New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-07-15
CRITICISM
AND BOOK NEWS
An Official Life of Mckinley and an Appreciation
of Hayess Administrations Vision OF
German Republic.

moment in themselves. But they be
| tray an annoying lack OF famillarit,
/ with the miSe-en-Sceno of our pontiea
/ drama defect which also shows II
! the authors estimates of MAJOR NC
| Kinlev's various achievements in th'
fields of legislation and administration
| II is a mistake to think of Mckinley as
/ a Statesman of the creative or con
structivc type. He was deficient II
driving power and imagination-.n alb
/ sorber and conciliator rather than
/ fighter and leader
/ The Mckinley tariff law was. taker
all in all. a costly political blunder
| II contained two good features-tht
| duty on tin plate and the reciprocity
sccfior-for the latter of which MaIOi
| Mckinley was in no way responsible
/ II was nut forward by Secretary Blame
who saw that something could be done
| through reciprocity agreements TO on
/ set the tactical error of repeating the
/ sugar duties. Putting sugar on the
free list and then voting bounties to
domestic sugar producers was de-
parture from sound protective primer,
pies and al the same time wastetul
surrender of revenue. Major Mckinley
revised the tariff with the intention OF
reducing revenues as well as raising
the average rate of protection on duti-
able articles. But he did not foresee
that the Fifty-frst Congress was gong
TO distinguish itself by becoming our
first Billion Dollar Congress, and that
the sugar revenue which he threw away
would be needed within two years 10
prevent Treasury deficit. Popular dis
trust of the law was not due, as Mr..
Olcott tries to show. to misrepresenta-
ton. II would have had to be repealed
or radically amended even If the Re-
publican party had remained in poweI
since il was constructed on an unsound
basis.
This unavoidable admission cannot
impair McKinley's commanding posi-
tion as a champion of the protective
system. He was thoroughly grounded
in the protective philosophy. and his
fervor, his persuasiveness and his eX-
cepticnal gifts as a public speaker gave
him a place apart in his generation as
q protection advocate. He stands next
to Henry Clay as a popular defender
of what Clay called the American sys-
TEN. But when he came to legislate he
was misled by the shallow agitation,
then current, for an untaXed breakfast
table.
1t cannot be said that McKinley's fac
ulty of foresight was very keen. He
wanted to avoid the use of the word
gold in the Republican national plat
form of 1896, but was overborne. AT
Canton. after the nomination, Mr. Oh
colt relates, some one said at a gath
ering at the candidates house: THE
money issue is the vital thing" To
this Mckinley replied; 81 am Tariff
man, standing on a Tariff platform.
This money matter is unduly promi-
nent In thirty days you won't hear
anything about it, Judge Day, who
was present, remarked laconically: I'm
my opinion, in thirty days you won't
hear of anything else And so 1t
proved.
Mckinley was strongly averse to 60
ing to war with Spain lie did not
want to take the Philippines. but on
that point he came around to the views
of a majority of the Peace Commission
ers. yielding his own original views.
Mr. Olcott makes something of the fact
that the Administration sent orders to
Dewey some time in advance to attack
the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay when
ever war should be declared. But 1t
appears that the real reason for that
offensive movement was apprehension
in Washington lest Montojo's feeble
squadron should get free and attack
the Pacific COAST
McKiSley's strength as a public man
lay less in intellectual gifts than in
personality and character. He was ut
terly unmercenary, the soul of integ-
rity. of high mindedness, consideration
and kindness. He was innately gentle
"a true gentleman, if one may use so
inadequate a word. He had the poise
the self-control, the infinite gracious
ness which come with absolute simple
ity. He had no vanity and little selfish
ness. Public life was made easy for him
because he created no enmities and In
spired all those who came into close
personal contact with him with respect
and affection. He was an admirable
and lovable public man. Yet it is doubt
full whether history will place him high
as constructive statesman.
The phase of McKinley's career still
most obscure is his relationship with
Mark Hanna On this Mr.. Olcott throws
too little light. II any American Presi'
dent ever had Grand Vizier, Mckinley
had one in Hanna. 1t was the unrest
of other politicians at this political IN
/ timacy which led to the revolt against
| Hanna's leadership at the Republican
National Convention of 1900. Charles
Emory Smith. the Postmaster General
went over to Philadelphia with the
draft of a platform, but this draft was
thrown into the discard. Hanna wanted
John D. Long nominated for Vice
| President; his second choice was Sena-
| tor Deliver. Of Iowa. He was bitterly
. 10 RnnCpVplf'S
| nation. But the other bosses, and the
| delegates generally, were for Roose
welt. and Iltnna had to yield.
/ Mr. Olcott shows that Mckinley die
| not back up Hanna very actively in his
| fight for Long. And the suggestion IS
made repeatedly that Hanna was never
ANYTHING but a quite subordinate fol
| lower Of the President.
Yet il is known that Hanna's wore
was law in the distribution OF patro'
mage, and that he assumed large power:
/ In dealing with interests which hac
any favors to ask Of the admiaistra-
| ton. What was the actual character
Of his viziership? Mr.. Olcott tells u'
much less on this point than the pub
! lie would like to know.
Professor Burgess has published ir
! book form the four lectures on the Ad-
ministration Of President Hayes which
he delivered in the fall Of 1915 TO the
students of Kenyon College, General
Haycs's alma mater. They naturally
manifest that spirit Of friendly appre'
citation which the occasion demanded
There is nothing forced, however, in
Professor Burgesss estimate of the
| Hayes Administration, since he says in
his preface that it had been his "con-