The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1917-12-14
WILSON AND GOMPERS
IN WAR-LABOR PACT?
(By Basil NJ. Manly)

covering all the great problems of
labor in war time? Have these
two American leaders formed a
coalition which insures their eco
nomic and political cooperation, at
least for the duration of the war?
Most of the delegates to the
A. F. of L. convention answer Eyes"
to both questions, but when you in
quire farther you find that their
opinions as to the nature of the
understanding and coalition are as
far apart as the poles.
The greater number believe Com
pers has brought the president to
accept the labor movements war
program, including preservation of
the right to strike, no labor con-
scription, labor representation in all
war activities, recognition of right
to organize, and maintenance of la
Dor laws and essential trade union
standards. This group believes the
president is ready to go long way
with Gompers, not only to preserve
all labor has gained in the past,
but to extend industrial democracy
into new fields, so that when war
ends it will find the labor move
ment in the United States stronger
than it has ever been. These men
believe Gompers will secure far more
for labor by working with the presi-
dent than he could ever gain by act
ing independently or in opposition.
The other group, not all Socialists,
declares Gompers has surrendered to
Wilson and is ready to turn over
the labor movement, clock, stock and
barrell," whenever he is asked. Com
pers, they say, has thrown away
the greatest opportunity in history
for the advancement of labor, and
has gained nothing but a few kind
words and minor concessions in re-
turn.
These men predict that by the
time the war is over the labor move
ment will have surrendered so COM
pletely to the government that trade
unions will be merely debating So
cieties.S
These extremists "denatured
American Bolshevikis," l have heard
them called - overlook two vital
points. First, they cannot realize
that Gompers and majority of the
A. F. of L. believe so strongly that
this war itself is in labor's inter-
ests that they are unwilling to Sc
cure any advantages for labor which
are not contingent on the main
objective of winning the war. In
Gompers' view the crushing of the
central powers, the last autocracies
of the western world, would give
such an impetus to the spread of
democracy and the progress of the
labor movement that all incidental
sacrifices for that end are insignifi-
cant in comparison. Gompers is using
his influence to prevent strikes, be-
cause he knows that strikes are
hampering war progress; but he is
ready to fight anti-strike legislation
not only as matter of traditional
trade union policy, but because he is
sure abolition by law of the right
to strike would hinder war prepar-
ations by creating spirit of dis
affection, if not disloyalty, through
out the labor movement.
SECOND, in his plans for labor's
advancement, Gompers is playing for
longtime results, not for the ad-
vantages of the day.
Gompers does not consider that
he has done much more than lay
the foundations upon which Ameri-
can labor's wartime relations with
the government and private employ
ers are to be built.
How far the understanding be-
tween Wilson and Gompers extends,
no one, of course, knows. But there
is one big fact that cannot fail to
impress both the conservative. and
the radical. There is no private
citizen in the United States with
whom the president so frequently
consults as Gompers, or whom he
has so strongly endorsed publicity.
1t is worthy of some note that there
is no capitalist with whom the presi-
dent is known to consult or to
whom he has given any degree of
public recognition.
Gompers, on his side, says: la
Dor is with the president, because
the president is with labor" And
by those who know Gompers this is
interpreted to mean: 81 am with
the president, because he is with
me-"