davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16

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To original color To be- maHsa red into
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oos American BANK HdF
MODEST WORKING utltl. Is To 81.
a. "a young mans Sunday afternoon
companion. object matrimony Hot
its7. star
YOttNo MAS CAMP COOK WOULD
lis~ tr meet LADY WILLING Go e. to
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jackson Seattle wash
OFT MARRIED BEsT MATRIMONIAL
paper published Mailed FREE The
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GET ACQUAINTED sOcIETV"-MEEr
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The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16
ACRES ron q475

On salt water. on mainland easy terms
" payment Tide lands Included hams
not over feet hiNh; productive alder
soil, running spring. Charles Romera
60, Alaska Building.
The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16
ArTORNENS-AT.lAM

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The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16

HELgfA% tiANEN ANB FLEMISH
Giants far sale 1854 Ferdinand o. SD.
nsr t11t
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mare TOP hurEy and harness e.
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The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16

DOLLAR ron buLtAu FuN Nut
urfmAp. American HANK bavkr "n a
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farn sos usstea uiegE
The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16

FNUrNEH WEIT UTtLuINU 100
baikh~ad Apg'Y machine shap, itit
Wrsfrra ave-
The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16
LOST AND FOUND
al LIVESTOCK FOR SALE

FOTSD- RMAif, rrRSE ~ MARKET'
Saturday Owner call az Eoig 10Th
The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16
IS FARM LANDS FOR SALE

An nEttLSu Az HOMESTEAD ~ 6
ana 10 acre tracts one mile from beach.
CHEAP uensT. W u fattsn. CoibB.
The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16

M1S NSp WfFE ~ Assn EH TI0SE
cell FfFs rent Cell affe@ e O'Clock
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The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16
MALE HELP WANTED

tBes VALE rRotNEHs ron iiGs
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Green Hiar Frur'h and Ptss
The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16

GET WELL IN
NATURAL WAY
/. NJ iiss We. Chinese
! nature herbs hfms
remedies. sucesss'ui
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disorders anf many
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men and uafnss ~
uring Chln~se nature
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The Seattle star. [volume] (Seattle, Wash.) 1899-1947, 1917-05-16
PHYSICIANS AND SURGEONS

ps y =. rHrrn rnYtlctAN ANp
surgeon. Eenito-uHnhfy and rectal dts
eases Traders ulngh. corner Third
ave ana Marion tt Hours ~. 90
sp N evenings 2 TO > Hundays 10
70 u rhans Ellleil Ils,~~1oo
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05
n alfour Refuses to State
u E.ngland's Peace Terms

Germany disavowed the activity Of Err
berger, but his efforts with those of his
two contemporaries met with discourage
ing response in England. The most def
mite answer to Germany came from Ar
thur Balfour, Foreign Secretary, who
pointed out that England could not say
definitely what her peace terms could be.
But Mr.. Balfour did intimate that Eng
land would not let Germany keep Belgium
nor Alsace- Lorraine, and that doubtless
the Balkan empire Germany would like to
create into her Middle Europe should also
emerge from the war with the freedom of
autonomous states guaranteed by the
Allies.
Notwithstanding, there was a somewhat
noticeably kind note in the Foreign Sec
retary's mention of Germany. 1t APP
peared in the statement that Germany
must work out her salvation. You do not
mend matters by imposing a constitution,
even if you have the power. Nations must
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05
q enator Borah Bespeaks a
y Declaration of Purpose

The part of America in this purely men
tai interregnum was taken by Senator
William f. Borah, of Idaho, who called to
the government to make clear tbs terms Of
the fight in these words:
"The American people suppose, if. they be-
lieve what they have been told, that we are
fighting for humanity for the rehabilitation
of certain countries in Europe and for the re-
adjustment Of certain boundary lines in
Europe. | believe that the terms and condi-
tons which we are fighting for should be
made clear TO the American people and the
terms and conditions on which we would be
willing to make peace l do not believe that
Germany would accept such an offer at this
time. No one believes that, with Russia per-
manently out of the battle, with France at
her peak but not moving the German lines,
and with the destruction Of the worlds ton
mage by the U-boats increasing rapidly Ger
many would accept any peace unless she die
tated the terms But these terms ought to
be given to the American people so they will
know what they are expected TO tight for"
There were several things said about
Mr.. Borah's speech. cir s.
The Senator's implied idealism disturbs
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05

