The Washington times., 1917-03-29
THE PERFECT PACIFIST
REVEALED

public service in allotting more
than two columns Of its space to Mr..
Amos Pinchot to enable him to state
in full the case of pacifsm. This is
the first full and ordered exposition
of the peace-at-any-price pardon,
neutrality-suspicious. and
doctrine, as applied to the existing
crisis, that we have seen in print.
It is invaluable as an educational fac
tor in the situation. 1t leaves the
pacifst naked in his shame by his
own act.
Condensed from Mr.. Pinchot's
well adorned and well fabricated
periods, the argument seems to be
as follows:
We are not at war. We need
not be at war. For the sake
of things greater than our ma
tional honor, things that America
cannot ignore and yet remain
true to itself, we must not be at
war.
This, notwithstanding that:
Our provocations are great
Heaven knows we have every
legal excuse for going to war.
Further, the first person singular
being Mr.. Pinchot:
believe that the German gov
ernment has been the main ag-
gressor. / believe 1t prepared. for
fnrrad the that a. has
carried II on with stupid brutal-A
ity. Above all, see in German
militarism a blight upon civiliza-
tion-
We must not enter the war because
Our entrance into the war will
prolong the war; for 1t will make
Germany desperate,' close the fist
of the militarist government upon
the people, and hold down the
democratic impulses that stand
for peace. Our entrances into the
war will prolong the war, because
1t will solidify the British gov
ernment's determination not to
make peace until a decisive vic
tory is won, and to offer no terms
in the meantime that will not inn
pei Germany to fight on to the
bitter end.
In other words, we must not enter
the war because our doing so would
hinder Germany from forcing on the
world a peace on her own terms. In
order that there may be no mistake
about his attitude we quote some
more of Mr.. Pinchot's outgivings:
President Wilson was right
when he said that the secure or
ganization OF the world depended
upon peace without victory" He
was right when he asked the
country to pursue a policy of
armed neutrality. and not war
against Germany.
The war has grown into a ques-
tion larger than this or any ma
tion's individual rights or local
considerations of honor.
No personal considerations, no
prating about international rights
and laws, no talk about CONNER
cial losses or gains is tolerabIe at
this time of the worlds appalling
necessity. So far has the con-
fiagration burned; here 1t must
cease.
We believe we have in this course
of reasoning" the superlative of
perversity and the climax of pusil-
lanimity. Because the war is fright
full, because Germany has made it
frightful beyond precedent or paral-
lei, Germany must be allowed to
win it. She must be allowed
to win because her defeat would
involve some prolongation Of
horror and disaster. And in Mr..
Pinchot's exalted view no consider
alton of right, law or honor is COM
parable to the physical suffering and
loss involved in such prolongation.
He fails to see that failure to defeat
Germany means a future of world
friphtfulness. He shuts his eyes I'd
the fact that to end the war in any
way save the downfall of Germany
means the sacrifice for ages of every
principle of freedom, of everything
worth living for and that in the tri-
umph of Prussianism the prolonga-
ton indefinitely of physical suffering
and mental woe is an inseparable
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