Manchester Democrat. [volume] (Manchester, Iowa) 1875-1930, 1916-05-31
MANCHESTER, IOWA MAY 81, 1916.

tiles thrust upon 1t. To meet thes
responsibilities, force may be needle
at any time, and that quickly or
may be too late.
For instance, there is our Monro
Doctrine. We cannot Indefinitely sa
to other nations what we do If the
disregard the Monroe Doctrine, will
out showing the least disposition t
do it.; for that merely creates tn
Impression that we do not meal
what we say. In other words, tn
United States cannot permanent,
maintain its position on the princi
pie Of bluff; the bluff may be. called.
Then we must consider our rapid
ly growing commercial interests.
Is right and good that the men o
our own and other nations should d.
business in all parts Of the world
1t is this constant circulation of hu
man interests that keeps the wore
from stagnating. But a government
that fails to protect its citizens in
their just rights in all parts Of the
world has forfeited its right to exist
A government well prepared to pro
tect these rights viii seldom be call
ed upon to do so.
It is such considerations as these
which are giving constantly increas
ing force to the movement for pre-.
lparedness. Naturally there is oppo
Isition. When analysed, it is seen to
spring mainly from five distinct
groups Of people.
First. the sound sleepers. We have
all until recently cherished the fond
dream that the time for great ag.
gressive wars had forever passed.
That dream has been shattered, and
many are awake to the reality; but
some are still dreaming on in spite
Of the facts to the contrary. Some
people are naturally sound sleepers.
Second. those who can see only
one side of a proposition. OF these
Mr.. Ford is an example. He says
that no man ever arms himself unless
he intends to attack some other man.
He forgets that man may arm him
self to prevent another man from at.
tacking him. There are two possible
purposes in all armament, defensive
and offensive. Mr.. Ford can see
only the offensive purpose.
Third, Religious idealists, who
say that the employment Of all force
lis wrong. There is no time in this
sermon to consider the doctrine OF
nonresfstance. Suffice it to say that
its modern advocates are singularly
illogical and inconsistent. They dc
not object to our present small army,
nor do, they object to residing in a
city protected by a police force. Yet
lif a large army is wronk, so is a
small one. If it is right for city
| to have an adequate police force ii
! is right for nation to have an ade'
quate army; for both rest on the
same principle Of protection by force
when necessary. E .s
Fourth, people who cannot see be
yond their natural horizon. Such are
the farmers in some of the interior
states, who think that because nc
invading army is ever likely to reach
them, as it will doubtless be some
how eaten up long before it pene
trates to where they live, they need
not add to their taxes by prepared
ness"
Fifth, the people who are always
to be found in connection with any
proposition being neither hot no1
cold, "just middlin'''. They are in
favor of some preparedness, but moi
much. But the sole purpose Of al
preparedness is edaquate protection
Protection that is not adequate is nc
protection at all. To favor some pro
tection but not enough to do any
good is what the preacher in the pull
pit would call exceedingly unwise'
and what the man in the street woult
call ''just piffle.'
As to what adequate protection is
opinions will differ. But this is Ger
tain: we can never hope to create {
standing army large enough to pro
tect this country adequately in case
of war with one of the great mill
tary powers. In such an emergency
we would have to depend mainly up
on our citizen soldiery. Therefore
adequate protection demands that
our citizens receive at least the nee
essary foundation Of military training
Nothing goes SO much against the
grain with the average American al
the idea Of universal compulsory mil
itary training. He SHES at the wore
compulsory" He denounces the
whole idea as "UnAmerican. undem
ocratic, and militaristic". But it i!
none Of these.
1t is not un-American, if Washing
ton and the ether founders Of the re
public were good Americans; fol
they strenuously urged it upon the
country. !
It is not undemocratic, fer it il
eminently fair and just. 1t is oul
present system of voluntary enlist
ment which is undemocratic, for un
der it the burden Of national de
tense falls upon the man patriotic
and unselfish enough to offer his Ser
vices, while the coward, the shirkel
an. the egotist may remain at home
| tn nrnfit hv the others heroiSm F,VeI