davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24
Volume 9
WOndrOus Wise Class.

By c. c. Quinn, class poet.
We are the class in our school,
And we are wondrous wisel
In languages, alive and dead,
We always take the prize.
In Physics we are wonderful,
For there we often delve;
In literature, our rnotes rank high
This class of only twelve.
Admired Joe Clayton heads our
class,
In football he is fine,
And as the captain of our squad
Hes made the old hill shine.
Our cheerful Lloyd is next in line.
He's mighty good in songs,
And with his lasting, happy smile
His bass notes he prolongS.
Next-Ina, who is dignifed,
And studies every day;
Who's never known to miss rule
Or after school to stay.
Then Jewell a musician great,
Who plays the latest airs.
Her himbIe fingers drive away
Duh thoughts and 2choolroom
cares.
Our Ethel and our Katherine
Deserve our sweetest praise.
Correct. demure, they always are
For quiet are their ways.
Loretta, who is working hard
And studies all the night7
To play she really hasn't time;
= work y her delight.
Hold WarFeo. lle y csIt for fun
And George is by his side,
They say they always did prefer
To walk rather than ride-with |
girls.
Dear Annabel for class and friends
Talks Latin after school
With sweetness. gentleness and
glee;
She follows every rule.
But where the one called Clifford
here?
Sometimes he's called c. c.;
La spite of stature small you see
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24

Sergt. Guy B. Love and Corp.
A. G. Quinn, of Co. A, 3rd Ten
nessee Infantry, have been desig-
mated by Col Spence to attend Of
fcers school at Fort Oglethorpe.
They left Tuesday TO take train
ing.
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24

YOU needn't have AIRY anxiety when the
other fellows look you over, and make
comments on your new suit, If you come
to US for
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24

Born to Mr. and Mrs, Harry
Hicks, a boy
Prof J. c. McAmis, of Copper
hill, was in town this week.
Born-to Mr.. and Mrs. Ernest
Taylor, of the mouth of Ocoee
river, boy.
Quite number from here at
tended the singing at Ocoee Sun
day afternoon.
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24

o. D. Thompson of Ducktown
and w. F. Rymer of Benton. are
recent financial contributors to
the News financial department.
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24

Don't forget that there is Sunday
school at Benton Station in the
morning and Mt. Hermon in the
afternoon.
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24
Benton Station.

Several from here attended the
Old Time singing at Ocoee Sun
day.
Pryor lawson was in Cleveland
Friday.
Several from here attended the
Baccalaureate sermon, at Benton,
Sunday.
Rev J. E. Fogleman and son.
Amos were II Cleveland Friday
Ne farpiers afe very neaf w
with their planting around Benton
Station.
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24

Prof. w. B. Rucker, of Copper
hill, was in town first of the week.
Polk County news. [volume] (Benton, Tenn.) 191?-1983, 1917-05-24

Watches, Clocks. Electrical Goods.
Auto Repairing, Storage Supplies
General Repair Work Goodyear
and United States Tires.
TELEPHONE 80. Calls answered day
Opp. Co. Jail. or night
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-28

that the business Of neutrality is over. 80
long as America is happy and prosperous
and secure he sees no reason why she
should start out to look for trouble.
The Question of Consequences
1t seems, therefore, to me as though an
immense educational effort would be need
ed before the people Of this country be-
came convinced that President Wilson's
plea for the participation of the United
States in world politics was in line with
either the national traditions or the ma
tional interests. Nothing can be more OBJ
vious than that so far they have not
thought out the problem. They do not
know what it involves or what implica-
tons and consequences it may entail, or
what sacrifices or notifications, If any, OF
cherished American policies it may de-
mand. If they have read history they
probably have well grounded suspicion
of the facility with which leagues for
peace are twisted from their original pur-
poses to serve national and military ends;
and the idea of America making a definite
and resolute entrance into the interna-
tional arena, becoming a working member
of the family Of nations, contributing her
share of naval and military force to the
common stock, playing an active part IN
the settlement Of non-American questions,
undertaking the inevitable commitments
and running the inevitable risks-this idea
at present seems to me not only foreign but
repugnant to their political judgment. 1t
may of course in time become familiar and
more attractive. | sincerely hope 1t will.
| hope so because every Englishman is
confident that the more America mlngles
in the workaday world the more will she
discover how many are the bonds that
unite. and how few are the differences that
separate, Great Britain and the United
States; and also because every English
man is equally persuaded that on the CO.
oneration of these two countries rests the
best hope of future peace. There are some
factors. too. that are manifestly tending
in the direction Mr. Wilson is eager to
take. The very genuine aspiration for
peace which is now part of the American
the many new ties of COM
merce and finance which the war has man.
ufactured between the United States and
the outer world and the strong and sound
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-28
By SYDNEY BROOKS

