Emmons County record., 1917-03-15

did not satisfy them as warranted.
The Legislature adjourned, and the
members severally went their individ-
ual ways. All that was needed to put
the measure into effect was the COVER
nor's signature and that signature
was withheld. After dwelling at length
in his campaign on the "slop-the-hogs"
incident, when this bill was turned
down by the 1915 session, Gov. Fra
zier did identically the same thing that
the 1915 session had done. He killed
the measure. True enough, he has
plenty of reasons to offer. But, he
helped to damn those members of the
previous session that had seen fit to
do as he did later.
M. p. johnson, railroad commission
er elected on the league ticket with
Frazier, worked for the bill, and now
confesses that he is at loss tc know
what to think. He says that seven
years of labor by the Equity have been
given body blow by the veto. 1t looks
to u man up tree that Frazier and his
side -kickers backing the league figure
they'll last longer by making plenty
of claims and quietly seeing that any
thing actually accomplished is kicked
to one side. For, certainly, it ought
to be easier to control votes and corral
SIG memberships before anything is
accomplished instead of afterwards.
The Record has had no great faith
in the N. p. bosses. 1t has not thought
very mucn more highly of J. M. Ander-
son, of the Equity, and his cohorts.
But, Of the two, the Equity is the fair
est. They claim certain things to be
good for fthe state, and are willing to
back their claims by putting up their
money and building what they want
The league plan is to control the most
votes and build whatever they want by
legislation. Frazier, in turning down
the Equity measure, the only bill We
tocd by him so far, says he objects to
taxing the people to build these things
His idea is to bond the state. It's lots
easier to bond the state and leave it to
the next generation to square up any
possible deficits than it is to dig up the
coin with which to build all the things
they want. But, whether you bond OF
whether you tax, if you build proper.
ties worth fifteen million dollars, yor
will have to pay approximately fifteer
millions. If you tax, you start paying
it now. II you bond, you pay interest
instead for the present and arrange tt
pay as some time in the future. The
bonding system has this advantage
Gov. Frazier would be dead and gone
!, vixen the time came to foot the bonds
But, if the farmers themselves start il
now to pay the tax to build those
things, the League dream, and the vel
vet cushions under score Of politica
frecbooters would 60 up in smoke
Just convince the farmers that it is t.
take real money to build mammoth Ell
eyators, warehouses, mills and pack
ing plants, and that every property
. holder will have to help foot the bills
and the N. P. league, it's organizers, it:
politicians, and its president will ceas
), to be the guiding star of any great
number of North Dakota citizens
= Townley has already taken up his res
idence in St. Paul He shouldn't bt
greatly interested in whether taxation
or bonding is the method used. HI
will pay no taxes in North Dakota
and probably not much in Minnesota.
When man goes to the bank ant
p borrows thousand dollars OIL hi:
q farm, the money looks good and Wis
ions of an automobile, ETC., fly betor'
his eyes. But at the end Of five years
when the loan comes due and the mon
: ey is gone, the dreams have lost thei
). rosy hue. It's the same way with th'
: bending of the state-the sky the limit
:. When you're spending the money ant
d getting all these swell things, withou
: spending cent of your own, it look:
t fine. When the mortgage (or bonds