Gilpin observer., 1917-08-30


his holiness, the pope, would, SO far as
its strength and renewal of its pol
Icy; would make 1t necessary to create
a permanent hostile combination of ma
tions against the German people, who
are Its Instruments; and would result
in abandoning the newborn Russia to
the intrigue, the manifold subtle inter-
ference, the certain counter revolution
which would be attempted by all the
malign influences to which the Ger
man government has of late accus-
toned the world. Can peace be based
upon restitution of it's power or upon
any word of honor 1t could pledge in
a treaty of settlement and accommoda-
tion
Responsible statesmen must now
fore, that no peace can rest securely
upon political or economic restrictions
meant to benefit some nations and
cripple or embarrass others, upon vim
dictive action of any sort or any kind
of revenge or deliberate injury. The
American people have suffered intol-
cradle wrongs at the hands of the i'm
perial German government, but they
desire no reprisal upon the German
people, who have themselves suffered
all things in this war, which they did
not choose.
Equal Freedom and Security.
They believe that peace should rest
tha r.sr1, Nr v,I ,,Nt th.,
rights of governments-the rights of
peoples, great or small, weak or pow
erful-their equal right to freedom
and security and self-government and
to participation upon fair terms in
the economic opportunities of the
world-the German people, of course,
included, if they will accept equality
and not seek domination.
The test, therefore, of every plan of
peace is this: Is 1t based upon the
faith of all the peoples involved or
merely upon the word of an ambitious
and intriguing government on the one
hand, and of a group of free peoples
on the other? This is test which
goes to the root of the matter; and it
is the test which must be applied.
The purposes of the United States
in this war are known to the whole
world-to every people to whom the
truth has been permitted to come.
They do not need to be stated again.
We seek no material advantage Of any
kind. We believe that the intolerable
wrongs done in this war by the furi-
GUS and brutal power of the Imperial
German government ought to be re-
paired, but not at the expense of the
sovereignty Of any people-rather a
vindication of the sovereignty both Of
those that are weak and those that
are strong.
Peace on Justice and Fairness.
Punitive damages, the dismember-
ment of empires, the establishment of
selfish and exclusive economic leagues
we deem inexpedient and in the end
worse than futile, no proper basis for
peace Of any kind, least Of all for
an enduring peace. That must be
based upon justice and fairness and
the common rights of mankind.
We cannot take the word Of the
present rulers Of Germany as guar
antee of anything that is to endure
unless explicitly supported by such
conclusive evidence of the will and
purpose of the German people them
selves as the other peoples Of the
world would be justified In accepting
Without such guarantees treaties of
settlement. agreements for disarma-
ment, covenants to set up arbitration
in the place OF force, territorial ad-
justments, reconstitutions of small ma
tions, If made with the German gov
ernment, no man, no nation, could now
depend on. We must await some new
evidence Of the purposes of the great
peoples OF the central powers. God
grant it may be given soon and In
way to restore the confidence of all
peoples everywhere in the faith of ma
tions, and the possibility of cove
nanted peace. ROBERT LANSING.
Secretary of State of the United
States of America.