New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1918-03-31
British Labor Is Essentially
British; Free Of Class | latred
Trade Unonist Rapidly Gaining Power Are Loyal but Jealous
Of Their Rghts-Resent Price Initiation and Bitterly
Oppose the Adoption Of Industrial Conscrphon

it's provisions. The case of women
was worse than that of men. Time
after time women labor leaders, like
Miss Margaret Bodfield and Miss
Mary Macarthur, have said to the
writer that women feel intensely
about incidents such as | have re-
lated, but unless they have a spokes-
man they are voiceless, and the
public think they are contented
when their hearts are burning with
Indignation. Late in the day and
long overdue came the abolition of
the leaving certificate; and in other
ways the original munitions act is
so much amended that it is another
act altogether at the end of 1917.
Dilution
! Cause of Unrest
Another matter that has led to
industrial unrest was the introduce
ton of "dilution." The skilled
trade unionist was asked to teach
the management of certain ma
chimes to women. Now, as a matter
Of fact, the working of these ma
chimes was not very difficult mat
ter, but the simple knowledge was
jealousy confined to the unionist,
and in normal times non-union-
list put on one Of these would have
meant strike. What the skilled
worker feared was that, having
once taught the women how to work
them, the employers would take
them on at a much lower wage than
the union rate and would use this
as q lever to smash the union after
the war. Hence the trouble; for it
affected the worker in his status,
and also in his wages.
The late Hubert Bland, a Fabian,
q friend of Bernard Shaw, Sidney
Webb and H. G. Wells in the early
days of British middle class social
ism, often remarked to the writer
that the British worker never I'M
Gerstood the constructive aspect of
the labor and socialist movement.
He understood the critical side we'll
, enough-he grasped as easily as
any Irishman that he was badly
treated and in the division of the
goods of this world he came out
about last. The industrial troubles
all during the war have borne out
this statement The workers atti-
tude has been one of protest in
every trouble against some infringe
ment of his position or some cutting
Of his wage But 1917 has been
remarkable, and will always be re-
membered, as a year when in spite
Of the preoccupation of the war
! labor first laid down a positive and
constructive programme.
Looks for
Labor Government
During the middle months Of
1917, after Mr.. Henderson's "door-
mat exit from the government. the
Labor party revised it's whole po-
itical constitution. In September
last the writer had a conversation
with Mr. Henderson on the matter,
and the labor leader was extraor-
dinarily confident that Labor
government was not very far distant
in Great Britain. In the future, he
remarked, the Labor party would
contest 800 TO 400 seats.
Now employers and others have
all during 1917 been working at
public and private meetings as to
reconstruction and after he-war
problems. But the predominant
partner-labor-had been silent. At
length on the last day or two of
1917 labor laid down its positive
proposals. l have heard many great
employers speak. | knew Mr..
Hichens, the chairman of what is
probably the largest federation of
employers in the world, and Mr..
Philip Kerr, now private secretary
to My. Lloyd George, who edited
the labor articles in the Ground
Table," by far the ablest periodical
treating of constructive conserva-
tism, and they all were able, toler
ant, broadminded and inclined to
go as far as they could to meet
labor, yet, must confess it, to me
at least they seemed unable to see
matters as labor really sees them.
Or rather feels them, for it is matter
of intuition; and therefore it is a
matter of the greatest Importance
to get labor's own proposals tabled
at last.