Daily Kennebec journal., 1916-09-27
DAILY KENNEBEc WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER ~ 1916

DAILY KENNEBEC JOI
gress? II friendly Labor Congress
can connscate capital, an unfriendly
Congress can condscate labor.
There II an arbitrary spirit In con-
! nection with this matter that does not
go well with business people. nor with
| the fair-minded public. The old say
ing that nothing IL ever settled until
Il 10 settled right" would seem to ap-
ply In this case. It is not easy for a
business man to see how the railroads
can accept this ill-considered bill. It
does not go into effect until the 1st of
January. which allows time for careful
consideration on the part of the rail-
roads. It would seem wise for the
public. however. and for business in
terests In general. to look upon the
matter as unsettled. The general
| opinion seems to be that the bill as
passed is unconstitutional; that Con-
gress has no right to legislate for the
hours of private employment. or to fix
the rates Of pay of private employ
ment. It is supposed that the rah-
| roads will probably attack the consti-
tutionaltty of the bill. In fact, there
does not seem to be any other course
open to them.
Labor must pay. If the expense of
operating the railroads is heavily in
| creased. Labor. not merely the small
fraction Of labor that is organized, but
all labor as an important part of the
general public that will be taxed. must
pay it's full share. If the rights Of
loh h1y tho ooto hJi h.
ment of new legal principles abridging
the right Of contract, the right to ne
gotiate, the right to arbitrate, and the
| right to make collective bargain,
labor, all labor, must bear its full share
of the loss.
Samuel Gompers does not believe the
law should say that girl in depart
ment store should not receive less
than eight dollars week, but he up
holds the law that gives a $4,000 a
week conductor an advance of $500,
to $45.OO per week, or nearly six times
the proposed legal minimum of the
department store clerk. This seems
somewhat inconsistent to say the
least.
It is urged by some of the brother
hood leaders that by a reararrange-
ment of the schedules. the runs can be
so changed that most of the men can
do their work in eight hours, and that
the additional cost to the railroads
would be very light. The writer is in
formed, however, that the most of the
railroad schedules as now made up are
very largely the work of the brother
hoods. That is to say, the railroad
managers have tried to make the runs
to suit the wishes of the brotherhoods
as far as possible, consistent with the
railroad business. Public service de-
mands trains at certain hours The
man who wishes to work an eight
hour day, and no more, and be home
| to breakfast dinner. and supper at the
| regular time, should not enter into the
| railroad business.
The shoe industry, by comparison. is
fortunate in that it has never had such
an unreasonable labor condition to
deal with. For nearly 20 years there
| has been a responsible organization of
| shoe workers pledged to the arbitra-
ton of all disputes under an arbitra-
| ton agreement. Unfortunately, how
ever, the shoe industry of the entire
country, with all other business inter-
| ests, must suffer from any Interrupt
ton in transportation facilities, and
must pay the bill for any increase in
freight rates due to granting the extra
compensation to the highest paid en-
ployes in the railroad service.
| However costly any conflict may be
that may arise out of the present un-
settled labor condition in the railroad
service, it Is to be doubted if the busi-
ness or public interest can afford the
establishment of such pernicous labor
principles and results as is represented
by the eight-hour bill recently passed
by Congress under the whip and spur
of the President. No one wants a
general railroad strike, but the sacri-
fee of all fair dealing between en-
ployes and employers and of the dig
nifty and authority of the United States
to the threat of small fraction OF
railroad employees is too great price
for the general public to pay for
temporary and politically fictitious
peace.
During the period Immediately pre-
ceding the surrender of President and
Congress, much was said about public
sentiment. The President did all the
talking, having naively asked the rail-
road managers to desist from any
usual means of publicity, and inti-
mated that the public would hold the
railroads responsible if any strike oc-
Cured.
Suppose a strike had occurred tc
secure $45.00 per week for conductors
then getting $4,000 per week, who had
refused to arbitrate. and the strike tie6
up all freights, threw millions of peo-
pie out of employment who earned less
than $500, $4,000, $500, $1,000. OF
$1,000 per week, caused the starvation
of thousands who could secure no food
killed children and invalids bys the
hundred thousand, where would pub
lie sentiment be in such case:
Would it be with the labor autocrats
or with the starving public. the hew.
ers of wood and the drawers Of
water?
In such a case. imagine a city will
all food supplies cut off and a thou.
sand railroad families in that city
clamoring for bread, the scarcity O.
which is due to- the refusal Of thu
bread winners Of those railroad fami'
lies to run trains. How long would i
take the public of that community t.
refuse to share their last crust will
| So of ,6n or