The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1917-07-27

Continued from Page H.
been any change in our international
relationship within recent weeks OF
months, but because the danger
comes with every turn of events"
The break would have come sooner
if our government had not been re-
strained by the hope that saner
counsels might still prevail in Ger
many. For it was we'll known to
us that the German people had to a
very large extent been kept in ig-
norance of many secret crimes of
their government against us. And
the pressure of faction of German
public opinion less hostile to this
country was shown when their gov
eminent acquiesced to some degree
in our demands, at the time of the
Sussex outrage, and for nearly a
year maintained at least a pretense
of observing the pledge they had
made to us. The tension was
abated.
While the war spirit was growing
in some sections of our nation, there
was still no widespread desire to
take part in the conflict abroad; for
the tradition Of noninterference in
Europe's political affairs was too
deeply rooted in our national life to
be easily overthrown. Moreover,
two other considerations strengthen
ed our government in it's efforts to
remain neutral in this war. The
first was our traditional sense of
responsibility toward all the repub-
lies of the New World. Throughout
the crisis our government was in
constant communication with the
countries of Central and South
America. They, too, preferred the
ways of peace. And there was
very obvious obligation upon us to
safeguard their interest with our
own. The second consideration,
which had been so often developed
in the presidents speeches, was the
hope that by keeping aloof from the
bitter passions abroad, by preserv-
ing untroubled here the holy ideals
of civilized intercourse between ma
tions, we might be free at the end
of this war to bind up the wounds
of the conflict, to be restorers and
rebuilders of the wrecked structure
of the world.
All these motives held back, but it
was not long until we were beset
by further complications. We soon
had reason to believe that the recent
compliance of the German govern
ment had not been made to us in
good faith, and was only temporary;
and by the end of 1916 it was plain
that our neutral status had again
been made unsafe through the ever
aggressiveness of the
German autocracy. There was gen.
eral agreement here with the state
ment of our President, on October
26, 1916, that this conflict was the
last great war involving the world in
which we could remain neutral.
1t was in this frame of mind,
fearing we might be drawn into the
war if it did not soon come to an
end, that the President began the
of his note, asking the
belligerent powers to define their
war aims. But before he had COM
pleted it, the world was surprised by
the peace move of the German gov
identical note on be-
half of the German Empire, Austria
Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey,
sent through neutral powers on De-
cember IL, 1916, to the governments
Of the Allies, proposing negotiations
for peace While expressing the
wish to end this war-"a catastro-
phe which thousands of years of
common civilization was unable to
prevent and which Injuries the most
precious achievements of humanity"
the greater portion of the note
was couched in terms that gave
small hope of lasting peace.
Boosting of German conquests, "the
glorious deeds of our armies" the
note implanted in neutral minds the
belief that it was the purpose of the
Imperial German government to in
sist upon such conditions as would
leave all Central Europe under Ger
man dominance and so build up an
empire which would menace the
whole liberal world.
Moreover, the German proposal
was accompanied by a thinly yelled