davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04

have no fears for my own country. But
confess to having some for America. 1t
is not, of course, that | question her re-
sources or her capacity. They are beyond
comparison greater than those of any
other nation. The United States has with
in herself the latent power to be or to do
almost anything she chooses. The naval
supremacy Of the world is hers whenever
she cares to take it. By adopting universal
service she can build up also, if not nu-
merically the greatest, by all the odds the
most intelligent and the best equipped
army in the world. But what she can do
and what she will do are two very different
matters and own to some anXieties when
view her apparent reluctance to face the
stern facts Of international existence IN
these stern days and when | see her wan
dering in a cloudland of sentimental I'M
realities. The position of wealthy, un-
armed, peace loving nation, with exposed
overseas dependencies, is not one that IN
vites to any great comfort of mind.
There seem, indeed, to me to be three
alternatives ahead of the United States.
In the first place she may equip herself
with sufficient naval and military force to
make her secure for all time against in
vasion, to safeguard the Monroe Doctrine,
to protect the Philippines and to main
tain the open door in China-in China,
where American interests are already
heavily engaged and where the next great
international problem is slowly but in
exorably taking shape. That means, Of
course, supporting a burden of ornaments
by land and sea such as Americans at
present hardly dream of.
Secondly, she may remain much as she
is at present, taking no effective part IN
world politics, a hermit among the nations,
with her range of definite influence cir
cumscrbed by the American hemisphere
and leaving the Old World TO get along as
best it can. This means, of course, the
remuneration of all hopes of establishing
universal peace along the lines of Presi-
dent Wilson's proposals. 1t means that
the United States will persist in her ira
ditiona attitude of responsibility and
will continue to act as though America had
one set of interests and Europe another.
Il means that if the United States takes
part in European conferences or signs
Hague conventions it will only be in the
future, as it has been in the past, on the
understanding that she is thereby COM
mitted to nothing. 1t means also, fear,
that the moral force of America, once the
greatest of her assets, will be subject to a
progressively increasing discount.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04

States to offset the score of instances you
will certainly find of friendly acts and a
still friendlier disposition.
| wish Americans would once and for all
allow this simple fact 10 sink into their
consciousness. | wish they would frankly
recognize Great Britain for what she is
and must be, whether they like it or no
the democracy of all others to which they
are most akin in blood, in speech, in social
structure, in political formation, in moral
and ethical ideals. | wish they would
form in their minds some clear, unvar-
nished picture of what she has stood for
in the past and stands for to-day, of the
great civiizing mission that has fallen to
her lot, and of the spirit in which she is
discharging it in every corner of the world.
| wish they would find out for themselves
whether on the whole it is not the spirit
of Justice and liberalism and helpful prog
ress-a spirit and an achievement in which
Americans may candidly acknowledge the
embodiment of their own ideas of all that
makes for peace and prosperity and whole
someness and sanity. | wish especially
they would quietly survey the world around
them and discover, if they can, a single
point at which British and American in
terests clash, a single fundamental aim of
policy in which the two peoples are not in
complete agreement, or single quarter of
the world in which each would not gain by
the others assistance.
And I wish all this-let me frankly say
so-rather more for the sake of America
than of my own country. Great Britain
has been tested in this war through and
through and has not been found wanting.
She will emerge from it in every way a
stronger power than she was when 1T be-
gan. Her future is secure. She has firm
allies. She needs no others. You Will find,
when peace returns, that new England
has been forged in the furnace Of the war,
an England of labor and not of leisure,
ennobled by great sacrifices for great
ideals, fortified by poverty, socially,
spiritually, politically and industrially
made over, and hundred times more eff
cient and more vigorous than she was in
facing all the emergencies of national and
of international life. From the narrow
standpoint of self-interest such an Eng
land may safely trust to the strength Of
her own right arm, to the new spirit of
enterprise which this war has surprised
out of her sons, to the common sense of
her diplomacy and to the tremendous and
unsupported power of an empire that the
past thirty months have sOlidified into a
single unit.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04