But not too fast Does It not require some
thinking before such speedy conclusion is
reached?
"And, supposng that it is ossented 70, what
has been done? Just take a moment 20 note
that every sentence is preceded by an ST.
"If the war does not involve the things
that Senator Borah says, then his conclusions
may be right. We will not say they are right,
but they MAY be right.
but IL the war does involve them, then
the war IL justified, is it not? Certainly that
logically follows. SO the whole question turns
on an if
"And, now, what has Senator Borah really
said7 lie has said nothing Statements be-
ginning with an ~ never settle anything.
They PROFOUND a question, but they give no
answer. Did Senator Borah explain his if7
lie did not. Can he explain it? We don't
know. Would he explain il II he did know :?
We rather think he wouldn't.
Almost anybody can say the things that
the Senator said. Though they're anything
but clever, they can talk like that forever.
And they do say them. Uncounted millions
Of statements that are really impositions. but
are popularity accredited as valuable, begin
With en- ~ that leave, them wholly worthless,
"Lst Va tsss y sspit.ii,t cad, mssins him
ak rlSh. cut N lgr!ystsl msetin. run him
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05

make their scheme of liberty for them
selves. according to their own ideas and
based on their history, character and
hopes"
THE Brooklyn Eagle" thought it saw in
the events of the week, eliminating in the
Balfour speech, kind of jockeying for po-
sition, progressive game with peace as
the prize. "The Eagle" said:
This is the kind of peace talk that counts.
1t is progressive. II may be calculated to re-
move all doubt in the minds Of the German
government as to Allied determination, and
to make the German people realize the fulfil
ity of trusting a government that is not play
ing fair with them or with the world. There
can be no change in this attitude on the part
Of the Allies so long as the German govern
ment plays its double game. This game con-
sists of representing TO part of the German
people that they are fighting defensive war,
while promising another considerable element
the fruits of victory and conquest. The only
basis for hopes of peace is in the fact that
the present attitude of the German govern
ment is as unsatisfactory to the German ma
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05

much as our war, as ne said, is defensive
and has been defensive "even though 1t
must be fought extensively and on foreign
SOIL The time has gone by when nation
to defend itself retires within its own
borders and awaits the coming of the
enemy"
The speech of the Senator from Idaho
came at a dramatic moment in the coun-
try's participation in the war. The Rus
sian failure, the growing nervousness over
the submarine situation, and the persistent
German attempt to wear out France had
introduced a definite feeling of pessimism
into the thought of both the United States
and England. Army officers who returned
from the Western front in France were re-
ported to have advised Washington that
the German line was almost impregnable.
Mr.. Hearst's New York American" came
out with a demand for peace in an edi-
torial which ended:
1--WE are still of the opinion that this coun-
try belongs to the American people, that their
government is their servant and not their
master. and that the American people, who
must pay for the war and fight the war, have
a right to say--and eventually will say
when the war shall end and upon what terms
il shall end"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05
Tn No Mood to Listen to
4 Pacihsts and Socialists

In the midst of all this the House Of
Commons overwhelmingly voted down a
Socialist peace resolution, and the Allies
comforting in Paris declared that they
were "resolved not to lay down arms until
they have attained the end which in their
eyes dominates all others-to render I'M
possible return of the criminal aggres-
sion such as that whereof the Central
Powers bear the responsibility
The announcement came, apparently,
Just at the right moment. 1t seemed to
hearten public opinion, if the newspapers
were to be trusted, although "The New
Republic" in an editorial evidently writ
ten before the conference was held, said
that the State Departments refusal to
take part in the council, primarily held
TO discuss a Balkan policy, was merely a
policy of American diplomatic nihilism."
And then "The New Republic" went on
to say:
Essentially the American nation is vitality
interested in a conference of its allies about
the Balkans. The war into which the United
States has been sucked began In Balkan
controversy. No stable peace is possible I'M
less the extremely difficult problems con-
nected with the political future of that re-
gion are wisely handled, and while President
Wilson has never indicated how in detail they
should be handled, he has proclaimed prin-
ciples which have an obvious application to
the Balkan situation.
at is inconceivable for this country to
MAY no part in the deliberations of its allies
about the future organization of South
Slav state, and the adjustment of the con-
ficting claims of Greece and Italy in the
Adriatic, Albania, Epirus and the Egean.
These are among the thornest political prob
lens of modern statesmanship, and any de-
cision reached in respect to them may affect
vitality the duration Of the 1t may cost
the American nation many thousand lives
and many billion dollars. The refusal to par
tcipate in so important a conference seems
TO indicate that the State Department has no
diplomatic policy and is reluctant to provide
itself with the facts on which policy should
he based"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05
Little Englanders

