Omaha daily bee. (Omaha [Neb.]) 187?-1922, 1918-10-26
Un5tg ON Peace Terms
William Howard Taft in Philadelphia Ledger.


As we approach the settlement of the terms
upon which this world-war is to be ended, it is
useful to discuss the exact function which the
president has in that settlement.
As commahier-in-chief of the army and navy,
he may make an armistice and arrange the de-
tails of the suspension OF hostilities or military
capitulation. He has full power and response
bity in this. In respect to the terms OF peace
however, his power is much more limited: What
the limitations are, ought to be emphasized in
view of the resolution introduced in the senate
by Senator Lewis of Illinois.
Senator Lewis proposes that the senate shall
now approve whatever course may be taken by
the president in the matter OF his replies and
in his dealings with the German and Austrian
governments in response to the demand for
either peace or armistice. He further would
have that body resolve that it indorses and ap-
proves whatever methods the president may en-
ploy to achieve the result Of victorious peace
and the establishment of the principles for which
we wage war; He would bind the senate to
indorse any determination the president may
reach as to the manner best calculated to pre-
serve the dignity of the nation and its complete
vindication in war.
It is within the bounds of moderation to say
that this resolution, if adopted, would be COM
plete abdication of the senates functions in the
matter of peace. The president is not the
treaty-making power Of this government all by
himself The constitution fixes exactly who
constitute the treaty-making power. The presl-
dent initiates treaties, but they do not become
effective and binding until after two-thirds
vote of the senate. The senate has sometimes
approved Of definite proposal Of a treaty in
advance of its making but it has never before
attempted to bind itself to approve something
which is left to the discretion of the president
thereafter to formulate.
The president has made addresses and sent
several messages to congress in which he dis
cussed what the terms of the peace should be;
but it must beIdstinctly understood that those
announcement of what at the time he would be
willing to incorporate in treaty which could
not become effective until two-thirds of the sem
ate had concurred with him.
The people of the United States have a right
to the independent opinion of the senate on such
momentous question Its members would
violate their constitutional duty it, by the Lewis
resolution, they were to surrender to the presi-
dent their power to pass on what the president
thereafter may do as part of the treaty max
ing power.
Moreover, there are other limitations not
contained in the constitution of the United
States, which the president in his conduct of
our foreign relations in this great crisis must
in honor observe We have been fighting this
wal Will ouI dliCS, dlcdl DlltdlIl, FRANCE, Italy
and Belgium. 1t does not make any difference
whether we call ourselves belligerents associ-
ated together in this war or allies. Certain hon
orable obligations growing out of the fact of
the association are the same.
Great Britain and France and Italy and Bel
GUM had been fighting our battle for three full
years before we came into it. They had made
enormous sacrifices of life and treasure, not only
he'll of civ h.f hah,f of
in behalf of the world Our coming into the
war has made possible the victory now immi-
nent. This is true in the same sense in which
the reserves of an army win victory after those
who have borne the heat and burden of the day
on the battlefield have.held the foe for this final
stroke.
But the fact that we came in late and turned
the fortunes of the war does not in the slightest
degree minimize the credit of our allies, who
fought so long without us in our behalf nor our
gratitude to them, nor the obligations of honor
that should weigh upon US in the considerate
treatment of them in settling the terms of peace
L he president, as commander in chief and |
as the lnitiator of nchoate treaties, should take
no step and make no communication with our
enemy until after consulting those who rep
resent our brave. self-sacrihcng partners and
comrades. If it be true that the note of the |
three inquiries directed to the German govern
ment was sent without consultation with them
lnlS would seem to have been slip that ought |
not to be repeated. 1t would have been wiser
if the president had replied that he could only
act in these matters after consultation with his |
allies.
Neither the United States nor the chief mag
lstrate is the arbiter in the settlement of this |
peace. The nations united in carrying on the |
war against Germany are equally interested in |
the outcome, and by every rule, being engaged |
In common cause, one of the parties should |
take indpnanHepf 80 &,ot- 80 A.
present or future interest of the others in re-
spect to the war or the>peace
OF course, the obligation is not absolute so |
as to prevent one nation from withdrawing from |
the war or insisting on different terms from
those which the other nations may seek. But
the obligation of honor reaches certainly to the |
point that all must be consulted and heard be- |
fore any one of them takes action which may
prejudice the interest of all or any of the Others
Not only does honor require this course, but |
the satisfactory winning of the war requires it. |
The war is not won until the form of its settle
ment is assured Separate action by one of the |
powers engaged against Germany without con-
sulting the Others plays into Germanys hands |
1t is the best means of introducing cleavage |
between the nations allied against it. Such a |
cleavage would enable it to escape the just pun
ishment which should be meted out to it, The |
allied nations, including our own should present
a united diplomatic front against their enemy
for the same reasons that led to the glorious |
union of the armies under Foch.