Evening public ledger. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1914-1942, 1918-06-11
LABOR NOW AND AFTER THE
WAR
Relation Of the American Federation's Al.
titude on Strikes to the international p
Social Program

THE American w~orkingman is first of
L all an American citizen. And the
American capitalist is likewise.
When we talk about the conflict be-
tween capital and labor on this side of
the ocean we discuss the efforts of the
men who live in one block to agree with
the men who live in another block on the
conditions under which they will CO.
operate in the struggle for existence.
We know that at bottom it is a human
problem and we know also that there is
a genuine desire on the part of both labor
and capital to solve it..
The fact that labor looks at it from
one side does not prove that labor is
wholly wrong, nor does the fact that
capital looks at it from another side
prove that capital is wholly right. When
each side attempts to understand the
point of view of the other the problem
will be in a fair way to solution.
The war has given the American work
ingman an opportunity to prove his
Americanism. The report of the execu-
tive council of the American Federation
of Labor, submitted to the annual con-
v~ention of the Federation in st. Paul,
epitomizes the creed of American labor
when it declares that mo strike should
b. inaugurated which cannot be justified
to the mar risking his life on the firing
line in France" and when it says that
"the workers in war production are
practically a part of the fighting force
The report does not place any narrow
definition on the phrase, workers in var
production" for it includes within it all
those in any way. even indirectly, en-
gagged in work connected with the prose-
cution of the war.
The other labor organizations cannot
do less than follow the patriotic example
of the Federation. A special Govern
ment commission has been created to
consider all their grievances and to
arrange for settling them without a
strike, so that no substantial rights of
the workers are surrendered by their
abandonment of the right to strike
during the progress of the war. And
" SdliISSu idDol Will IOltlt oul VI tIlS wal
stronger than when it entered it because
of it's demonstration of it's ability to
postpone insistence on its specific de-
mands in the face of graver issues.
Yet we should not close our eyes to
the fact that the leaders of organized
labor are aware of the strategic inn
portance of their present patriotic atti-
tude. Both in America and in Europe
labor is planning a campaign to he
fought when the armies lay down their
arms. They are demanding a larger
share in the control of industry and
they are insisting on international agree
ments which will free adult and well-paid
labor in one part of the world from the
competition Of child and low-paid labor
in another part. ....
The report of the Executive Council
of the American Federation includes
some of the demands made BIZ the Inter-
Allied Labor and Socialist conference in
London last winter. Among them are
an international child-labor law and an
international eight-hour law. And the
report also indorses the London confer
ence's demand for a league of nations
that should organize the different peo-
pies in order to prevent international
anarchy and make for the preservation
of peace. If labor postpones its demands
now it will be in a position to demand
consideration of them later.
1t is not necessary at this time to dis
cuss these issues on their merits. Indeed,
it would not be wise, for nothing should
be done to distract attention from the
great task of winning the war. Yet we
should not close our eyes to the move
ment that is taking shape, which has
for it's object the control of the world by
the workers.
The English labor party, under the
lead of Arthur Henderson, has defined
workers as all those who are engaged
in any form of production, whether as
manufacturers or laborers, authors or
artists. Mr.. Schwab. on this side of
the ocean, has said that the producers,
as distinguished from the politicians and
the idle rich who live on their incomes,
will control the world in the future. Mr..
Schwab belongs to the Capitalist class"
II American labor agrees with Mr..
Schwab and Mr.. Henderson we can con-
template the unfolding of events with
out misgivings.