The Natchitoches enterprise., 1917-03-08
President Woodrow Wilson

oath of office, for his second, pri-
vately on Sunday March 4th, in
his Office surrounded by his Off
cial family and on Monday in the
Senate Chamber in the presence
of a great crowd. Never since
the day that America declared her
self republic and the reins of
government we're put into the
hands of THE Father of his Coun
try" has a man filled this position,
the highest within the gift of the
people, more eminently fitted in
every respect than the one who
began his first regime with all
branches of service run down, and
who has within his first term put
America in the best state of pre-
paredness in the matter of nation
al defense, panic proof and financial
system, commercial facilities, ag-
ricultural wants and needs in gen
eral, than she has possibly ever
\ been before it
We publish below the presi-
dents inaugural address which is
worthy of being preserved as a
classic as we'll as practical trea-
Use to which much intelligent
thought has been given.
"My fellow Citizens:
''The four years which have elapsed
since last | stood in this place have
been crowded with counsel and action
of the most vital interest and conse-
quence. Perhaps no equal period IN
our history has been so fruitful OF i'm
portant reforms in our economic and
industrial life or so full of significant |
changes in the spirit and purpose OF
our political action.
s.We have sought very thought
fully to set our house in order, cor
rect the grosser errors and abuses
of our Industrial life, liberate and
quicken the processes of our nation
al genius and energy and lift our
politics to a broader view OF the
peoples essential interests.
cit is a record of singular variety
and singular distinction. But shall
not attempt to review it. 1t speaks
for itself, and will be of increasing in
huence as the years go by. This is
not the time for retrospect. 1t is time
rather, to speak our thoughts and pur-
poses concerning the present, the i'm
mediate future.
although we have centered counsel
and action with unusual concentration
and success upon the great problems
of domestic legislation to which We
address ourselves four ;y'aesaTs ago, other
matters have more and more forced
themselves upon our att ntion, mat
tiers outside our own life as nation
and over which We had no control, but
which, despite our wish to keep free OF
them. have drawn US more and more
irres stioly into their own current and
inf1u-l.c-.
'1t has been impossible to avoid
them, They have affected the life of
Tie WuOlG WOIlQs 4ACJ A1NO SLohOL
men everywhere with passion and an
apprehension they never knew before.
1t has been hard to preserve calm coun-
sci while the thought of our own peo-
pie swayed this way and that under
their influence, We are a composite
and cosmopolitan people. We are OF
the blood OF all the nations that are at
war. The currents of our thoughts as
well as the currents OF our trade run
quick at all seasons back ard forth be-
tween US and them.
''The war inevitably set It's mark
from the first alike upon our minds,
our industries, our commerce, our
politics and our social action. To
the Indifferent or independent of it
was out of the question.
'And yet, all the while we have been
conscious that we were not part of it.
In that consciousness, despite many
divisions, we have drawn closer to-
gether. We have been deeply wronged
upon the seas, but we have not wished
TO wrong or injure in return. We have
retained throughout the consciousness
of standing in some sort apart, intent
upon an interest that transcribed the
issues of the war itself.
Although some of the injuries done US
have become intolerable we have still
made it clear that we wished nothing
for ourselves that we were not ready
to demand for all mankind justice,
the freedom to live and. be at ease
against organized wrong.
''It is in this spirit and with this
thought that we have grown more and
more aware, more and more certain
that the part we wished to play was
the part of those who mean to vindi-
cate and fortify peace. We have been
obliged to arm ourselves to make good
our claim to q certain minimum Of
right and of freedom of action. We
stand firm in armed neutrality, since it
seems that in no other way we can
demonstrate what it is we insist upon
and cannot forego. We may even be
drawn on, by circumstances. not by
Dur own purpose or desire, to more
active assertion of our rights as we see
them and q more immediate assertion /
with the great struggle itself. But
nothing will alter our thought or our
purpose. They are too clear to be OBJ
,cured. They are too deeply rooted in
The principles of our national life to be
altered.
"We desire neither conquest nor
advantage. We wish nothing that
can be had only at the cost of any
other people. I'VE have always pro-
fessed unselfish purpose and we
covet the opportunity to prove that !
our professions are sincere.
There are many things still to do at 9
lone, to classify our own politics and
give new vitality to the industrial q
processes of our own life, and we shall 3
10 them as time ond opportunity serve; 4
,ut we realize that the greatest things 8
hat remain to be done must be done Ii;