gave such an overwhelming majority
293 to 106, practically three to one. AS
much as Lloyd Georges opponents
hated him, they feared Asquith more.
Even Sir Edward Carson, bitter enemy
as he is of the Premier, pleaded with
his followers to support the govern
ment, for this was direct contest be-
tween Lloyd George and Asquith. If
the government should be overthrown
the circumstances would compel the
country to turn again to Asquith as the
leader, and that was something the
Conservatives could not stomach, even
for the sake Of getting rid of Lloyd
George.
When the storm suddenly broke it
came as the climax to long and bitter
quarrel between Lloyd George and GER
tain politico- military leaders, supported
by the Premier's ancient, unforgiving
and untiring enemies in the Conserva-
tive party Instead Of a politician,
however, it was an army officer Of high
standing, General F. B. Maurice, for
merly closely associated with Lloyd
George in the government, quasi
member of the Cabinet, who was
chosen. or who chose himself, to de-
liver the deathblow by means Of the
serious charge of untruthfulness and
deception against the Premier and his
chief counsellor, Bonar Law, Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer.
Asquth seized the opportunity and
made himself the leader of the attack.
He took up the Maurice charges and de-
manded an investigation by Parlia-
mentary committee The affair was set
tied then. The Conservatives would not
consent to be the instruments Of put
ting Asquith in power again. What re-
mained was for Lloyd George to pre-
sent suitable defence.
"The Daily Telegraph" of London, in
commenting on the affair, said: "If it
comes to comparing fiascos, this last
may be considered the most futile"
But it does not follow that Lloyd
George is now to be let alone to attend
to the business of making war. There
may be an armistice, but there will be
no end to the feud while Lloyd George
remains in Office.
New-York tribune., 1918-05-12
Pacifists Join With
Never Enders'
and Old Con.
servative Foes
A against Him
resented than it is on the Wess.-,

resented than it is on the Wessr
front.
With regard to Salonica, thu .s,s
thing the present government all
was to reduce the forces thar. ~ ~
two divisions. In Mesopotamia ths..
is only one white division al al, s.s
in Egypt and Palestine tosshss
there are only two white divis;ans
and the rest are either Indians Or
mixed, with a very small proportion
OF British troops. In these divisions
am referring to infantry divisions
IL is not the fact that we havs
got three British divisions in Eovrs
and Palestine and one in, Mesopo.
tamia that has enabled IA ia LriS
our own, but it is the fact that W.
have had these splendid troops frnm
India. Many of them volhntesrsS u%
since the war and they have hess
more than match for their Turkish
field.
This time of crisis afforded Llova
George his great opportunity, hoveve,
and he was quick to take advantage a,
it. In the same speech in which h.
gave the explanations quoted he an.
nounced the appointment Of ceper,Y
Foch as director Of Allied strateev.
and this. as was to be expected. v,s
quickly followed by the appointment Of
Foch as generalissimo OF ali the Allisd
forces.
There was another outcry from Eng.
land and there was much grumblhr
and some talk Of betrayal. But ey,a
the army had to submit to the force 81
events. Foch was generalissimo. Al
last, after nearly four years Of vs,
there was unity Of command on the Al.
lied front, and England accepted it.
Oxford eagle., 1918-07-25

that in order to carry on this war tc
a successful conclusion we had beer
compelled to pretty near tear down
the fabric Of democracy; that the
President Of the United States today
was the most potent autocratie Officer
beneath the canopy of heaven; that h,
had taken the position that since tho
President had been charged with tho
responsibility Of winning the wal
10 deny him the means Of winning
was a mistake 10 which he would no.
be a party.
The Senator admitted votinf
against the declaration Of the exist
.ence Of a state Of war. but said tina
after his colleagues had voted in fav
or Of the resolution that he had vote
with the President in order TO give
him the power TO carry on the wa
successfully. He referred TO his OF
ponent. Mr. Harrison. in a very mild
Maas altA NtA4A THAT Al Nit' 81 a.
thought had ever entered his brain
that he had never heard Of il; tha-
Harrison WAS a man whose mind hao
never fathered any legislation or -vit,
any ideas Of his own he never re.
ferred Re- Gov. Noel during the cours'
D. his speech.
Senator Vardaman statated that NJ
man had ever paid him . greater com
pliment than the President did in re
ferring 10 HIM as one Of the II willfu
men, and he continued:
@If | am reelected-as ! am going
20 be-the only person rom whom
viii take instructions in private life !.
my wife, and so far as my politica
life is concerned, the only power thai
| will take orders from is the white
people of Mississippi. If that b'