Evening journal., 1917-02-01
BY SYDNEY BROOKS.

lace OF IL 10 be not only departure
from, but a reversal Of her previous
and traditional policy. | am aware,
OF course, of the almost illimitable
influence which, under the American
I system, the chief executive possesses
in shaping the foreign conduct of his
country without consulting either
Congress or the electorate. But does
IL go quite as far as all this? What
guarantees have we that Mr.. Wilson
will carry out his side of the under
taking, that the American people are
{ behind him IN this matter, and that
= his views and aspirations will have
the slightest hold over his successors
in the White House? Is this pledge
of American cooperation in the fu-
ture ordering of the universe a
merely personal deliyerance or a ma
tional policy? What power OF popu-
lar support does It command? What
ground is there for thinking that II
may not be abandoned as suddenly
as II has been formulated?
"a Recluse Among Nations"
These are fundamental questions.
They bring America abruptly to the
crossroads Of a great decision. Since
she chased the Barbary pirates off
the sea the United States has been
virtually a recluse among the ma
tions. She has signed Hague con-
ventions, but with the distinct and
I public proviso that their enforcement
vas no concern of hers She has
attended European conferences, as at
Algeciras, but only on the understand
ing that they committed her to moth
Ing. Even In the Far East, whittier
she has sent innumerable dispatches
IN the last sixteen years, / doubt
whether she has ever once contem-
plated following up words by action.
The Monroe Doctrine, so far as an
outsider can tell, still represents
the limits of the average Americans
interest in foreign affairs He still
prefers to be a spectator Of the world
rather than an active participant in
its doings. He still desires. If read
his mind correctly. to have as few
dealings as possible with foreign
powers; still quotes and would like
to abide by Washington's warnings
against "entangling alliances" stin
clings instinctively to the policy Of
isolation aud non-interference as the
zone that most adequately squares with
the needs of American conditions. In
my judgment the national self-en-
grossment and the national conscious
ness of political self-sufficiency are
just as complete today as they have
been any time during the last hum
dred years. Cross-examine the aver.
age American and you will find him
holding fast to the belief that Eu-
rope has one set Of interests and the
United States another, and that
Americas true destiny and most use
ful task is to develop on the Ameri-
can continent an ideal type of civil
ization, to eschew war. militarism
and all the burdens and deceptive
glories Of the older world, and to in
spire mankind by the example OF a
nation given up solely to the pur-
suit OF liberty and justice and the
arts OF peace and equal rights for ALL
That seems to me to be the general
American ideal. and the present war,
in my belief, so far from weakening
or diluting 1t. has, IL anything. added
to its strength and desirability. I think
the average citizen was never more
thankful than at the moment that be-
tween the United States and war-mad-
dened Europe there lies the Atlantic.
He looks down upon us in our
shambles and thanks heaven for the
singular blessedness and tranquility
OF American conditions. and he would
do anything rather than become in
volved in the decorating rivalries Of
the Old World. He is very far from
believing that the business of neutral
ity is over. So long as America is
happy and prosperous and secure he
sees no reason why she should start
out to look for trouble.
The Question OF Consequences.
1t seems, therefore, to me as
though an immense educational effort
would be needed before the people of
this country became convinced that
President Wilson's plea for the parti-
cipation of the United States in world
politics was I'm line with either the
national traditions or the national in
terests. Nothing can be more obvious
than that so far they have not thought
out the problem. They do not know
what Il involves or what implica-
tions and consequences il may entail
or what sacrifices or notifications, If
any, OF cherished American policies
II may demand. II they have read
history they probably have a well
kIouuueu suspicion OF tne Iaclllty
with which leagues for peace are
twisted from their original purposes
to serve national and military ends;
and the idea of America making a
definite and resolute entrance into
he international arena, becoming
working member OF the family Of ma
tons, contributing her share OF naval
and military force to the common
stock. playing an active part in the
settlement of non-American ques-
tons, undertaking the inevitable
commitments and running the inevi-
'able risks-this idea at present
seems to me not only foreign but re-
pugnant TO their political judgment
lt may OF course in time become IA
miliar and more attractive I SIN
cerely hope II will. I hope so because
every Englishman is confident that
the more America mingles in the
workday world the more will she dis
cover how many are the bonds that