New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-05-17

she has conquered and now holds.
As for Bethmann's proposal to Russia,
il. too, consists of words rather than any
thing else He does not accept the kus-
sian formula Of no annexation. lie does
not. for example, precisely resign the Ger
man claim TO Lithuania. He does not open
the Polish question. lie does not say any
thing about the evacuation of the districts
west of the Pinsk Marshes. He only sug-
rests that there shall he no annexation
which would be a permanent cause for
enmity between the two nations by which
one might conjecture that he meant that
no Slavonic portion of Russa's popula-
ton would be annexed by Germany or by
Austria, but that he still maintained the
German claim to Lithuana and the Aus
tro-G German demand to control resurrected
Poland.
All this is mere by-play; very clever by
play, TO be sure. 1t is merely an effort to
seduce the Russian proletariat. 1t is prop
uganda designed TO contribute still
further to the disorganization of Russia
and thus still more to free Germany's
hand against her Western enemies. And
enc should be very careful not to let ones
hopes affect ones judgment in Russian
matters at this time.
The lesson for the American people IN
the speech of Bethmann is unmstakable.
Russia's collapse has given Germany a
new chance to win the war. It has tom
porarily checked the cries of German So
cialists for peace without annexation.
There is no considerable party in Ger
many which advocates peace without an
nexation as a moral policy. All German
parties are and were prepared to profit
by the plundering of Europe if there was
profit to be had. 1t is only because the
probability of profit has diminished in the
last year that the demand for peace with
out annexation has grown. 1t is a suifi-
cient answer to German socialism, so far
as We know, that Germany has chance to
win the war, and this is the answer that
has been made since Russia collapsed, and
made because of Russia's collapse, and it
is having a profound effect in Germany.
So far as any one can now see, there
will be a campaign in 1918. That cam
paign cannot succeed-Germany cannot
he defeated decisively-unless the United
States can by that time transport to Eu-
rope at least 100000 soldiers and main
tain the force at that size for the summer
campaign. There will be an absolute de-
cline in the French man-power at the
front by the close Of this years campaign.
Great Britain will be able to maintain her
armies at their present strength, but not
to increase them. We must supply the
difference between French man-power at
the front this year and that available
next year if the struggle against Germany
is to go on.
1t is perfectly idle to talk about Ger !
man collapse so long as there is a reason
able chance of German victory, because
most of the German people will not desert /
their government and they will not adopt
any e-wthout-anneXation policy so
long as they believe that they can win the
war absolutely or compel the countries
they have been fighting to bear the Ger /.
man share of the cost of the struggle. |
Every one in Germany knows that if at !
the close of the war Germany does not
gain great indemnites the German En-
pire is bankrupt and the German recovery |
will be long, slow and difficult. Every |
German will have to share in this burden
and every German is nightly interested !
in escaping this burden if it is possible. |
To-day the great majority of the German
people believe that the Russian collapse
has saved the German Empire as change
of Cars saved the Prussian kingdom. |
While they believe that, there is no good in
blinking the fact that the war must go on.
The Tribune agrees with its neighbor
1.-THE Evening Post" in an assertion made
the other day that it is unwise and I'M
Just to criticise and denounce the Russian
people for what they are now doing. 1t is
very great tragedy that Russia should