r'HERE was one point in President
II Wilson's address to the Senate
which struck me immediately
can the completeness Of the contrast 1t
resented to his message of thirteen
tonths ago. II is contrast not merely
/ policy but Of spirit and fundamental
ttitude. Like all other men in whom the
bpacity for growth is not atrophied, the
residents views have developed rapidly
hd have changed radically under the
lressure of the war. A little more than
wear ago. i'm his Presidential message
/ December z, 1915, he was emphasizing
be fact that the American people had
no part or interest" in the policies that
eemed TO have brought on the European
bnfct. lie was congratulating them on
heir "studious neutrality" 1t was
Ieutrality, he declared, imposed upon them
Eby their separate life and their habitual
attachment from the politics of Europe.
He was expatiating on the necessity OF
great merchant marine, not only for the
United States, but for the American
hemisphere as a whole, "if it is not 10 DE
|rawn into the tangle of European al
airs" And as an apparent alternative
) participation in world politics he was
Preaching the gospel of Pan-Amerlcan-
,m and holding up 1.-The Americas" as the
rue scene of American interests and ac-
tyities.
To-day it is much wider compass that
hc President is fetching. He not only
pntemplates. he urges. new dispense
lon. a concert of all the powers for the
reservation of future peace, federation
ff the universe, on terms that will make
recurrence of the present cataclysm i'm
possible; and to this world state OF his
Hopes, providing certain conditions are
iulflled, he pledges the active cooperation
II the people and government of the
nited States. That, as | understand 1t,
! the kernel of his proposals. 1t is
oble vision. IL is also a familiar vision.
pne could talk forever both of its gran
eur and Of its staleness. Since the peace
y the Antonines was irrevocably broken
10 dream has so insistenty tormented
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-28

ventions, but with the distinct and public
proviso that their enforcement was no
concern of hers. She has attended Euro
pean conferences, as at Algeciras, but only
on the understanding that they committed
her to nothing. Even in the Far East
whittier she has sent innumerable dis
matches in the last sixteen years, / doubt
whether she has ever once contemplated
following up words by action. The Mon
roe Doctrine, so far as an outsider can
tell. still represents the limits of the aver
age Americans interest in foreign affairs.
He still prefers to be a spectator of the
world rather than an active participant
in its doings He still desires, if | read his
mind correctly, to have as few dealings as
possible with foreign powers; still quotes
and would like to abide by Washington's
warning against "entangling alliances
still clings instinctively TO the policy OF
isolation and non-interference as the one
that most adequately squares with the
needs of American conditions. In my
Judgment the national self-engrossment
and the national consciousness Of political
self-suficiency are just as complete to-day
as they have been any time during the
,ast hundred years. Cross-examine the
average American and you will find him
holding fast to the belief that Europe has
one set of interests and the United States
another. and that Americas true destiny
and most useful task is TO develop on the
American continent an ideal type of civ
ilization. TO eschew war, militarism and all
the burdens and deceptive glories of the
older world, and to inspire mankind by the
example of nation given up solely to the
pursuit of liberty and justice and the arts
Of peace and equal rights for all.
That seems to me TO be the general
American ideal, and the present war, IN
nv belief. so far from weakening or dilut-
ing it. has, if anything, added to its
strength and desirability. | think the
average citizen was never more thankful
than at the moment that between the
limited States and war-maddened Europe
t5ere lies the Atlantic. He looks down
upon us in our shambles and thanks
heaven for the singular blessedness and
TRANQUILITY of American conditions, and
he would do anything rather than become
involved in the decorating rivalries Of the
old World He is very far from believing
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-28
BRITISH VIEW OF THE PRESIDENTS PEACE MESSAGE

