New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-07
The Ethics of Strike Limitation

minable By the Federal courts. But the
moral aspect Of the case, and especially the
ethics Of the right Of organized labor, EN-
ployed in our vast railroad systems and
elsewhere, 70 go on strikes IS just now
subject for general public discussion and
concern.
How far is the public, unorganized in
dustrially but well organized politically
morally justified in limiting strike meas
ures on the part Of combinations Of EN-
ployes, railroad employees and others? 1t
is a question involving certain rights OF
the public as whole, in counterpoise to
certain rights Of a very large portion OF
the same public.
Perhaps little more can be settled at
this stage Of our national experience and
industrial growth than the moral right OF
the public to impose some sort Of limits,
be they narrow or sweeping in scope, over
this powerful function Of organized labor.
But that right should be clearly and per-
nanently recognized. 1t should be so out
lined in our minds that its basis Of equity
cannot be challenged.
Combinations Of employees, like combina-
tons Of capital, are not to be regarded as
necessary enemies, as evils in themselves,
but merely as inevitable agencies in the
evolution Of industry, whose excuses,
whose unchecked privileges alone are capa-
bic of becoming a national menace. Rather
should the public feel toward these gigantic
combinations. dominating one big industry
after another and producing, at whatever
cost, m5st that the rest Of US, as we'll as
their own members, consume or use, as
corporate friends, strong but self-willed
members ~ the whole industrial family,
whose errors and sins we must check, but
whose work we have authorized by accept
ing it and whose powers we would but turn
INTO the safe channels Of true cooperation.
Actuated by such sentiments, we find no
real difficulty in seeing the true ground for
public control, to a certain extent, over
such matters as the right to strike. Like
its cider brother, organized capital, organ
lied labor can no longer resort to the baby
act: it can no longer shield its manhood
behind the ample skirts Of tradition, and
claim the privileges Of labor in its in
fancy.
The absolute freedom, the unquestioned
moral and civic right, of any individual
employe, as al individual, to quit work un-
der any given employer when and for 50
long as he sees fit, is as intact as of old.
But a large combination is not an indi-
vidual and collective action spells mighty
different thing from individual action. A
man has the right, if SO he choose, to pace
the sidewalks Of a city all day long, but a
large collection Of men, a parade, for eX-
ample has no such moral right. The indi-
viduars act would DO no particular harm,
but the collective act Of the large body Of
men, filling sidewalks as it listeth and OBJ
structing the general public's right Of way,
might do decided harm, no matter how
worthy the general object Of the parade
might be.
And so with the more serious question Of
strikes. II is a question where difference
in degree has evolved into difference in
kind also. If the individual, or any small
body Of individuals, quit work suddenly
there may be local inconvenience but there
is no serious menace TO public needs The
labor market can take care Of a little thing
like that But the very essence Of a big
concerted strike is so TO cripple the biz
Industry involved as to bring the employ
ers to terms. The big strike aims at inter
ference with the production or the use Of
certain utility or article as the very
lever by which to enforce the employees de
D mands.
y If a threat come first, then the publ,
gets the benefit Of delay: it gets the benefit
Of the equity Of notice; if not an impor
tant, perhaps a vital, business or service
20 the public is interrupted, and the publ,
pays the bill. And no matter what IN,
grievances OF any collection Of omploye:
may be, is their loyalty to their collective
interests in the matter so much more i'm
portant, morally. than their duty to III,
public, that the latter cannot be justified
in placing limits, even if those limits con
sist merely in the right Of the public tc
due notice Of such action in advance, upon
such measures? Ore has not TO appeal tC
the utilitarian rule of 1.-The greatest good
FOR the greatest number" TO perceive the
bearings Of such query or TO answer il
in the negative.
without denying the right Of organized
labor to strike, it is equally certain that
that right is not absolute, bat conditional.
Il Is limited, ethically, by the at least
equal right of the public to control or
abridgs it whenever its exercise would
seriously menace the public Tor whose use