New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-07
Russia's New Cabinet

NuSSld lNeW SdOLlCt
The new Kerensky Cabinet represents a
reaction toward Moderatism. Many of its
members are Constitutional Democrats and
have what are known in the MARKHAM jar
gon as bourgeois or anti-proetariat affilia-
tons. Americans are happily unfamiliar
with the distinctions which these catch
words denote. Even in Russia, which, with
its vast area, its industrial under-develop-
mentl and its excessive proportion of work
ers on the land (soon to become landhold-
ers), somewhat resembles the United States
of half century ago, these MARKHAM
clsssifications are more or less confusing.
The Petrograd correspondent of the
"Jewish Daily Forward" of this city, has
cabled that "the rejoining Of the Cabinet
by the Constitutional Democratic party
1.-THE Cadets will mean victory Of the
middle class over the working class" But
that is only another way of saying that
the revolution is regaining nationality.
The downfall of autocracy was accom-
plished in the interest of no single class in
Russia. The bourgeoisie is certainly as
much entitled to reap the fruits of the new
freedom as the proletariat is. Any effort
by the latter class to monopolize the bene-
fits of the new regime must lead to civil
war. And if civil war comes, either the
o.. he mill
dictator of the Napoleonic type will take
over the reins of government
In order to maintain the revolution the
Russian revolutionary factions must unite.
The internal reforms which both the people
and their leaders have in mind must wait
on the attainment Of external security.
With German and Austrian armies again
breaking into Volhynia and threatening
both Moscow and Odessa, national unity is
indispensable. If the middle class and the
proletariat of the cities lock horns, while
the moujiks look on in bewilderment, the
Teutonic invader cannot be checked. The
army will not fight for a government
which is incapable of organizing the nation
for self-defence.
What the Russian Revolution needs is
not Mirabeau, a Danton, or a Robes
pierre. 1t needs q Carnot, who will organ
ize victory by abolishing sedition, indisci-
pine and incompetency at the front. Ke
rensky has shown Dantonesque powers In
his brief period of sscendancy. If he puts
aside untimely dreams of social reconstruc.
ton and concentrates on Russia's real task
which is military-a Carnot may emerge
inthis Cabinet or some succeeding Cabinet.
There are two Russias, as Maxim Gorky
has said. One is the Holy Russia of tradi'
tion-inert, interpretive, long suffering
= Asiatic in spirit. The other is Unholy
Russia-with its face turned toward the
West, eager to make progress and to get
results, even though those results may be
ill-judged and fantastic. Unholy Russia
conceived and executed the revolution
But Holy Russia must sanction it and
stand for It, if it Is to survive. Unholy
Russia is a radical minority. 1t must
work out the nations destiny Of Russia is
tc be nation and not a mere geographical
expression) by energizlng and educating
the ancient Holy Russia
A single fraction or faction of the revo.
lutionary minority is not strong enough to
do this. Union and consolidation are as
necessary in Petrograd to-day as they
were in Philadelphia when Benjamin
Franklin said: eff we don't hang to-
gether we shall hang separately"
The proletariat extremists, the Maxi
n1alists, the Bolshevikis, are willing to take
a chance on hanging separately. They are
Marxists first and Russians afterward In
the new Kerensky Cabinet there are many
men who are Russians first and Marxists
afterward. That is sign Of returning rea.
son. 1t is the best news from Russia since
the original Duma Cabinet collapsed under
the pressure Of ultra-Socalist politicians
who wanted 10 conduct government In wal
time by street oratory, moral Cancellation
and an absolute abandonment Of coercivs
authority.
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