Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, 1916-08-15

represent it, which has always beer
fighting IL in the courts, and over the
head of its own division counsel in At
lanta. able and experienced as they are
just at that time, when ii was generally
understood that one member or tha'
firm should be a candidate for governor
But Mr.. Dorsey, while admitting the
connection of his firm with this litiga-
ton, on behalf of the Louisville and
Nashville railroad. and while not deny
ing, so far as l have seen, that he re-
ceived his part of the fee, insists that he
is not and should not be held responsible
therefor because, forsooth, he personal
~ had nothing to do with 1t.
Mr. Dorsey declares, I'm his published
platform that he VIII uphold the policy
of the state as expressed in the act OF
the legislature" designed to protect the
states property. l have no disposition
to question his sincerity on this point
l am willing to admit that he will I'M
dertake to do so, but the man to be Sc
lected governor, and whose duty 1t will
be to uphold the policy of the state,
should not be the man who does not be-
lieve in the justice and legality of that
policy. but who will uphold 1t merely as
a matter of official duty. On the con-
trary, he ought to be a man who be-
lieves strongly in the justice and the
wisdom of the states course. If you
had a law suit involving the title Of your
land, you would not employ a lawyer to
represent you who has already declared
that your title is bad. If you are
charged with a crime, you will not en-
ploy a lawyer TO represent you who has
already expressed the opinion that you
are guilty. You would employ a lawyer,
who believes in you and in your cause,
and will wage battle for you, not only
from a sense Of duty, but from a sense
of justice and right.
Mr.. Dorsey studiously overlooks the
real point, and that is, not that he repre-
scented the railroad company as general
counsel, nor that he represented the
Louisville and Nashville in a particular
case, but that, having represented the
Louisville and Nashville against the
state and having asserted that his
clients cause against the state is just,
he should not be selected as chief de-
fender of the state-as the governor-in
that particular matter.
1t is not through obtuseness that Mr..
Dorsey overlooks this vital distinction.
He is not obtuse. But the real reason
is that he is unable to discover any 9TH
er defense whatsoever. The constitution
of this state, set out in section 6531 of
general in Georgia shall represent the
state in the superior court, and in the
supreme court, in all cases arising in
his circuit, in all matters in litigation
in which the state is interested or to
which it is a party. Mr.. Dorsey is pre-
stunned to have been acquainted with this
provision of the constitution. If he was
ignorant of this fundamental law of the
state he is UNIT to be governor of this
state.
If he did know this provision Of the
then the conclusion is that,
while he knew 1t was his duty to repre-
sent the state in the litigation ought
by the Louisville and Nashville against
the state. he deliberately Joined the enc
mics of the state in their assault on the
states best property.
The state paid him $3.50 a year to rep
resent it in his circuit. We are therefore
face to face with the fact, unprecedent-
ed in the history of the state, that a
solicitor general, with the money of the
state, paid to him to represent it, in one
pocket and with the money of the Lou
isville and Nashville in the other pocket t,
took the side of the states enemies.
1 should like to ask him, face to face,
and in the presence of the people of
Georgia, to explain to them by what
process of reasoning he makes his con-
duct square with his plain duty under
the constitution.
So far, have neither seen nor heard
of any attempt by him to enlighten the
people over whose destiny he seeks to
preside.
In my opening speech, which de-
livered at Warrenton, on May 81, l en-
phatically declared that the prohibition
low of 1915 met my full approval and
rt,a I II
power of the executive to accomplish
it's rigid enforcement all the time, and
everywhere, and against everybody.
Mr. Dorsey, in his announcement, says,
referring to this law, that 81 shall con-
sistently oppose any change or modifica-
ton of the present law, unless such
change or modification first has been
declared to be the expressed will of the
white voters of Georgia"
1 assert that on this question, Mr..
Dorsey is palpably playing both sides.
He knows, and everybody knows, that
under the constitutions of the United
States and of this state, it is an abso-
lutte impossibility for the question ever
to be submitted to the white" voters
of the state.
There can be no white primary on
the liquor law, or any other law. The
effort to stand with the prohibitionists
and run with the local optionists is I'M
worthy of one who aspires to the high
office of governor.
As for myself, 1 have been a prohibit
zionist all my life. The first vote /
ever cast was for prohibition. 1 made
speeches for it twenty-five years ago
when it cost something to do so. There
has never been a moment since that
time when 1 would not have gladly done
everything in my power to further cur
tail the sale of liquor.
But the supreme fact in this
campaign is that Mr.. Dorsey is pitchln9
his campaign on an appeal to the pas
sions and the prejudices of men.
His published platform on executive
Clemency is presumably a deliberate, fix
ed sentiment which he entertains on this
subject If so, it announces a doctrine
which not only reverses the principles
of all civilized countries on the globE
for hundreds of years, but is so mon
strous as to shock the sensibilities of al
right thinking men.
THE prerogative," says this platform
should never be exercised unless new
and controlling evidence or other matter
unknown to the court and the jury /:
disclosed, or there intervenes some OF 1cl
development of a nature so radical a.
to change materially the basis upo.
which a case was adjudicated."
OF course we all know that governor