The watchman and southron. [volume] (Sumter, S.C.) 1881-1930, 1917-11-17

will. He must argue, then, that what
he has no right to do, he has a right
to say. But is it possible to draw a
line between speech and action? Does
not the man who instigates an act
have his full share of the responsible
ity for that act? What purpose have
LaFollette's speeches except to pro-
duce action by other men? Trietschke
and Bernhard merely delivered lee
lures and wrote books. They used only
voice and pen to proclaim that the
German States has absolute authority
over all it's citizens, that German Kul-
tur is nearly perfect, and that the
German army must impose German
kultur upon an unappreciative world.
Ihey did nothing, but their words
were sparks that have set Europe,
ASA, Africa and America on fire.
The purpose of speeches by Unit
ed States senator, whether in the sem
ate chamber or in a hall at st. Paul,
is to cause action, and every speech
must be judged by the action that it
tends to produce. LaFolEettes speech
es tend to hinder the efforts of the
United States to put forth all it's war;
IKE strength; they encourage the L.
w w. to take advantage of this me-
cessitous time to gain their private
ends; they confirm the German-Amer-
leans and the Irish Americans in the
belief that they are justified i'm their
sympathy with Germany and their
feeling against England; they give
oru enemies the notion that we are a
divided people. The /. w. W., thus
encouraged refuse to work for the
country's good, and spend their ener-
gies to stir up economic jealousy and
strife; German Americans, or some
Of them, thus confirmed in their SYM
pathy with Germany, separate them
selves from the patriotic mass of cit
liens; Irish Americans, or some of
them, feel free to do nothing that will
help England; and in Germany peo-
pie are led to believe that divided
America will not be able to strike an
effective blow on the Western Front.
In war allNfundamental rights are
abridged. The right to life is abridg-
ed; in youth life is sweet, but our
young men, even the unwilling. are
conscripted and hundreds of thou
sands will be exposed to certain
death. The right to property is
abridged; the government takes twen-
ty billion of dollars, whether individ-
ual citizens wish to contribute or not.
In the same way freedom of speech
is abridged; a speech that before the
declaration of war might have been
innocent, prudent. far-sighted, saga
cious and patriotic. has now become
treason.
There is time for discussion as
to whether the nation shall go to war
or not; and every man may say his
say, every man may express, his
sympathies; he may argue for SUBJ
mission. he may support peace at any
price. But when the country is at
war, everything is turned about; a
terrible metamorphosis takes place.
The Socialist must abandon his inter-
nationalism, the merchant can no
longer ship his goods to what neutral
port he pleases, the young men ara
herded into camps; actions that were
innocent become criminal, and words
that were harmless become poisonous
i Senator La.Follette perhaps-one
would not do him an injustice-is
listening to a bee buzzing in his bon
net; he has been a presidential candi-
date before, and he is aware that,
while there are several possible Pro-
Igressive presidential rivals who have
advocated war, he, is the only Pro-
gressive presidential candidate who
can lay consistent advocacy of peace
before German-Am ericans, Irish
Americans, Paciists, and all whose
patriotism may give way under the
burden of the war. Intent on these
thoughts, he forgets that what he had
| a right to say and what he had n
right to do before the declaration oe
war, has become treason now that
war has been declared.
At the present time the senate
chamber is a place for counsels, how
best to bring the war to a speedy VIC
| tory, for on q speedy victory depend
thousands of American lives and bill
lions of American wealth; it is no
place for any man whose words him
der the prosecution of the war AMI