sprang up az the result of Constantlnes
pro-German and anti-Greek intrigues and
Vaccinations.
In Macedonia the population cast of the
Athens rule. forming an independent ma
tional defence committee. The Island OF
Crete also abolished the Kings govern
ment In various other parts of Greece
committees were being formed for the
purpose of evolving a truly national gov
eminent in Greece. The logical leader of
the revolutionary movement was. OF
course, Venizelos, to whom the Greek de-
mocracy looked forward as to its most
illustrious and gifted representative.
Venizelos. accompanied by many high
military and naval officers, departed from
Athens, and on September II founded the
present provisional government in Canea,
Crete. Wherever Venizelos went the peo-
pie denounced their allegiance to the King
Joining the provisional government. All
the Greek islands and a considerable part
of continental Greece were affected by the
movement. A flood Of public men, Off
GERS. sailors. soldiers, university profess
sors poured into Salonica from all the cor
ners of Greece.
To measure the depth of feeling aroused
in the hearts of the people by the treason
able acts of the King, it is sufficient to
point out that within twenty days three
complete military divisions were raised by
the provisional government. Even Pre-
mier Calogeropulos saw the extent of pop
ular indignation at the Kings policies, and
arrived at the conclusion that the only
way left for Greece was to join the Allies.
Still the King remained loyal to his
Prussian ideals. He dismissed Calogero-
pulos and appointed Lambros, the present
Premier, as his successor.
The rule of Lambros has proved to be a
reign of violence and terror. The inter-
ests of Prussia are supreme in the eyes OF
the present Greek government. Greek
lives are sacrificed to the Prusslan god.
A vessel transporting Greek volunteers to
Salonica was sunk by a German subma-
rine acting under instructions from the
Greek royal palace. Constantine wanted
20 terrorize his rebellious subjects. With
this end in view a number of criminal
acts were perpetrated by the Lambros
ministry in recent months.
The press was gagged in fashion UNI
l,rown 10 Greece. Editors and journalists
were thrown into Jail and executed with
out trial. Civilians by the hundreds were
shot by order Of Constantine's officials.
About 1900 citizens were imprisoned IN
Athens and about 5000 in the rest OF
Greece. Among these prisoners were
clergymen, ex-Deputies, Mayors, profess
sors. ex-ministers and even nurses, who
had been accused of rendering medical as
sistance TO wounded Venzelists.
This reign of terror has no parallel in
the modern history of Greece. 1t led to
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04
The England of American School Books
and American Imagination Is Not
the England of To-Day

European liberalism in an effort to secure
a perpetuity of peace.
Only by herself bleeding and suffering
can the United States hope to influence the
settlement that will end this war. Only
by resolutely emerging from the shell of
isolation and algning herself with the
powers that think and feel as she does can
she hope to bring about that better dis
pensation which ought to follow the war.
The basis of a world peace is not TO he
looked for in a world concert or in dis
armament. IL is TO be looked for only in
the cooperation of the liberal and unag-
gressive democracies, backed by naval and
military force. Only when the United
States. France and Great Britain stand to-
gether, with the decisive weapon of sea
power in their joint control, will the cause
of peace have found it's true guardians
and guarantors. Make peace too powerful
to be broken and it will not be broken.
On no other terms can it be preserved.
viii America enter the war and, if she
does. will she wage it on the limited liza
bility principle or frankly, as an ally
among allies? viii she enter the world
and at length play an active part in the
family of nations? Will she persevere in
her present neutrality 20 the end, retire
once more into the seclusion Of her own
continent, and turn her back on the bigger
questions of the larger world? Will she
chase after the rainbow of perpetual peace
in vague endeavor to internationalize the
universe when she can secure TO herself
and all other nations durable and effective
peace by reinforcing the power Of Eu-
ropean democracy with her own? Will she
permit old prejudices against alliances and
older prejudces against Great Britain to
obscure her vision of the claimant needs
and facts of the world around her and Of
the sole conditions on which her ideaism
and her strength can usefully serve man
kind? These are tremendous questions.
They concern Great Britain. They con-
Germ Europe and Asia. But most of all
do thew concern the United States. On the
answers she returns TO them will depend,
for a longer future than you or / can
measure, the policies, the moral influence,
and the material fortunes of the Ameri-
can people.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04

