The watchman and southron. [volume] (Sumter, S.C.) 1881-1930, 1917-06-23
Is The War Popular?
U}y Henry ID. Sedgwick of the
Vigilantes.)

ing an observed lact, say that TINS
war is not popular. The remark is a
little doubtful in meaning because OF
the two definitions of popular; the
adjective may mean liked by the peo-
ple," generally liked" or it may
mean for the people,
If such critics use the word as
meaning generally liked" all Amcri-
ca will agree with them. We do not
like this war or any war; we hate
the crime of destroying the kingdom
of God on earth, of ploughing up its
foundations and sprinkling salt over
it's ruins. This war will never be
popular" in that sense. But the
| American people have been taught 10
do things they do not like to do, they
have been taught that it may be right
to do things repugnant to ordinary
| human nature, that it may be right to
leave home and all that men love, to
give up the pleasures and ambitions
Of peaceful life, to undergo privation,
to submit to OdiouS labors, to suffer
wounds and to face death. These du-
| ties will never be popular" and yet,
let us hope the American people Will
always be ready and eager to perform
them.
Hut the critics may have used this
word in the sense of made for the
people" and felt that they were justi-
fled in denying this meaning. In that
case they are wrong, and perhaps
worse than wrong. A little knowledge
of history would show them that this
war is ''madc for the people"
Let them read not merely the doc
uments issued by the various govern
ments concerned and the reports by
witnesses of what has taken place
since July /. 1914; but let them also
run their minds back over the last
hundred and fifty years. Have they
thought of our Revolutionary war?
And will they deny that that war was
a step in the direction of democracy,
and of self-gOvernment by the peo-
pie? There were Tory critics at that
time who found the war unpopular"
Nevertheless present day critics will
admit that that was on our part
neither a dynastic war nor a war for
acquiring other peoples territories.
One consequence of our Revolution
ment and strength to the great demo-
cratic movement known to history as
the French Revolution" Even those
critics will not deny now, though they
probably would have done 20 at the
time, that the French Revolution aid
cd the cause of democracy, it abolish
cd feudal rights and feudal wrongs of
a most oppressive character, it took
away hereditary privileges from All
idle, self-indulgent class, it abolished
the dominion of one man over the
fate of millions.
This war is continuing the work of
the French Revolution. The German
people are an admirable people
even while we are at war let us be
just-but they are now engaged in
a mighty effort to maintain and ex-
tend the authority of q hereditary
monarch, who claims to have a divine
right to rule. They are doing all
they can to maintain and extend the
privileges of a landed aristocracy, TO
enforce the theory that a state should
rest upon military power and use that
military power to satisfy its ambitious
appetites. Round these feudal ideas
cluster all the theories and practices
| OF imperialsm-the conquest of for
cign markets by force, the exploita-
| ton of weaker races, keeping the pro-
letariat in its place. These are the
theories and practices that the spir-
it of the French Revolution attacked.
And ever since then the political his
tory of Europe and America has been
4 history of the struggles of democ-
racy to free the many from the bonds
imposed upon them by the few, and
of the struggles of individual nations
for the right to govern themselves.
This war is q direct continuation
of these two great 18th century move
ments. and is most emphatically pop
ular in the sense that it is for the
people" Those who are against this
war are against democracy; those
who are for this war are for democ-
racy. And every man who con-
Scientiously or unconscientiously, op-
poses the most vigorous prosecution