New-York tribune., 1917-07-18

thronement of brute force. France was TO
be partitioned, Belgium annexed, the whole
world made over, without regard to the
rights Of the people inhabiting various re-
gions, solely as this change benefited Ger
many and German ambitions or interests.
And in this spirit regions Of occupied
country were ravaged, cities and towns
destroyed, populations enslaved and driven
to work in a servitude recalling that Of
the Children of Israel in Egypt.
In the face Of this assault non-German
mankind, with few exceptions, entered the
war. In all the nations fighting there
came to be very distinct recognition that
the war was being waged not primarily
against nation, but against an idea; that
it was above all battle to defend civiliza-
ton as they knew it against what seemed
to them the essential and destructive bar
barism Of the German idea.
This barbarism, this German idea, asso-
ciated itself in the minds of many people
with the ruling caste of Germany, and
with that ruling caste which controlled
the army. We had therefore equally de-
nunciation of autocracy and Of the House
of Hohenzollern, which was at its head,
and Of German militarism, which was the
expression of this German idea. Quite
loosely, therefore, we have all come to talK
about the war as one between democracy
and autocracy, and President Wilson and
others have asserted that there was no
quarrel with German people.
But is this an exact statement? Do we
vet know what was or is the view Of the
German people? Certainly nothing that
has so far happened has suggested that
the German people found the things done
by German soldiers or statesmen abhor-
rent, since all the Germans we know or
read have justified them. What we do
hear and suspect is that the German peo-
pie are becoming tired Of war which has
not succeeded and of the leaders who have
not achieved victory, despite the blood tax
they have levied.
Are we quite sure that the German
thing we all abhor and are fighting was
merely the expression Of the few who con-
trolled German machinery In July and
August, 1914? Granted that there is no
desire now in any sane mans mind to
apply German methods to German cities
women, children, to apply to German prov
inces and German towns the doctrine of
the Pan German and the Junker, is it still
possible to consider peace and peace terms
to the utter exclusion of what Germany
has done for three years?
To The Tribune the fact seems perfect
ly clear. One of two things must happen.
Either the war must go on to a military
decision because the German people still
remain faithful to the gospel of force and
the doctrine of barbarism, or the German
people must of themselves renounce the
doctrine and dispossess those who have ap-
piled the doctrine all over the world.
If there must be a fight to a military
decision, then there is no need Of discus
sion. All discussion is, in fact, hopeless
if the Germans are still of the mind that
was written in Louvain and the Lusitania,
expressed in Zeppelin raids and submarine
killings, and to talk about peace with Ger
many is like discussing relations of amity
with a man-eating tiger whose jaws are
still stained with fresh blood.
But if Germany is to free herself from
this doctrine and this policy, it remains
patent that the measure of her own free
dom must be her recognition Of the duty
Of repairing the injuries she has done, so
far as they can be repaired. Above all, if
a new born German democracy is to super
sede an overturned autocracy, we can only
recognize its character when it presents
as its peace proposal programme which
carries with it as first article the in
Identification of Belgium.
When Germany attacked Belgium she
visibly and Enthusiastically left the ranks of
civilized nations. The issue Of Belgium
is between the German people and the
whole world. Until Germany meets the
Belgian issue squarely there can be no
crossing the gulf that divides the German
people from the rest of mankind, because