Imperial Valley press., 1918-09-30
Here Is Complete Text of
President Wilson'S Great
Neu York Loan Speech

alliances or special covenants and un-
derstandings with the general and
common family of the league of ma
tions;
Fourth, and more specifically, there
can be no special, selfish economic
combinations within the league and
no employment of any form of eco
nomic boycott or exclusion except as
the power Of economic penalty by ex-
clUsion from the markets of the world
may be vested in the league of ma
tions itself as means of discipline
and control.
Fifth, all international agreements
and treaties Of every kind must be
made known, in their entirety, to the
rest Of the world.
Special alliances and economic ri
valries and hostilities have been the
prolific curse in the modern world of
the plans and passions that produce
war. 1t would be an insincere as well
as an insecure peace that did not ex-
clude them in definite and binding
terms.
The confidence with which / VEN
i ture to speak for our people in these
matters does not spring from our
! traditions merely and the well known
which we have always professed and
! followed. In the same sentence in
which l say that the United States
will enter into no special arrange
ments or understandings with par
ticular nations. let me say also that
the United States is prepared to as
sumo its full share of responsibility
for the maintenance of the common
covenants and understandings upon
which peace must henceforth rest.
We still read Washington's immortal
warning against "entangling allan
ces" with full comprehension and an
swering purpose. But only special and
! limited alliances entangle; and we
realize and accept the duty of new
day in which we are permitted to
hope for a general alliance which
will avoid entanglements and clear the
air Of the world for common under
standings and the maintenance of
common rights.
| | have made this analysis of the
| international situation which the war
has created, not, of course, because |
doubted whether the leaders of the
great nations and peoples with whom
we are associated were of the same
mind and entertained like purpose,
but because the air every now and
again gets darkened by mists and
groundless doubtings and mischievous
perversions of counsel and it is neces-
sary, once and again, to sweep all
the irresponsible talk about peace
intrigue and weakening, morale and
doubtful purposes on the part of those
in authority utterly, and, if need be,
unceremoniously, aside and say things
In the plainest words that can be
found, even when it is only to say
over again what has been said before.
quite as plainly if in less unvarnished
terms.
AS | have said, neither I, nor any
other man IN governmental authority
created or gave form to the issues
of the war. | have simply responded
to them with such vision as | could
command. But l have responded glad
iy and with resolution that has
grown warmer and more confident as
the issues have grown clearer and
clearer. 1t is now plain that there are
issues which no man can pervert un-
less wilfully. l am bound to fight
for them. and happy to fight for
them, as time and circumstances have
revealed them to me as to all theh
, world. Our enthusiasm for them
grows more and more irresistible as
they stand out in more and more vivid
and unmistakable outline.
And the forces that fight for them
draw into closer and closer array,
organize their millions into more and
more unconquerable might, as they
become more and more distinct to the
thought and purpose of the peoples
engaged. 1t is the popularity of this
great war that, while statesmen have
seemed to cast about for definitions of
their purpose and have sometimes
seemed to shift their ground and
their point of view, the thought of
the mass of men, whom statesmen
are supposed to instruct and lead, has
grown more and more uncloudy, more
and more certain of what it is that
they are fighting for. National pur-
poses have fallen more and more into
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