Evening journal., 1917-05-16

What is at first sight somewhat
curious manifestation OF the criss-
cross of individual and group ideas.
motives and interests in any human
society has come 10 the surface in this
country since we began seriously to
undertake our preparations for the
great war which lies ahead OF us, UNI
less the totally unexpected shall hap
pen and the collapse OF the Central
Powers shall come so quickly that
this country has no opportunity to be-
come an actual participant in the
great struggle. What we have in mind
is the loud cutlery in certain quarters
about the harms that will result from
the general adoption by the commun-
ity OF the practice OF economy I'm re-
spect OF the purchases of the neces-
stiles conveniences and Injuries Of
life. II has commonly been held by
moralists and economists alike that
the practice OF economy Is a virtue
at any and all times. and that in time
OF war Il becomes almost transcen-
dent virtue Here in the United States,
as far back as any of us can remein.
Der, we have been accustomed 10 hear
extravaganza described as one Of the
chief Of our national vices and econ
omy inculcated as the ideal we must
seek TO attain, il We would realize the
full measure OF our national great
ness. This has been one OF the most
usual OF texts for preachers In their
sermons. for bankers in their admOni-
tons 10 the public. for business men
I'm their representations OF the cOun-
try's future. near or remote, for social
uplifters, and. in fact, for the entire
tribe of advisers OF the community
with respect 20 It's welfare. Il would
he impossible to estimate out OF how
many months. in the last decade
alone, the people of the United States
have had Il impressed upon them that
unless they can learn the lesson OF
rigid economy they will speedily find
that there is no health in them They
will not be able for long TO hold their
own against the thriftier and more
economical nations Of the earth--the
Germans. for example, the Japanese
or even the Chinese
While all this laudation has been
bestowed upon economy as a principle
10 be followed and an ideal to be
striven for in times OF peace. II has
been universally agreed that when a
country-our own or any other--is
forced to meet the vicissitudes and
support the burdens of a war involy-
ing the vital concerns Of the nation
economy becomes something more
than an ideal; il becomes a duty Of
the most imperative kind. When every
last resource OF a people engaged or
about to be engaged in such a war is
required for the assurance OF success
In the conflict few can be found to
deny that every form OF waste of
those resources must be avoided as
though IL were a positive sin. Every
extravaganza must be stripped off;
the satisfaction of all but the essen
tial needs of the members of society
must be foregOne; the consumption
and hence the prOductiOn-of all I'M
necessary goods must be reduced TO
the lowest possible terms. The prim-
airy obligation OF the citizen OF a coun-
try at war is to save in respect of
everything that concerns his own
pleasure and even usual comfort, in
order that the sum-total OF the saw
ings of all citizens may suffice to pro-
vide sinews of war which are un-
questionably adequate to provide for
all eventualities.
Such is the conception Of the place
Of general economy on the part Of
the people of a country involved in
a great war, which is of so common
acceptation that IL may almost be
said to be conventional. The sanction
of this conception is the accumulated
experience of mankind II is not a
rational argument against It that in
stances may be cited of countries
rendered extrayagant in some. II not
all, OF the classes OF their citizens by
reason of the circumstances and con-
dtions OF wars in which they were
engaged. Generally speaking, deniers
of the supreme importance Of economy
on the part u the mass OF the popu-
lation OF their own country when at