Arizona republican., 1918-04-13
Where the People
 May Have Hearing
The Functions of the Mob

The expression of even the best of sentiments by acts of lawlessness must degenerate the citizenship that tolerates it. The thought that pa- trlotism is finely shown in mob actn {. lty seems almost prevalent, however, SC forgetful are patriots of the spirit that made and must preserve America. To accept this thought as true, means disaster. Mobocracy is unjust, mpudent. incapable of con- struetiYe service, the only lasting Kind, It gives free harbor to the criminal bearer of prejudice blinded grudge, and as its members arrogate to themselves fictitious authority, they often impart 10 fne victim of which they are both judge and executioner, fictitious guilt or misplaced sym pathy.
 Truly, any citizen or body of citi- zens IS an agent of the government Tn way, and may therefore employ iorce. The mob that captures q thief. fulfills it's duty, but the com mission If the oitizan is mt tn nxa- cute sentence. but to uphold the con stituted judgment seat. Judgment, penalty and coercion outside the la,.. are disloyal. The law is the weapon of the civilian. and except we main tain it. no passion can cause him to use another without making him less a citizen.
 Though law falls short of justice, as some may think, it is yet the judg- ment of selected magistrates, unless they sleep. To wake them citizens may act, but not to coerce them or assume their responsibilities.
 The disloyalty of the mob is but the initial mistake of it's working in our country today. Even ilI-advised magistrates have indulged in similar errors, which are common outside of America. If I say anything favor able to a certain class of pro- Ger mans, let it be understood that I hate | even to write the word, am native American, born in England, and in i Judgment and sentiment have favored the cause of our allies from the 1 start, and expect to serve it in some capacity.
 ! It is an axiom of the soul that | sentiment cannot arise from force or i will, but only from inspiration. And it is also true that pretended friends are not for that less fatal enemies. 1 Wherefore the attempt to enforce false sentiment in those whose very frank ness makes them little to be feared IS futile or perilous. First it is futile, because it does no good. And it is harmful. The citizen or inhabi- tant who disagrees with the govern ment may yet be it's loyal supporter. But the one who for any reason as of conscience or of blood cannot be loyal, deserves at least a credit for fairness if he confesses the fact, | Iox 1 or hostile, he may then be put in him to salute the flag destroys the distinction of the patriot, gives the password to the foe. Like the loyal dissenter, known enemies and neu- trals are proper objects of propa- ganda, and in addition may expect greater unpopularity and precaution- ary restrictions. These, alas, will cause enough hypocrisy, without forcing it's growth. But trying to punish the sentiments themselves, no matter what they are judged by, can only turn a harmless neutral or in- active enemy into an aggressive foe | beneath the pretense of patriotism. ! This is the peril to the public l security.
 The principle also affects our American good name. In tho in- evitable judgment of history and of the heart. the suppression of thought 1 implies the fear that it cannot be met with facts, the fear of evil and ignorance for truth. Seeming excep- tions do not disprove this. For in- stance. facts seem powerless to miti- gate the rawlings of insanity, though the justice of suppressing them is known instinctively. Yet the lunatic capable of self-support, and not a danger to the peace would seldom be molested, and punishment is out of the question. Other exceptions are willful falsehoods and the appeals directed intentionally against the weaknesses of youth or ignorance; of vice or emotional prejudice. The proven falsehood is properly pun ished. Some suppression also seems 1 just, if only as a temporary palliative to let the truth ''catch up." But contrary opinions of the facts are yet the surest intuition to make the weak invulnerable both to the deceit full and the mistaken among plotters and profiteers. Permanent suppress sion is hateful and punishment doubly so, for words meant sincerely tt give any class of people however unenlightened, the viewpoint of tho ! speaker.
 Against a sincerely misplaced con- fidence voiced openly, and not sus. piciously concealed and directed. tht only fair weapon is counter -publicit, in degree proportionate. This pub licity may well be compulsory, likt primary education, or the govern. ment analysis on the label of fak' medicine, or a publication of 'tht other side" to atone for libel, oi an expression of popular opinion b! vote or otherwise. Even simply pub fishing the name and interests O authors and publishers, neutralize! any harmful bias in their words.
 In this battle of mind, reputation for fairness is crucial. Happy tn, land whose spokesmen have tha
 reputation when the question in de
 bate is the right to freedom! Our now has the advantage over Ger
 many, but we want the advantage t,
 be as great as possible.
 Those who through violence expos, themselves and their country t, doubt in this respect are not of {; piece with Americas founders or he
 wisest friends. Whatever their warmth of patriotism, they have not caugh the breath of sincerity and trutl whereby she is nobler than othe nations with their calculated lies.
 The need of the greatest freedom
 of thought in the state was first il history recognized officially by tn founders of our country, and extended
 to freedom of collective thought speech.
 To incite, or any way, to offer t
 abet, non- n-conformity with govern
 ment laws, policies and requests be l lieved wrnne. (either from loyalty O