The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1917-07-27

restraints on our trade were Priev-
ances which could be settled by liti-
cation after the war, but the wan
ton murder of peaceable men and of
innocent women and children, cit-
zens of a nation with which Ger
many was at peace, was a crime
against the civilized world which
could never be settled in any court.
Our government, however, inspired
still by a desire to preserve peace if
possible, used every resource Of di-
plomacy to force the German gov
ernment to abandon such attacks.
This diplomatic correspondence,
which has already been published,
proves beyond doubt that our Gov.
ernment sought by every honorable
means to preserve faith in that mu-
tual sincerity between nations which
is the only basis of sound diplomatic
interchange.
But evidence of the bad faith of
the Imperial German government
soon piled up on every hand Honest
efforts on our part to establish a
firm basis of good neighborliness
with the German people were met
by their government with quibbles,
misrepresentation and counter ac-
cusations against their enemies
abroad. And meanwhile in this
country official agents of the Cen
tral Powers-protected from Grim
inal prosecution by diplomatic i'm
munity-conspired against our in
ternal peace, placed spies and agents
provocateurs throughout the length
and breadth Of our land, and even in
high positions of trust in depart
ments of our government While
expressing cordial friendship for
the people of the United States, the
government of Germany had its
agents at work both in Latin Amer
lea and Japan. They bought or
subsidized papers and supported
speakers there to rouse feelings Of
bitterness and distrust against US in
those friendly nations, in order to
embroil US in war. They were in
citing to insurrection in Cuba, in
Haiti, and in Santo Domingo; their
hostile hand was stretched out to
take the Danish Islands; and every
where in South America they were
abroad sowing the seeds of dissen-
sion, trying to stir up one nation
against another and all against the
United States. In their sum these
various operations amounted to di-
rect assault upon the Monroe doc
trine. And even if we had given
up our right to travel on the sea.
even if we had surrendered to Ger
man threats and abandoned our le-
gitimate trade is munitions, the
German offensive in the New World,
in our own land and among our
neighbors,wa s becoming too serious
to be ignored.
So long as it was possible, the
government of the United States
tried to believe that such activities.
the evidence of which was already
in large measure at hand, were
the work of irresponsible and mis-,
guided individuals. 1t was only
reluctantly, in the face of over
whelming proof, that the recall of
the Austro-Hungarian ambassador
and of the German military and nav
al attaches was demanded Proof
of their criminal violations of our
hospitality was presented to their
governments. But these govern
ments in reply offered no apologies
nor did they issue reprimands. 1t
became clear that such intrigue was
their settled policy.
In the meantime the attacks of
the e German submarines upon the
lives and property of American citi-
zens had gone on; the protests Of
our government were now sharp
and ominous; and this nation was
rapidly being drawn into a state of
war. AS the president said in To
peka, on February 2, 1916:
I've are not going to invade any
nations right. But suppose, my
fellow countrymen, some nation
should invade our rights What
then? l have come here to
tell you that the difficulties of our
foreign policy daily increase
in number and intricacy and in
danger, and l would be derelict to
my duty to you if did not deal with
you in these matters with the ut
most candor, and tell you what it
may be necessary to use the force
of the United States to do" The
next day at st. Louis, he repeated
his warning. "Tbe danora,. =; -