Evening journal. [volume] (Wilmington, Del.) 1888-1932, 1916-10-31

To the Editor Of THE EVENING
JOURNAL:
Sir:--An observing person cannot
fail to notice the vast difference in the
character Of the two candidates for
President, regarding their ttderent
methods Of dealing with measures that
affect their own personal popularity
with the public.
The bill for a general rate Of two
cents a mile for carrying passengers
In New York State was a very pOpu-
lar measure It was doomed by near
" all of the great daily papers, who
were anxious to serve the public and
oppose the railroads, yet Governor
Hughes, after a careful consideration
of the question. promptly vetoed the
same as an injustice to the latter.
Compare that independent action
with the cheap demagOgic act OF using
four pens to sign the eight-hour BILL
and presenting them to the four heads
of the brotherhood trainmen, who are
supposed to control the railroad vote.
President Wilson. true TO his ira
ditional policy of always taking the
popular" side Of a question. domna-
ted his party and without proper con-
sideration. forced the Adamson bill
through Congress; a law that casts
reflection on the time-honored name or
the railroad brotherhoods
Woodrow Wilson has no true con-
ception of justice, and the principles
on which it rests-tO obtain personal
popularity is apparently the para
mount object of his whole political
career; vet his mind is so slow IN
grasping a genuine popular movement
that he always remains a lap IN the
rear. and thus becomes a follower or
popular reforms, instead of leader
of them.
No true American objects to high
wages i'm the United States, they are
the true basis OF American prosperity
and the real source of our great ma
tional wealth.
There is no marked opposition to
the eight hour law, only 10 the high
handed methods used TO secure It's
adoption.
In my opinion the proposed great
strike was only a gigantic blum, ana
President Wilson and Congress laid
down TO IT, IF the strike had been
actually ordered, the men necessary
10 make it a genuine success would
as a rule have refused to obey.
There is a class OF old conductors
and engineers who are almost invai
liable to the railroads; they began
their life work very young. and nave
advanced in knowledge and efficiency
with their long years of service Ihey
are the fttest of thousands who have
failed to become as efficient; their
long service has given them seniority
rights over their young rivals; many
Of them are nearing the time when
tbev will be retired on pensions. their
hours of actual service are almost in
variablv less than eight, their pay
ranges from fifty to eighty dollars per
week they are we'll satisfied and do
not wish TO become benehciaries OF a
law that outrages public opinion. With
but few exceptions these men would
have refused 70 strike, consequently
the strike would not have been sue
cessful. -,
The Democratic exposiaors, with
tbeir childish logic, tell us the tarih
cannot affect railroad business be
cause the railroads are not producers
More than any other industry in the
country. the railroads have a strict
representative business. the volume OF
which is a true barometer indicating
the prosperity or adversely OF all
other industries.
Look through the back numbers Of
the oficial organs Of the four broth
erhoods that are now trying TO kill the
i railroad business Of the country by
re-electing President Wilson and the
party that paralyzed the whole trans
portation business Of the country be
( fore the European war. They tell the
story. and tell it plainly.
Go back to the winter Of 1914-15'
and read their comments regarding
the deplorable condition of the rail-
roads. at that time. Look at their
/ long list of expulsion for non-payment
I OF dues. which indicates lack OF work.
: Then ask any old trainmen, if he re-