Eagle River review. [volume] (Eagle River, Wis.) 1890-1927, 1917-11-09


Each nation must decide for itself how
it will meet it. The choice we make
for ourselves must be made with
moderation Of counsel and a temper
ateness Of judgment BETTING our
character and our motives as nation.
We must put excited feelings away.
Our motive will not be revenge or the
victorious assertion of the physical
might Of the nation, but only the vim
dication of right, of human right, of
which we are only single champion.
When / addressed the congress on
the 26th of February last, I thought it
would suffice to assert our neutral rights
with arms, right to the seas
against unlawful Interference, our right
to keep our people safe against un1avv-
full violence. But armed neutrality, it
now appears, is impracticable. Because
submarines are I'm effect outlaws, when
use as the German submarines have
been used against merchant shipping,
1T is impossible to defend ships against
their attacks, as the law of nations has
assumed that merchantmen would de-
fend themselves against privateers or
cruisers, visible craft giving chase up
ON the open sea. It is common pru-
dence in such circumstances, grim nee
esSity indeed, to endeavOr to destroy
them before they have shown their own
intention. They must be dealt with up
ON sight, If dealt with at all.
The German government denies the
right of neutrals to use arms at all
within the areas of the sea which it
has prescribed even in the defense of
rights which no modern publicist has
ever before questioned their right to
defend. The intimation is conveyed that
the armed guards which we have
placed on our merchant ships will be
treated as beyond the pale Of law and
- ~ x,sp a%<NcS
would be. Armed neutrality Is ineffec-
tua1 enough at best; I'm such circum-
stances and In the face of such preten-
siOns 1T is worse than Intellectual; 1T Is
likely only to produce wharf 1T was
meant to prevent; 1T is practically GER
tain to draw MS into war without either
the rights the effectiveness of the bel
Ifgerents. There is one choice we cam
not make, we are incapable of making:
We will not choose the path of submits
sion and suffer the most sacred rights
of our nation and our people to be 1g-
nored or violated. The wrongs against
which we now array ourselves are mo-
common wrongs; they cut to the very
roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn
and even tragical character of the step
am taking and of the grave RESPONSE
bilities which 1T involves, but in un-
hesitating obedience to what | deem
my constitutional duty, I advise that
the congress declare the recent course
Of the Imperial German government to
be in fact nothing less than war
against the government and people of
the United States that it formally ac-
cept the status of belligerent which has
thus been thrust upon it; and that it
take immediate steps hot only to put
the country in a more thorough state
of defense, but also to exert all its
power and employ all it's resources to
bring the government of the German
empire to terms and end the war
What this will involve is clear. 1t
will involve the utmost practicable CO.
operation in counsel and action with
the governments now at war with Ger
many and as incident to that, the ex-
tension to those governments of the
most liberal financial credits in order
that our resources may SO far as pos
sible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and
mobilization Of all the material re-
sources of the country to supply the
materials of war and serve the incl
dental needs of the nation in the most
abundant and yet the most economical
and efficient way possible.
Tt will involve the immediate full
equipment Of the navy in all respects,
but particularly in supplying it with
the best means of dealing with the enc
VS. submarines.
1t will involve the immediate addi-
ton to the armed forces of the United
States, already provided for by law in
case of war, of at least 100000 men.
who should, in my opinion, be chosen
upon the principle Of universal liabil-
ity to service and also the authorize
ton of subsequent additional incre
ments of equal force so soon as they
may be needed and can be handled in
training.
1t will involve also, of course, the
granting of adequate credits to the
government, sustained, 1 hope, SO far
as they can equitably be sustained by
the present generation, by well-cOn-
ceived taxation.
say sustained so far may be
equitable by taxation, because it seems
to me that 1T would be most unwise to
base the credits, which will now be
necessary, entirely on money borrowed.
1t is our duty, most respectfully urge,
to protect our people, SO far as we
may, against the very serious hard
ships and evils which would be likely
to arise out of the imitation which would
be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by
which these things are to be accom-
pIished we should keep constantly i'm
mind the wisdom of interfering as lit
and i'm the equipment Of our own mill
tary forces with the duty-fOr it will
be a very practical duty-Of supplying
the nations already at war with Ger
many with the materials which they
can obtain only from us or by our as
sistance. They are I'm the field, and we
should help them I'm every way to be
effective there.
shall take the liberty of suggest
ing, through the several executive de-
partments of the government, for the
consideration of your committees,
measures for the accomplishment of
the several objects I have mentioned.
/ hope that 1T will be your pleasure to
deal with them having been framed
after very careful thought by the
branch of the government upon whom
the responsibility of conducting the
war and safeguarding the nation will
most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deep
Iy momentous things, let be very
clear, and make very clear to all the
world, what our motives and CUR OBJ
jects are. My own thought has mot
been driven from it's habituaI and nor
NAL course by the unhappy events of
the last two months, and do not be-
Ifeve that the thought of the nation
has been altered or cIOuded by them. /