The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1917-07-27


to define their war aims. There
was still hope in our minds that the
mutual suspicious between the war
ring powers might be decreased, and
the menace of future German ag-
erosion and dominance be remov-
ed, by finding guaranty of good
faith in a League of Nations. There
was a chance that by the creation of
such a league as part of the peace
negotiations, the war could now be
brought to an end before our nation
was involved. Two statements is
sued to the press by our Secretary of
State, upon the day the note was
dispatched, threw a clear light on
the seriousness with which our gov
eminent viewed the crisis.
From this point, events moved
rapidly. The powers of the Entente
replied to the German peace note.
Neutral nations took action on the
note of the President, and from both
belligerents replies to this note were
soon in our hands.
The German reply was evasive-
in accord with their traditional pref
erence for diplomacy behind closed
doors. Refusing to state to the
world their terms, Germany and her
allies merely proposed conference.
They adjourned all discussion of any
plan for league of peace until after
hostilities should end.
The response of the Entente Pow
ers was frank and in harmony with
our principal purpose. Many ques-
tions raised in the statement of their
aims were so purely European in
character as to have small interest
for us; but our great concern in Eu-
rope was the lasting restoration of
peace, and it was clear that this was
also the chief interest of the Entente
Nations. AS to the wisdom of some
of the measures they proposed to-
ward this end, we might differ in
opinion, but the trend of their pro-
posals was the establishment of JUS;
frontiers based on the rights of all
nations, the small as we'll as the
great, to decide their own destinies.
The aims of the belligerents were
now becoming clear. From the out
break of hostilties the German gov
eminent had claimed that it was
fighting war of defense. But the
tone of it's recent proposals had
been that of a conquerer. 1t sought
a peace based on victory. The CEN
trail empires aspired to extend their
domination over other races. They
were willing to make liberal terms
to any one of their enemies, in a
separate peace which would free
their hands to crush other oppon-
ents. But they were not willing to
accept any peace which did not, all
fronts considered, leave them victors
and the dominating imperial power
of Europe. The war aims of the
Entente showed a determination
to thwart this ambition of the I'm
perial German government. Against
the German peace to further Ger
man growth and aggression the En-
tente powers offered plan for a
European peace that should make
the whole continent secure.
At this juncture the President
read his address to the Senate, on
January %, 1917, in which he out
lined the kind of peace the United
States of America could join in
guaranteeing. His words were ad-
dressed not only to the Senate and
this Nation but to people of all
"May l not add that | hope and
believe that l am in effect speaking
for liberals and friends of humanity
in every nation and of every pro-
gram of liberty? / would fain be-
lieve that am speaking for the
silent mass of mankind everywhere
who have as yet had no place or op-
portunity to speak their real hearts
out concerning the death and ruin
they see to have come already up
on the persons and the homes they
hold most dear"
The address was rebuke to those |
who still cherished dreams of a
world dominated by one nation. For
the peace he outlined was not that
of a victorious emperor, it was not
the peace of Caesar. 1t was in be-
half of all the world, and 1t was a
Peace of the People.
mo peace can last, or ought to
last, which does not recognize and
accent the principle that povern-