New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-14


the United States into the war. We have
no territorial ambitions; we have no fnan-
cial appetite; we shall not ask Of Germany
at the end Of the war one inch of territory,
nor shall we ask for any punitive indem-
nifty. Such monetary questions as are in
volved are questions which can be rele-
gated to an international court and decided
on their merits.
It is not the fault or the concern of the
United States that other nations fighting
Germany and now in alliance, in fact if
rot in terms, with the United States have
made agreements, many of them just, some
Of them questionable, as to the remaking
of the map of Europe. If Germany had
not attacked the United States our mill
tary and financial resources would not now
be strengthening the enemies Of Germany
whose aims are material as we'll as moral.
When Germany chose to attack US
through the submarine she invited and
accepted the risks incidental to American
entrance into the war, and she deliberately
chose to incur the danger to herself which
would flow from the presence of American
troops in Europe and from the fact that
American arms would be joined with those
of her enemies. 1t was the German deci-
sion which brought the United States into
the war, and one of the incidents Of this
decision was the fact that to the French,
who are fighting both for the liberation of
their territory now invaded and for the re-
turn of that stolen in 1870, American par
ticipation gave new strength to both aims.
It was the German decision that gave to
italy, which is fighting for the completion
Of her unifcation, that indirect support
which American participation in the war
necessarily brings.
But the United States is not fighting for
Alsace-Lorraine or for the Trentino. The
United States is not definitely and by
formal declaration fighting for the restora-
ton Of Belgium or Of Serbia. The United
States is fighting against German policy
applied to the United States, which is also
the policy that has been applied to Bel
GUM, to Serbia, to France.
Were it conceivable that Germany could
renounce that policy without making terri
torial and financial sacrifices at the same
time, the United States, as its own policy
now stands, would not be concerned with
Belgium or with Serbia, although millions
Of American citizens believe, as does The
Tribune, that Americas war aims should
be extended to include the liberation of
these two countries. But the fact is that
Germany cannot renounce the policy which
has brought us into the war without at the
same time renouncing that policy as it ap-
plies to Belgium, to France, TO Serbia.
Herein lies the origin Of much misinter-
probation of war aims and war ends. 1t is
not true that the United States by its own
act is fighting for Belgium, or for Alsace-
Lorraine or for the Trentino. The fact is
that Germany, by attacking US, added US to
the number Of nations which are fighting
her, and since the nations which are fight
ing her have war aims Of a material char
acter, our presence in the battle line must
strengthen those aims. This is no concern
Of ours, since it is the logical and inescapa-
bic sequence of the German decision that
she could profit more by bringing us into
the war through her submarine policy than
by abandoning her submarine policy and
keeping US out of the war.
1t is a mistake, it seems to The Tribune,
TO confuse the single, clear-cut war aim Of
the United States, on which we have en-
tered the conflict, with any of the aims or
purposes Of the other nations who are
fighting Germany. The single object and
aim Of the United States must be TO arrive
at a peace predicated on the remuneration
by Germany of the doctrine which i'm
perils the United States. This doctrine
also inperils all other nations, but while
it simply imperilled all other nations we
did not choose to enter the war, and the
mass of the American people have not yet
been educated to realize that the essential
cause of the war was this German doctrine
ood xDoI;cy Carrpap nronaOandists con-