The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1916-09-30

magistrates, military commanders,
heads Of administrative departments,
with many unofficial persons of pow.
erful influence. In theory the govern.
ment of Ireland is conducted by the
Viceroy and Chief Secretary. But the
Viceroy or Lord Lieutenant is only a
social fgurehead. Asquith thought
him so unimportant that he dropped
him a few months ago, but has since
taken him on again. AS for the Chief
Secretary, the last one, Mr.. Birrell,
\ said, Il might as we'll be jackdaw
or a maybe crying ireland, Ireland
for all the effect l had on Cabinet
meetings." The Chief Secretary and
the Viceroy have to leave the govern.
ment of Ireland in the hands of the
bureaucracy, and that bureaucracy by
it's prejudice, its training, and by its
interest is against any movement or
measure that would give popular or
democratic control over the govern.
ment.
Here is an instance how the bureau
crazy acts. The week before the dec
laration of the European war the
Irish Volunteers ran in cargo of
arms into Howth, little seaport out
side Dublin. The Ulster or Unionist
volunteers had run another cargo of
arms into Larne, a northern seaport,
a few months before and the govern
ment had taken no action. But when
it was known in Dublin that the Ma
tionalists had landed their rifles, a
police-officer, Mr.. Harrell, decided
to take action. Where did he go for
advice? To the Kildare Street Club,
the Landowners and Militarists' club
in Dublin. He there met an unofficial
parsonage, General Cuthbert, and
asked for advice. General Cuthbert,
of course, like good habitue of the
Kildare Street Club, told him to call
out the military and intercept the vol
unteers on their way back to the city.
Mr.. Harrell did this. He got nothing
from the volunteers. On their way
back the military was hooted by a
crowd in the streets. Major Haig, the
officer in charge, Immediately gave
orders for the military to fire on the
unarmed populace. This they did, kill
ing and wounding men and women.
They finished up by charging with the
bayonet. No one was ever punished
for this affray-indeed, Mr.. Harrell
is one of the government censors, and
he has been able to act vindictively
to one of the volunteer commands who
got the better of him on that fatal
day. Such an instance shows how
Ireland is governed-by irresponsible
clubs and coteries.
Now we can see the bearing of the
two interrogations we have drawn at
tention to on the governmental sys-
TEN in Ireland. The Lord Decies,
who is referred to in the first interro.
cation, is the husband Of one of the
Miss Goulds. He sends his official
notifications openly from the militarist
and landowners club, that is from
the headquarters of those whose
strongest idea is to keep the bulk OF
the Irish people. out of all places OF
authority.
The intolerance of these people has
given rise to the second interroga-
ton. One Of the concessions that the
late Liberal government made was to
appoint Catholic and Home Ruler
THAT is to say one in sympathy with
the faith and the aspiration of the
bulk of the Irish people-to a place
of some authority. Lord Chancellor
O'Brien has been allowed to draw his
salary by the bureaucracy but he has
been stripped of all real influence.
Mr.. Asquith, in reply to the interroga.
ton made about him, gave an evasive
answer:
Mr.. Asquith-There are certain
matters in relation to the administra-
tion of Ireland on which, in my opin.
ion, the Lord Chancellor ought to be
consulted, and | know that the new
Chief Secretary takes the same view.
There is no ground for the suggestion
in the latter part of the question.
Mr.. Loudon-Is it not fact that
for the last two years the present
Lord Chancellor has never been con.
suited about anything? No reply was
given.
The Unionists of Ireland in resist
ing Home Rule are fighting for power
and place. To understand their posi-
ton we must begin by thinking of an
ascendancy that was once as COM
plete and as extensive as the Manchu
ascendancy in China. Numbering
one-tenth of the population, the Epis.
copalian Protestants at the close of
the eighteenth century held five-sixths
Of the landed property of Ireland, oc.
cupied the magstracy and the munic-
ipal governments, had practically a
monopoly of all the professions, con-
trolled the Parliament and the gov.
eminent, enjoyed all the patronage
and had their established church, to
1 ;.l, L.