New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-06

such international aspirations might
not be fulfilled; this or that great
power might decline TO enter or decide
TO leave a league OF all the nations.
an the second place, IL you leave
great military power in the hands OF
those who have too little regard for
moral constraint, league of peace will
succeed at best only at the risk OF
another war. That may be a tolerable
thought to those who have not SUI
fered as the Allies have suffered; but
10 is unthinkable for US TO allow such
a possibility.
Finally. there is no field of life
where it is sound procedure TO seek
to secure moral progress by failing to
punish crime where there is no change
Of mind or heart That moral expert
ence is not reversed because you are
dealing with crimes of such magnitude
as those Of Germany and her allies or
because you are dealing with govern
ments and not private persons. Wick
edness remains wickedness even in
nigh Places
Must Punish the Turk
ConstantnOple and the fate Of the
Turk are subjects Of the greatest i'm
portance in any consideration Of the
possibilities Of peace ! asked Mr..
Henderson how labor viewed these
questions.
81 have spoken OF the necessity OF
breaking M Middle Europe IN order
that a dangerously great power may
not remain under German control" he
continued "But I think labor would
be disposed TO approach the question
Of the Turk rather from the point OF
view which last mentioned the
punishment of crime
Though the Armenian atrocities are
not much talked about, they have un-
doubtedly made a deep impression on
the minds of the working population.
who. | think, are determined that never
again shall a Christian nation be under
the yoke of the Turk.
when you have said that the
Armenian atrocities were as complete,
as terrible, as it was possible for IN
scrupulous brutality TO secure, you
have said all there is TO be said.
Turks are not much about this coun-
try, but this country would never toll
crate either the possibility OF a repe-
tition OF their barbsrity or their es-
cape from signal punishment
Labor Powerful After War
you ask what will be labors posi-
ton after the war and you talk as
though labor we're in a less favorable
position during the war than before IT
began.
at is true that labor has sacrificed
certain privileges. But the question
Of the restoration Of privileges where,
under somewhat changed conditions
these are still desired-or OF securing
equal or greater privileges in other
directions. is not q matter Of the eN-
istence Of this or that privilege pres
ent i'm utterly abnormal circumstances.
but of the temper with which these
problems will be faced after the war
and of the political power which labor
will then possess to secure attention
for its views.
81 am not going TO discuss at the
very end Of this interview so Dig q
question as economic reconstruction 81
the end of the war. but so Tar as I'M
proved conditions for labor are con-
cerned. I'would point out that there have
been few domestic results OF the war
which are more striking than th@
growth of the desire among other
classes 10 recognize Aht N'"ti"'
bor and than its increased political
power. as evinced, for example, by its
sbare in both the present and the coalI-
tion ministries Of this country.
Sacrifices Will Be Rewarded
"The war may have led labor TO give
nm for the time being certain priyil
eyes. but that has not weakened, DuI
strengthened, it's general position.
Labor has given freely of it's sons
10 lighting a great and Just cause. l.
rsTv SUSPENSION Of many hsrd-won
trades union rights.
"In short. during the whole period
Of lis greatest war the state has oeeL
patrioticslly served by its WORKERS aho
/ confidently believe that when peace
has been won the workers will be NOR,
adequately and more Justly assisted
By the state"