New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-11-23
THE FEDERATION OF THE WORLD
All Nations Should Yield That Sovereignty Which Means
Force to the United of the States of the World

will play n great part in making that posi-
biIity an actually. Such a federation OF
Iea0ue would have for it's function not only
the function Of the policeman and the courts
Of law, but also, and even more Importantly,
the duty Of seeing that different indiVloua'
nations be allowed to expand according 10
their own conceptions so long as they keep
the peace.
Professor Muensterberg has recently stood
forth as a protagonst Of that view OF "kul
tur" which makes it synonymous with glori-
Gcation of the state as an entity, above tne
individual Such view was expressed by
his countryman and colleague, professor
Francke, about two years ago in The Atianto
Monthly" II Is view which has many ad-
herents even in this country and TENDS 70 pc
come dominant because in war time tne
more socialized organization is more ell
fective than that which which gives rreer
play to ndividualism But u IS utterly
foreign 10 the temper OF America. IL is also
foreign to the temper of England. OF France
and OF Italy. The Anglo American tradltlohi
Of which Herbert Spencer was the great eX-
moment, tradition we'll represented by Pro-
lessor Warner Fite, OF Princeton, IN TINS
country, is TO reverence government just IN
rronortion as il does minister TO the we'll
being of every individual in the state IL VIII
take something greater even than TINS grea'
war to abolish this tradition. 1t is POSI-
tion 10 which Americans are, believe, irrey-
ocablv committed. Modern socialism even
claims that it's purpose is TO free the IN
dividualities OF all men-not few, but all.
Its sole claim to hearing Is that 1t wants
TO do this. We may think that it will not
accomplish that purpose; but we must recog-
nize the purpose. II Professor Muensterberg
is right. Germany means to make propa-
oanda of the glorifcation of the state. In
that case we must work not for the aooli-
tion of Germany or Germans, but for some
organization which will bind them over to
keep the peace, an organization with power
The task is more colossal than the task OF
keeping order in New York State, but 1t is
rot essentially different in kind. The idea
of the sovereignty of each state must yield
10 the idea of control of all states IN the
interest of each and all. If Teutons prefer
to glorify the state, let them work out their
plan. If Americans or Englishmen prefer 70
uerfect a flexible organization which shall
give government, not indeed in laissez-
faire fashion but yet in the interests OF IN
dividuals in the last analysis, they must be
free to do so. The social contract idea is
not impossible of realization. There is no
reason why the various states OF the world
so-called neutrals, as well as belligesents
should not get together at an early date to
yield up deliberately that sovereignty which
is but a grandiose name for brute force, to
that great eviathan, as Thomas Hobbies
called it, The State-in this case the United
States of the World. They would not lose
in dignity any more than Charles W. Eliot
loses in dignity by living under the law.
That idea of sovereignty which makes
every nation a Gascon d'Artagnan, ruffiing
with hand on sword at every slightest as
persion upon its honor, is indeed not worth
fighting for, if we can get higher court OF
appeal instituted in the interests of all.
GEORGE CLARKE COX.
New York, Nov. 49, 1916.