New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-10-22
Professor Cattell's Defence
When a Faculty Committee Is Not a
Faculty Committee. Etc.
To the Editor Of The Tribune.

Sir: ! should THINK that thc. NcW 'oi"
newspapers would be as tired Of mo as lam
of them. As, however, you have devoted an
other editorial article to Columbia University
and TO my case, beg permission to state GER
tain facts.
My relations with the university were not
| considered by the department or faculty OF
which I was a member, or, contrary to your
statement by any faculty committee. AZ
meeting of the Columbia trustees on March D
resolution was introduced retiring me on
account Of frivolous but truthful remark
that | had made concerning the president OF
the university in \ confidential letter to MEM
hers of the Faculty Club. At the same meet
ing OF the trustees q committee was appointed
I to ascertain whether doctrines contrary to the
Constitution and the laws were being taught
or disseminated at Columbia.
| This latter resolution raised storm OF
protest, the faculty Of political science vot'
ing that it "betrays profound misconception
Of the true function of university in the adj
vancement of learning" After passing res
olutons of protest, the council, itself prims-
rly an administrative body, appointed COM
mittec OF nine TO defend the interests OF AGA
demc freedom. This was nota committee OF
the faculty, but Butler-Seligman committee,
containing six deans, who are appointed by
the president and. according to the statutes
of the university, must "act in subordination
to the president" From this committee Pro-
fessor Dewey has recently resigned as pro-
test against the general situation.
A Conditional Apology
The resolution retiring me was referred 10
the committee, which unanimously recon-
mended that no action be taken. They. how
ever. asked me for an apology for my ironicsl
remark about the president and signed the
statement which Professor Seligman wrote, on
the assurance that this would be OF great ser
vice to the committee in maintaining the
rights of the faculty and Of freedom OF
speech and on the promise that IL would be
shown to no one except the committee on in
QUESTION Of the trustees, and only to them il
necessary. When the apology was sent out by
Professor Selgman to officers Of the univer'
sity and printed in the newspapers wrote
letter to members of the Faculty Club telling
how the apology had been obtained. thought
owed this to them, as many had approved of
my remark about the president, one profes-
sor, for example, having written: Let me
first of all thank you for saying so well some
of the things that and many others dare not
out support if we did say them"
Professor Seligman then wrote letter to
me, copies of which he sent out by the hun
dred, stating that did not respect the ordi-
nary decencies of intercourse among gentle
men" and that my Usefulness in the univer-
sity has come to an end" As ! understand it,
Professor Seligmsn claims that he only broke
the promise Of a gentleman and had no
-. I ho1d mi
the promise of the acting dean of the gradu-
ate faculties and of the chairman Of the COM
mittee of nine of the council, made officially
in the deans Office, and that secret diplomacy
should have no place in a university.
UNFOLDING Academic Freedom
Whatever may be the rights and wrongs OF
this petty squabble seven Of the nine mem
bers of the Butler-Seligman committee on
June l8 recommended that I be retired from
active service with the pension due me. The
trustees. however, chose TO dismiss me for
maintaining academic freedom in the classical
sense not for resisting academic slavery as it
exists at Columbia.
When they dismissed me on October I, with
out hearing, without payment for the year
and without the pension due me, it was the
sole ground that had on August 20 addressed
letter to members of the Congress asking
them TO support measure then before the
Senate and the House to prohibit sending con-
scripts "to fight in Europe against their will"
There is no law requiring or permitting the
President TO send conscientious directors" to
fight in Europe. To do this, according to an
opinion prepared by the Attorney General OF
the United States for the President in 1912,
would be unconstitutional. IL is also against
the uniform policy Of the nation. 1t would
provide less efficient army and might cause
disorder at home. The British government
does not require conscientious DIRECTORS" to
night, and does not force CONSUMPTION on Ire
land. | only exercised the constitutional
right and fulfilled the duty Of citizen in
petitioning the government TO enact legisls-
tion which ! believe to be in the interest OF
tn. nation. By curious irony the commit
tee Of the trustees appointed 10 guard the
Constitution recommended my dismissal for
using the method which the Constitution
states shall not be abridged In letter writ
ten to members Of the Congress asking them
to respect the Constitution.
| II the president and the trustees could have
found in anything else that have said or
done anything that by any possible perver-
sion could have been made to appear unpatri-
ONlC hOuiu Ueeu OHls toO Blau W
have adduced it. As il is, they have hid be-
hind the flag to ssssssinste, relying on the
prejudice and blind patriotism Of war. They
might have retired me for insubordination,
and there would have been no public protest;
but they apparently wanted to fnjure me and
discredit my efforts for university reform.
This they may have been able TO do, but only
by causing at the same time far greater in
jury to the university.
favor peace on the Russian terms, praeti-
cally adopted by the President in his reply to
the Pope But both before and since our
entry into the wsr have done everything in
my power to promote national efficiency.
spent a large part OF the week before | was
dismissed drawing up for the War Depart
ment plans for the scientific selection OF
aviators. Ny oldest son, with my approval
and assistance, was one of the first 70 enlist
in the army and go to France, where he is in