The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1917-01-23

This is the burden she might have.
But it is improbable. With a knowl
edge of this union of tremendous
forces against her, Russia would not
be likely to violate her pligkted faith.
The moral effect of the power of the
world would prevent her. Ought the
United States not be willing to run the
risk of being called upon to contribute
her quota in such a remote contin
gency in order that the power of the
world may become effective without
actual use of force to stop war?
The second case suggested by
Sena: o. Borah is this: Mexico trans
fers part of the territory to Japan an1
Japan takes it. Thus the Monroe
doctrine is violated. The United States
protests and Japan demands a sub
mission under the league. The ques-
ton is a political one. The Monroe
doctrine does not involve or rest
principles of international law. 1t
would be submitted to the commission
OF Cancellation, which would after
needed time recommend a cOmpro-
mise. The United States, if it did not
subscribe to the compromise, might
honorably refuse to accept it and be-
gin hostilities against Japan. Under
the thirty treaties initiated by Mr..
Bryan, and consented to by the SEN
ate, unless Japan is not in the thirty
the United States could not even
now begin such hostilities within a
year. In what respect in the main
tenance of the Monroe doctrine, there
fore, is the United States at a disad-
vantage?
THE third case supposed by Sena-
tor Borah is that Argentina and a
European government have a dispute
and Argentina refuses to submit. If
Argentina begins war against the
European country, then the powers
of the league must be used against
her, and European forces jointly with
our own will punish her for violating
her plighted faith and treaty obliga-
tions. This is said 10 involve an aban-
donment of the Monroe doctrine.
Why? Mr. Seward in 1866, and Mr.
Roosevelt in his administration said
me- st emphatically that the doctrine
can not be used to shelter South
American countries against punish
ment by war for their shortcomings
by European countries.
THE two questions for us are
whether the league is practical and
whether the United States ought to
enter it. OF course it is only a general
plan, and the details would have to
be worked out in a world conference.
That is feasible. and that such details
may be worked out, is indicated by
the approval which the league has re-
celVed from Germany, on the one
hand, and from the allies, on the 9TH
err There are of course very great
difficulties in a practical union of the
forces of the world to accomplish a
definite single purpose, but they are
not insuperable. The league is only
applying to the international com
munity the same principle that has
n-unity, that of using the force of all
to suppress the lawless force of the
few for the common good.
The traditional policy of the United
States recommended by Washington
and adhered to until now, forms the
a CI fn ha hi of obi
United States entering into the league,
and l do not minimize its formida BILE
character. Our position in the world
has changed greatly since Washing
tons day. We are one-fifth the dis
lance in speed of transportation from
Europe, and one twenty-fifth of the
distance in speed of communication.
We reach from the Atlantic to the Pa
cific, from Canada to the gulf. We own
Alaska, and reach to the Arctic ocean.
Alaska makes US a neighbor of Russia
and her islands a neighbor of Japan.
We own the Philippines, under the
caves of Asia. We own the Hawaiian
islands, 1000 miles out in the Pacific
ocean. We own the Panama canal at
the northwestern corner of South
America. We own Porto Rico, 1900
miles southeast of Florida, and we
have a liability with respect to Cuba
that is greater than if we owned her.
power. a South American power and
West Indian power. We are so close to
Europe in view of modern methods of
war that we are practically her neigh
Dor. We are now entering upon a
policy of preparation to defend our
selves against the unjust aggression of
any nation. l believe this to be alb
solutely essential to our countrys in
tereSt. The league has officially rec
ognized that such preparation is nee
essary to its program. When we have
this preparation and have the forces
of our army and navy adequate to it,
we shall be in a position to contribute
our share to any force that we may
be called upon to furnish in a joint ex-
ercise of power by the world to sup
press war.
I'm the discussions in framing the
proposals of the league, the question
was asked by one of the committee of
another: would you be willing that
your boy, who in his fine young man
hood is the apple of your eye, the pride
of your heart, should give up his life
in a war between Serbia and Austria
over an issue in no way concerning his
country The answer was that if
Americas participation in the league
and war would contribute to save such
a world disaster as the war we are wit
Messing, the boys life could not be Of
fered up in a higher cause"
-----=