Omaha daily bee. (Omaha [Neb.]) 187?-1922, 1916-10-18

it because we want the facts. We do
not want abuses to creep in. We do
not want unnecessary duties. | would
be careful to prevent the abuse while
was using the power. (Applause.)
And, so we desire the facts. But
tariff commission does not legislate.
1t is congress that passes the bill. 1t
is idle, if we judge what is said by
the leaders OF our opposing party, to
accept the application of the protec-
tive principle by that party. They do
not believe in it. If you want to see
the protective principle fairly applied,
then send senator and representative
to congress who believe in the pro-
tective principle. '(Applause.)
Now, we must not conserve our in
dustries alone, but we must conserve
our human life and resources. | am
not interested in mere statistics OF
wealth; | am interested in protection
for the sake of protection. | am not
interested in seeing prosperity
which is not justly distributed. This is
country Of men and women devoted
to work. 1t is not country intended
for few to prosper at the expense of
the many. 1t is the country of plain
people, and | want to see prosperity
in order that the plain people may
have a proper basis for that prosper
ity. (Applause.) And, so | desire that
in connection with all these matters
we recognize the interests of labor.
| desire to see proper, reasonable
hours of work, wholesome conditions
Of labor, the best wages that industry
can afford. And | desire to see peo-
pie engaged in the peaceful pursuits
prospecting according to the American
method of free institutions.
Stands for Shorter Workday.
LET me say a word with regard
to the bill that was passed in con-
gress the other day. I thought few
minutes ago l heard a whisper about
the bill from the gallery. l may have
misunderstood it, but do not intend
to let any views have regarding that
fail to be stated at this time. ZAP
plause.)
Now, I believe in the general prin-
ciple of an eight-hour workday. ZAP
plause.) That principle has this for
its basis, that by restriction OF
hours OF labor there will be more
wholesome life; there will be not only
an absence of excessive strain, but
there will be opportunities for leisure,
there will be opportunities for educa-
ton, opportunities for enjoyment; in
short, better rounded life, which
tends to contentment The principle
involved is this: That through a re-
striction of hours of labor there will
be added health, greater happiness
and a greater efficiency in labor it
self. Now, whether you apply that
principle at a particular time to par
ticular activity or industry, depends
as a matter of common-sense upon
the condition of that industry, the
condition of that activity, and what
it can fairly bear. OF course, as |
said a moment ago, the first thing
for labor is work; there is no use
talking to man who cannot get work
about wholesome conditions of work
and good hours of work and of the
things desirably incident to work, if
work cannot be had. And I may
digress to say that under the policy
of our opponents here, less than two
years ago we had the unemployed
walking the, streets Of all our great
cities, looking for work, and it would
have been perfectly idle to discuss
with them the conditions of employ
ment when the very foundation of
everything is employment itself. So,
want prosperity as basis for So
cial justice. But do not intend to
stop when l get that foundation laid.
/ want to see, as | say, the principle
recognized, where it is fair to recog-
nize it. And, whether or not il is
practicable at given time to apply
the principle depends on the con-
ditions of the industry at that time.
| Effect Of Adamson Law.
Nov, in railroading at this time
to which we are referring men were
not paid on the basis of hours alone.
They were paid on the basis of hours
and miles. In other words, the basis
was ten hours and 100 miles. If
man made his 100 miles, say, in four
hours, he got his days pay. If he
made his 100 miles in twelve hours,
he got his days pay and two hours
additional pay. 1t was basis of hours
and miles. Now, this proposition was
not proposition to put in an eight
hour work-day. Not at all. That was
not the proposal, and that was not
done. 1t was not proposed to. restrict
the hours Of labor. Men were left to
work just as long as before. Whereas,
the very principle of an eight-hour
work-day statute is that they should
not be allowed to work more than
the prescribed period except in an
emergency. (Applause.) We have
railroads with their division points
and tours of duty. There was no no.
ton of revolutionizing the practical
business Of railroading; there was no
notion of putting in an eight-hour
work-day. The men particularly rep
resented in this bill never desired any
thing of that sort. Sometimes hasty
legislation has extraordinary sur
prises as a result; for now, some of
our friends do not quite know
whether if they complete their 100
miles in less than eight hours they
are going to get days pay or not
if it is on an eight-hour basis. ZAP
plause and laughter.) But, the point
is this, what was done was to change
the basis for paying wages, not to
impose an eight-hour work-day, but
to make a different basis for wages
and thus increase wages. So, you see
what a subterfuge it was to invoke
the principle Of an eight-hour work.
day, in justification of that measure.
II that measure, as a wage measure,