New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-05-17
A Note to Britain.

ain discussing British interference with
our mails will be accepted in London as
clear evidence of a compliance with the
conditions expressed in the recent German
agreement. This conviction will be
strengthened it, as Washington reports
in advance Of the publication or even Of
the drafting of the note, it is vigorous"
document AS to the justice of this Brit
ish suspicion. it is necessary to suspend
judgment until the note itself appears, but
there are certain things that may perhaps
be discussed now.
First Of all, it is important that the
British should now recognize that Mr..
Wilson has at all times been ready to send
such a note as he contemplates, and that
he has only been estopped by German con-
duct which has been as stupid as it has
been criminal. AS between Britain and
Germany, Mr.. Wilson is at the least neu-
trial; he has never ceased to regard his
mission as one of holding the scales of JUS
tice even. and he has never, for a moment,
regarded as unpleasant the task of using
his scholastic rod on the British as well
as the Germans.
If there had been no Lusitania incident
no German murders, Mr.. Wilson would
long ago have brought this country and
Great Britain into debate over the various
details of the British blockade which in
terfere with American interests, and, so
most Americans believe, in a greater or
less degree invade American rights De-
spite the Lusitania and all other German
crimes. Mr.. Wilson has still been ready to
take a high tone with Great Britain if
Germany would ever agree TO a nbodtls
videndi; but the Germans have always in
sisted upon having their price before Mr..
Wilson received their submission. The re-
suit has been that the British question has
remained pending but quiescent for nearly
two years.
In this time there has seemed to be q
strange confusion in the British mind over
the situation. 1t seems 10 have been as
sumed in Great Britain that Mr.. Wilson
was acting in regard 10 Britain in man
ner determined by American sympathy
and by the fact that the mass of American
public opinion was not only pro-Ally, but
pro-British. and was willing to see Ameri-
can rights waived, because by the waivers
the redress Of the wrongs of Belgium, of
France, Of humanity generally, would be
helped.
This is not the case. Conceivably the
mass of the American people should have
accepted the British point Of view; con-
ceivably the mass Of the American people
should have sympathized with Belgium
and with France so completely as to be
prepared to surrender rights or ad-
journ discussions Of injuries. England
has felt that America should sympathize
with her as the soldier of Belgium. But
the truth is that no large section Of the
American people has accepted this view.
The Tribune has. The Tribune has never
disguised its belief that the cause of all
the Allies was inextricably bound together
and that the Allied cause was the Ameri-
can cause.
Holding this view, however, The Trib-
une has never imagined that it had with
it the majority, or any very considerable
recognized that three wholly diverse ele-
ments in the American population con-
tributed largely to the rejection by the
American people of the idea that Great
Britain is fighting for Belgium and for
humanity and is unselfshly and quite
chvalrously championing an unfortunate
and suffering Belgian nation. These three
elements are the native Americans of
Revolutionary stock, the Irish and the
Germans.
Whether the mass Of the British people
like or dislike Americans their feelings are
not founded upon Revolutionary memories.
No Briton dislikes Americans because of
Revolutionary history. But this is not
true of Americans. The traditions which
come down from the Revolution and are
nourished in all our school books are anti
British. In our histories and our expert
ence tyrant means a British monarch; the
stories of Concord, Lexington, Valley
Forge and all the rest are stories that are
told TO our youth, and the telling has built
up a prejudice which does endure. This
prejudice has been accumulated by what
happened in the War of 1912 and in the
Civil War.
Ii is not now important whether this
prejudice be right or ridiculous. 1t seems
TO The Tribune utterly ridiculous, but it is
a fact. Now, such Englishmen as Lord
Bryce wholly misrepresent the situation
and deceive their countrymen when they
undertake to give them the impression
that there is profound affection in America
and among large numbers of Americans
for Britain or the British. Lord Haldane
rendered his count~ymen an equally costly
service in the matter of Germany. The