The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1918-06-14

for taxation of land values is by
James Dundas White, member
of the British Parliament 1t is of
particular interest at this time be-
cause of the need for increasing
| food production and removing every
factor that stands in the way of
the fullest use of our natural re-
sources. And land speculation and
land monopoly is the greatest of
these.
"Thc case for the taxation of land
values is based on the principles
that all the community have equal
rights to the land which Nature
has provided, and that improvements
belong to those who make them.
The proposals are that those who
hold the land should be required
to pay to the community a rent or
tax proportional to the value of the
land which they hold, apart from
the value of the Improvements on
it; that the payment should be
made, whether they use the land or
not; and that making the payment
should be condition of holding the
land. In practice, the pressure of
this obligation would impel those
who have the land either to use it
themselves or to dispose of it to
others, thus increasing the available
supply of land, reducing rents to
their proper level, and opening the
natural opportunities to the people.
AS this new tax is extended, the
taxes on improvements should be
reduced, until all the taxation of
landed property is concentrated on
land-value, and houses and other
improvements are tax-free.
Pleas in Defense of Private Monopoly
Having thus stated shortly how
the taxation of land-values is the
simplest way of enforcing the rights
of the community to the land, and
how the proposals which are based
on first principles are confirmed by
consideration of experience, let us
examine the various pleas that are
put forward in defense of that pri-
vate monopoly, which claims to hold
not only the land. but also it's value;
value which attaches to what Ma
ture has provided, in consequence
of the presence and competitive de-
mand of the community, and ought
therefore to be treated as source
of communal revenue.
The Possession" Plea
"The first plea is that the mon
opolists have it and that they mean
to keep it, the argument being that
-,saigIt makes right AMI that posses
sion is nine-tenths of the law. But
| the latter is dangerous weapon for
them to use, because the law, though
it protects mere possession against
persons who have no better rights
than the possessOrs, makes the pos
SCISSORS give place to the rightful
owners. The assertion that might
makes right is equally dangerous,
because if it can be set by the storing
man armed against those whom he
disposes, it can equally be set up by
any stronger than he who succeeds
in dispossessing him; and the might
as well as the right to the land
rests ultimately with the people.
The Long Usage" Plea
"The next plea is that private
appropriations, though they may have
been unjust originally, have become
justified by long usage. But nc
information is given as to the time
required for changing wrong into
a right, or as to the process by
which this remarkable result is at.
tanned. Whatever may be said fol
the expediency of placing a time
limit on civil actions and even or
certain criminal prosecutions, il
would be highly inexpedient to al
low any usage, however long, to bal
the community from their rights
to the land. To these, as to othel
fundamental rights, we ought to ap
ply the general rule that tim
does not run against the Crown,
or-in the legal language of tn
United States-against the PEG
pie.
The purchase" Plea
"The third plea is that some o
, the present appropriations have pur
chased the land from others. Blu
people cannot give more than the
have, and the mere transfer of
title cannot make it better than
. was before. This is a rule @
common sense, and it is also ger
eral rule of law. The general rul
| r. lo,,,, &c Nj. I,,ctioo VILLAS col