" THEN it came TO empire build
" ing the late Cecil Rhodes was
pygmy in appetite compared win
General SHUTS, the Boer who now looms
up in British imperial councils. Genera
SHUTS laughs to scorn those pacifsts and
Little Englanders" who would give Ger
many back her colonies, and then puts
them to rout with fresh fear--the black
menace. "The Outlook" (London) quotes
him as follows:
General Smuts's observations in Es''
Africa opened his eyes 70 the full meaning
Of what the enemy had in view, and he Goes
not hefitate to say that German aims we''
not only danger 70 the whole continent ou'
to the whole world. The creation Of Ger
man Central African empire. comprising '''
Cameroons, the Congo State and East Afrie,'
would admit of the training Of oia''
army which might threaten the very ssS'.
ence Of civilization. The man'power o.
tropical Africa is stupendous, and organileo
b. inscriptions brains might change 'a'
face Of the globe. Therefore General smu'
holds the opinion that the military training
Of the natives should be forbidden. AZ tns
very least the sll-British route from Esyp'
to the Cape would be imperilled by pe'm'F
ting the Germans to return to East Afr''''
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05
One Can Imagine What the
" German Peasants Think

This was the opinion of "The New York
Evening POST:
THAT there are Interior objects in this re-
newed talk of peace by the Teutonc govern
ments may be true. The hope may be to
mislead and possibly divide their enemies.
Mchaels keeps on talking about the selfish
purpose of France and England in urging
Russia TO continue to shed her blood need
lessly. There may also exist the motive to
stiffen the courage and resistance of Ger
mans and Austrians. The Chancellor af-
except the enslavement of Germany This
is severe straining of the known fact, but
IL may have the effect of cloggng up the
energies Of Germany.
"Yet, with every allowance made for all
this, every proper discount made the un-
deniable truth remains that great change
has come over the German government, f-ce
to face with the realities of the war There
is no longer any hope, much less official
promise, of victory. The old, naughty, UNI
yielding tone is gone. Triumph by sub
marine warfare is now definitely given up.
"The increasing array of the civilization
and resources Of the world against Germany
is biting deep into the German mind. When
the government goes as far as il does, even
though Erudgingly, can imagine what
peasants and artisans are saying, spd de-.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05

many's mistake however, was quite evil
Iently in making one peace move too many
and public opinion appeared to easily see
the sinister significance of it for Germany
The Chancellor in an injured tone con-
tinued the fiction Of Germany attacked,
drawing the picture of France voracious
and eager to devour. On top of all this
the ubiquitous Matthias Erzberger declared
at Zurich that he need only to take few
minutes of conversation with Lloyd
George or Mr.. Bafour to reach an under
standing for the beginning Of peace nego-
tiations. And the interview of Count
Czernin abounded in such phrases as
peace by understanding"
Golfers Weekly" thus expressed itself
on the matter:
"On a number of occasions Golfers has
expressed the opinion that the German gov
eminent was shaping its internal policy with
one object in view, namely, to secure toll
Grant hearing of German claims by this
country at the inevitable peace conference
Correspondents at London and Washington
now take the same view. There is hardly
any doubt that the so-caled electoral re-
forms now in progress are TO be adopted with
view to their effect on democratic coun-
tries. When the time comes one cOnsttu-
tional government will appeal to another:
Your President has declared war on autoc-
racy Well, we have abolished autocracy and
our War Lord Is now a constitutional ruler
like your President. He has decreed it. 1t
is So
unfortunately, there are people in this
country who may be deceived by this hum
bug, and they ought to know that there has
been about as much chance that an agitation
for freedom could prevail against military
authority in Germany as that Germany's
prison camps should achieve self-govern-
ment The revolution was as openly
licensed by the government as the beer halls.
1t was led by member of the Tory Centrist
party. 1t will go just as far as the govern
ment permits, and no further.
"The sincere hope of every American who
believessthat this country went into the war
from the humane motives described by the
President in his address to Congress must be
that when beaten Germany appeals for a
conference we will not be persuaded by any
consideration into pressing upon our Allies
terms that will endanger their future peace
and well-being. The people of this country
have not formulated their wishes in regard
to the future in Europe, and they do well to
leave that matter to the good sense and chiv-
airy OF the nations that have long lived IN
der the menace of the German invasion. The
people of France know what to expect o. a
Germany able to renew its vgor and recon-
struct its instruments of conquest They
have been brought face 10 face with the
monstrous conception which Germany calls
military necessity. They want no more of
il. Let them determine the means by which
Germany can be prevented from again bring
ing down this horror upon the head of her
neghbors.
"The civil necessity of France should be
the measure Of the punishment of Germany
for the crimes of which she has been guilty
under the name of military necessity"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05