results: and the result of the Presidents
recent moves toward peace is to encourages
Prussanism and to ALLEVIATE the United
States from the sister democracies OF
France and Great Britain.
The governing facts in the European
situation are that the ruling caste in Ger
many want peace and that the Allies do
not; and that between Prussianism and
democracy there can be compromise. One
or the other must go under; and there has
never been in my mind the slightest qUes|
ton as TO which side Mr.. Wilson, and thu
vast majority of the American people with
him, wish to see prevail. His hopes and
sympathies and theirs are instinctvefy
and inevitably on the side of democracy.
But Just as President Wilson's genuine
desire to be of service to the Mexican peo-
pie seems scarcely as yet to have benefited
that distracted country, so | confess TO
fear that his action in the infinitely more
tangled and hazardous situation in which
Europe now finds itself may unwittlngly
assist the enemies and the would-be muir
derers of that very cause of liberty and
democracy which he undoubtedly desires
to see triumphant everywhere. If there is
one thing that is now in1exibly imbedded
in the consciousness of Europe it is that
the Prussian military system must be up
rooted before the ground can be prepared
for any scheme of future peace. The war
will go on, and ought to go on, till that
end is thoroughly and completely achieved.
But every suggestion of an early peace or
peace without victory, or of a makeshift
settlement by so much binders its achieve
ment, by so much irritates the Allies, and
by so much encourages the Prussian war
makers to hope that they may still by
diplomacy save their skins, escape the
penalties of their unparalleled crimes and
avert the downfall that otherwise most
surely awaits them. Therein lies the dam
ger Of Mr.. Wilson's peace activities. Ills
the danger that America may find herse.f
unknowingly aligned with the powers
whose principles she detests and estranged
from the powers with whose ideals and
scheme of government and society she Is
in the closest sympathy. II is the danger
that she may be put in the position Of
supporting militarism and betraying de-
mocracy. And that would be tragedy
almost as great as the war itself.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-28
Message for America from the nternatonaist Patriot
Echoes the Words of His Fellow Revoutionist, Robes
pierre" Kaiser Napoleon and Kaiser Wilhelm
Tried Same Trick, He Insists

no Drawer defenders. In the great melting
pot which is the French nation, where
have been brought into unity and agree
ment Celts, Teutons and Latins, they have
been so we'll cast, their blood has been so
well united with other French blood on all
our fields of battle, that Jews are now in
separable from the Motherland. If every
where Jews were treated as in France, in
America, in England and in Germany, the
Jewish question would long ago have been
resolved. 1t is far otherwise with the
Jews of Poland, of Rumania and of Rus
STA. They, too, must have justice.
Poland, Rumanis, Serbia-Their Renais-
There are other problems of national
ism to be liquidated. There is Poland.
Poland must be united again-must be
herself-and justice here can be attained
by no parody of Polish nationality under
German princeling and the Zollverein.
Whatever the military situation in the Bal
kans may be to-day, Rumania must have
back again those millions of Rumanians
who, in Pennsylvania and the Bukuraine,
are unwilling subjects of the Austro-Hun-
garians. 1t is only half century since
Italy and the Germans came into anything
like complete nationality; Italy must now
receive the reinforcement of her unre-
deemed provinces, of which she has already
reconquered 1900 communes. Also, the
turn of the smaller Slav nations of Central
and Southwestern Europe is coming. The
Serbs of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Slavonia
and Croatia must be subtracted from the
inchoate mass of the moribund dual mon
archy: Serbia shall have her renaissance!
Greece may have played no hero's part in
recent events, but Greece, too, should see
the restoration of the Greeks of Smyrna
and the shores of Asia Minor to their own
institutions and nationality. Finally and
indisputably, there is Alsace-Lorraine.
Alsace-Lorraine is and must be
French, and it needs no plebiscite to de-
eide whether or not territory torn away
from France by force shall be returned
after more than forty-five years bondage,
in the hour Of our victory, toward which
we unfalteringly march
NJ. Herve vigorously denies that he has
been Converted" to or from anything by
the events of the last two years.
Converted? l have not even changed
my opinions. was fighting against mill
tarism when they sent me to prison; !
fight miltarism now-but the soldiers
way of fighting is the only intelligent way
of fighting at the moment. Germany is IN
the way-not just in Frances way or
Russia's way, or England's way but in
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-28

by these gendarmes also. Even to-day,
after the Lusitania, after Lille, after the
Belgian deportations, it is not too late. The
future of internationalism, to say nothing
of the smaller nationalities that look back
to the past, depends upon internal and
external justice and rests, at last an
alysis, on force. II is not sufficient for
your municipal police in New York to have
good principles and good intentions, like
Mr.. Wilson; they must be highly respected
by the opaches of New York. :"
By Nerves view we have now come to
the point where the world must liquidate
its national problems. Only with their
liquidation, rather than mere medication
of few symptoms, rather than the great
crime of a premature peace, can health
come back to Europe-and the world. The
United States must, soon or late, come
into the war, argues M. Herve, not merely
to shorten it, not merely for military and
material reasons favorable to France and
her allies and to the future foreign rela-
tons and trade relations of the United
States with the great world empires
France, Britain, Russia and Japan-but
for moral effects, and that it may share
in the settlement without blinking its
share of responsibility. The United States
has taken part in the sessions at The
Hague, in the Algeciras conference which
settled the future of Morocco, in the de-
termination of China's relations with the
rest of the world. Is the United States
to-day a smaller force, morally and po-
litically, than in earlier times? That is
because our foreign policy of the past is
now revealed as a policy of bluff.
"Yes," NJ. Herve repeats, this time more
earnestly, 1--WE have come to the point
where the world must liquidate its prob
lens of nationality. Let US begin with
the Jews.
when the Socialist Congress of Lon
don met in the first year of the war
expressed a hope that it would not side
step the question of the Jews. For nine
teen centuries this peoples life has been
one long martyrdom. They have awaited
all the same, the hour of reparation, the
Messiah who was to bring in the reign of
justice and peace throughout all the
world.
"The Jewish problem is not one problem
for all the nations. Your Jewish problem,
so far as you have one, is quite different
from Frances. But France has no Jewish
nroblem, after all. Revolutionary France
did not give the Jews their lost kingdom,
but it gave them the rights of man. French
Jews are Jews no longer. They are
Frenchmen: French in tongue, in culture,
in heart; and France counts in her armies
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-28

