Denver labor bulletin., 1916-10-21
By WILLIAM L. CHENERY.


a document called the magma charta
is rePuted to have played IA considerable
role in the securing of the liberties
(which Englshmen and Americans now
hold precious The manner of its at
tainment is suggestive today in view of
the criticism directed at congress for
having yielded the eight-hour day to
the railroad brotherhoods.
In the early years of the thirteenth
century the English barons became
aware of their own power. 1t had come
TO them gradually and inconspicuously.
When they felt strong enough they went
to King John and demanded that he
yield to them certain privileges, such as
the trial by jury. These privileges now
have the sanction of society. Perhaps
society approved of them in 1916. But
for all that they were not obtained until
the barons struck or threatened to
strike. Then the magma charta was
granted.
The critics of the railroad brother
hoods forget this episode, or if they re-
member it they do not count it against
the ancient barons. On the contrary
practically all Americans do honor to
the men who used their new power to
I''pass prosperity around" The vigor and
the advantage of their position for their
own immediate benefit is Englands
glory.
The barons might have arbitrated the
magma charta, but they would hardly
have obtained the document we cherish.
Happily or unhappily. human nature
seems to be so constituted that the man
or the class which possesses power
won't share it except under compulsion.
That is the essential fact which the
leaders of the brotherhoods appear to
have kept in mind
The Principle of Arbitration.
Arbitration is manifestly a good prin.
iciple. 1t is perhaps the finest product
of civilization. 1t marks the difference
between the bully and reasonable men
Iand women. But arbitration is not in
lfallible. Its effectiveness is determined
by many considerations such as its prac-
ltical fairness.
For years the railroad unions have
ibeen committed to arbitration. Thru its
application they have steadily grown in
prosperity and in solidarity. But lately
they have felt that they We're not get
lting justice from the arbitrators. Par
Iticularly was that the case at the hear
lings in which former Secretary of Com
lmerce and Labor Nagle participated. The
brotherhood chiefs felt that they had
lbeen betrayed by the verdict They be-
'leved that Mr. Nagle's railway inter
ests were insurmountable obstacles to
fair play on his part. They felt sure
that his unconscious bias was against
them. sa'
In consequence they announced their
opposition to the kind of arbitration
which they had been given. If their at
ftitude was correct-there appears to be
no doubt but that Mr. Nagle had a vital
interest in the dividends paid by certain
,railroads--who struck the first blow at
the principle of arbitration? Did not
the railroads which rprofited by the OBJ
.iectiopable proceedings strike first? Ar
filtration obviously is nothing if it is
mot above suspicion.
Hasty Government.
Again, this criticism of congress- un-
seemly haste in enacting the railroad
eight hour day, doesn't stand scrutiny
Urgent conditions call for immediate ae-
tion. I cannot see that President VIII
sons legislative program for averting
The railroad strike was as ,hasty as for
mer President Roosevelt's plan for avert
ing panic in 1907. r.. ca.
Roosevelt agreed to suspend the +Sher-
man antitrust law so that the Ten
nesee Coal & Iron company might be
ppfchased by the United Steel Corpora
ton. In 30 doing he permitted j. p.
Morgan. to make immense profits There
was very little talk about governmental
haste at that time Charles Evans
Hughes did not feel at all hurt; at least
he1 did not express any sense of the
injury done to, the dignity and to the
freedom of the republic by the haste in
Mr.. Morpan's interest.
Colonel Roosevelt may have been right.
Certainly the financial menace called for
quick remedies. But the point is that