Denver labor bulletin., 1916-11-25

] congress, President Wilson signed the
| federal workmen's compensation bill, the
most scientific and the most liberal
compensation act in any country. Both
houses of congress on Labor Day, three
days earlier, had taken final action upon
this carefully drafted measure, which
was first introduced at the request of
the American Association for Labor
/ Legislation on February 2S, 1913, by
/ Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson,
then a member OF congress. Later
known as the en-McGillicuddy bill''
it was introduced no less than eight
times, was discussed at length at several
public hearings, and was passed after
three and one-half years of agitation
with only three votes against it among
the 53l members of congress.
1t is related that the insistence OF
Mr.. Roosevelt that some kind OF a COM
pensation bill' be passed during his ad-
ministration led to the grotesque Can
nonized" law of 1908. Uncle Joe" Can
non was still on the job in 1916, but
standing before the house he sawed the
air with characteristic gesture and gy-
rated on his heel in vain. President Will
son co-operated with majority in con-
gress. And yet two of the three adverse
votes We're by Southern Democrats,
! Nnlle NeDD OF NoTtH NdIollld, Ihe
chairman of the house committee to
which the bill had been referred, char
acteristically voted present"
"Since so little open opposition ap-
peared, why was the bill not passed
earlier?' is natural question The
answer most frequently given is: "Con-
gressional inertia" At no time has
there been in congress any doubt that
the former inadequate law-"the worst
compensation act in the world"-was a
disgrace to the nation always there has
been the calm assurance from congress-
men that the Kern -McGillicuddy bill
would pass-sometime.
But congress does not always enact
good legislation on its merits. The
phosphorus match bill, for example,
made no progress until it was publicly
disclosed in a presidential year that it
had been referred to a secret sub com
mlttce' for indefinite postponement.
The new federal compensation bill made
no apprcciable progress, altho twice ia
vorably reported, until approaching cam
paign conventions and national cleo
tion gave vitality to a comatose plat
form pledge of 1912. Other striking il
Illustrations could be given. Are we to
be forced to the conclusion that the way
to get good labor legislation passed by
congress is to drive congressman INTO
a political corner and by publicity, kick
'em in the political stomach?
Practically since its enactment the
superseded law of May 30, 1908, has been
subject to a running fire OF criticism
1t was the first general act of its type
in this country, and gave little evil
dence that its promoters had examined
the wealth of European experience which
pn nt a
workmen's compensation was held by
many politicians to mark the point
where the road to Socialism parted
company with the straight and narrow
path OF sound government, the act was
undulv timid. As enacted it covered
only artisans and laborers in manufac-
turing establishments, arsenals, and
navy yards. river and harbor fortifica-
tion work. hazardous employment in the
reclamation OF arid lands and under the
Panama Canal commission. Subsequent
w it was extended to include all en-
plovcs under the canal commission (later
taken care of under an executive orderl,
as well as employees engaged in hazard
Gus occupations under the bureau OF
mines. the lighthouse service, and the
forestry service. This made in all about
$4,000 beneficaries.
alton some $1,000 accidents were re-
ported in government service, of which
about 600 were fatal. Yet less than
$1,000 claims for compensation were
made. The remaining $1,000 workmen,
nearly Go per cent of the total, reported
killed or injured, were outside OF the act.
\ few were covered in other ways, but
for most OF them it was as if the law
had never been passed. They could not
even sue for damages, as could work
man in private employment, for the
medieval maxim that "The sovereign
can do no wrong still adorns our gov
ernmental concepts.
Their one chance of relief was by the
tedious and uncertain method of having
special bills introduced in their behalf.
During the first six months of the pres
ent congress nearly 200 of these bills
were referred to the house committee on
claims, asking in all for over $4,000.
Yet even here the dead hand of the in
adequate law was felt, for the commit
tee was reluctant to approve a request
for more than the claimant would have
been entitled to had he been covered by
the existing compensation act. "1t has
made me ashamed, to report bills carry
ing the amount that we did," one men,
ber of the committee told congress. And
very few of these relief measures ever
were passed.
In its administration of the law the
United States bureau of labor statistics
approved in five years claims aggragat-
ing 81 ,sO3, ,923.27. Yet when considered
in terms of individual awards this sum
assumes less awesome proportions.
Fractures of an arm or leg" states an
official report, ''led to payments in
amounts of less than $25, the loss of an
eye in amounts varying between $25 and
$50, and in the case of the loss of a
RIGHT arm the iniured workman was on