The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1917-03-24

Farm Lana.
said, had been fooled once before.
After brief speech he withdrew from
the House with his adherents and the
Nationalist went into conference. The
only result of this meeting made
known was that the NatiOqalists voted
approval of Mr.. Redmond's action.
Another meeting of the Nationalist
has been arranged for tomorrow, and
the deepest interest attaches to this,
as there are many who still feel, In
view of the statements of the premier
and Mr.. Asquith concerning possible
settlement, that an early opportunity
should be taken to submit proposals
in a more concise form for the con-
sideration of the parties concerned.
Timothy Healy. who did not follow
Mr.. Redmond's lead in quitting the
House, sarcastically predicted, in the
course of speech late tonight, that
"Mr. Redmond, who made such dra-
matte skedaddle from the House, will
return with his tail behind his legs"
He also declared that the Irish people
would "be able to take the measure Of
sucK pre-arranged play-acting."
Since the day the Home Rule bill
was introduced in 1912, Mr.. Healy
said, he had never known Mr.. Red
mond to hold the hand of friendship
to the Conservative party; on the con-
trary, he had tabooed every sugges.
ton the Conservatives had made for
an agreement. He charged that Mr..
Redmond had deliberately upset the
Nationalist party and thereby created
Sim Feinism.
Premier Lloyd George, at the outset
of his speech, admitted that the tenn.
perate speeches, without bitterness,
that he had just heard had impressed
him with the difficulty of the problem
more than violent speeches would have
done. They showed how widely sepa
rated were the views of the two sec
tions of the Irish people. The British
people would acclaim with delight any
settlement acceptable to the whole
Irish people, but he declared, during
the war, controversies that might i'm
pair national unity must be postponed
There were two fundamental facts
of the Irish situation which were ig
nored by the controversialists, but
whose recognition was conditional tc
any possible settlement. Ireland's
grievance was not a material one, but
had something to do with pride and
self-respect. 1t was indisputable, he
said, that although Ireland was more
prosperous than ever, she was no more
reconciled to British rule than she
was in Cromwells day.
The second fact was that the popu
lation in Northeast Ireland was as bit
terly opposed to Irish rule as the Ma
tionalists were opposed to British rule
1t would be glazing outrage upon
the principle Of self-government to
place this population under Irish rule
to deny self-government to the rest OF
the Irish people.
The government, said the premier
was ready to confer self-government
on those parts of Ireland clearly de-
handing it. That was the position OF
the late government.-Was there any
part in the public or were there any
Home Rulers who contemplated using
force to compel Ulster to submit? Nc
party would suppose such a demand
he said.
Among many Interruptions was one
by John Dillon, who exclaimed angrily:
"You are turning your back on Home
Rule"
The premier said in reply:
"Not only is that not true, but the
honorable gentleman knows it. have
not deviated hair breadth from the
line have taken in the last five or six
years with regard to Ulster. Frank
acceptance of the position that Ulster
will not be coerced is more likely to
achieve the object of a united ireland
"a hundred times more than coercfve
measures.
"The ideal is national unity for Ire
land, and the method of attaining it il
to offer facilities and inducements fol
Ulster to. come in, and / believe that