The Catholic bulletin. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1911-1995, 1916-06-03

4
than futile; it is criminal and des-
tined to an inevitable failure
which will beget greater public
evilso than those alleged in JUST
fication of it.
But even if we grant that the
prudent fear of greater public
evils be an alternative justifica-
ton for rebellion, what, it may be
asked, are the evils to be feared
in the case under consideration
Father Cremin supplies the an
swer. They are CONSUMPTION and
a bHrdensome taxation after the
war. Are these public evils, then,
so greatly to be feared as to JUS
tify an abortive uprising against
lawful authority? Is not ma
ton justified in having recourse to
CONSUMPTION if it be necessary in
defence of her rights? 1t is a
heroic measure, it is true, but not
officially wrong. And if the Brit
ish Empire has to constrain her
lsubjects to take up arms in de-
fence Of national honor, why
should Ireland be treated differ
entity from any other of her de-
| pendencies? The Sim Fein move
ment was, he tells us, organized to
defend constitutional Home Rule
against Orange attacks Ii con-
stitutional Home Rule were an ac-
complished fact, would not Ire
land be supposed to support the
Empire in time of war? Again,
no one denies that a nation has a
right to tax its subjects to defray
the costs of war. In such an
event, should not Ireland bear her
share of the burden as any other
part of the British Empire? Does
Bishop O'Dwyer say that, because
there will be increased taxation
after the war, the Irish people
should rebel? Why cite the state
ments of congressman catering to
Irish voters in America in proof
OF these so-called evils. We do
not look to them for our theology,
for the ethical principles applica-
BILE in the case under considera-
ton.
We are surprised that Father
Cremin should cite Belgium s re-
sistance to German invasion as a
parallel of Ireland s case. Bel
GUM was a sovereign nation, free
from the domination of Germany,
while Ireland is under England''s
rule. If Ireland stood in the same
relation to England that Belgium
did to Germany before the war,
the Dublin uprising would not be
an act Of rebellion against lawful
authority, but an act Of war be-
tween two Independent nations.
Belgium was fully justified in at.
tempting to repel an unjust ag-
gressor. Nor is there parallel
between the Dublin rebels and
the heroes at Thermopylae. The
latter, in time of war, were hold
ing the invader at bay, just as the
First Minnesota Regiment at Get
tysburg stopped the enemy's adj
vance in one direction while Gen
'eral Hancock was getting ready
to meet them. We must not for
get that the moral canons Justify
ing war are different from those
which apply to rebellion.
Further on in his letter Father
Cremin says that the Sim Fein
movement had the Support and
sympathy of at least seventy per
cent of the Irish nationalists. = If
this be true, is it not strange that
it has never been able to elect a
single parliamentary representa-
tive although it has tried to do
500 The Sim Feiners like to per-
suade themselves that they are the
opponents Of the real sentiments
of the people of Ireland when, as
a matter Of fact, they were or
gained to oppose Redmond and
the other duly elected representa-
tives of the Irish people.
Granting that the Sim Fem
movement had the support of sew
enty per cent Of the Irish people
in defending constitutional
Home Rule against Orange at
tacks, by what right did it as
sumo that it would have their help
in establishing an Irish republic
independent of, and separate from,
England? It is very doubtful that
the majority of Irishmen consider
separation from England thing
to be desired, much less fought
for, under present circumstances.
The Bishops and clergy Of Ireland
opposed the uprising with all the
moral forces at their command; s
and we prefer to accept their judg-
ment rather than that of any
American ecclesiastics no mat
ter how distinguished or dec
Grated" they may be, or how
close they imagine themselves to
be to "the heart of Erin.
In conclusion. we deny that we