The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1917-07-13


other countries involved. Our mo-
tives, however, remained unchanged;
and our Government persisted in its
purpose to secure general ratifica-
ton either of this declaration or of
some similar maritime code.
There has been in our diplomacy
one more outstanding aspiration. We
have constantly sought to substitute
juridical for military settlement of
disputes between nations.
The genesis of this IDEA dates from
the discussions over the Federal or
ganization of our 13 original States,
which were almost as jealous of their
sovereignties as are the nations of
Europe today. The first great step
toward the League of Honor, which
we hope will at last bring peace to
the world, was taken when our 10
States agreed to disarm and submit
all their disputes to the high tribunal
of the new federation.
And this idea of an interstate
court, which except at the time of our
Civil War has given this Nation
internal peace, has profoundly in
fluenced our foreign policy. Of our
efforts to bring others to our way
of thinking, an historical resume
was presented by our delegates at
the First Hague Conference. A
project was submitted there for the
formation of a world court. And a
few years later Mr.. Root, our Secre-
tary of State, in instructing our del
egates to the Second Conference at
The Hague, laid especial emphasis on
this same international ideal.
We have taken particular pride
in being in the vanguard of this
movement for the peaceable settle
ment by process of law of all dis
putes between nations. And these
efforts have not been without sue
cess. For although the last few
decades have seen this principle time
and again put under a terrific strain,
no nation has dared to go to war
against the award of a court of ar
bitration. The stupendous posi-
bilities that lie in arbitration for
solving international problems, pro-
noting liberal principles, and safe
guarding human life had been amply
demonstrated before the present war
began.
But in the discussions at The
Hague, largely through the resistance
of the German Empire and it's sa-
tellites, the efforts of our delegates
and those of other Governments to
bring about general treaty of COM
pulsory arbitration had failed. And
therefore this nation, having been
thwarted in its attempt to secure a
general agreement, began negotia-
tions with all those nations which
like our own preferred the methods
of law and peace, with the purpose
of effecting dual arbitration treaties.
And before the end of 1914 we had
signed far-reaching treaties with 80
nations, 20 of which had been duly
ratified and proclaimed But in
this work, too, we were made to feel
the same opposition as at The Hague.
For while Great Britain, France, Rus
STA, and Italy cordially welcomed our
overtures, the. German and Austro-
Hungarian Empires were noticeably
absent from the list of those nations
who desired by specific agreements
in advance to minimize the danger
of war.
On the eve of the present ronflict,
our position toward other nations
might have been summarized under
three heads:
l. The Monroe Doctrine-We had
pledged ourselves to defend the New
World from European aggression and
we had by word and deed made it
clear that we would not intervene in
any European dispute.
IL. The Freedom of the Seas-In
every naval conference our influence
had been given in support of the
principle that sea law to be lust
and worthy of general respect must
be based on the consent of the gov
erned.
III. Arbitration-As we had Sc
cured peace at home by referring in
terstate disputes to a federal trib-
unal, we urged a similar settlement
of international controversies. Our
ideal was a permanent world court.
We had already signed arbitration