The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1917-08-18
REASONS WHY
BRITISH LABOR
SUPPORTS WAR
(Continued from page ~

without argument that a nation fight.
ing with weapons such as Germany
employed in Belgium must be wrong
Today our first refusal to believe
in the German outrages may be con-
sidered extraordinary. We have had
much evidence since, from the sink
ing Of the Lusitania to the submarine
murders Of wounded on Red Gross
ships, Of how Germany makes war
The deeds Germany has admitted
fled, are her own condemnation. But
at the beginning of the war we did not
think them possible. We did not be.
!ieve that any nation claiming to be
civilized could sink to such depths.
Recruits Respond.
I undertook a. series OF recruiting
meetings on my return to England
Time after time, when I described
what had happened to the people Of
Belgium, whole audiences were stirred
as they had been stirred by nothing
else. Men sprang to their feet, volun-
teering to enlist and go to fight. They
did not even wait to 60 home and talk
it over with their wives. They were
willing someone else should tell the
missus.
The Englishman loves a scrap.
That is part of his racial inheritance.
He is never against joining in a
rough and tumble. But it was not
love of a scrap that led him to join
up now. He had had a rude awaken
dreamed of in his philosophy. His
dream castle of peace had tumbled
about his ears. His sense Of nation
ality, his sense of justice, his hatred
of wrong united to arouse his SUM-
bering passion.
It was in those days that British
labor made up its mind that no sacri-
flee was too great. no struggle too
long, no effort too mighty to settle
this menace to the world. Every
thing that has happened since has
strengthened our conviction. Prus-
sian militarism must go or freedom
must 60.
Little Labor Trouble.
may be told that British labor is
not unanimous. What Of the strik es
on the Clyde, and at Barrow, and of
the labor struggle in South Wales?' I
l.
comparatively small, and were the
work of few well-known mischief
makers. Some of us would deal with
these mischief-makers in much more
drastic fashion than our authorities
do. would send them to the trenches,
under escort, to learn what war is.
The trade unions did not recognize
the strikes, and did their best to end
them. Some of the men In them did
not understand what they were doing.
1t is not always easy for q man work.
ing closely over forge or in a mine to
realize the actualities Of war condi-
tions. I went to some of the men on
strike. "You have sent your sons to
fight" I said. Are you going to
leave them in the trenches without
cartridges or shells, to be shot down
by the enemy? For that is what your
them be put up to be potted without
having a shot to send back?" "Ah!"
said one man, II didn't think Of it
that way!"
The trouble-makers haven't had
much success. The strikes have not
lasted long. And surely the fact
that there have been so few strikes.
and for so short a time, Is the best
evidence of how British labor as a
whole has worked for the war.
Few Directors.
What Of the Conscientious object
ors-the c. O.'s? What Of the people
in England who refuse to fight? There
are not many Of them, but there are
a few. We trades unionists regard the
conscientious DIRECTORS as national
blacklegs. They accept the protec-
ton provided by the nation, and the
men. They receive the benefits of our
national organization, and are trying
to escape from paying their fair dues.
Trades unions get rid OF blacklegs.
would clear these national blacklegs
out of the land.
The course Of the war is bringing
about far-reaching changes in British
labor, changes the full effects OF
which are as yet scarcely realized. All
classes have commingled in tho
trenches, and have perhaps learned to
understand one another better. The
men Of the Overseas forces, who have
come among us in their hundred
thousands, who have helped the Brit
!sh worker to realize the empire. Men
born in Toronto and Melbourne have
fought side by side with men born In
Liverpool and Sheffield.
The progress Of the war and my
experiences during a visit to France
helped to convince me that until in
ternational disarmament comes and
the character of the German is trans
formed, we must guard ourselves by
national service against future dam
gers. The so-called voluntary system
cost us dearly. Witness tho destruc-
ton of 50 many Of our first Expedi-
t1onary force in France, because we
had not the trained men to send to
their support.
Security For Future.
I believe that the nation must Gre
ate a system which will give US secur-
ity for the future, and that such sys-
tenn can BIO established without dislo-
eating the industry of tho country.
We cannot risk the repetition Of 1914.
The coming Of America into the
war has brought fresh hope and en-
couragement. I never had any doubt
Of the sympathy Of vast masses Of
American people. I saw much Of
them In the early days Of the war.
1 have heard much from them since
President Wilson's speech declaring
war revealed the greatness Of his con-
CeptiOn. It thrilled Eneland. ntarted