The daily Nome industrial worker., 1917-08-17

not even a century of the kultur I across the Rhine can ever compens- ate the world for it.
 Yet under the papal peace terms 1 it is quite obvious that France would | have fought and died for nothing The menace of imperial Germany, even if legitimate, would still be there, net only would it be there but first attempt to realize an ambition naturally would possess, to redeem the original failure of that first attempt.
 War from every point of view is Hell. But an indecisive war is the parent of q thousand worse hells than that original one. And an in- decisive war just now would be fatal to the peace of the world. It would mean not one but a myriad lands devoted to Prussianism. It would mean not one continent, but the earth an armed camp. and it woud l leave as legacy to the world such legacy of militari1m and hate that eventually another conflict would en- sue which would mako this war like bar room quarrel in comparison. It would leave capitalism, the handmaiden of Prussianism at the throats of the nations: it would moan such a prodigious rush for the spells that the already unholy unity between commerce and military pre- paredncss as has been proceeding in Germany, would be the intensified condition throughout the world. There would be no beating the sword into plowshare5, but human ingenuity would be called upon to devise blows which would in war be more efficient than sword: industry would be founded in its efficient con neation with. and it's perfect co-reia- titn to. war. just as the German chemical industry was built upon it's connection with, and relation to, the German preparedness for war, that demanded great guns and high explosives.
 It IS not impossible to conceive that some system could be devised whereby a comity of nations could guarantee against war. But this is an idle dream. Wars are born of the. instinct to possess and to control possession, which a system of society whereby exploitation is the keynote, gives hdman beings. Usually the war instinct is strongest in those who possess greater power, and de- clines in it's intensity until the low est strata of propertilessness and inn potency is reached That is due to the fact that only those who have the power may keep, and those who can. may take. War itself is the recognition of the fact that might makes right and even when right has to invoke might to maintain it. self, it is a paradoxical concession that might is the superior factor in the relations of men under the sy- stem.
 What we observed in the past has in reality been an effort upon the part of the nations to insure against peace. The Triple Alliance, the Mittle Europa schemes, the Entente Cordiale, the British-Japanese Ali ance and even the more recent Pan American movement, what have these been after all but measures of self protection against encroach- mcnts by other powers. and as such really alliances against war. It is the very serious difficulty of differ entiating between an offensive defen- sive alliance against war, that in wolves all the nations in such a mael- strom of international difficulty.
 No alignment of nations is at all permanent It is hardly a decade since Russia and England regarded ona another as hereditary foes: The legacy Of Crimea war and the Russo Turkish war was unpalatable to Slav and Briton alike, and the unccmplimentary tributes one paid to the other in press and picture are well typified in the Kipling slur of the Bear that walks like Man.
 Surely the episode of Fashoda marked the high water mark of