The watchman and southron. [volume] (Sumter, S.C.) 1881-1930, 1917-04-07

torious assertion OF the physical might
of the nation but only the vindica-
tion of right. of human right, of
which we are only single champion.
When addressed the congress on
the 26th Of February, last, 1 thought
that 1t would suffice to assert our neu-
tral rights with arms, our right ia
use the seas against unlawful inter-
ference, our right to keep our eople
safe against unlawful violence. But
armed neutrality, it now appears, is
impracticable. Because submarines
are In effect outlaws when used as
the German submarines have been
used against merchant shipping. 1t is
impossible to defend ships against
their attacks as the law of nations
has assumed that merchantmen
would defend themselves against
privateers or cruisers. visible craft
giving chase upon the open sea. 1t is
common prudence in such circum-
stances, grim necessity indeed, to en-
deavor to destroy them before they
have shown their own intention. They
must be dealt with upon sight. if
ernment denies the right of neutrals
to use arms at all within the areas of
the sea which it has prescribed, even
i'm the defense of rights which no mod :.
ern publicist has ever even question
cd their right to defend. The intima-
tion is conveyed that the armed guards
which we have placed on our mcr-
chant ships will be treated as beyond
the pale Of law and subject to be
dealt with as pirates would bc. Arm
cd neutrality is Intellectual enough, at
best; In such circumstances and in the
face Of such pretensions it is worse
than ineffectual; 1t is likely only to
produce what It is meant to prevent
1t is practically certain to draw u,
into the war without either the rights
or the effectiveness OF belligerents
There is one choice we can not make,
we are incapable of making: we will
not choose the path of submission an
suffer the most sacred rights of our
nation and our people to be ignored
or violated. The wrongs against
which we now array ourselves arc M
common wrongs: they cut to the very
roots Of human life.
with q profound sense of the
solemn and even tragical character
the step am taking and of the grave
responsibilities which 1t involves, but
In unhesitating obedience to what ]
deem my constitutional duty. advise
that the congress- declare the recent
course OF the imperial German gov
ernment to be in fact nothing less
than war against the government and
people Of the United States; that 1t
formally accept the status of belligcr-
ent which has thus been thrust upon
1t and that 1t take immediate steps
not only to put the country in a more
thorough state of defense but also
to exert oil its power and employ all
Its resources to bring the government
of the German empire to terms and
end the war.
What this will involve is clear. II
will involve the utmost practica ble
cooperation in counsel and action with
the governments now at war with Ger.
many and as incident to that. the ex.
tension to those governments of tho
most liberal financial credits. in order
that our resources may so far as posi-.
BILE be added to theirs. It will involve
the organization and mobilization OF
all the material resources of the coun.
try TO supply the materials of wa,
and serve the incidental needs of thu
nation in the most abundant and ye
the most economical and efficient wa,
possible. 1t will involve the immc
date full equipment of the navy iy
all respects but particularly in sup
plying 1t with the best means of deal
ing with the enemy's submarines.
1T will involve the immediate ad
dition to the armed forces of United
Sttaes already provided for by law il
case of war at least 100000 men, wins
should, in my opinion, be chosen upo'
the principle Of universal liability t,
service and also the authorization o.
subsequent additional increments OF
equal force so soon as they may bt
needed and can he handled in train
ing. 1t will involve also, of course
the granting Of adequate credits t.
the government, sustained, I hope, -
far as they can eGuitably be suctainc
by the present generation by wei