Arizona republican., 1918-09-28
dead under the sea, were calling to us and we responded.
 The Issues Are Stated.

dead under the sea, were calling 10 us and we responded.
 The Issues Are Stated.
 The air was clear about us. We saw things in their full, convincing propor- tions as they were, and we have seen them with steady eyes and unchanging comprehension ever since. We ac- cepted the issues of the war as facts, not as any group of men either here or elsewhere had defined them, and we can accept no outcome which does not squarely meet and settle them. Those issues are these:
 Shall the military power of any na- tion or group of nations be suffered to determine the fortunes of peoples over whom they have nc right to rule except the right of force?
 Shall strong nations be free to wrong weak nations and make them subject to their purpose and interest
 Shall peoples be ruled and doml- mated. even in their own internal af- fairs by. arbitrary and irresponsible force or bv their own will and choice.
 Shall there be a common standard of right and privilege for all peoples and nations or shall the strong do as thev will and the weak suffer without redress?
 Shall the assertion of right be hap hazard and by casual alliance or shall there be a common concert to obliSe the observance of common rights?
 Interest of Weakest Sacred
 No man, no group of men, chose these to be the issues of the struggle. They are the issues of it; and they must be settled-by no arrangement or com promise or adjustment of interests, but definitely and once for all and with a full and unequivocal acceptance or the principle that the interest of the weak est is as sacred as the interest of the strongest.
 This is what we mean when we speak of a permanent peace. if we speak Sln- serely, intelligently and with real knowledge and comprehension of the matter we deal with.
 We are all agreed that there can be no peace obtained by any kind of bar gain or comprise with the governments of the central empires because we have dealt with them already and have seer them deal with other governments that were parties to this struggle, at Brest- Litovsk and Bucharest. They have convinced us that they are without honor and do not intend justice. They observe no covenants, accept no prin- oiple but force and their own interest | We cannot come to terms with them They have made it impossible. Th' German people must by this time bt fully aware that we cannot accept th' word of those who forced this wal upon us. We do not think the sam' thoughts or speak the same language O agreement.
 It is of capital importance that W, should also be explicitly agreed tha no peace shall be obtained by any lin' principles we nave avowed as the prin
 ciples for which we are fighting. Ther
 should exist no doubt about that.
 am, therefore, going to take the libert. of speaking with the utmost franknes
 about the practical implications tha
 are involved in it.
 If it be indeed and in truth the com
 mon object of the governments asso
 ciated against Germany and of the na
 tions whom they govern, as I believe
 to be- to achieve by the coming settle
 ments secure and lasting peace,
 will be necessary that all who sit dow,
 at the peace table shall come ready an
 willing to pay the price, the only pric,
 that will procure it; and ready an
 willing, also to create in some viril
 fashion the only instrumentality b
 which it can be made certain that tn
 agreements of the peace will be honore
 and fulfilled
 Impartial Justice Price of Peace That price is impartial justice every item of the settlement, no matte whose interest is crossed and not onl impartial justice but also the satisfao tion of the several peoples whose fol tunes are dealt with. That indispens
 able instrumentality in league of ns tions formed under covenants tha will be efficacious. Without such a instrumentality, by which the peace the world can be guaranteed, peaC will rest in part upon the word of ou laws and only upon that word. F'C Germany will have to redeem her chal
 acter, not by what happens at the peat table but by what follows.
 And, as I sec it, the constitution that league of nations, and the cle, definition of it's objects must be pal is in a sence the most essential pa of the peace settlement itself It cal not be formed now. If formed now would be merely a new alliance col fined to the nations associated again a common enemy. It is not likely tn 1t could be formed after the settlemel It is necessary to guarantee the peac and the peace cannot be guarante as an afterthought. The reason,
 speak in plain terms again, why it mu . be guaranteed is that there will be pa