Tulsa daily world. [volume] (Tulsa, Indian Territory [Okla.]) 1905-1919, 1917-03-25

terms OF the announcement and tho
course CT events since seem TO indI-
cate that Bonar Law can hardly take
quite the part In the supreme control
that his colleagues have assumed. HIS
continual presence in the house or
commons and his arduous labors at
the treasury would indeed make IT I'M
possible for him to do so. No act of
Lloyd George has aroused as much
opposition in parliament as his dele.
cation Of his historical function or
leading the house as prime minister
to another member of his govern
ment, but It is pleaded that the prime
minister cannot possibly attend the
debates in the house and carry on the
work that must be done.
There remains OF the war cabinet
only Lloyd George. who would seem
to dominate his colleagues almost as
Bonaparte when first consul threw
his associates into the shade.
The sessions of the war cabinet.
which last several hours every day.
are attended by ministers and military
and naval advisers who are sum.
moncd To- advise the members. Lord
Derby and Sir Edward Carson, the
political chiefs of the army and navy.
are not such frequent visitors as Sir
William Robertson and Sir John Jel-
liCoc, administrative chiefs OF the
fighting services and it should be
said that LLOYD George has been most
careful to pie lgc himself not to tres
pass into the spnerc Of strategy. Ho
has before him :he warning OF NlhS-
ton ChurchilTs dash to Antwerp anL
the Dardanelles misadventuro.
The advantage of the new system
uG govCrnmcnt are obvious and have
already manifested themselves in
many ways Under the old regime the
policy of wait and see" was para
mount. Difference of opinion in tho
l,nwicldy group of 20 cabinet minis
ters was always present, and so pre-
Carious was the position OF the coall-
ton that Asquith was under constant
tcmptation, to which he generally
Welded, to postpone important de-
cisions rather than override reluctan'
colleagues and face the breakup tr
their designations For since -he ira
dition of English politics bound every
cabinet member to support as his lWt
n policy adopted by the cabinet, what
ever his personal views cor
scientiouS minister oNerrulcd on 4
point which he considered Of vital i'm
portance had no choice but to reeign.
/ And the AsQuith government was al
ways on the ragged edge Of disaster;
Il included bitter personal enemies
and men of the widest divergcncY OF
/ politics and outlook and Asquith witl
most of his colleagues believed In hls
own 'rndispen5ahility' and hence
| considered himself justified in tcm-
| rorizinC to keer himself In power
| even with the issues as vital for tho
| prosecution OF the war as conscrip-
! ton and munition output.
Prompt Decisions the Rule.
The present system of control by
nAl1 1nn gstaG
one of whom is usually not present
another represents Il single class OF
the community. and the other two
have been much absent-does away
| with the principal difficulty that
hampercd Asquth. There is no longer
any difficulty in reaching prompt de-
cisions. no matter how important or
revolutionary they may lie.
Another vital difference between
Lloyd George and Asquith Is one ol
viewpoint. The late prcmier's whole
career showed that he vas true
nemocra, who interpreted his func'
4 lion as an expression of the viii OF
the Deoplo. lie was accordingly mos
careful never to tale any radical stel
before being ccrtain of popular ap
proval. lie delayed conscription un
I'll certain of general consent,
phrase always on his lips. He be
0
coercc the people into accepting de
cisions the need for which they c0ulf
not understand, even tho the consor
ship made II impossible chat the gen
eral public should comprehend u
1915 the necessity, for instance, to in
trotduce conscription or give up tn
war
Lloyd George secs differently. I
his view, the people of Britain ar
| 1n 1rit mot CO
they are told the interests of tn
country are at stake lie has sal
again and again that Englishmen wi
: put up with any privations, any In
, vasions Of their ancient liberties. $
, long as the war is won. Aud he
acting on that belief. so far wit
!, complete success. The response
the people to the apeals made I
, them indicates that Lloyd-Georgc
/, right and Asquth was wrong, an
, that the British are as capable ard a
/, willing as the French to drink tn
, dregs of sacrifice They will be pu
to sterner tests this year than an
> Britain has ever faced.
The new premicr's job, assumin
, that | am right in believing that h
!, is the boss and can carry his col
leagues with him in anything nc de
sires to do. Is simply to win the wal
|
predecessor are great. Rut he Is ais
faced by certain serious disadNan
tages which are inevitable under tn
form of government he has set up an
which are necessarily most serious a
the beginning OF a new regime befor
there has been time to straighte
matters out.
Asquiths Debating Society.
Until the constitutional revolutio
of December :he principal function Q
the cabinet was to coordinate tn
work of the various great depart
ments. The chiefs of the great of
fees of state met around the table
Downing street and discussed thei
differences, with the prime mini3te
representing no department, to recor
, ciIe their disputes. Under the A
duith regime the president cf III
board Of agriculture could put fol
ward his case for moro men to ii
the land to prevent n reduction In IN
food supply, and the war minlste
could argue the need for more so
diers. II the two men were unab
TO agree as to how many farmer
should be taken from the land 70
= military service, their disintcreste
! colleagues, and especially the prin
| minister, were there to listen to hot
and then settle upon a common 10
II lev which both would be bound