New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1917-01-24

il is necessary for the strait 10 be
strongly held By the country IL serves;
otherwise. why fortify the Panama
Canal, as the United States has done?
when President Wilson talks Of peo-
pies not being subject to rule against
their will, this necessarily means ter
ritorial separation. He mentions
Poland as his only concrete example,
but when he talks Of free and in
dependent Poland, has he thought that
this means taking the Polish provinces
from Prussia, including Posen and
Dantzig, and does he suppose that this
will be done without conqucring Ger
many?
Allies Must Impose Conditions
The same applies to the Slsv prov
inces Of Austria and TO Alssce-Lor-
raine. Further, how give Serbia an
outlet to the sea without territorial
aggrandizementl
In short, the leaders of France be-
lieve that peace on President Wilson's
lines necessarily demands as hrst
condition the victory OF the AI1es.
This makes the Presidents statement
that the end Of the war IL near IN
tensely interesting, but also makes IL
seem
reason for knowing that Germany -
about ready to give up, as the Aiiles
have no intention Of seeking peace
until they are able TO impose on Ger
many the terms they demand Tor
stable peace.
These. in effect, are the same as
those laid down in the Presldens :
sneech. with the difference that the
the practical methods Of securing such
a peace as we'll as its desirability'
Assassin Must Pay
Senator Henry Berenger, writing III
the Paris midi" says:
"President Wilson proposes peace
formula that he considers to be an
American peace and ut the same time
humane. IL is peace without victory,
the essential points of which as out
lined by President Wilson arc not espc-
ciaIly American, but democratic that
il TO say, French, English, Italian, as
much as American
"There is not an independent demo-
crat who has not already proclaimed
and does not to-day entertain the same
ideal as that professed by President
Wilson. but in the same way that the
United States was obliged 10 wage war
against secession, and later the Cuban
war. European democracy must to-day
wage a war Of resistance against Prus-
sian pan Germanism.
How will it be possible TO guarantee
the future II we are declared incapable
of taking care of the past? Who tore
up the treaties of peace? Who violated
Belgium? Who attacked France? Who
is the aggressor of Europe? And who,
as such, owes reparstion with damages
the victim or the assassin
New Charter OF Rights
Leon Chavenon, in "L'Information,'
says:
"The message exhibits in way a
new charter. new declaration OF
rights Of peoples applied to the modern
state of the world. and will find pro-
found echo in the soul of France. but
a reservation has to be made regarding
peace without victory
"All commentary on this war which
does not distinguish between sssailed
and assailant is either insufficient or
unjust"
The Petit Parisien" says:
ut seems that President Wilson. as
in his previous note, has mistakenly
placed the states attacked and the ag-
gressors on the same footing, when the
distinction was an easy one which he
was in conscience bound TO make.
Will Not Oppose Terms
with that stipulation, we can only
subscribe TO the formula which the
President sets forth as basis for fut-
ure peace. None of his conceptions can /
offend US. They are ours. They were (
ours long before 1917. We certainly |
will not oppose them.
1T gives US only pleasure to see I
these plans for liberty and justice elo- /
ouently upheld by Mr.. Wilson. But .
what will Germany and Austria say"
The "Matin" says: "In entire agree
ment with President Wilson as to the
principles enunciated by him. we never