New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-11-17
Clemenceau

tor Georges Clemenceau to form minis
try, has turned to the Right rather than 10
the Left Reduced to our American phrase,
this means that he has gone to the Repuo-
Ican rather than the Radical political
camp and has selected a man who repre-
sents determination to win the war rather
than a man who would seek to obtain
neace bv negotiation. One wonders
whether. in calling Clemenceau, the French
President reopened friendly relations with
the politician who few short years ago
personally appealed to him to retire as
candidate for the French Presidency. Per-
haps nothing is more remarkable about
Clemenceau than the enemies ne has made
and the disregard which he has shown for
men in political life about him.
II is not too much to say of Clemenceau
that he Is the most interesting Frenchman
alive. 1t is hardly excessive praise to say
that he is the greatest living French
statesman, if by statesman one means a
man of vision, of courage and of deter
mination. Let us in America remember
of Clemenceau, first, that he once lived
among us, and, second, that he was the first
French Prime Minister to face German
bullving and not back down. The Casa
blanca episode in 1908 has long been for
gotten; yet then, while Prime Minister,
Clemenceau faced German threats and did
not Weld, and this was the first time since
1870.
1t is not true, as American headlines
suggest, that Clemenceau is firebrand.
He never approved of the policy of Del
case which led to the crisis of 1905 over
Tangier, and he never ceased to reproach
the former Foreign Minister for having
adopted a policy which led toward war at
a time when France was totally unready
for the struggle. But, on the other hand,
he never sympathized with or shared the
Caillaux idea, which would have made
France a silent partner in a German-con-
trolled Europe.
The man Clemenceau is not a chau-
whist. but since Germany forced the last
war upon France no Frenchman has more
consistently, more valiantly fought against
Germany. Beyond all else, Clemenceau
has been the critic of this war. Again and
again his fearless voice has been raised
against mistakes and against blunders.
Again and again he has upset ministers
and overturned politicians whose policies
led to defeat. The French army owes it to
him that the hospital service Of France
has been reorganized Day after day in
his newspaper he has Numbered against
abuses until those responsible needed his
warning or fell because they refused TO
listen to him.
Master of the most destructive phrase,
the most terrible of all critics Of his time,
Clemenceau is equally master Of an elo-
quence which is not destructive. His ad-
dress Of welcome to the first British Par
lamentary delegation which came TO
France after the beginning Of the war will
endure as an example Of French eloquence.
1t is only the other day that he went down
and spoke TO General Pershing's troops a
word Of welcome on behalf Of his country
which none Of those who heard him will
ever forget.
One may wonder whether it will not be
a loss 10 the Allied cause that the ablest
and most distinguished Allied critic should
pass from the opposition to the govern
ment. Yet no man can doubt that il he
succeeds in forming a ministry there will
be an end Of treason and weakness within
France so far as it can be prevented by
the use of governmental machinery. This
man Clemenceau has never feared TO use
the instruments Of power, as he has never
feared 10 use language in combating evil.
Day after day since the war began Paris
has waited for what Clcmenceau would
say in his paper, and when it has been
disappointed the disappointment was due
70 the censor, not 10 the editor.
For American Journalists who came to
Paris Clemencess has always had word