New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-06-04
1906 and 1916.

ination for Governor in this state. In
1906 Mr.. Hughes did not at once become
candidate. On the contrary, before sail
ing for Europe in the early summer he told
his friends that he would not take the
nomination. even if an election insured
promotion TO the White House.
No one holds such statements against
man who makes them far in advance of
the fact of nomination, and there was no
disposition to criticise Mr.. Hughes when,
on his return from Europe, he permitted
and thereby encouraged the use of his
name and accepted the nomination that
was made at the Saratoga convention.
In 1906 the situation of the Republican
party in this state was deplorable. Its
defeat seemed inevitable. Mr.. Hughes was
in the position TO make the party come
to him, TO affirm and TO act on the con-
viction that he owed nothing to the party
that lad nominated him and that the NOM
ination was due to its necessities, while
the victory was a personal success.
As Governor, Mr.. Hughes proceeded
upon this theory. The effort of stupid
Republican state politicians to interfere
with his purposes and policies precipitated
a struggle in which the Governor had the
support Of the intelligent and independent
fractions in both political parties. His re-
election in 1908 was thus insured despite
the desperate effort of resentful politicians
10 procure his defeat. So far Mr.. Hughes,
working on a purely personal theory of
politics. had not only been successful, but
had served public interest.
In 1910, however, the situation changed.
The fight between the Governor and the
party machine, led by Mr.. Barnes, contin-
ued. Mr.. Hughes rallied to the cause for
which he fought and in which he had taken
the leadership men of independence and
men Of progressive tendencies and views
all over the state He was beaten by the
politicians in the Legislature over the
direct primary measure, but he had estab-
lished himself as the strongest force IN
the public life Of the state since Tilden,
and he had drawn to himself men of both
parties who had sacrificed or risked all
personal ambitions to serve what they be-
lieved was the good of the state.
This hopeful beginning, this foundation
for the building Of real force for decent
and Independent service in state affairs,
was wrecked when Governor Hughes sud
denly accepted an appointment to the Su
preme Court bench and left those who had
rallied to him and to his cause TO fare as
best they could. The Hughes movement,
deprived Of its leader, promptly collapsed.
The men who had stood with Hughes, de-
serted by their leader, became the victims
of the bosses whom they had fought. The
cause Of decent state government was put
back immeasurably, and we have since
had for governors Dix and Sulzer and we
have Whitman, who, perhaps, ranks half
way between the two.
Looking at the past squarely it will be
perceived that Mr.. Hughes, by following
his personal ends in the matter of the gov
ernorship in 1906, did actually render real
public service, because there was sound
reason why a Governor should be chosen
in that year who owed nothing to the
Republican politicians and would be able,
therefore, to steer a clear course and defy
the mandates Of those who had been &C
customed to control Republican politics
for many years. But in 1910, by follow
ing a similar course and paying no atten-
ton TO any consideration save that of per-
sonal ambition or preference, Mr.. Hughes
did real injury TO a cause and TO men
who had risked their all in his fight
To The Tribune it seems perfectly clear
that Mr.. Hughes is once more, as in 1910,
risking cause and imperilling men and
ideals that are of unreasonable value,
simply because in the crisis he is thinking
not Of the whole question, but only of the
advantages and disadvantages which will
flow 70 him from one of several possible
courses. In other words, Mr.. Hughes is
thinking Of the best way to get the thing
he most wants, not Of what is best for his
party or his fellow citizens.
Mr.. Hughes's great respect for the court
in which he sits may lead him to believe
that il should at all hazards be kept out
Of politics. But if he believes this, half
dozen words will remove all chance Of in
volving the Supreme Court in politics and
honorably and squarely meet the dangers
he perceives, or seems TO perceive.
If Mr.. Hughes is convinced that he is
the man who is necessary TO deal with the
present problems Of this Republic and that
no consideration for the Supreme Court
should debar the necessary man from
greater public service, this conviction
should prompt him TO do the one thing
that would make his candidacy useful,
hopeful, certainly successful at the polls as
contrasted with the convention.
But Mr. Hughes cannot at one time
consistently pretend 10 have too great re-
gard for the Supreme Court to permit 1t
q. cA,n