The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1916-07-27
THE BRITISH BLACKLIST

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American opinion is very intolerant
of blacklists and boycotts. 1t believes
that the use of such weapons is always
mean spirited and cowardlv. Our laws
and our courts have put ban on the
secondary boycott-a form of proscrip-
ton which strikes over the head of an
opponent at innocent bystanders having
nothing to do with the cause of the
quarrel. They have also forbidden the
use of the written or published black
list intended to intimidate third parties
from dealing with one or other of two
groups engaged in economic war.
The natural instincts of our people
have therefore been outraged by the
publication of the British governments
list of American citizens or of alien
citizens and corporations domicied here
with whom British subjects are for
hidden to trade This proclamation is
fresh challenge to our government to
resent the unusual and eXtra-legal
measures which Great Britain has
taken to control and stihe neutral com
merce. 1t is most impolitic challenge
The British government has been en-
forcing a secret boycott against most of
these individuals and firms So long as
it was secret our government could not
take notice of it. London should have
left well enough alone.
At best, the effect of a boycott on
trade in which neutraIs supposed to
be favorably disposed to Germany are
engaged can be little more than a pin
prick Yet for the trivial satisfaction
of placardingi these few individuals and
firms Great Britain risks mourning the
i'll will of the American public and in
vites reprisals-injurious alike to US and
to her-which would only move the
Teutonic allies to LOUD outlaws. The
game is never worth the candle in
boycotting and blacklisting enterprises.
Our domestic boycotters learned that
lesson long ago. Great Britain will
learn it to her sorrow if she persists in
trying to put few individuals and firms
in this country out of business at the
cost of commercial. hostilties with the
United States.
We do not deny, the right of the
British government to say that its
subjects shall not deal with the per
sons on the official blacklist. That
result was, in fact, already practically
attained before the blacklist was pub
lished. The prescribed individuals and
firms have now no trade worth speak
about with Great Britiain's enemies.
But If the direct boycott is to be con-
verified into a secondary boycott, the
United States will have to take some
action in self defence. If American
vessels were to be Disseminated against
because they carried to neutral coun-
tries goods offered by boycotted indi-
yiduals or firms, our government would
b. sorced to interfere We could not
tolerate such limitation put upon our
shipping under no other warrant than
that of British municipal legislation
of proclamation which according to
the British government S own explana-
ton, is intended to.be purely domestic
IN its effect.
If a blacklisted American citizen, for
instance, wants to send merchandise in
an American vessel to South America.
the British government has no right
under any law to try to discipline, then
or later, the shipmaster who accepts
such legitimate cargo.
The United States cannot stand for
the secondary boycott on the high seas
any more than it can stand for the sec
ondary boycott at home. The most
sensible thing. Mr.. Asquith's govern
ment could do under the circumstances
would be to withdraw its foolish and
futile blacklist.