Iron County register. [volume] (Ironton, Iron County, Mo.) 1867-1965, 1916-10-19

entail a loss so far reaching IN its ef-
facts that n may not conceive the re-
suit in the fullness of its measure. The
man who had cattle or hogsson his
farm TO ship would be required to
keep them there, ready to ship, and
feed them while he could not reach
the market. The wheat crops OF the
farmer would decompose in the field.
The melon crops Of southeast Mis-
souri,. the cabbage crops, the peach
crops, and so. too, all of the crops
would perish for want Of means to
transport them to market The fac
tories would shut down because, for
sooth, 1t was impossible to transport
their goods to the consumer. In this
situation the factories would close
down and the men in their employ be
thrown into idleness rather than to
permit the accumulation Of goods
which might not be transported into
the marts Of trade; and with the clos
ing down of the factories, the banking
Of the fires In the furnaces, the coal
mines would likewise suspend and the
miners unemployed, for the coal would
neither be required to generate the
heat necessary in propelling the ma
chinery, nor could 1t be transported IL
removed from the earth. The same
situation would obtain in respect to
the products of the iron mines, the
zinc mines, and the lead mines, and
the heavy hand Of disaster and ruin
would fall alike on every department
of industry, both in the cities and the
agricultural districts of the country.
This was the situation confronting
the President, and was the viewpoint
fully conceived and apprehended by
Mr.. Wilson as the presiding genius in
guiding and conserving the affairs of
a hundred million American people. In
this situation he presented the matter
to congress and requested immediate
action, and this, too. in the high spirit
OF justice; for he requested only a
declaration of the eight hour principle
as an arbitrary rule which has been
accepted by the Judgment of mankind
as right. The President averted the
strike and saved the country from dis
aster and temporary ruin. / take my
stand on the side Of President Wilson
and shall lift my voice in his defense.
The situation presented was extra
ordinary in character. The remedy
applied to avert such a threatened dis
aster was, in my judgment, not only
appropriate and just, but it in no sense,
partakes Of the character of legisla-
ton forced by anyone.
However, it is important In consid-
er1ng this matter to look at the rec.
ords as to how the law was passed.
In the house Of representatives there
were 70 Republicans, including ex-
Speaker Cannon, who voted for the
bill and only Sc votes were against It,
These men go before the people of the
country every two years for election,
and-they knew the proposal was Just;
they therefore voted, without regard
to party lines, In favor Of the Presi-
dents proposition. But, when the bill
came into the senate, where the mem
bers are elected every six years, a
somewhat different situation was pre-
sented. 1t was sought to raise a po-
litical issue in order to aid in the
shaking down of a large campaign
fund and rehabilitate, If possible, the
old Republican machine which at all
times represents the invisible govern
ment behind the scenes. We find in
the Senate but two Democratic sena-
tors (neither Of these are from Mis-
souri), voting against the proposal.
The Presidents party, save two SEN
ators, supported it; but, on looking
over the vote Of the Republican sena.
tors 1t is different. We see Senator
La Toilette only, the splendid old Pro
gressive from Wisconsin, who has
never faltered but always stands for
the Progressive policies, voting with
the Democrats for President Wilson's
proposal and aiding in its passage.
Over against this there is the bevy of
old reactionary senators headed by
Penrose and Gallinger, and co-operat-
ing with them are such men as Borah,
Grona, Cummins, Kenyon and Clapp,
who ordinarily are Progressives, fol-
the leadership of Penrose and
Gallinger In their alignment on the
side Of property, rather than on the
side of humanity, for they voted
against the law.
The Progressive platform of 1912
declared in favor Of a child labor law,
and the kind heart of Mr.. Wilson was
touched by this matter SO that he, too,
accepted the Progressive view as to
1t. Do you know that there are two
little children employed in this
country, In the mills and the factories,
and the mines, at a very slight wage,
but they render a service to their en-
ployers which yields an enormous
nr0ft hanancn tho Ioha- L. -.,1L
cheaper than that of adult labor? Be-
cause OF this, certain interests desire
to exploit the labor Of little children,
and this, too, Notwithstanding the re-
suit entailed upon the child itself. |
Every thoughtful person understands
that the child and youthful person ex-
poses himself or herself to danger
frequently in a th~oughtless manner,
merely because thoughtlessness and
indescretion are incident to child-life. |
In other words, a mature person may
be able to protect himself against
thoughtless acts and conduct, where
as, a mere child will encounter dangers
through thoughtlessness because such
is inherent in the child and cannot be
obviated. 1t is the high duty of gov.
eminent to interpose in the protection
Of innocence and helplessness. Little
children toiling In the factories, and
the mills, and the mines, frequently
lose their little hands; their little
legs; their little eyes. Their little
are crushed out; because, for
sooth, In the very web and wool of
their being there exists that indiscre-
ton which they are helpless to with