The Benson signal., 1917-11-10

elimination.
The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how
it will meet it. The choice we make
for ourselves must be made with a
moderation of counsel and temper
ateness of judgment befitting our
character and our motives as a nation.
We must put excited feelings away.
Our motive will not be revenge or the
victorious assertion of the physical
might of the nation, but only the vim
dication of right, of human right of
which we are only a single champion.
When 1 addressed the congress on
the 26th of February last l thought it
would suffice to assert our neutral rights
with arms, our right to use the seas
against unlawful interference, our right
to keep our people safe against unlaw-
full violence. But armed neutrality, it
now appears, is impracticable Because
submarines are in effect outlaws, when
use as the German submarines have
been used against merchant shipping,
1t is impossible to defend ships against
their attacks, as the law of nations has
assumed that merchantmen would de-
fend themselves against privateers or
cruisers, visible craft giving chase up
ON the open sea. 1t is common pru-
dence in such circumstances, grim nee
ess1ty indeed. to endeavor to destroy
them before they have shown their own
intention They must be dealt with up
ON sight, IL dealt with at all.
The German government denies the
right of neutrals to use arms at all
within the areas of the which it
has prescribed even in the defense of
rights which no modern publicist has
ever before questioned their right to
defend. The intimation is conveyed that
the armed guards which we have
placed on our merchant ships will be
treated as beyond the pale of law and
subject to be dealt with as pirates
would be. Armed neutrality Is ineffec-
tuaI enough at best; I'm such circum-
stances and In the face of such preten-
siOns 1t Is worse than Intellectual; 1T is
likely only to produce what 1T was
meant to prevent; 1T is practically GER
tain to draw into war without either
the rights or the effectiveness of the bel
ligerents. There is one choice we can
not make. we are incapable of making:
we Will not choose the path of subInis-
sicn and suffer the most sacred rights
of sur nation and our people to be ig-
| nored or violated. The wrongs against
which we now array ourselves are no
common wrongs; they cut to the very
roots of human life.
With profound sense of the solemn
and even tragical character of the step
/ am taking and of the grave response
bilfties which 1T involves, but in un-
hesitating obedience to what [ deem
my constitutional duty, l advise that
the congress declare the recent course
of the Imperial German government to
be in fact nothing less than war
against the government and people of
the United States; that it formally ac-
cept the status of be1ligerent which has
thus been thrust upon it; and that it
take immediate steps not only to put
the country in a more thorough state
of defense, but also to exert all it's
power and employ all it's resources to
bring the government of the German
empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear 1t
will involve the utmost practicable CO.
operation in counsel and action with
the governments now at war with Ger
many. and as incident to that, the ex-
tension to those governments of the
most liberal financial credits. in order
that our resources may so far as pos
sible be added to theirs.
1t will involve the organization and
mobilization of all the material re-
sources of the country to supply the
materials of war and serve the Incl
dental needs of the nation in the most
abundant and yet the most economical
and efficient way possible.
1t will involve the immediate full
equipment Of the navy in all respects
the best means of dealing with the enc
my's submarines.
It will involve the immediate addi-
tion to the armed forces of the United
States. already provided for by law in
case of war. of at least 100000 men,
who should, in my opinion, be chosen
upon the principle of universal liabil
ity to service, and also the authoriza
tion of subsequent additional incre-
ments of equal force so soon as they
may be needed and can be handled in
training.
1t will involve also, of course, the
granting of adequate credits to the
government, sustained, I hope, so far
as they can equitably be sustained by
cefved taxation.
say sustained so far may be
equitable by taxation, because 1T seems
to me that 1T would be most unwise to
base the credits, which will now be
necessary, entirely ON money borrowed:
1t is our duty, / most respectfully urge.
to protect our people, far we
may, against the very serious hard
ships and evils which would be likely
to arise out of the imitation which would
be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by
which these things are to he accom-
p1ished we should keep constantly In
tie as possible i'm our own preparation
and in the equipment of our own mill
| tary forces with the duty-fOr 1T will
| be a very practical duty-Of supplying
| the nations already at war with Ger
| many with the materials which they
| can obtain only from or by our as
| sistance. They are in the field, and we
should help them in every way to be
effective there.
| 1 shall take the liberty of suggest
| ing, through the several executive de-
| Dartments of the government, for the
| consideration of your committees,
| measures for the accomplishment of
| the several objects I have mentioned.
I hope that it will be your pleasure to
deal with them as having been framed
| after very careful thought by the
branch of the government upon whom
the responsibility of conducting the
war and safeguarding the nation will
| most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deep
| Iy rnOmentOus things, let us be very
| clear, and make very clear to all the
world, what our motives and our OBJ
| iects are. My own thought has not
heen driven from its habitual and nor