New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-04-13
Absolute Authority


the President wellnigh autocratic power
over all departments, on the ground that
under this bill he could, if he desires,
transfer all his authority and virtually
retire"
If this power is needed to throw the
full strength of the United States into
the war, that power, we believe, should
be given.
Senator Hoke Smith, of Georgia, OBJ
jects to the bill on the ground that I'M
der it "the President could dismiss or
abolish the Interstate Commerce Com
mission, the Federal Reserve Board and
any other government bureau"
If this power is needed in order to
give our allies the last ounce of aid, and,
what is far more important, the quick
est possible aid, we believe this power
should be given.
When the Burleson bill was first intro
duced by Senator Overman we ques-
toned the wisdom of giving more auto
cratic authority to the President than is
possessed by any Car, King, President
or Premier among all the warning
nations.
There was then at least a fighting
chance that the President would yield to
an insistent public demand and create
War Board which would embody the best
strategic, business and organizing ability
of the nation.
The situation has radically changed.
Precious time has elapsed. We are fur
Their behind with our ships and air.
planes. The necessities of the Allies are
greater and more imperative.
And, finally, it is clear that the Presi-
dent will not create a War Board nor
yield an inch of his personal authority
in his personal direction Of the war.
That was clinchingly evident from the
statement made on Thursday by his per-
sonal representative on the floor of the
Senate, Senator Lewis, of Illinois. He
said:
"Any who against any measure
that the President demands as necessary
to win the war against the Presi-
dent"
1t is personal issue.
And the psychology of the President
is one of the fixed factors to be reckoned
with
Now, what is the situation? Congress
could, by single vote, practically take
from the President any power whatso-
ever as to the preparation and organiza-
ton for the war. 1t could abolish Sec
rotary Baker. 1t could abolish the whole
Cabinet. 1t could create War Board,
with practically absolute authority.
1t could take the whole conduct of the
war into its own hands.
Or delegate it to the Supreme Court
or any other body it chose to designate
or authorize.
Conceivably, some time Congress may
be compelled to exercise the constitu-
tional authority which it possesses 1t
cannot now.
For this full two-thirds majority in
both houses would be necessary in order
to pass any such measures over the Pres
ident's veto and, if it were necessary, to
impeach any judge or any other official
ho'attempted to question this clear con-
stitutional right.
Under present conditions this two
thirds majority is lacking, and so long as
the Democratic party retains it's present
holdings in the two houses this situation
will remain
In one bill after another Congress has
given the President powers never pos
sessed by any other President and not
now possessed by any other ruler. Sena-
tor Lewis said that the President now
has the authority to make the changes
authorized by the Burleson- Overman bill,
without any legislation, but that he had
often been criticised for Exercising al.
legged dictatorial or illegal powers during
the war, and such criticisms should be
avoided by giving him the specific statu-
tory authority aohich he desired."
The crisis in the affairs of the Allies
demands that there be some authority to
cut red tape wherever it is needed. That
power will be permitted only to the Pres
ident.
Therefore, give the President the
power.
Senator Lewis is right when he saws
hat "the people want the war won and
would be impatient Of any technical OBJ
icctions TO legislation which the presi-
lent regarded az essential"
What the power Of Congress alone can
confer Congress can take away BY the
ZANE means that the Cabinet was Gre
ted and the power given TO the Presi.