The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1917-07-24
The CABINET IN CONGRESS-
THE TOPEKA STATE JOURNAL
INFORMATION BUREAU
By Frederic j. Haskin. Director,
WaAhingfon. ID. G.


government It is urged that cabinet
officers be invited, and also required,
to take seats in congress on certain
fixed days, with the privilege of ad-
dressing the houses and the duty OF
answering questions. The project
finds a good deal of support, tho IL
is a long way from becoming law
yet. 1t is interesting at the moment
rather as a sign of the times.
The idea is no new one. Apparent
ly it has been aroused from a thirty
five-year sleep by the war crisis ana
the desire of congress for lnrorma-
ton. Many members of congress reel
that they are not sufficiently Wen
posted on Inside" details of the many
tremendously important projects now
under way-the mobilization of the
national guard and the conscript
army, the anti-submarine campaign,
the food conservation program, the
financial plan, and half a dozen 9TH
ers. They do not accuse anyone OF
trying to hide information from them,
but they complain of a lack of ma
chinery by which they can get II
quickly and exactly. Hence the pro-
posal to seat members of the cabinet
in congress, where a member with
a question weighing him down can get
up and ask the head of the depart
ment concerned.
AS matters stand today, a member
of congress who desires to question
the administration can either pay
personal visit to the cabinet officer ne
wants to see, or else he can introduce
a resolution calling on the executive
branch to furnish congress with GER
tain information. The first method
has many manifest shortcomings. The
interview between the member and
the secretary is unofficial, there is no
record of what is said for either party
to fall back upon in case of dispute In
the future, the information is given to
only single member of congress in
stead of the whole body, and in many
cases bitter political disputes of the
past may make it a delicate under
taking for a cabinet member and a
congressman or senator to get to-
gether. One way of getting around
the lack of a permanent record of
such semi official conferences is seen
in the practice, growing more COM
mon, of letters written from men high
in the executive branch to members
for publication.
The second method of asking
question of the administration, by in
Producing a resolution, is being used
quite frequently. 1t is a standard
means for the opposing political party
to put it's queries. and it sets them
down on the records with great exact
ness for all time. The trouble with 1t
as method is that it is slow, and that
it can be delayed almost indefinitely
by shunting it down some legislative
sidetrack. Also. just because it is a
piece of opposition tactics, it is likely
to be lost on vote. This means in
effect that no man can ask a question
in this way unless he can get a ma
jorfty to back him, while it is well
known abroad that the most merci-
less and searching interrogatories-'
which are also the most salutary and
useful-usually come from minority
parties.
There are of course other WAYS in
which congress can question the adj
ministration. The executive branch
has its unofficial but well recognized
spokesman on the floors of both
houses, who will rise and champion
it's policies when they are attacked.
The heads of the important committees
are authorities in the particular field
that their work covers, and where the
head of the committee happens to be
in opposition, the leading member
who supports the administration pro-
gram will answer questions which are
directed at the executive. This ar
rangement is condemned, however, by
those who see in our committee sys-
tenn one of the, leading weaknesses of
our legislative plan. 1t is pointed out
that the committee member is no sub
stitute for the cabinet member Be
hind the doors of the committee room
he gets more information than he
divulges, in order to guide him in
| framing his bills. He convinces him.
self of the necessity for certain pro-
visions. and the house as a whole is
often asked to take that necessity on
faith. Every line in this bill has
been carefully considered by ex-
perts," is about what the inQuiTing
colleague is usually told. IF neces-
VIC nn,1ld &c
the best possible measure. But we
ask you to take our word for it, and
not to delay the game" This attitude
has been particularly marked since
the declaration of war.
In spite of the need for haste, there
| is large coterie of inquiring spirits
| in congress who want to ask questions
| under almost any circumstances.
Doubtless there is need for haste, and
obstructionists should be blasted by
public opinion. but none the less these
| legislative Interrogation points are a
/ valuable part of the congressional
machine. Measures at once so impor-
| tant and so revolutionary as those we
are adopting today need to be sub
/ jected to all the intelligent question
| ing they can get. These inQuiring
members would like to have the
sources of information where they can
get at them.
The cabinet officer on the floor of
| congress could refuse to answer any
| question where he considered that he
/ information desired had best not be
made public. The cabinet ministers
/ abroad spend most of their time re-
| fusing to answer questions. Never
theless, no one can follow the debates
in the House of Commons or the
French Chamber of Deputies without
seeing that the membrs get a good
deal of what they are after. They
circle round and round the position of
the minister with their queries, and
by piecing together his denials and
his affirmations they get an idea of
| the state of affairs. This is chiefly
| because they can ask a dozen ques-
tons in ten minutes. Our system has
| the defect that it may take a week for
| a member of congress to get an an
! swer to a single one.
1t is evident that the chief merit of
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