New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-09-01
Hysteria.


calamity that has not happened
there is a kind of mental luxury.
The mind loves excitement. Hys-
terical statements delight the ear.
The railroads conclude their state
ment of the case with the assertion
that the problem threatens democ-
racy ITSELF You always think de-
mocracy itself is threatened when
it happens to be doing something
you disapprove Of, especially some
thing that touches your interest.
Democracy is a flexible thing.
Therein lies its safety. Put it aside.
The representatives Of the broth
erhoods, on being asked to give their
opinion of the programme of legis-
lation proposed by 'ir. Wilson, ap-
proved of the eight-hour day and
were mostly Indifferent as to all the
other points save one. A law, such
as in Canada, making it illegal for
men to strike until their grievance
had been investigated by an official
body and its conclusions published,
would, they said, be "un-American."
1t would reduce men to a condition
of involuntary servitude. They
would have to work whether they
wished to or not. That is nonsense,
too, and isn't meant to be taken lit
orally. Life is mostly a business of
involuntary seryitude.
Thirdly, number of institutions
and individuals interested in the i'm
palpable evidences of wealth which
we call securities are addressing all
whom they can reach with the idea
that the "inviolability of invest
ments" is menaced; therefore, you
must write or telegraph at once to
your Senator or Congressman, in
sisting that he protect the people
who have put their savings into
stocks and bonds. Very few things
in this world are possessed Of the
inherent right of inviolability. How
ever, we need not argue that matter
for or against securities. The fact
is that the solvency Of railroads is
not involved. If Congress enacts an
eight hour law for the railroad en-
ployes, such loss as the railroads
may be able to prove on that account
will have to be made up TO them.
Indeed, that is already provided for
in the programme. II is one of the
points toward which the brother
hoods express their serene indiffer-
ence. Even if it were not included
in the programme, the sense Of fair
ness that survives everything else
would guarantee it. Two years ago
the precedent was established that
the rate-making power Of this coun-
try, namely, the Interstate Com
merce Commission, is morally re-
sponsible for the solvency Of the rail-
roads. 1t allowed them to increase
rates 5 per cent in a horizontal man
ner, because they had proved that
their net revenues were insufficient
to make reasonable returns upon the
capital invested and at the same
time continue to make those i'm
provements and betterments which
public interest requires them TO
make.
Now we are asked: "If it is not
question of democracy itself, as
the railroads say, not one Of Ameri-
canism, as the brotherhoods say,
and not one Of railroad solvency, as
Wall Street says, what is it really"
1t is a political question.
The problem is how to maintain
an equilibrium between those selfish
forces which in a democracy or in
any other form Of government are
alternately fostercd until they be
come dangerous and then limited.
All forces are selfish.
Railroads were fostered until they