"The New York Herald" which calls him
TO account in this fashion:
"When he awoke yesterday morning 20 find
that an the sinister forces Of German propa-
ganda in this country were echoing his de-
mand Tor the no indemnities and no annexa-
tons peace which Lenine and other agents Of
Prussanism saddled upon the Russian Provi-
slonal Government before their direct con-
neetion with Berlin was discovered, the Idaho
Senator must have had one Of those second
thoughts whose effect is SOLDERING. third
Eill come when he gets away from the super
,eated surroundings at Washington. out into
he clear atmosphere Of the West, and learns
what the American people think Of his craven
proposal that the forces fighting for eivilizs-
ton and the right shall quit without exacting
from Germany indemnities FOR the monstrous
wrongs she has committed against Belgium
and France and for those which she instigated
again. Serbia and Montenegro"
"The New York World" thinks Senator
Borah has set an impossible task in spe-
cifeaily defining what we are fighting for,
because "this is By no means simple mat
ter, for the war il TOO gigantic 10 be re-
dused 10 a catchwar But The New
YORK Gun" 10 bothered BY no .ush essuls'
tn, finding ths Senator quitA rtcby mas
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05
The Myths Behind the War

no worse than those the newspaper ed.
tors are making. Before Mr. Cree and his
colleagues can inform the public they mrE
first realize what sort Of information We
already have too much of and what sort We
urgently need.
eve have spoken at length of lie Men.
songe' only by way Of making our sugges
ton concrete. Let the Washington Burear
bend its energy to the dissemination Of this
sort Of information. Let IL take unwieley,
unsystematized, important data such as this
book offers, rearrange It and get is main
contribution to the public. Let i put aside
the easy talk about democracy and autotuy
and tendencies, and sift the great mass "
pan German propaganda for us; let il tell Us
the facts in Germany's colonial policy, IN
her attitude toward the Monroe Doctrine,
her growth in South America and the nstur.
of her interests there-these are the things
we need to know.
"we want research from the Buresu Of
Public Information, not editorial effort
Public opinion may be guided by generalii'.
ton, but public conviction is made only %
facts
Had we a little frmer grasp on lith
larger body of facts, we should be less BE-
wildered by the present German situation
less docile before the remuneration props
ganda which is issuing from Berlin.
"The Bureau Of Public Information could
assume no more admirable task than that 81
helping to make more sound the judgment
Of this people on matters that concern w
war, but sound judgment is educated frcn
facts, not notions"
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-05

CAMUEL STRAUSS, in "The Villag-
- err" calls his readers attention to
~ the fact that there are valuable data
available which might materially alter
American public opinion regarding the
war. He asserts, to begin with, that
"By reaffirming that Germany's part in the
war is purely defensive the Reichstag has
been of considerable service. By recalling
the words spoken from the German throne
in August, 1914, it has reawakened the whole
question of who began the war, and what for
& question which smaller and shifting issues
have from time to time somewhat beclouded
1t is, after all, the only important question
We should never lose sight of it.
Despite the food of books and papers ard
pamphlets without end, we 90 not know
much of anything about this war. We have
only vague surmises as to why it was be-
gun; and as to why it was begun in August
1914, we have no knowledge at all
Even information concerning the manner
in which it was begun is but fragmentay;
here, however, we may hope for some slow
but immediate amplfcation as time yields
few more facts. We should seize eagerly
upon every fresh detail of truth which can
be brought to light from out that mysterious
history packed July week when the war was
made the plot of the whole story is some
where in those details.
"A book has recently appeared in France
under the title The Lie Of August 3, 1914
Gle Mensonge du aodt, 1914 Librairie
Payot ct Cie). Though anonymous, it has
every evidences of being a semi official pub
LEGATION. Host of the maps, photographs
and documents reproduced are admittedly
from the archives of the French War De-
partment; indeed, the scope of the compils-
ton would be possible only for one who had
had access to official sources.
at is book which offers, not generaliza-
tions, but few hard facts; it should be
read in this country.