The Leavenworth echo. [volume] (Leavenworth, Wash.) 1904-current, 1918-10-11
AMERICAN LEADERSHIP TODAY
Third of a Series of Five Articles on
Americas Place in World Crisis.

| We talk OF American leadership IN
this crisis-what does it mean? Does
it mean that we are about to follow
in the steps of the other great ma
tons of the world; that at last, con-
scious of our power and infatuated
with our peculiar life and institu-
tons, we are starting out to dominate
the world; that we are to substitute
American democracy" for German
"kultur ?"
No, we are too wise for that We
realize that the age in which a state
can bring honor upon itself by the
means of territorial conquest and ag-
gressive nationalism is past. To at
tempt such a thing is to invite de-
feat and humiliation. Standards of
success change. A mans prowess is
no longer rated by the number of
scalps he carries in his belt; ma
tons greatness can no longer be
stated in terms of territory, popula-
ton, wealth, armies or pageantry of
court.
America has been keen enough to
| see this-Germany was not. We have
come out of our isolation young,
wealthy, strong, ambitious. We are
proud of our past and confident that
we are destined for a considerable
part in the drama of world politics.
We have, however, contrary to rule,
refused to entertain thoughts of
world conquest. We realize that we
have arrived on the scene too late
| for that. We shall find our means
| of self-eXpression as a world power
not in domination but in leadership.
We see clearly that the old sovereign
state with its self-centered policy,
will find no place in the new regime
of which this war is the opening phase.
We do not, therefore, aim at national
greatness, as such has been esti-
mated in the past, but we do. aspire
to a leading place in the councils of
| the new world regime.
But what is this new regime? 1t
has been repeatedly defined-first by
America, later by her allies-as the
| acceptance of olive and let live pol
icy among nations, recognition of
the fact that no nation can thrive by
handicapping other states in the at
tainment of their legitimate demands.
in other words nothing can be good
national policy that is not good world
policy. 1t means equality of rights
and of opportunity for all peoples en-
forced by "a community of power"
1t is for this new regime that we
are fighting. If the war is to mean
anything, if the dead are not to die
in vain, we must stand by our pur-
pose. Early in the war, while we
were still a neutral power, we recog
nized that Americas prime interest,
as we'll as her duty and opportunity
was to bring this about. We bent
every effort in that direction, and
when it became evident that the Ger
man government was blind to our
aims and out of sympathy with our
every effort, we went to war, deter
mined to use all the splendid spirit,
the wealth, the blood of our country
to clear the path of progress.
To us belongs the honor of first
clearly announcing the doctrine of
the new regime. The allied nations
have repeatedly endorsed it as their
plan. "What we demand" says the
president, ais nothing peculiar to our
selves. It is that the world be made
fit and sane to live in and particu
larly that it be made safe for every
peace-loving nation, which like our
own, wishes to live its own life, de-
| termine its own institutions, be as
sured of justice and fair dealings by
other peoples of the world. 1t is
the principle of justice to all peoples
and nationalities and their right to
live on equal terms of liberty and
safety with one another, whether
they be strong or weak"
This is not war of conquest, it is
not war of retribution. Since the
announcement of the American posi-
ton it is no longer primarily a war
of self-protection. 1t is war to re
move the one great obstacle to world
progress. Never was American ideals
more splendidly conceived, or Ameri-
an arms more gloriously engaged.
We will see the war to the end.-Le-
roy F. Jackson, professor of Ameri-
can history, State College of Wash
ington.