The Washington times., 1917-01-12

that to exact SO much, if there
were power to do it, would practi-
cally encompass the determination
of the German. peoples and their po-
litical disappearance" which the al
lies protest they have not in mind.
The bills for this war will never
be paid, save as sadly overburdened
posterity shall pay them, country by
country, in the sweat of its brow.
If these terms are, severe, yet it
must be said that Germany will at
length have difficulty saving herself
from meeting them, unless she can
conquer Europe and bring it to its
knees. That she cannot do. She
could not do it against an unpre-
pared Europe in 1915; she will never
do it now. Examining item by item
the things the allies stipulate, it be-
comes apparent how great will be
Germany's difficulty in rejecting par
ticular details. Can she refuse to
restore Belgium, as repeatedly prom
Used? Especially inasmuch as evil
IDENTIFY she is not to be forced to give
up Alsace-Lorraine? Can she as
sumo to extinguish any single ma.
tional life-of Belgium, of Serbia, OF
Roumania, of Montenegro, merely
for the sake of Selling territory?
Can she claim, before the world that,
unable to crush her real enemy
England-she will have to take the
pound of flesh from others less able
to defend themselves? That is a po-
sition utterly indefensible; and yet
it is the position Germany will at
last occupy unless she comes as an
absolute conSueror into the peace
conference.
It is, in fine, impossible for Ger
many to make the conqueror's peace
of arrogance, unless she shall con-
quer Britain and lay heaviest tribute
upon the British empire. That she
will not accomplish. Yet, failing in
this, she will have to restore France
and leave Britain untouched. After
that, it will be impossible to make
the little nations, along with Russia,
foot the German bills by giving up
vast territories or even their very
existence.
This is the moral weakness of Ger
many's position; and II, is moral
weakness that at length viii prove
just as serious for her as will the
divided counsels and interests among
the allies. It cannot be forgotten
that Germany has from the first
chosen to present Britain as the chief
malefactor. to be hated and punished.
That has been fearful mistake of
German policy, for which Germany
will suffer a great disadvantage when
she meets the world in peace session.
If the war was forced upon Germany
by the Vaccinations of England; and
if when it ends Germany claims to
be the victor, entitled to dictate
terms-then, of course, the wicked
ness of. England will, be entitled to
meet the greatest penalty. But there
is not a chance for England to be
conquered, for any fragment Of her
empire to be torn away from her.
This is the great weakness of the
German position. 1t is one that will
become more apparent, more under
stshdable, more difficult, as peace
draws nearer and the discussion Of
its terms becomes more concrete.
Reckless as she has been of world
opinion, even Germany. would not
dare take the position that she must
assassinate a few minor nationai-
ties, and loot some others, simply be-
cause she was not strong enough to
exact the penalties from England
that, in her theory, England ought
to pay.
These conditions, becoming appar-
ent in the earliest considerations of
peace, will bear heavily on the max
ing of ultimate terms. They are the
conditions that most contribute to in
sure that at last peace will save the
small nations and mark a step
toward that reorganization Of
Europe that the allies set forth as
SO much to be desired; reorganiza-
ton which will look TO liberty and
permanence, on a logical, human,
natural basis, backed by an effective
Swielding of the worthy public senti-
ment of the world.
President Wilson once wrote letter