Venizelos, however, the King reinstated
the retired general.
The opening of the European war, in
1914, found Greece in a state of conflict
between the forces standing for the con-
stitutiona rights of the people and the
Prussian influences fathered by the King.
The King was in secret agreement with
the Kaiser He therefore did his best to
further the interests of Prussia, for in
the triumph of the latter he saw his own
triumph. An absolute monarchy in Greece
would have been the natural result of
Germany's victory.
On the other hand, the Greek democ-
racy allied itself with the Entente powers,
urging Venizelos to coordinate the Greek
with the Entente policies.
Under the pressure of the popular
forces the King was obliged to remove at
ter the beginning of the war his favorlte
pro-German Foreign Minister, Mr.. STREET.
When the German government commits
stoned Constantine to influence the Serbian
government, in 1915, toward the conclu-
sion of separate peace, the King carried
this mission out, without informing
Venizelos, by sending to Belgrade Colonel
Metaxas, of the General Staff.
In February of 1915 Venizelos, backed
by a Parliamentary majority of three
fourths and the country's public opinion,
proposed a plan of military action with
the object of solidifying the Balkan States.
The scheme of Venizelos was to safeguard
the Balkan peninsula from Austro-Ger-
man aggression, at the same time liberat-
ing about two million Greeks from the OF
toman' yoke.
A crown council was convoked, in which
all party leaders participated, to pass
upon the plan of Venizelos. The council
/ favored it unanimously. The King, how
ever. refused to abide by its decision, and,
violating the constitution, dismissed We
nizelos from the Premiership, and sub
stituted a man with no political following
whatsoever.
When the new minister came to power
some popular backing of him had to be Gre
ated. and for that purpose German gold
WAS used. Newspapers turned within one
night from pro-Allies into the champions
of prussianism. This produced the I'M
nression abroad that a section Of Greek
public opinion was pro-German. In actu-
alitv. however, the large masses OF the
neople are at heart with the Allies. The
elections Of May, 1915, Notwithstanding
the pressure brought by the Kings agents
upon the people, demonstrated where the
sympathies of the large majority OF Greeks
lie. II was worthy answer by the Greek
democracy 20 the challenge of an uncon'
etitutional monarchy, for the royal MIN
;,trv. having been repudiated by the peo'
nile. should have resigned in favor oil inc
liberals. But such change IN the gov
eminent would have been injurious to the
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04

interests of Germany, which wanted to
have Bulgaria's cooperation in the war
And Bulgaria would never have dared to
ioin the Central Powers without being safe
with Greece.
It goes without saying that had We
nizeIos been at the head of the govern
ment Bulgaria would never have entered
the war on the side of the Teutons. But
the royal ministry, in power in violation
Of the constitution, was nothing but an
instrument in the hands Of the Germano-
philc King. Before the new Parliament
was convoked the Kings ministry gave to
Bulgaria full guarantees that Greece
would remain friendly in case Bulgaria
Joined the Central Powers.
When VenizeIos again became Premier
he was suddenly confronted by a Bull
garian mobilization. He FASTENED to sub
NIT to the King an order for mobilization
in Greece. proposing to send Immediately
an ultimatum to Bulgaria in conformity
with Greece's obligations to Serbia The
King signed the order for mobilization
but refused to send an ultimatum to Bull
garia. Venizelos, who had the full APP
rroval of Parliament behind him, was dis
missed.
For patriotic reasons he retired with
out protest. He did not desire to bring
about an internal crisis at time when
Bulgaria. fully modified, might have at
tackled Serbia in order to avenge her de-
feat of 1913. Venizelos was followed by
Zaimis. who was obliged to resign one
month later because of his disapproval OF
the Kings unfriendly stand toward the
AngIo-French army at Salonlca.
Constantine then intrusted the govern
ment to Scouloudis. At the same time the
King. disregarding the constitution and
the nations state of mind, dissolved Par
lament and ordered new elections, at
time when one-half of the male population
Of the country were modified at the from
tier.
The elections that followed, perhaps
more than any other event, illustrated the
nature Of Greek public opinion in regard
10 the war. For the large majority OF
voters abstained from coming to the polls
AS the Liberal party and Venizelos boy
cotted the election. The royalist candl'
dates, backed by the Kings government
made wretched showing. In Metelin, for
instance, the royalist candidate got SIX
votes, as compared with 10000 votes re-
ceived by the Venzelos candidate at the
previous election.
/ Constantine, however, would not be
swayed from his position by the proof fur
njshed 40 the elections as to the sympa
thies Of the Greek nation. The foreign
policy of Greece was shaped by the Gen
eral staff of the army, which was IN com
muncation with the German authorities
/ The military attache at the German En-
bassy at Athens got from the Greek au
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04
Some Americans the Author Intimates,
AT Times Seem Doubtful Whether
George iii Is Really Dead"

, ard England-these, too, are elements in
the problem.
/ Therefore |, for one, take it for granted
! that to win the genuine sympathies of the
American people for England must always
be matter of difficulty. ! do not at
tempt to hide that from myself any more
than / attempt to deny that for this diff
fculty our own blunderings in the past
have been greatly responsible. But / also
see that Americans have certain respon-
sibility in the matter as well. They allow
the past to have too much sway with them.
They even at times seem a little doubtful
whether George III is really dead. When
they think of England it is of the England
of the Revolution, or of the War of 1872,
or Of the Civil War--of some dead and
gone England that is separated from the
England of the present by fifty or hun
dred years in point of time and by whole
centuries in point of social and political
structure.
That. / think, is what Americans might
we'll recognize more fully than they do
that the England of their schoolbooks and
of their imaginations is not the England
of to-day. l must heartily wish they were
better informed as to the changes which
in the last fifty years have transformed
the scheme of British existence and rem
dered anything like the ungenerous and
unintelligent attitude which the aristo-
cratic England of the COS took up tow
ard America forever impossible. | wish
they realized the strong sense of friend
illness and admiring kinship which in all
Anglo American questions animates the
sentiment and determines the policy of the
modern British democracy. You will find
people in Great Britain and especially
among the upper classes-there are fools
( in all countries-who are still niggardly
/ in their appreciation of America and who
regard it with a sort Of amused and top
| lofty tolerance. They are the people who
are the enemies of every democratic move
ment in Great Britain itself. Americans
can well afford to disregard them and to
look beyond this impotent and unrepresen-
tative minority into the hearts and minds
of the common folk" who make up the
bulk of every English-speaking commu-
nifty. There, / can promise them, they
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04

