Oxford Democrat. [volume] (Paris, Me.) 1833-1933, 1916-04-04

our people over the murder OF tnen
children, was accepted the world ovel
as presenting the attitude Of the Amer
lean government toward the protection
of the life and liberty Of American
citizens In the exercise Of their Just
rights, and throughout the world the
phrase ''too proud to fight" became
byword Of derision and contempt fol
the government of the United States.
Later, in another theater Of war-the
Mediterranean-Austria, and perhaps
Turkey also, resumed the practice
The Ancona and then the Persia Were
destroyed, and more Americans were
killed. Why should they not resume
the practice? They had learned to be-
lieve that, no matter how shocked the
American government might be, Its
resolution would expend itself In
words. They had learned to believe
that 1t was safe to kill Americans, and
ths world believed with them.
on2kInQ EtoS anu
No man should draw q pistol who
dares not shoot. The government that
shakes its fist first and its finger after
ward falls into contempt. Our diplo-
macy has lost its authority and lnfu.
ence because we have been brave in
words and irresolute In action. Men
may say that the words Of our diplo-
matte notes were justified; men may
say that our inaction was justified, but
no man can say that both were wise
and creditable.
I have said that this government lost
the moral forces of the world by not
truly interpreting the spirit of the
American democracy.
The American democracy stands for
something more than beef and cotton
and grain and manufactures; stands
for something that cannot be measured
by rates of exchange and does not rise
or fall with the balance Of trade. The
American people, informed by their
own experience that is confirmed by
their observation of international life,
have come to see that the independence
Of nations, the liberty Of their peoples,
justice and humanity cannot be main.
tanned upon the complaisance, the good
nature, the kindly feeling Of the strong
toward the weak; that real independ'
ence, real liberty, cannot rest upon SUI.
ferance; that peace and liberty can be
preserved only by the authority and
observance of rules Of national con-
duct founded upon the principles OF
justice and humanity; only by the es-
tablishment Of law among nations, re-
sponsive to the enlightened public opin.
ion of mankind. To them liberty
means not liberty for themselves alone,
but for all who are oppressed. Justice
means not justice for themselves
alone. but a shield for all who are
weak against the aggression Of the
strong.
To this people the invasion Of Bel.
GUM brought shock Of amazement
and horror. If the public opinion Of the
world was to remain silent upon that,
neutral upon that, then all talk about
peace and justice and international law
and the rights Of man, the progress Of
humanity and the spread Of liberty Is
idle patter, mere weak sentimentality;
then opinion is powerless and brute
force rules and will rule the world. II
no difference Is recognized between
right and wrong then there are no
moral standards. There come times In
the lives Of nations as Of men when to
treat wrong as If it were right Is trea.
son to the right.
The Wrong Done to Belgium.
The American people were entitled
not merely to feel but to speak con.
cerning the wrong done to Belgium.
It was not like interference in the in.
ternal affairs of Mexico or any other
nation, for this was an international
wrong. The law protecting Belgium
which was violated was our law and
the law of every other civilized coun.
try. That law was the protection OF
our peace and security. It was our
safeguard against the necessity OF
maintaining great armaments and
wasting our substance in continual
readiness for war. Moreover, that law
was written into a solemn and formal
convention, signed and ratified by Ger.
many and Belgium and France and the
United States In which those other
countries agreed with us that the law
should be observed.
There was no question here Of inter
fering in the quarrels Of Europe. We
had right to be neutral, and we were
neutral as to the quarrel between Ger
many and France, but when as an In
cident to the prosecution Of that
quarrel Germany broke the law which
we were entitled to have preserved
and which she had agreed with US to
preserve We were entitled to be heard
in the assertion Of our own national
right.
Neutral Between Right and Wrong!
Yet the American government &C.
uuiesced in the treatment Of Belgium
and the destruction Of the law Of ma
lions. Without one word Of objection
or dissent to the reputation Of law
or the breach Of our treaty or the v1o.
lation of justice and humanity In the
treatment of Belgium our government
enjoined upon the people of the United
States an undiscriminating and all en-
bracing neutrality, and the president
admonished the people that they must
be neutral In all respects in act and
word and thought and sentiment We
were to be not merely neutral as to the
Quarrels of Europe, but neutral as to
the treatment of Belgium, neutral be-
tween right and wrong, neutral be-
tween justice and injustice, neutral be-
tween humanity and cruelty, neutral
between liberty and oppression. Our
government did more than acQuiesce
for In the first Lusitania note, with the
unspeakable horrors Of the conquest
Of Belgium still fresh In our minds, on
the very day after the report OF the
Bryce commission on Belgian atroci-
ties, 1t wrote these words to the gov
ernment Of Germany:
Recalling the humane and enlightened
attitude hitherto assumed by the imperial
German government in matters Of inter-
national right and particularly with re-
gard to the freedom Of the seas having