The mirror. (Stillwater, Minn.) 1894-1925, 1918-02-07
LinColn's First MESSAGE
CONTINUED from page one.l

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from north of the Mason and Dixon's line;
and the friends of the Union were not free
from apprehension on the point. This, how
ever, was soon settled definitely. and on the
right side. South of the line, noble little
Delaware led off from the first. Maryland
was made to seem against the Union. Our
soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burn
ed, and railroads were torn up within her
limits; and we were many days at one time
without the ability to bring single regi-
ment over her soil to the capital. Now her
bridges and railroads are repaired and open
to the Government; she already gives seven
regiments to the cause of the Union, and
none to the enemy; and her people. at a
regular election, has Sustained the Union
by larger majority and larger aggregate
vote than they ever before gave to any candi-
date or any question. Kentucky, too, for
some time in doubt, is now decidedly, and
think, unchangeably ranged on the side
of the Union. Missouri is comparatively
quiet, and, believe, can not again be over.
run by the insurrectionists. These three
states of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri,
neither of which would promise a single
soldier at first, have now an aggregate of
not less than forty thousand in the field for
the Union; while of their citizens, certainly
not more than a third of that number, and
they of doubtful Whereabouts and doubt
| full existence, are in arms against 1t. After
somewhat bloody struggle of months,
winter closes on the Union people of West
ern Virginia, leaving them masters of their
own country.
An insurgent force of about fifteen humid
red, for months dominating e narrow
peninsular region constituting the counties of
Accomac and Northampton, and known as
the eastern shore of Virginia, together with
some contiguous parts of Maryland, have
laid down their arms; and the people there
have renewed their allegiance to, and accept
ed the protection of the old flag. This
leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the
Potomac, or east of the Chesapeake.
Also we have obtained footing at each
of the isolated points on the Southern coast
off Hatteras, Port Royal, I'ybee Island
near Savannah, and Ship Island, and we
| likewise have some general accounts of
popular movements in behalf of the Union
in North Carolina and Tennessee.
These things demonstrate that the cause
of the Union is advancing steadily and
certainly Southwark.
1t is not needed, nor fitting here, that a
general argument should be made in favor
OF popular institutions; but there is one
point, with its connections, not so hackney
ed as most others. to which l ask a brief
attention. 1t is the effort to place CAPITAL
on an equal footing with, if not above,
LABOR, in the structure of the Government.
1t is assumed that labor is available only IN
connection with capital; that nobody la
bors unless somebody else, owning capital,
somehow by the use of it induces him to
labor.
| This assumed, it is next considered
whether it is best that capital shall hire
laborers, and thus induce them to work by
their own consent, or buy them, and drive
them to it without their consent. Having
proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded
| that all laborers are either hired laborers or
what we call slaves. And further, it is as
sumed that whoever is once hired laborer,
| is fixed in that condition for life.
Now, there is no such relation between
capital and labor as assumed; nor is there
any such thing as a free man being fixed
for life in the condition of hired laborer.
Both these assumptions are false, and all
differences from them are groundless. La
Dor is prior to and independent of capital
capital is only the fruit of labor, and could
never exist if labor had not first existed.
Labor is the superior of capital, and de-
serves much higher consideration. Capital
has its rights, which are as worthy of pro-
lection as any other rights. Nor is it de-
MED that there is, and probably always will
be, relation between capital and labor,
producing mutual benefits. The error is
in assuming that the whole labor of the
community exists within that relation. A
few men own capital, and those few avoid
labor themselves, and with their capital hire
or buy another few to labor for them. A
large majority belong to neither class
neither work for others, nor have others
working for them. In most of the south
ern states, a majority of the whole people
of all colors are neither slaves nor masters;
while in the northern, large majority are
neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their
families, wives, sons and daughters-work
for themselves, o their farms. in their
houses, and in their shops, taking the whole
product to themselves, and asking no favors
of capital on the one hand, nor of hired
laborers or slaves on the other.
1t is not forgotten that a considerable
number of persons mingle their own labor
with capital-that is, they labor with their
own hands. and also buy or hire others to
labor for them; but this is only a mixed,
and not distinct class. No principle stat