editor-agitator what was the sacred
Union? Since August, 1914, one has
often seen that phrase, and perhaps some
of us have not fully grasped its meaning.
As I put the question | was thinking OK
a cartoon drawn months ago by Nc
Cutcheon in 1.-THE Chicago Tribune,
kind of cartoon-diagram of the world, with
John Bull, his hands full Of insurgent
labor and insurrectionary Ireland, and
Russia with her hands more or less full,
too, looking enviously at France-one SIN
gle soldier, all unity Of sentiment and Ell
fort. Uncle Sam looking across the ocean,
his hands full, too, between exploding
warehouses and agitating Teutons. is put
ting some question: "And doesn't France
have any ouarrels on her hands,"
1.-THE Union Sacree,' said NJ. Herve, 'is
the truce of all parties and groups that
we entered into when French soil was
crossed and the question became one not
of following this policy or that, but of ex-
pelling every enemy from our soil. The
Union Sacree exists still, and each OF US
is so proud to see his country united that
there is every hope that it will last after
the war even, until we have made good all
that the war has cost. You would know
what our pride rests on if you had seen
that silent mobilization Of three million
men in one day, if you had seen the Francs
of the Marine when, without adequate mill
tary preparation, without heavy artillery,
and with fewer men to defend than wers
attacking, we drove back the enemy on
our soil. That miracle, if you must usa
the word miracle gave each Of us cons
fidence. and the Union Sacree, founded on
hope, rests on that confidence. For forty
years France has had an army Of the con-
quered: for two years and more she mas
had an army Of conquerors. That is the
Union Sacree.
1.-The consolidation of France rests on
many things, but not least perhaps upon
the fact that the lay republic has been
united and has been enobled by the death,
side by side, of freethinker and believer
the one fighting as bravey as the other.
In the France of the future there is room
at last, and from the standpoint Of every
one of us, for the priest. We have for-
gotten our old strifes, for, separatist OF
intransigeant, we can all agree that the
priest also has, in this conflict, earned his
Croix de Guerre. We accord, too, that
even in peace time such a priest mua
make an excellent representative of mo-
rality's police force.
The Resurrection
1.-THE world no longer calls France deca-
dent" continued the patriot-international-
ist "The decadence of France" on. Hervs
himself introduced this over-worked phrases
into our conversation "the decadence OF
France has gone on now for fifty years.
Depopulation has been its symptom and its
symbol. For fifty years we have been
country of bachelors, or of fathers Of only
sons. All that is ended once and for all
We shall make families; we shall maks
men.
"We are conquerors now in the cause
of humanity"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-28
One Mans Aspirations

When, therefore, we are invited to con-
clude a peace on certain terms, and when
as an inducement to do so there is held out
the promise that the peace so made will
be maintained, not only by the moral and
diplomatic but by the physical power of
the United States, and when, on examin-
ing this promise, We find that it represents
the aspirations of an individual rather
than the settled purpose of a people, we
fell mean, we in England feel-that a
guarantee of such uncertain validity is not
one on which we can safely rely. Too
much is at stake to trust to anything but
an ironclad bond. And we feel this to be
particularly the case when the peace that
we are urged to make is one on which
nothing lasting can be built frankly
do not know what the President had in
his mind when he talked of peace with
out victory" But | am sure that con-
sciously he would neither say nor do any
thing which would stay the march of de-
mocracy in Europe or buttress what still
remains of the power of Prussian militar-
ism. That Mr.. Wilson would deliberately
set out to insure longer lease of life for
Hohenzollernism and all it's hateful and
anti-American implications is to me incon-
ceivable. Unhappily, as Mexico has album
dainty proved, craftsmanship has TO be
judged, not by its intentions, but by its