New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-06-04
The Issues of 1915
couprgsy or 1.-THE NEW REPUBLIC"


is entirely 10 the politicians. II is possible, Of
course. that some form Of revivalism will sweep
the convention. But the indications are ha.
.bo POLITICAL nnaneuvring Of the last four %
five months will continue TO the end. It iss
,,ear Of secret letter-writing between so-and-n.
of nrivate dinners and private uncheons, and
= orea, variety of gentlemen making special
trims from this mans house 10 that mans
Fv.r those Of us who expect 10 attend the
Psnublican convention cannot hope TO see the
machinery at work. We shall not be present
AZ the conference Of dozen political managers
,ybo are planning to sit in hotel bedroom
,,,eorino their straw hats on the back Of their
heads We shall not hear the long-diStance
telenhone messages from New York or be able
% saw with any certainty why Mr. Boies Pen
rose and Mr.. Murray Crane have come to the
conclusions they come to.
But Of enc thing we can be absolutely GER
tain. This is a year Of catchwords. This Is
canonaien in which the slogans are 20 be as
vague as possible in order that they may be as
broad as possible Both parties and all candi-
dates are making an appeal which has two
qualities: it invites emotion without formulat-
inc Il The ideal is a thrilling, nerYe-wracking
nlatitude: Peace and Prosperity; Prepared
ness Without Militarism; American Rights,
American Honor: Deeds, Not Words; Amer.
canism. There is a fervent desire on every
ones part to proclaim his adhesion TO ideas
which almost nobody can dispute.
Preparedness is an easy word 70 use, but an
infinitely difficult thing to achieve. It costs
nrice which a democracy like ours has not ye.
shown the smallest inclination 70 pay. DO
not mean price measured in army and navy
bills. I mean price measured in willingness
TO create democratic organization at the sacr-
flee of sectional, private, class and personal
interests. When I read the names OF the men
who dominate the Republican party and think
Of their almost unbroken record Of resistance
IN the naturalization Of industry, their record
on the tariff. on patronage, on pork" on the
relation of business to government Of govern.
ment to the farmer, Of power TO the labor
| WONDER NUSJllSA Nlir pau ~~--' ~''~-eN
his spots.
What do they mean when they shout 'Pre'
paredness"? Are they willing to unity and So
cialize the railroads and the means OF comrnuni-
cation. 10 regulate vigorously basic industries
like steel and coal mining; are they willing to
control the food supply and shipping and credit;
are they willing to recognize labor as national
institution Are they willing to go behind all
this and create workable, modern, sclentnc
fedaralized system Of education? Are they
ready to end the destruction Of national vitality
through unemployment, child labor, overwork
and poverty? Are they willing TO do all THIS
which is the price Of cooperation for free
people? If they do not, what are they talking
about so earnestly? Do they mean simply
little preparedness, better first line OF mill
tary defence, and all other things left to drut
as now?
That is the issue and that is the puzzle. In
time Of war our conservatives, turned prepared
ness agitators, might be willing TO 90 these
radical things without choking on the Pill. but
to do them in time of peace is revolutionary
undertaking. England nationalzed her rail-
roads over night because war was upon ne-'
But to attempt that when there is no war IS u
arouse every prejudice and interest when
fights against it. England has had to deal WIZ
labor unions as they have never been dealt WIN
before. Can any one picture to himself tne
struggle which this would have meant under
normal conditions? ! wonder whether the de-
fence societies have any notion Of the conse'
quences of their propaganda.
II preparedness is an issue which Will raise
powerful opposition, so is an adequate for'
eign policy. The outstanding fact Of this war
for America is our relation to the power whie'
controls the seas. Our quarrel with Germany
is direct result of British naval policy. our
future in the Far East and Pan-America, ou'
future in the carrying trade, in the compenuon
for markets, is bound I'D with our relations "
the British Empire. The peace of this he'n'
sphere depends upon our policy in regard 70 tae
worldwide empire which touches US from IAN
ada to the Falkland Islands and the Pnlip-
pines. The supreme question Of foreign po'ie'
is our relation to the British Empire; the 81
preme danger lies in ignoring it or challenging
it; and the greatest hope, believe, for "ese''
civilization lies in an agreement with it.
But the statesman who has the audscity 70
grapple with it must be prepared for lons
and bitter struggle with public opinion. Inei'
are no votes to be won, and there Is no parry
harmony TO be maintained by the President VINO