New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-12-12
WHY WE SHOULD FIGHT GERMANY NOW
The Allies Alone Us and the Loss OF All we Hold Dear
Let us Insure Her Defeat
To the Editor OF The Tribune.

Let Us knSuI
To the Editor OF The Tribune
Sir: In the fall Of 1914 a friend came to
me with tho request that sign a memorial
to the government at Washington urging q
reduction OF our navy His contention, II
recall II correctly, was 70 the effect that the
United States, as the 81 atest Of the neutral
nations was destined to play leading part
in the adjustments consequent upon tho con-
clusion Of peace that reduction, II not an
abandonment Of ornaments both military
and naval. must be insisted upon at that time
and that the United States could, with much
more force, advocate such course had u
previously practised what IL was preaching
I refused 90 subscribe TO the memorial, say
ing that while I was firmly convinced of the
'desirablity OF tho end sought and would
when the proper time came, lend my heart
lest support to its achievement, I did not
deem the present to be such time Ny posi-
ton was this: II England and her allies win
there will be no difficulty about reductions
both military and naval. II, on the other
hand, Germany wins, We will need not only
our present navy out one much more power
/ ful, and a tremendous increase in our army
as well.
/ But why, Il may be asked, will there be
greater danger to the United States if vic
tory crown the efforts Of the Teutonic rather
than those of the Entente Allies? The an
swer, TO my mind, is clear beyond all posi-
bility OF dispute. 1t is because Of the diff
ference in traditions, national ideals and
aspirations and standards Of international
morality which characterize the two groups.
And at this point want it clearly under
stood that wherever, in the course Of this
paper, mention is made Of the Tcutonic
Allies, the Entente Allies. Germany, Eng
land or the United States reference is made
10 oflcialdom alone. international law and
international relations recognize and are af-
fected by official acts and attributes only.
Considered in this sense, for what do the
TWO groups stand?
Germany and England
Germany and England may well stand for
the two types The former that Is, modern
Germany on the one hand. conceived in Bit
ter rivarics, born IN the full flush of mill
tary victory, and nurtured from her infancy
on the doctrine that the state Is a supreme
end in itself, has bent all her energies 10 the
attainment of that end. Suspicious Of every
undertaking TO which she was not a party,
and when a party suspicious Of her partners,
covetous OF their wealth and envious Of
their success, hating and gloryng I'm the
hatred Of those who crossed her path, or
whom in her suspicion and jealousy she
feared would do so, she has, with zeal and
tenacty OF purpose worthy of better cause
abored for the creation Of p Germany viii ch
by her might should be supreme. And with
this vision ever before her straining eyes
has drunk but one toast-"Der Tag" She
has made no secret Of her purpose. What
she wanted she would take She would hack
her way through.
England, on the other hand while her
skirts are not wholly unstained by agrees
sions, has never preached policy of terri
toral acquisition BIZ military might. Her
vast possessions have on the whole come to
her haphazard "a the result of discoveries,
as the result of a peaceful penetration or in
adjustments consequent upon wars waged
for other causes. Her ambition has been 10
develop her commerce, and in so doing she
has been content TO live and let live. There
ia no foundation whatsoever for the whin-
lHBt anu cummings VI bNlhldilg AAdb -NE-
land has tried 70 deprive her Of her COM
merce. Every English port domestic or
colonial has, so far as English legislation is
concerned, been oren to the world, including
Germany, without discrimination.
The World Had Notice
Thus stood Germany and England in Au-
gust, 1914. with the government Of the
United States neutral. say with the gov
eminent of the United States neutral, for
already Germany's cynical and brutal de-
mand upon Belgium and her INSCRIPTIONS
violation of her plighted word had alienated
beyond all possibility Of recall, so far as
hundreds Of thousands Of individuals were
concerned, any and all esteem or trust which
she might previously have inspired Many
who had become familiar with the teachings
OF Treitschke, Nietzsche and Won Bernhard
dismissed them as the Nominations Of disor-
dered brains Surely" they said mo ma
ton calling itself civilized could afford. by
following such teachings, to fout civili-
zation." But here it was, a thing accom-
plished
have said that without further proof the
world had notice. But the proof has been
piling up day by day, week by week, month
by month Germany has given US solemn
assurances with regard TO the operations Of
her under-sea craft, and like her pledge to
observe the territorial neutrality Of Belgium,
they have been broken. These pledges have
been renewed, and again, like her pledge to
Belgium, have been broken, and again ard
again, always like her pledge to Belgium.
without recourse TO further proofs let US
summarize the material before US. First, it
is matter Of history that the development
Of and the reliance upon an all powerful
military force is the foundation on which
rest all Germany's hopes and ambitions. Sec
ond, with nauseating insolence and self
conceit, she has proclaimed, and still pro-