Arizona republican., 1918-01-26

in the evening.
 Wilson under points g. 10 and II touch both the Italian frontier question and questions of the future development Of the Austro- Hungarian monarchy ana the future of the Balkan states; ques- tions in which, for the greater part, the interests of our ally, Austro-H Hun | gary, preponderate. Where German in terests are concerned we shall defend them most energetically. But l may leave the answer to MT. Wilson's pro posals on these points in the first place. to the Austro- Hungarian foreign mln- ister. Close contact with the allied dual monarchy forms the kernel of our present policy, and must be the guid- ing line in the future. Loyal comrade ship in arms, which has stood the test so brilliantly in war time, must con- tinue to have it's effect in peace. We shall thus on our part do everything for the attainment of peace by Austria Hungary which takes into account her just claims
 "The matters touched upon by MT. Wilson in point 12 concern our loyal, brave ally, Turkey. I must in no wise fosestall her statesmen in their atti- tude. The integrity of Turkey and the safeguarding of her capital, connected closely with the question of the straits, are important and vital interests of the German empire also. Our ally can al- ways count upon our energetic sup port in this matter
 Wo Liberated Poland?
 Point 13 deals with Poland. It was not the entente-which had only empty words for Poland and before the war never interceded for Poland with Rus sia-But the German empire and the Austro- Hungarian monarchy who llb- erated Poland from the czaristic re- gime which was crushing her national characteristics. It may thus be left to Germany and Austria Hungary and Poland to come to an agreement on the future constitution of this coun- try. AS the negotiations and commit nications of the last year prove, we are on the road to this goal.
 The last point, the fourteenth, deals with bond of the nations. Regarding this point I am sym pathetically disposed, as my political activity shows, toward every idea which | eliminates for the future a possibility or a probability of war and will pro- mote peaceful and harmonious col 1 Liberation of nations. If the idea of a bond of nations, as suggested by Presi- l dent Wilson proves on closer examina- tion really to be conceived in a spirit of complete justice and impartiality toward all, then the imperial govern ment is gladly ready, when all other pending questions have been settled to begin the examination of the basis of such bond of nations.
 Gentlemen you have acquainted yourselves with the speech of Premier Lloyd George and the proposals of President Wilson. I must repeat what I said at commencement: we now ask | ourselves whether these speeches and proposals breathe a real and earnest wish for peace. They certainly contain certain principles for a general world peace, to which we also assent, and which might form the starting point and aid negotiations.
 | When, however, concrete questions come into the question, points which, | for we allies, are of decisive import ance, their peace will be less observ- able. Our enemies do not desire to de- : stroy Germany, but they cast covetous eyes on parts of our allies lands. They speak it's respect of Germany's posi- ton, but their conception ever afresh, l finds expression as if we were the guilty, who must do penance and prom ise improvement. Thus speaks the vic tor to the vanquished; he who inter prets all our former expressions of a readiness for peace as merely sign of weakness.
 Must Renounce Standpoint
 'The leaders of the entente must first renounce this standpoint and this deception. In order to facilitate this, I would like to recall what the position really is. They may take it from me that our military position was not so favorable but now is. Our highly gifte1 army leaders face the future with un- diminished confidence of victory. Throughout the whole army, in the of ficers and the men, lives unbroken the joy of battle.
 T will remind you of the words I spoke November 29 in the reichstag. Our repeatedly expressed willingness for peace and the spirit of reconcili- ation revealed by our proposals must not be regarded by the entente as H. cense permitting the indefinite length ening of the war. Should our enemies force us to prolong the war; they will have to bear the consequences resulting from it.
 If the leaders of the enemy powers l them revise their program once again, or, as Premier Lloyd George said, pro- ceed to reconsideration. If they do that and come forward with fresh proposals then we will examine them carefully because our aim is no other than the establishment of lasting general peace. But this lasting general peace IS not possible so long as the integrity or the German empire and the security or her vital interests and the dignity of our fatherland are not guaranteed. Un- til that time, we must quietly stand by each other and wait.
 AS to our purpose gentlemen, we are all one. Loud cheering).
 Regarding methods and .moralities, there may be differences of opirion but let us shelve all those differences Let us not fight about formulas, which always fall srort in the mad course o1 world events, but above the dividing line Of party controversies let us keer our eyes on one mutual aim-the wei. fare of the fatherland
 Let us hold together the govern % ment and the nation and victory vii be ours. A good peace will and must come
 The German nation bears in an ad- mirable manner the sufferings and the burdens of war which now is in its fourth year In connection with these burdens and sufferings I think espe- cially of the sufferings of the small artisans and the lowly paid officials But you all. men and women, will hold on and see it through. f~
 With your political knowledge, you do not allow yourselves to be fooled by catch phrases. You know how tc distinguish between the realities of life