New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-09-01
By Public Contribution.


SO far as the quoted opinions of leaders
| in Congress indicate, the only part OF
President Wilson's emergency pro-
gramme" to prevent the railroad strike
which has chance of passage is the eight
hour bill. To pass the entire programme
while the big Four" leaders stand at
the doors of Congress, dynamite in hand,
would be bad enough. To pass this meas
ure alone would be such craven surren-
der to the labor unions, such mockery
of legislative delberation, such an injus-
tice to the people at large that 1t is
scarcely believable even a Wilson-domi-
mated Congress, willing to play politics
with the labor vote, would dare do it.
The eight-hour bill, so called, is merely
measure to give the members of the
trainmens unions their present pay for
ten hours work for eight hours in future.
| If thew continue to work ten hours, or
twelve. they will receive overtime pay at
the advanced rate, for all work over the new
/ limit of eight hours. And as the rail
roads now have their train schedules
geared up to about as high speed as safety
permits. there is small likelihood that the
actual working time of many men would
be reduced if the measure became law.
What would result, therefore. is pay IN
crease estimated at from $50,O0O,O0O to
|$1O0,OO0,00O year.
Thus what the bill really provides is
that 100000 workers, now the highest
paid men in the transportation service,
shall receive additional wages equivalent
to contribution of from so cents to 81
annually from every individual in the
United States. That money has got to
come from the public. Provision Is made
in the bill for investigation Of the opera
tons of the wages increase, with view to
giving facts to the Interstate Commerce
Commission on which that body may base
an opinion regarding the necessity for IN
crease in freight rates so the railroads
may not 90 bankrupt.
Assuming that Congress, for political
reasons and in order to prevent the threat
ened strike, is willing to rush through this
Legislation to meet the unions demands,
the vital question remains whether the
public is willing to have it so act. This is
not a question which concerns the rail-
roads as properties half as much as it con-
Germs the individuals now struggling
against livings cost who are unable, by
strike or otherwise, to increase their own
Icompensation. It concerns the so a week
clerk endeavoring to build up savings
bank account, the farmer trying to lift a
mortgage, the underpaid country preacher,
the struggling small merchant, the school
teacher, the stenographer-all the many
millions of workers whose income now is
barely adequate. Are they willing to give
each year, even to prevent this strike, so
cents or 81 to this little group of men
whose annual compensation now is far
above that Of the average wage Garner, as
shown by census statistics?
That is the question Congress must pom
der. The public may not understand il
in its entirety if Congress should surren-
der overnight TO the strike threat of the
unions. But the public will understand it
beyond a peradventure, before Election
Dav. Congress may think it is in danger
from the unions if it doesn't pass the bill
but il will be in much worse danger from
Infatuated voters whose money it has
transferred to greedy unionists if it does