New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-08-21

concerned, they must fight until that rum
is achieved, unless the German renounces
his policy-renounces his belief that war
is an extension of policy defensible when
ever it satisfies German appetite.
There is not one single convincing sign
that Germany has renounced her doctrines
which precipitated this war, just as there
is every possible evidence that she con-
tinues to employ the methods which made
the war what it is. The German effortSto
seize European domination and world
power has failed. The Germans are quite
as we'll aware of this fact as their enc
mics. But they are very far from being
convinced that it cannot succeed, and they
are still able, as the published statements
of German statesmen indicate, to cherish
the idea that where there was failure this
time there may be success again If mis-
takes made in 1914 are not repeated next
time" The real obstacle to peace is Ger
many as she has revealed herself in this
war. At the present moment and under
the existing conditions it is hardly too
much to say that this obstacle is insuper-
able. Were this war a war of the charac-
ter of many of those contests of the past
there is no nation in the world which
would not have needed the Pope's proposal
to open negotiations for peace without
further bloodshed. But this war is totally
different from most, if not all, of the wars
in the past, in that Germany precipitated
it to seize control of the world and then
pursued it with remorselessness and IN
human efficiency which have threatened
the life, the liberty and the safety of all
her enemies, not alone through methods of
civilized warfare, but by every method
known to barbarism as well. And the
world has quite unconsciously fixed upon
one Jnlng as the llSNlldDIS COHuiCiOh NiiN~
cedent to any discussion of peace.
The first clear revelation of the Ger
man policy and purpose came in Belgium.
AS long as che Germans continue to argue
about holding Belgium and refuse even to
consider indemnifying and restoring Bel
GUM. the whole civilized world has demon
strated that it cannot, both with regard
to its moral obligations and its national
safety, discuss peace with the German
Empire. If the German government
should tomorrow propose to make peace
with the preliminary proposal to evacuate
Belgium and to restore it, to discuss ques-
tons of Alsace-Lorraine and Italia lire
denta, with recognition that there must
be territorial concessions to close the CEN
turtles of rivalry; if Austria should agree
to evacuate and indemnify Serbia as
condition preliminary to a discussion of
world peace, then, and only then, would
there be a dawning hope Of the restora-
ton of peace by negotiation.
But the world has palpably made up its
mind that the first steps in the restora-
ton Of peace, if it is to come otherwise
than by victory on the battlefield, must be
a German proposal that, with respect to
Belgium at least, carries with it plain
recognition of guilt for the past and to
this extent at least remuneration of that
policy and those methods which have
reused the world against Germany.
To-day Germany faces the dilemma Of
renouncing the policy and the faith which
have brought the world in arms against
her, or else Of seeing her future ruined by
the terrible burdens of the next year or
two of war. And this is precisely the
dilemma that the Allies have fought to
put Germany in, and this is precisely the
moment when Tor all future sdleCy III the
world the decision must be made by Ger
many, and peace negotiations can only
follow such decision as eliminates Ger
man policy.
We have come to one of the most inter
esting and critical moments of the whole
war. Those in this country who are most
ardently seeking to save Germany are
most eager to assert that Germany is de-
feated and to argue that the defeat that
she has suffered will cure her of the errors
of the past. This is a pleasant but
specious argument. 1t is not to the Ger
man Americans or to the German sympa-