1t is also the part richest in agricultural
and commercial resources. 1t is fully
self-suficient, its income being more than
enough to cover all administrative ex-
penses.
The army under the control of the King
at the present moment does not exceed
10000 men. The provisional government
on the other hand, has an army Of about
10000 part of which is now fighting the
Bulgarians on the side Of the Allies.
The policies of Venizelos harmonic
completely with the noble aims Of the
powers fighting to-day for civilization;
for the real interests of the Greek people
are bound closely with those Of the great
democracies of Europe. The Greek people
would have proved long ago by action Its
true position had it not been for the Prus-
sianized King that happened to control the
fortunes of the nation at the outbreak Of
the European confagration. The Allies
undoubtedly fully appreciate the difficult
position Of the Greek democracy.
This democracy has earned the right 10
be represented at the peace conference at
the end of the war. It's services TO the
cause of the Allies have hardly been fully
appreciated in this country. II was its
wakefulness, its profound loyalty to civil
ization, that prevented the perfdious King
from joining hands with the Central
Powers, thereby averting disaster to the
Allied force in Macedonia.
All the present efforts of the provis-
ional government TO furnish as much aid
as possible to the Entente cause are being
expended on behalf of the entire Greek
people. The Allied cause is a guarantee
TO Greece that her national aspirations
will be realized at the conclusion Of the
European conflict. Chief among these is
the liberation of the Greek populations
under foreign rule.
When peace comes Greece will in all
probability still be divided between the
King and Venizelos. The government OF
the former, being an adjunct of Prusslan-
ism, will have TO go down together with
its protector. The government of the lat
GER. being the natural and truly repre-
sentative government, will face the prob
lem of existence as the sole national gov
eminent Of Greece.
The question Of the overthrow Of the
royal government and the possible aboli-
ton OF the monarchy altogether will be
decided by a national assembly 10 be
elected for that purpose by the entire
Greek people. 1t is certain that in any
event the authority of the King will be
limited to great extent so as to deprive
him Of his autocratic power. A new
Greece will therefore be the result of the
war. Indirectly the democracies of Eu-
rope will have helped the democracy OF
Greece to achieve, through much suffer-
ing, self-government in the true meaning
of the term.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-03-04

For we have reached a period of the
worlds history when wishes and aspira-
tions and high ideals, unsupported by the
power of deeds, will be less than ever
competent to sway the deStinles of ma
tions. | have never wanted America to
enter this war for the sake Of the Allies.
| have hoped that she would enter it for
her own sake and for the sake of her
future standing in the world. 1t does not
need much foresight to be sure that those
who have gone down into the arena and
have fought the battle of civilization and
liberty and democracy, hurting into the
struggle the very pick of their manhood
and uncounted billions of treasure, and
reckoning the cause, the great cause, as
worth every sacriice-it does not need
much foresight to be sure that these ma
tons, when victory is in their grasp, will
have little regard for, will pay no more
than a formal heed to, any land that has
lowered as an affluent onlooker on the out
skirts of the war and has declined the SUI
premc call to itself descend into the lists.
America Linked with European Liberalism
There remains the third alternative
that the United States should boldly enter
the war not merely to vindicate outraged
American rights, but to help in defending
those sacred causes for which the Allies
are fighting and which every true Amerl-
can, as | believe, desires to prevail. l
want TO see the humane and dispassionate
intelligence of the United States brought
to bear on the actual terms of peace
those terms which she can never affect by
holding aloof or by Presidential adjura-
tions and promises or by anything but the
possession of power and the will to use it.
| want to see the soldiers and sailors OF
America fighting the great fight for the
salvation of democracy side by side with
their brother democrats of France and
Great Britain. want to see the United
States exercising the high privilege, seiz-
ing the irrevocabe opportunity, of strik-
ing in company with the heroes of Verdun
and of the Somme another blow for human
freedom. And with her position and pres
tige thus reestablished in the eyes of a
now critical world, | want them to see
America link her forces with the forces OF