The daily Nome industrial worker., 1917-01-29

face value, and to suppose that he or anyone else rests under the fatu- ous delusion that by making public the merits or demerits Of a case, the case would be changed for the better or the worse in the least. Publicity has many values, but it has no power to improve conditions tor the workers if the employers say them nay.
 To pretend that the reverse is the cae. is simply to pretend the imposs- ible. We certainly can see when strikes could and should be made illegal. But not under the present system of capitalism. If a system of society prevailed where every man who was able to work and these who wer not able were secure in their means of livelihood by the social activities, if not private profit but the social. welfare would be the aim if industrial activity, strikes would then unquestionably be anti-social. But they would then be also imposs- ible. But when Wilson talks about the social activities he does not mean anything else but the indivl- dual activities for the benefit of the individual. some of which certainly are oftener than not highly anti social in themselves. railroad strike would end the industrial ac- tivities of the coal trust which just now is engaged in eXtorting millions | from the people. It would end the activities of the intuition trust which just now is engaged ln fur nishing the belligerent nations Of Europe with material for legal and scientific slaughter
 It would raise hell with the spe- culations of the steel trust, of the
 beef trust and the other organlZa-
 lions which are engaged at the pre- sent time in driving and squeezing and crushing profits from the feSh and blood of the people. Those ar@
 not the life processes of society
 They are the anti-social processes o1
 capitalism. Yet they are precisely
 what Wilson is concerned over but
 which he does not mention in So
 many words The profit system IS inst at present reacting on the work
 CTS. It is stifing and suppressing
 and choking their efforts. The laws
 are not concerned that the system is doing those things, but 1t IS t
 be concerned if the half stifed, hall
 choked and suppressed workers arc
 to make any effort to resist that con
 dition. That is what an anti-strik'
 bill is for.
 A strike endangers the work O
 the profteers and for that reasoi
 is the strike bad
 So it is that we see men hk'
 Emory and other heads of anti-la bo
 organization are a unit in favor o
 the bill. And that is why the yer. utterances of Wilson might just
 well have been uttered by any o
 these labor hating organization
 heads.
 That is one sided collectivisn ! Just as we have generally at present ' The dealers and spectators ca hold up the costs of living, tn r bankers can charge their cent pc l cent. the trusts can slap on anothe few cents a gallon a few dollars s ton. a few dimes per pound on tn {. necessaries of life and no one rise = to question their right to do so. Bt ' because labor in the only way labc = can make it's protest and offer r' t. sistance proposes to do so, tht 0 means is to be made unlawful. n The propriety of preventing "st Y ciety" as he understands it bein e disturbed by labor troubles to Wi q son is obvious enough. But it is t be done by striking at labor, not ; T the conditions which drive labor a action. The conditions which pr r vail in the world of employers ar l. employees, Wilson is blind to tf 1T fact, it is which drive the worke J. to strike and to revolt against theI r. To make illegal such a means 'f redressing their grievance is mere 4s to invite lawlessness of mu' l. more serious type and one whit
 not all the uplifting intentions S even the highest minded executi'