Middletown transcript., 1916-10-21

with the labor movement In this country.
If what l have to say is of any value it
must be not only because it represents
what in the abstract is right, but also be-
cause in the concrete / applied in actual
practice, when I had power, the principles
which / criticize Mr.. Wilson for not ap-
plying now. Therefore, I wish to recapl-
tulate to you just what occurred IN con-
nection with the anthracite coal strike and
to contrast it with what Mr.. Wilson has
done in connection with the law for the in
crease of wages on railroads.
At the outset, I wish to express my
very hearty admiration for the Brother
hoods. I am proud of the fact that l am
an honorary member of one of them. l
have usually been in entire sympathy with
them. While l held public Office l found
myself in the vast majority of cases able
to support them in their demands, because
these demands were right. But now they
have demanded legislation raising their
wages to be taken without investigation
and without the exercise of that form OF
judgment shown by competent arbitra-
tion commission; and such demand is
wrong, and l stand against it because it
is wrong, exactly as / have stood against
the demands of bankers and lawyers, and
mine-owners and railroad presidents when
they were wrong. believe in labor unions.
l am proud that am myself an honorary
member of labor union. But l believe
| first of all in the Union to which all of US
belong, the union of all the people Of the
whole United States.
In the case of the settlement of the an
thracite coal strike, the action l took was
of precisely the kind which President Will
son now says the law should make obi
gatory in all similar cases in the future.
But Mr.. Wilson himself admits that his
own action was so bad that it ought nev-
er to be repeated, for he has assured the
public that although Congress has ad
journed without doing anything, it is his
intention when Congress meets to see that
it does something to render it impossible
for another President ever to repeat ex-
actly what he has just done. In other
words, stood and stand by my action as
the proper action, constituting the proper
precedent for future action. Mr.. Wilson
himself confesses that his action was
wrong and that the precedent thereby set
is so evil that legislation must be en-
acted rendering it impossible for another
President ever to repeat, the action.
There is another point of difference and
vital point. The action | took was in
tended to meet the situation at once. The
action that Mr.. Wilson took has been de-
ferred SO that it shall not take place until
considerably after election.
Fourteen years ago the great anthracite
coal strike had occurred in this region.
From the beginning l put the govern
mental agents in touch with the situation
and kept myself thoroughly informed SO
that l should be able to act Immediately
if it became necessary for me to act.
hoped that it would not be necessary, and
that the parties themselves would come to
an agreement; for was very loath to in
terfere if it could be avoided But cold
weather approached, a coal famine men,
aced the entire eastern section of the
United States, and there was not the
slightest symptom of an agreement being
reached by the contending parties. felt
that the time had come for me to act. On
the one side were the greatest and veal
thiest mine-owners of the country, inti-
mately connected with the wealthiest and
most powerful industrial and railroad cor
porations in the country. The financial
STR Of oil hoL. .v,l
These men absolutely refused to arbitrate.
They said there was nothing to arbitrate,
that | had no power under the Constitu-
tion to act, and that the public could not
interfere, nor the representatives of the
public, with the way in which they man
aged their business. The representatives
of the mine workers, of labor, on the con-
trary, expressed their entire willingness to
arbitrate and demanded nothing except |
that as one of the conditions of arbitration |
there should be some representative of |
organized labor to sit together with the |
representatives of capital and of the public |
at large. l made every effort to get the
two sides to agree When l failed, / de- |
cided that l would act myself. I held |
that where the public necessity was ma
tional and imperative it became the duty |
of the Chief of the Nation to act. held |
that in any such gigantic controversy be-
tween labor and capital, containing such |
a threat to the welfare of the great body
OF our people, there were three parties in
interest: viz, the capitalist, the working
men, and the people as whole; and that
where the public need was vital that need
must control.
held, moreover, that in any case of
such Importance and such interest we must
have full knowledge before final action on
any of the points at issue was taken. and
that this knowledge must be obtained by
an unbiased body of arbitrators after a
thorough study of the situation. I held
that the power Of Government must be
used to make effective the findings of
this body, and that pending the findings
the work of mining must go on because
the public need demanded it. Therefore. [
decided that | would use the entire power
of the nation to see that there was an arbi-
tration by dispassionate experts, and that
the conclusions of that arbitration were
accepted by both sides, and that until
their decision was rendered the work Of
mining should go on in the interests of
tne people as q whole. When the mine
owners, backed by and representing the
most powerful financial interests of the
country, positively refused to arbitrate, l
proceeded to appoint an arbitration cem-
mission without regard to them; securing
the consent of political opponent. ex-
President Grover Cleveland. to serve at
the head of that commission saw the
Lieutenant General of the ARMY and az