New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-19
10 ,bo EDITOR OF The Tribune.

Sir. The civilized world row knows more
snocincally what Mr.. Lloyd George meant by
the three demands for restitution, reparation
and effective guarantees for the future
agalnst unjustfed military aggression hes-
titution and reparation, as demanded by the
Entente Allies, indeed present great diihcul-
ties. but the furnishing OF the guarantees Tor
the future Is certainly the most difhcuIt IN
,ba caae of governments, as Of individuals,
the concluding Of an agreement with ono
who has already violated unblusningiy
solemn written obligation is unthinKaole'
Yet, the problem of securing peace without
further destruction Of life and property IS
not impossible of solution. The Entente Al
lies suggest:
"The reorganization Of Europe, guaranteed
by n stable regime, and founded as much
upon respect Of nationalities and full Sc
curity and liberty (of) economic develop
ment, which all nations, great or small, pos
sess. as upon territorial conventions and in
.ernational agreements suitable TO guarantee
territorial and maritime frontiers against
unjustfed attacks"
And again. q design ito encompass the ex-
termination of the German peoples and their
political disappearance" is expressly dis
claimed.
The hint seems to be that a reorganization
Of the German Imperial Government, Where-
by the German nation or the German peo-
pies will wrest the political power from the
Prussian military aristocracy might be an
acceptable guarantee for the future. II 1t be
the fact that the Kaiser reached long ago the
conclusion that such a political change
should be made, and that he asked confer
ence in order to say 80 privately, and to re-
ceive authoritative assurances that no mill
tary advantage would be taken of his efforts
to bring about definite plan OF reorganiza-
ton, then a conference should be held at the
earliest possible date, and the Kaiser should
not be pressed for public exposition of his
plan at this time. Publicity might thwart
his very object by causing the impression TO
be created in Germany that his plan was die
tated or demanded by Great Britain and was
not voluntarily conceived independently Of
any desire for peace, measure OF advan-
tage solely TO the German nation and the
German peoples. Il must be appreciated that
the Kaiser cannot now publicly pledge in adj
vance favorable action by the amending
power under the German Imperial Constitu-
ton, and that any step for the democratiza-
ton of the German Imperial Government will
not be without serious opposition in Ger
many itself. If secret diplomacy is capable
Of serving any useful purpose, now is the
time land, let us hope, the last time) to re-
sort 10 it..
What defects exist in the German Imperial
Constitution, the remedying Of which will
constitute effective guarantees for the flu
ture against Prussian military aggression?
l. The Imperial Executive has the oppor-
tunity to determine, without the advice or
consent of others, whether contemplated
military action is needed for offence or de-
fence.
Remedy-Prohibit the declaration of war
popular branch of the Imperial Legislature,
q The succession to the Imperial Execu-
tive office follows the hereditary succession
to the throne of Prussia until the King of
Prussia otherwise wills.
Remedy-Let the King of Prussia, who is
the Kaiser, insist upon the abrogation of this
hereditary succession and the restoration to
the Imperial Executive Office of its original
elective character, and let a new election be
held.
As to the first defect, Professor John W.
Burgess in his political Science and Con-
stitutional Law" volume H. pages 276 and
277, says that the Emperor OF Germany has
power to declare war; except that TO every
declaration of war for offensive purposes the
consent of the Bundesrath or Federal Coun-
Gil is necessary, and that the conservative
German princes opposed TO Capitalization and
the commercial interests of the representa-
tives of the three free cities in the Council