Daily capital journal. (Salem, Oregon) 1903-1919, 1917-05-26
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RUSSIA AND THE
UNITED STATES
By Henry Dwight Sedgwick
of the Vigilantes.

The United States and Russia have
been on terms of formal eivility for a
hundred and forty years Twice Russia
has rendered signal service to the I'm
tied States.
The first time was in the Revolution
ary War The British government ap-
piled to Catherine the Great for soldiers
to be used against us The Landgrave
of HesseCassel was willing to supply
$4,000 Hessians at a good price. But
Catherine, though moujik soldiers must
have ben plentiful, refused.
| The second service was rendered to us
in the blackest days of the Civil war,
when England threatened to light ever
the Trent affair. A Russian squadron
appeared off New York and gave a
silent promise of aid. Both these services
we accepted with the grateful phrase,
Russia is our traditional friend.'
But there wue hindrances to real
friendship.
The United States was a republic,
Russia an autocracy; educated Russians
could speak English but not one Amer
lean in a million could speak Russian;
our citizens were Protestants or Roman
Catholics, Russians were Greek Catho-
lies; and in recent years the Gar Is
government has bitterly prosecuted the
Jews. These hindrances made our ira
ditional friendship rather a cold and
stiff affair. OF course American novel
readers read Gogol, Tourgueneff, Toll
stoi, Dostoyevski, Gorki and other
Russian authors, American music-lovers
delighted in Russian music, and Ameri-
can travellers found something very
sympathetic and attractive in the Rus
sian temperament. But these have been
the few. The nation has looked at
Russian suspiciously; and of late years,
owing to American compassion for the
sufferings of Russian Jews, there has
been decided coolness. Nevertheless
the great historic benefits conferred on
us by Russia have not been cancelled
Now the revolution has swept away
the two greatest barriers between the
ountries-autocraey and injustice tol
the Jews-and the time has come for
the oldest of the great republics to re-
pay to the youngest of the great repub-
lies the benefits received in the passive
may hope that American example and
influence have played an important part
in the sudden transformation of Russia,
but as yet we know too little to judge.
In any event, it is the time now to dis
charge our national duty, and our demo-
cratic, to Russia.
Democracy cannot stand still; it'll
must grow both inwardly and outwardly
or it will wither and dry up
Happily our democracy at home has
been growing vigorously; the enfran-
chisement of women, the workmen IS
compensation acts, the eight-hour day,
the elevation of Mr.. Brandies to the
Supreme Court are satisfactory evidence
of this. And the, war is mighty wit
ness to our realization of our duty to
democracy in Europe. Ours is healthy
democracy without and within. We are
strong and able to help struggling demo.
cracy elsewhere. 1t is one of our best
grounds of national pride that in the
early days of the South American re-
pubiics we extended our support to
them. That was worthy way to recog- |
nize the brotherhood OF man.
Our duty to help Russia is plain; how
to help Russia is another matter
The Russian army needs munitions
and supplies; the Duma is in position
of uncertain authority; the Council OF
Workmen g and Soldiers Deputies, which
has leanings towards peace
with the status quo ante, with "no an
nexations and no indemnities, needs
light.
The situation is critical Just what we
ought to do cannot be decided until our
goes to Russia. But the
Russian people ought to learn at once
from our press two things. They should
learn, first, that our ouly desire is, as
the President said, to make the world
safe for democracy, not merely for AM
erican, Russian and French democracy
but for German democracy as well; and
furthermore, that we will aid Russia,
not only with sympathy, but with such
men and organizing and administrative
as they may want, and with
of all sorts, to the full reach
If our power.