The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1917-03-30

Hhis change requires constitutional re-
vision. But for the next session, by
changing the rules, a great improve
ment could be made.
First: The rules committee should
hold its session in public with repre-
sentatives of the press present.
Second: A majority of the rules
committee should have the right to
place bills on the calendar.
Third: The rules committee should
be selected by, and responsible to the
senate and house, respectively, rath-
er than the presiding officer.
Need Light of Publicity
The first mentioned is the most
important. 1t is impossible to over
estimate the value of publicity as a
deterrent to vicious legislation. Nu-
merous plans of the organization
were thwarted because their men,
bers could not stand the threat of
publicity. They knew that Senator
Nichols and others would talk over
the heads of the senators pledged to
vote for the bill, to the reporters at
the press table and through them to
the voters of the state, and rather
than stand that publicity they with
held some bills.
One impression l cannot resist
mentioning. l assert that it was the
large proportion of independent law
yers in the senate that made it freer
from control than the house. Such
lawyers as Nichols, Phipps, Landon,
Northland, Kuykendall, Metcalf,
Faulkner, Steiner and Smith, though
not always agreeing among them
selves, were able to point out the
weakness or viciousness of proposed
Legislation and put up vigorous op-
position on the floor. In any reason
able proportion, the independent law
yers are the most valuable legislators,
while subsidized lawyers representing
special interests are the most danger
Gus.
Nichols Most Valuable Member
In closing my impressions, I cannot
withhold deserved tribute to Sena-
tor Nichols. He was, without any
question, the most valuable member
of the legislature. With the expert
ence of six continuous sessions, his
legal ability and his wide business
experience, he knew every angle of
the game. He had the courage to op-
pose any and every measure that his
honest judgment held to be against
public interest, although he knew the
votes were pledged to pass it and
he knew he was becoming unpopu-
lar because of his opposition to the
measures of so many senators. He
stood like rock against the numer-
Gus measures which tended to in
terfere with the governmental pow
ers of the cities.
1t was a favorite expression Of
the power and traction crowd that
city had no rights save those the
Legislature chose to respect. While
this is true in a constitutional sense
Nichols declared it to be false legis-
latlve doctrine and destructive to any
party or organization that stood for
it.
In the closing days of the session
Senator Nichols and 'home rule
were more appreciated in the senate
as the real source of opposition be-
came apparent to every senator. In
the house any bill which bore the
name of Nichols or was identified
with him was killed as retaliatory
measure. But no amount of punish
ment, threats or cajolery could
swerve Nichols from his opposition
to bills favoring special as against
public interests, or support of the
opposite class.
No man can do his duty in the
legislature without making a large
number of enemies, and Nichols GER.
tainly has choice assortment. Every
advocate of unnecessary expenditures
increased salaries, deficiency appro-
priations and special privilege legisla,
tion hates the name of Nichols.
This article is written in the hone
that the public will study legislative
organization and appreciate the i'm.
portance of sending men to the legis.
lature who will stand for a free fo.
rum, intelligent organization, and full
publicity and responsibility for com.
mittee actions.