New-York tribune., 1917-07-31
Europe Cannot Be Made
Secure Till Germany Is
Powerless, He Says
u. S. Distrusts
Michaelis Speech
Berlin and Vienna Pro-
nouncement Believed De-
signed to Split Allies

1SOHuOH, July OOs-AINHuI Dbl-
four, the Foreign Secretary, declared
in the House of Commons to-day that
Britain could not state her peace terms
at this time.
This was his reply to the demand for
a definition of the Allied aims, made
last week by speakers in the House,
among them ex-Premier Asquith, who
declared that "the best hope of peace
is frank and open statement, both
by way of avowal and disavowal Of the
objects for which we are fighting"
John Amman Bryce, Liberal, tnd 9th
ers. including Noel Buxton, had said
that an unfortunate impression had
got abroad that Great Britain favored
a policy of annexation, but would not
define her aims. They commented on
the pleas in the Commons last week
for statement Of terms.
Mr.. Balfour answered that he was
not sure it would be wise for the gov
eminent to declare its policy. When
every ministerial statement was treated
as pledge, ne explained, il was
dangerous to accede to requests for
definite announcements.
Nationalists Should Be Free
With respect TO the Jugoslav and
Austrian question, said the secretary.
1t was impossible to foretell the posi-
tion in which the world would find it.
self when these problems came TO be
decided, and he would be doing a very
Ill service to the country were he to
attempt TO define the position now. The
government believed that the Nation
alists composing that heterogeneous
state should be allowed to develop
along their own lines and to carry on
their civilization in their own way.
"As everybody knows" continued Mr..
Balfour, we first entered the war 20
defend Belgium and prevent Frarca
from being crushed fbefore our eyes.
Nobody with the smallest knowledge .
OF the facts supposed that Sir Edward
Grey formerly Foreign Secretary and
the government of which he was a
member when he made the fateful dec
laration on August 3, 1914, made it
with the smallest thought Of the great
problems which the course of the war
has opened UP. We did not enter the
war for any selfish purposes, certainly
not for imperislist aims or 20 get in
IDENTITIES. Our purposes were COM
pletely unselfish; therefore we stood in
a different position from any Of our
allies. We hoped to see Europe freer
and more stable"
Restoration Of French Lands
If France asked 1t, he failed to zee
how Great Britain could refrain from
going on to assist her until she got
back TO the position which existed be-
fore the attack engineered against her
by Bismarck in 1871, namely, that "she
obtain restoration of that of which
she was violently robbed more than
forty years ago."
Mr.. Balfour expressed an opinion
which was simply his own when he
said that If France asked for Alsace-
Lorraine Great Britain should support
her, but he declared that France was
not fighting for Alsace-Lorrsine alone:
she was fighting for her very exist
ence. The questions the House had
were occupying the atton-
ton of the whole civilized world al
most TO the exclusion of every other
subject.
As to the characterization Of Ger
many, said the Secretary, it had been
hoped that autocracy would give place
10 parliamentary institutions as they
are understood, but nobody was foolish
enough to suppose that it would be
possible to impose on Germany a con-
stitution made outside of Germany.
Until Germany was either made power
less or free he did not think the peace
Of Europe could be secured.
The fight must go on, he declared,
for il this war ended with a German
peace, that would only be a prelude to
a new European war. II the peace was
to be one that England and America,
which had no interests on the CONT
nent, could approve, then it would lead
to permanent settlement, which
would in turn conduce to that great
Of the nations which
would give Europe a security IL had
never known before.
Germany Must Save Herself
Germany must work out her saliva
ton" continued Mr. Balfour. you do
not mend matters by imposing a con-
stitution, even if you have the power.
Nations must make their scheme Of
liberty for themselves, according TO
their own ideas and based on their
history, character and hopes.
But if it is true that the great
power of German imperialism is still
depending upon the belief, the belief
driven into the German nation by the
wars of 1866 and 1870, that only under
the imperial system can Germany be
great, powerful and rich, then, II ex-
perience~shows that the imperislistic
system can produce not merely tri-
umph one time, but inevitably lead TO
disaster at another, It
may we'll be that those views. which
found all German teachers for more
than a generation before the Bis
marchian domination. will revive with
new lustre and new strength, and that
Germany with all her powers OF or
ganization and all her inherited culti-
walton, will be added TO those nations
which, before the war, could be de-
Iiberately provoked in order to further
the commercial or political interests OF
any single community.
when Germany has come TO the
level of the United States and Great
Britain in that respect we may hope
that one of the great disturbers OF the
p.ace will forever be Eliminated. I do