New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-07-13
To the Editor of The Tribune,

To the Editor of The Tribune
Sir: The thanks Of all liberals are due TO
YOU for the saving word you spoke IN your
editorial, Russia and the United states
All Americans Except few interested
cla.,.,) feel the essential justice, the far
SIGHTED political wisdom, Of the Russian for
mula, "No annexations, no indemnities'
however much details Of Interpretation are
still to be determined. But they have as yet
no proof that the American government is IN
sympathy with this formula, even in princi-
pie, except as regards itself.
Democratic America was united IN Its con-
viction that this war must not degenerate
into a riot Of land-grsbbing. Then demo-
cratic Russia rose up and put her whole
strength behind this demand. But in the
meantime a change had seemed to come over
America with her entrance into the war
Can YOU imagine with what profound disap-
pointment liberals read President Wilson's
note to the Russian government, in which ne
reproved it for its phrases" and asserted
that the war must bring about both annexa-
tons and indemnties? No one imagines
that he would willingly support programme
of imperialistic conquest. There may have
been secret reasons for wording the note
without so much as an expression OF sym
pathy for the ideals of the Russian people
But the effect of that note was to convince
America, rightly or wrongly, that this coun-
try stood squarely with the western Allies IN
their programme of conquest and squarely
against Russia and her aati-imperialistlc
ideals.
say that this understanding Of Wilson's
position may be wrong. But it is fact that
by no word or act has our government SHOWN
that It Is not ready, in your words, ito ac-
cept blindly all the purposes of the nations
fighting Germany" To be sure. we have not
Endorsed them, but "if we ignore them we
shall, In fact, accept them" When Russia
sought to force a modification of these pur-
poses in a democratic direction the Ameri-
can government was arrayed against her.
This the Russian people know. But how
shall they know that we stand with them for
a liberal peace unless such peace IS made
a part of our announced policy?
This liberal policy, when held by Russia
alone. was and continues to be danger. 1t
holds out to the German Junker hopes OF
separate peace. 1t strengthens the war
liberals. But this policy, when supported
also by America, will have precisely the OPP
posite effect. When the two nations which
are now of overwhelming Importance to the
Allied coalition have announced that they
will fight until Germany renounces her I'M
perialstic aims, but will not fight for
wholesale map slicing like that of 1915, then
the position of the German liberals Will be
unanswerable They can then say TO the
German nation: "You can have a decent
liberal peace now. or catastrophe defeat
later" The present strength Of the German
liberal element leaves no doubt as to how
the German people would decide. American
liberals wait for President Wilson to speak
the saving word that you, almost alone or
the powerful New York dailies, have spoken.
But if 1t is the saving word, 1t is also the
uniting word. Let us not deceive ourselves
America is in no heroic, no crusading mood
She has not leaped to arms as she did at LIN
coins call in 1861. The noise of Plattsburg
camps, the rhetoric of patriotic speeches,
cannot drown the dull rumble of apathy that
exists from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Paci-
fist meetings are still filled to the doors.
Appeal after appeal still fails to bring salts
factory recruiting. Congressman can still
defy the government knowing that they are
being supported by their constituencies at
home Many thousands of thoughtful people
are convinced that our government has sacri-
need its own and American ideas and be-
coma blind follower OF the Allied deci-
sions." And millions, literally, of those who
are not politically thoughtful are asking
themselves on the eve of the draft II they
must be killed. or send their sons to be killed,