The daily Nome industrial worker., 1917-06-09

| Distribution of Property and h. come, practically crossed out as far as national prosperity goes, since it is the property of but one i per cent of the population. The average income of fifty average Am erican citizens, sustained through the Christian era is roughly equival- ent to the yearly income of Rocke- 1 feller'.
 In paying the expenses of the war there is no effort apparently going to be made to consider the disparity in incomes and in wealth 1 distribution of the country. Ii there was, the one per cent that 1 own half the wealth would be con- pelled to undertake the full costs of that when the average per capita wealth of the country is only S22O0 and some of the people therein are i actually billionaires, the vast ma jority must have nothing at all.
 The entire policy seems directed towards some ideal condition that never has existed. Or such that ex- ists only in the minds of those who promote it.
 Today ten billions could be raised very easily indeed by a trinity oi great captains of finance or industry in New York city without turning a hair; but those billions are to be sacred. They are to provide the wealth for the government with in- terest.
 The whole financial policy is to be directed to that end and while the person, and by the person one means the life, of the individual, may be called freely to sacrifice it. self, the dollars must be sacred and fully secured with proper allowances for interest and so forth.
 It is extraordinary to look at it in a superficial light that wealth and property should be placed above the person, but profoundly that is the very keynote of the ca pitalist system.
 If a proposition were introduced in Congress tomorrow looking to- wards conscription of income and the conscription of actual wealth in the interest of the national veal, there would be an outcry which would be much more determined and emphatic than the slight oppo- sition that was manifested to the draft.
 There is, to be sure, no valid req son why wealth is more sacred than the person, and the person of the wealthy citizen is, goodness knows, sacred enough. But there is historic precedent for the respect of wealth and there is furthermore the fact that the possession of wealth gives one the power to resist any en- croachments upon the special privi- leges which it conveys.
 The need of money to carry on war is indeed manifest. The tre- mendous wealth of America is tireless theme with the great papers It is here and it is available just as easily as is the military material in human beings who will do the | fighting.
 But it is quite another matter tC take possession of it. Imagine what would be the difficulties which are encountered. when a Concl ess ord CTS the men of millions ro register their holdings so that they could be drafted for public service. It would certainly ease che labors of the ad- ,nin:stration and make easier the path of the governmen: if il were donc.
 The Senators would not have to be worrying over ta.>irg sugar and tobacco and tea and coffee and meats. The struggling newspapers would not have to pay their two per cent and when man pays bill he would not have to worry about his stamp tax
 But there will be no such simple method devised of financing the war as conscription of wealth. Instead the men of wealth who loan money will get their gilt edged bonds bear ing interest for their generosity