The Tupelo journal., 1917-08-24

Wouiu De TO mana over n world TO
the rule of the nation with the larg-
est armament factories. Such a pol
icy the United States of America
could not accept.
But u principal Controversy with
the German Government, and the n
which rendered the situation at once
acute, rose out of their u
ment of a zone where their subma-
rines would operate in violation of all
accepted principles of international
law. Our indignation at such a
threat was soon rendered passionate
by the sinking of the Lusitania,
This attack upon our rights was not
only grossly illegal; it defed the fun
damental concepts of humanity. Ag-
restraints on our trade
were grievances which could be set
tied by litigation after the war, but
the. wanton murder of peaceable men
and of innocent women and children,
citizens of a nation with which Ger
many was at peace, was a crime
against the civilized world which
could never be settled in any court.
Our Government, however, inspired
still by a desire to preserve peace if
possible, used every resource of d.
plomacy to force the German Gov
eminent to abandon such attacks.
This diplomatic correspondence which
has already been published, proves
beyond doubt that our Government
sought by every honorable means to-
preserve faith in that mutual SINGER
ity between nations which is the only
basis of sound diplomatic inter
change.
But evidence Of the bad faith of
the Imperial German Government
piled up on every hand. Honest
efforts on our part to establish a firm
basis of good neighborliness with the
German people were met by their
Government with bubbles, misrepre-
sensations, and counter accusations
against their enemies abroad. And
meanwhile in this country official
agents of the Central Powers-pro-
tected from criminal prosecution by
against our internal peace, placed
spies and agents provocateurs
throughout the length and breadth of
the land, and even in high positions of
trust in departments of our Govern
ment. While expressing a cordial
friendship for the people of the
United States, the Government of
Germany had its agents at work
both>in Latin America and Japan.
They bought or subsidized papers and
supported speakers there to rouse
feelings of bitterness and distrust
against US in those friendly nations,
in order to embroil US in war. They
were melting to insurrection in Cuba,
Haiti, and in Santo Domingo; their
hostile hand was stretched out to
take the Danish Islands; and every
where in South America they were
abroad sowing the seeds of dissen-
sion, trying to stir up one nation
against another and all against the
United States. In their sum these
various operations amounted to di-
rect assault upon the Monroe doc
trine. And even if we had given up
our right to travel on the sea, even
if we had surrendered to German
threats and abandoned u legiti-
mate trade in munitions, the Ger
man offensive in the New World, in
our own land and among our neigh
bors, was becoming too serious to be
ignored.
So long as it was possible, the
Government of the United States
tried to believe that such activities,
the evidence of which was already in
a large measure at hand, were the
work of irresponsible and misguided
individuals. It was only reluctantly
in the face Of overwhelming proof,
that the recall of the Austro-Hunga-
rian ambassador and of the German
military and naval attaches was de-
manded. Proof of their criminal vio-
lations of our hospitality was pre-
sented to their Governments. But
these Governments in reply& offered
no apologies nor did they issue re-
primands. It became clear that such
intrigue was their settled policy.
In the meantime the attacks of
the German submarines upon the
lives and property of American citi-
zens had gone on; the protests of our
Government were now sharp and
ominous; and this Nation was rapidly
being drawn into a state of a As
the President said in Topeka, on Feb
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