New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-11-03

citizens who venture into foreign
jurisdictions, we must also surren-
der the Monroe Doctrine. Failing
70 defend our own rights in Latin
American countries, how could we
expect those countries TO heed any
remonstrance on our part against
the mistreatment Of European ma
tionals, whose interests, under the
Monroe Doctrine, we are bound to
protect? How could they any longer
be persuaded to look to us for pro-
lection? Their natural course would
be to forsake US, renounce Pan
Americanism and establish political
connections with the nations in Eu-
rope, whose sense of nationality and
its obligations is more complete and
courageous than ours is.
Mr.. Wilson stands for an aban-
donment-or at least vast curtail-
ment-of American rights. Mr..
Hughes, on the contrary, stands for
the full protection of American citi-
zens everywhere-at home, abroad
and on the high seas. That is the
true American doctrine. II we do
not reaffirm it and reestablish it at
this election the United States must
soon become a negligible factor in
world affairs. 1t must also surren-
der its claim, under the Monroe Doc
trine, to exercise a guardianship
over the Western Continents.
The second great issue on which
Mr.. Hughes and Mr. Wilson differ
absolutely concerns the ability Of the
United States to protect itself eco
nomically after the war. Mr.. Wilson,
in one Of his Cincinnati speeches,
ridiculed the idea that the industrial
competition of Europe would be a
peril to us after the war ends. He
said that it would take the nations
of Europe a couple of decades to re-
gain their industrial efficiency.
This is a most dangerous Illusion.
The productive capacity of every
European country has been vastly
increased since the war began. New
sources of labor have been tapped.
The waste Of war has been great
But most Of the waste of peace has
been eliminated. Europe will come
out of the war industrially organ
lied as never before, hungry to pro-
duce and hungry TO sell-each ma
ton seeking TO reestahlish itself com
mercially by invading the markets
of the United States.
This country meanwhile has
rioted in prosperity. We have not
strengthened our industrial organ
ization or increased our industrial
efficiency. Our wage scale has risen
rapidly and is still far above the
scale in Europe. We have reduced
our tariff rates much below the point
at which they will check importa-
tons. Our anti-dumping law is a
farce-a cheap piece of false pre-
tence.
AS soon as the war is over we
4 shall have a bitter fight on our
hands to meet the competition Of
Europe, eager to sell in the Ameri-
can market. Our industries can be
protected from a violent derange-
ment-possibly from collapse-only
by the establishment of an adequate
tariff barrier.
The United States will need pro-
lection after the war more keenly
than it has ever needed it before.
Mr.. Wilson is committed to taking
chances under the Underwood tariff
rates. Mr.. Hughes is pledged to the
enactment Of higher rates and 70
any other measures which may be
necessary to prevent our market
from being flooded with European
goods, with a consequent contraction
in the American output, falling
profits and falling wages.
Here, again, Mr.. Hughes is abso-
lutely right and Mr.. Wilson is abso-
lutely wrong on a question vitality
affecting our security and prosper
ity. Putting aside all other issues,
all purely destructive criticism of
Mr.. Wilson's past performances,
there can be on these two issues but
one choice next Tuesday for any one
who believes in safeguarding the
future-in putting this country back
on a solid basis of nationalism and
Auericanism.
A Fearless Judge
1t has been said that Justice Crop
cav carving in the Sunrenne Court