The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1917-06-16

ISSUE as national, best compose their
difficulties outside of a political con-
vention. The chambers of commerce
and other industrial interests in Ire
land, with their expert knowledge, per-
haps might also better adjust their
special claims in the harmony of a
committee than in the chaos of an
open debate.
Given Both Desire and Opportunity.
Given the desire for settlement, and
the power to settle, there is nothing
inherently impossible of settlement In
the Irish situation. Conditions can be
laid down by which every legitimate
interest in Ireland will be adequately
safeguarded. But, even with these
conditions assured, will a settlement
be reached? The decision rest entire
ly with the extremists. If these, Re-
publicans or Reactionaries, believe
themselves assured of support outside
of Ireland. support from America or
from England, support greater than
their numbers or their claims merit,
they may remain obstructive and re-
calcitraut, they may refuse all COM
promise, they may Illustrate every at
tempt lat settlement. It is, therefore.
now of value to canvass Irish opinion
in America, to place on record the at
titude of Irish-Americans toward this
convention, in order that Irish aims
here may be defined, lest extremists,
deluding themselves with false hopes.
plan to defeat it's purpose. No elabo-
rate inquiries are necessary. Catego-
rical answers to the following ~three
questions would give all the informa-
ton needed:
(1.) Are you in favor of a conven-
ton of the Irish in Ireland determin-
ing the plan of the future Government"
of Ireland?
| (2.) If that convention be arranged
on basis as equitable as is consistent
with the present ,exigencies of war,
will you abide by it's decisions?
60 If the British Parliament le-
galizes these decisions, will you loyal
ly and intellectually cooperate with
thes Irish Government thus consti-
tuted?
Information Necessary for Convention.
This information is necessary to the
members of the convention. 1t is no
less essential to the vast body of non
Irish opinion in America, for if Ire
land ceases from being cockpit for
English politicians, there should be
neither support nor tolerance here for
mischievous agitators seeking then to
convert it into a cockpit for intransi-
geant Irish factions.
To show sympathy with the Rus
sian people and to give what aid they
may seek in counsel, an American
Commission has been dispatched by
President Wilson to Russia. The set
Element of the Irish Question now is
scarcely less important to the success
full prosecution of the war than is the
adjustment of difficulties in Russia.
In Ireland, as in Russia, men en-
crossed in the problems among which
they live are apt to lose their perspec-
tive, are apt to exaggerate incense
qnential differences, forgetting that
the world is at war. The people of
Ireland in their existing confusion
need advice and aid almost as urgent
ly as our Russian allies. A deputa-
ton of eminent Irish-American Pres
byterians is about to go to Ireland to
place at the disposal of their Ulster
brethren their wisdom in all matters
upon which their counsel may be
sought. This is an suspicious begin
ming. In wishing these patriotic and
self-sacriicing gentlemen God-speed,
one cannot help regretting that the
Irish in Ireland have not now by their
side the leaders of Irish thought in
this country and in Canada. Mr..
Michael Ryan, of Philadelphia, the
leader of the Nationalist Party here;
Supreme Court Justice Cohalan, the
leader of the Young Ireland move
ment; Justice Keogh, Mr.. Victor Her
BERT ex-senator O'Gorman, Mr.. Balm
bridge Colby, and countless other
Irishmen of distinction are available
in this crisis. The sending now to
Ireland of an American advisory COM
mission adequately representing Irish
opinion in this country would be
deemed a gracious and friendly act
by the Irish people, would be of in
calculable aid to the success of the
convention, and would be the means
of bringing the Irish Question to,
speedy and a permanent solution.