The sun., 1918-12-18
FREEDOM OF THE SEAS.
Trade Questions which the Peace
Conference should Consider.

| 10 TIN EDlroR OF The bUN--SV' Lct
me say that l am thoroughly anti
German and that am thoroughly pro-
British, to the extent. however, that
such mental attitude does not conflict
with my being above all thoroughly
| pro-American.
! IL 1t be true. as has been suggested,
that Mt the recent conference In Lon.
don between the political heads of the
British. French and Italian Govern.
ments an understanding was reached
for I'M accord concerning important
! questions about to be considered by
the Peace Conference in anticipation OF
undesirable proposals EIom the United
States, II would be we'll for US TO con-
slider in what respect our own per-
sonal interests. practical and not ideal.
may he injuriously affected.
When the sentiments OF antipathy
and sympathy. the heat and hate OH one
side and sense OF fellowship on the
other, engendered by the war have sub
sided the nations OF the world will
| haze to settle down to the intercourse
Of trade--but on what terms1 We will
! now have to reckon with the human
nature of our allies as heretofore we
reckoned with the human. or inhunian.
IL you prefer. nature Of our foes. The
great countries of Europe have ex-
| pended their resources almost to the
| limit, and In the case of the Teutonic
| allies, IL Lloyd Georges indemnity fig
| ures are to DO adopted, to the extent
OF almost bankruptcy and subsequent
debtor servitude for some time to come.
II may be taken for granted that such
recoupment as the victors cannot obtain
from the vanqulshed will be sought from
the rest of the world in the way OF trade
! advantage II 1t can be secured. Hence
tho vast importance TO this county that
freedom OF the seas" should be 80 de-
fined that II will not work to our in
jury. While II il true that Great
Britaln's control OF the seas for many
years has been benevolently exercised
in times Of peace SO as not to interfere
with the worlds commerce, we must
not forget that in other times Il has not
been SO employed. When Great Brit
| aims assumed needs have, In the opinion
OF her statesmen, called for II, she has
not hesitated to use her sea power to
enforce discrimination in her favor. We
suffered from that policy 70. many
years after the Revolutionary war,
when, among other things. IL practi-
cally shut us of from all but coastal
trade. to the great injury Of our NOR
chants and the evaporation OF our
people. This as we'll as the Impress
H1ent OF our seameu. was az the founda-
ton OF the war OF 1912. In the treaty
OF peace that followed that war Great
B:itaIn made no covenant to discontinue
the practices that we had fought to pre-
vent, but pronounced respect 70. our
ability TO take care Of ourselves at sea,
when need be. may we'll have been an
important cause OF their cessation.
Great Britain has now n war debt OF
tremendous proportions. which. what.
ever may be forced from Germany in the
way OF indemnity. payable Gas II only
can bel as time progresses will take
her long time TO liqudate In addi-
, ton, she has the comprehensive am.
bition not only to regain her inter
national trade supremacy. but to
strengthen her commercial power Her
greatest rival In the field will be the
United States, which is also her greatest
creditor. What would be the effect
upon this country II Great Britain and
her colonies. without considering France
in this connection. were to form a
trade league that would, through errec-
tive discriminating tariffs. imposts and
shipping regulations, render competition
on our part practically impossible ire
spectiye OF any natural handicaps aris-
ing from differences In cost of produc-
ton?
Freedom of the seas in time OF peace
means something more than full liberty
TO sail upon its surface without
hindrance. II means, among other
things. that all shall have the right 20
enter pots and discharge and take on
cargo. and receive and make deliveries
thereat on the same terms. To the
extent that this privilege is open TO
one without restriction and encountered
as to another the principle is ignored.
for any such discriminatory burden
manifestly embarrasses freedom. II Is
not necessary now 10 consider what
reasons nation might urge In justif-
cation Of the adoption OF such "a policy,
nor the effect thereon of existing treaties
and trade regulations. II Is enough
that We must endeavor TO avoid Its as
so 'iOh u an extent which might
menace our own paramount interests,
and now is the time TO do it
Although President Wilson has not
taken the country into his confidence, It
Is conceivable that this question may
be one that will be developed at the
Peace Conference. This would not
necessarily involve the questions of
revenue or protective tariffs working
with equal force upon ALL nor that OF
Great Britain's maintenance OF her
present relative sea strength. In re-
spect OF the latter. she will not. nor
should she he asked TO, confine her pro-
lection to tho untried experiment OF a
league of nations.
Whatever agreements Great Britain
enters Into as the result of the Peace
Conference she will no doubt live In 10
but there will be no time as good as
the present to formulate such provisions
under the heading OF freedom OF the
seas" as will protect not only our trade
rights In the future, but those OF all
neutral nations, and will insure against
friction hereafter
CHARLES T.. RUsHMosE
NEW York. December II.