The Dawson news. (Dawson, Ga.) 1889-current, 1916-07-12
Protect the Black Belt.
Equal Suffrage in Georgia Would Mean
Ballot For Hordes of Negro Women in
More Than Sixty Georgia Counties.
James Galloway in Macon Telegraph.

James Galloway in Macon Telegraph.
This article will contain some facts which
ought to arrest the attention of the members
of the legislature.
Prof. Brooks, of the State University, in
his History of Georgia, tells US that sixty
six counties in Georgia have large negro
majorities. These counties are:
Ebert, Clarke, Oglethorpe, Wilkes, Lin
coin, Newton, Morgan, Greene, Henry, Cow
eta, Taliaferro, McDuffie, Columbia, War
rem, Putnam, Jasper, Butts, Spalding Meri-
wether, Troup, Pike, Monroe, Jones, Bald
win, Hancock, Harris, Epson, Wilkinson,
Washington, jefferson, Burke, Talbot, Hous-
ton Marion, Chattahoochee, Schley, Macon,
Crisp, Randolph, Terrell, Lee, Dougherty,
Calhoun, Clay, Liberty, Mcintosh, Early,
Baker, Mitchell, Glynn, Bryan and Chat
ham.
Here are sixty-six counties where the ne
groes outnumber the whites, and in many
counties, like Laurens, Grady, Walton, Glas-
cock Oconee, Telfair, Dodge and Cobb, it is
a close call.
These sixty-six counties embrace Middle
Georgia and Southwest Georgia, the great
cotton-growing sections of the state. In the
counties north of this black belt region the
whites predominate; in some counties very
largely. And in the counties east and south
Oh lie DldCh DSlI CIIS
Strange to say, these counties were once
called the "pine barrens" and avoided by
those in old times who were seeking cotton
lands for slave labor, but they are now re-
garded the garden spot" of the state, and
are increasing in negro population. Worth,
Tattnall, Wilcox, Johnson, Emanuel, Ber-
rien, Coffee, Telfair and Turner are draw
ing negroes to cultivate the lands.
The black belt of the state has increased
since 1860. In 1860 there were forty-four
counties with black majorities; in 1910 there
were sixty-six, and the increase since then
is rapid. The black counties are not only
pushing southwark, but on the northern bor-
der of the belt former white counties have
changed their complexion, notably Henry,
Newton and Coweta.
It is the duty of those living in the white
counties to protect the whites IN the black
belt We know not what the eXigencies of
politics may evolve. Experiments now are
dangerous. Our disfranchsement laws are
loose; almost any one of age can now qualify
under them. The negro women have no back
taxes to pay, and those who have back poll
taxes unpaid will qualify when their votes
are needed.
There were no negro "loyal leagues" in
the white counties of North Georgia or in
the pine barrens," so-called, yet they gave
trouble a-plenty in the black belt.
In the debate in the senate on this suf-
frage matter Senator McCumber in his
speech declaring for enforcement of election
laws said to John Sharp Williams: "You
Southern people should have learned by now
how to influence the negro vote. You have
no carpetbaggers there now to Interfere
"But they will come" replied Senator Will
liams, "and if suffrage is granted to negro
women and the fifteenth amendment still is
a law, and the government should enforce
the law, then every white man in the black
belt of Mississippi would just have to pull up
and leave the state"
Yet the Georgia legislature is asked to
give the ballot to negro women, and they
have no back poll taxes to pay. Before we
eliminated the negro from voting by means
of our white primary, which is now totter-
ing, the farmers wives lived in dread and
suspense They dared not travel the public
highway without escort. They were prac-
tically prisoners within their own homes.
One of the best country physicians of the
state, speaking of that era, said his 'prac-
tice among the white women on the farms
was largely for nervous prostration, result
ing from an indeinable suspense and dread,
for the husband could not always be near"
Those were days of negro political meetings
at night.
Now the proposition is to confer the ballot
on the negro women, and thus revive those
night political meetings, and by it to again
make our farmers wives prisoners within
their own homes. And, strange to relate,
our legislature is now DeSleged with SuHra-
gettes proposing to enfranchise negro wo-
men, regardless of results. Those proposing
it know when they carry twenty-fOur more
states suffrage then is no longer under state
control and supervision.
This is why John Sharp Williams and
Senator Bacon opposed the BristOw amend
ment. They dreaded increased federal con-
troll of elections with federal supervisors
and federal registrars.
We were warned in the debate in congress
on the suffrage bill Even before that we
had warning when the Sutherland and Bris-
tow amendments were debated. Said Sena
tor Bacon to Senator Root:
"Does the senator mean that if laws upon
the statute books of the states with refer
ence to the regulations and limitations of
suffrage in the Southern states were con-
ceived by congress to be unconstitutional
congress would have the power to annul
those provisions and make federal laws to
control these matters?"
Mr. Root: Without the slightest doubt
I meant to put you on notice, and l mean to
put the country on notice that
the government shall no longer surrender
the power necessary to enforce the four
teenth and fifteenth amendments"
Since the debate and within the past two
years the supreme court in the Oklahoma
and Maryland cases decided our disfran-
chisement acts were no good. Of this, in a
circular to the legislature a year ago, those
distinguished lawyers, Andrew J. Cobb, J. G.
C. Black. Samuel B. Adams and Alex King,
warned the legislature to make no expert
ments on suffrage.