The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1916-01-08

undisclosed until one side lies pros
trate under the heel of the other,
then the victors will be in position
| to disregard alike the conscience of
civilization and the public opinion of
their own countries. And in that
event the terms of peace-or rather
the terms of submssion-will be gov
erned by rancor inflamed to fury,
rather than by craftsmanship enlight-
ened through justice.
| In all these warning countries there
is very strong desire for peace But
each one is convinced that it's utter
destruction is the object of this war,
and that by fighting alone can it's ma
tional life be saved. And this frame
OF mind is due largely if not entirely
to those perversely distracting phrases
we have been considering. If each
country We're appraised definitely and
clearly of the territory or money
which it's rulers were fighting to OBJ
tain, its conscience would be quick to
revolt from anything like scheme of
wanton injury or spoilation. If one
side declined to disclose it's purposes,
even though requested to state them
by the President, no action by this
country would be necessary or advis-
able. Refusal by any belligerent to
answer such an inquiry could be left
with perfect safety to the conscience
of mankind.
| The judgment of civilization and the
public opinion of each country are.
| then, the moral forces by which this
dreadful conflict can be ended. They
are rendered inefficient now because
they are kept in ignorance of the real
objects for which millions of men
have been destroyed and many more
millions are doomed to destruction
and mutilation if the war be suffered
to continue. The President of the
United States is in a position where
he can make these moral forces effec-
tive by causing both sides to make
clear their purposes while the war is
still in progress. And l repeat that in
doing this the President will not be
violating neutrality but he will be OBJ
serving scrupulously the very incest
requirements of international comfy
or politeness.
| Now it may be objected why is the
President of the United States clothed
with any higher authority to take such
action than the head of any other neu-
trail state? Would it not be advisable,
some will ask, to secure cooperation
of other neutral states-to effect a
league of neutrals, is the expression
widely used-for the purpose of secur-
ing peace? The answer is clear. The
! President of the United States has a
special warrant for asking these ma
lions to declare the conditions on
which they will make peace, arising
under the Providence of God from in
cidents of the war directly and Pc
culiarly affecting the people of this
country.
In the course of this war we have
suffered serious injuries from both
sides, and the questions arising from
them are now actually pending. And
each has taken such a position with
reference to the acts of which we COM
plain that recurrence of them is ex.
ceedingly probable if not inevitable
If these acts all belonged to the past
they would naturally, might say nee.
essarily be left to settlement by diplo
matte negotiations. But when they
are likely to recur the President may
find himself confronted with the ques.
ton whether he is not bound to take
measures for preventing them. Now
whether he should adopt measures OF
prevention or suffer these grievances
to remain subjects of negotiation
might very largely depend upon the
length of time that the conflict is like
ly to last. For, obviously, if it's dura
tion would probably be short the like
lihood of recurrence would be greatly
diminished, and, therefore, measures
of prevention might not be considered
necessary. If, on the other hand, the
war is likely to be prolonged, recur
renee of these injuries would be ex
ceedingly probable and under such
conditions he might feel that proven.
ton was his duty
The President has a clear right,
then, to ask from either belligerent
information which may enable him to
determine his own course with respect
to some act for which that belligerent
is responsible, provided that the infor.
nation would not involve disclosures
that might affect success of it's war
measures. The President would not
be justified, of course, in asking one
of the belligerents to disclose the ex.
tent of it's forces, or their disposition,
or how near it was to exhaustion of
men or materials of war. But there
could be no objection to his asking
each belligerent to say just what it is
fighting for, since information on that
head cannot effect it's military opera.
tions while it would shed some light
upon the probable length of the war.
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