Albuquerque morning journal. [volume] (Albuquerque, N.M.) 1903-1926, 1916-05-22
NrEDED--A FOREIGN POLICY.

The United states is a great ma
ton without a definite foreign policy.
To insist upon our rights as a nation,
upon the protection Of our citizens
abroad, does not compose a foreign
policy. The president hasn't the
power to commit us to any definite
policy toward foreign powers, and the
president and the senate acting to-
gether could do no more than form
ulate such policy What such policy
shall be, If ever we have one, must
come from the conviction and senti-
ment OF the people as a whole.
The people have had little occasion
In the past TO consider attentively
and plan consistently upon the rela-
lions Of the United states TO the
other nations Of the world. Particu-
larry have we been careless regard
ing our affiliations and oppostions
among the nations.
our people have thought in sections
concerning foreign rclations--if they
have thought at all They have felt
rather than thought. They have felt
as sons Of the American revolution
as sons Of Irish patriots, as lovers Of
the German fatherland. But the
time is now here when It behooves
us to think rather than to feel. and
TO think as Americans exclusively, as
Americans neither OF 1875 nor Of
1851, but as Americans in the TWEEN
ticth century world
Tho Monroe doctrine has sufflced
US for nearly q century. 1t has en-
bodied our whole policy toward other
nations. Adhering to the wise in
functions of Washington concerning
neutrality and cntangling alliances,
We have steered n course laid down
IN the administration of President
Monroe, and 1t has been sufficient.
Nor is that doctrine In any man
ncr or portion obsolete today. II
still is sound doctrine, and vital to
defines our policy concerning the
western hemisphere only. Yet today
we have possessions in Asia and in
Oceania. Besides possessions abroad
we have more and more intimate
contact with China and Japan, with
Europe, with the great British do
minlons, and the twentieth century
world.
With steamships and railways. with
cables and wireless. with crowded
populations, conflicting interests,
iostling ambitions--the world comes
to our very doors in a manner that
Washington and Hamilton could not
forecast, that even Lincoln and Sew
ara did not imagine
Today President Wilson insists up
on the strict observance Of our rights
upon the seas. He calls Germany
and England equally to strict account
ability. His attitude Is correct and
his purpose righteous He should
be able 20 count upon the support
OF the whole nation.
But as a matter of fact and of in
terest. apart from sentiment, we
have more ut stake in the conflict in
Europe than merely the strict main
tenance Of our rights at sea. When
the earth-shaking conflict Is de-
tcrmined, whatever the upshot. we
shall find ourselves in new world,
TO which must be adjusted our posi-
ton orr interests. our future. win
that new world challenge our interests
anywhcro--in the Philippines, at Pan
anna, in South America shall we
bo able TO live with the now world
in amity, as we have done for CEN
fury in the world dominated 10y the
sea power of Great Britain2
These are grave considerations to
be pondcTed by our people. These
considerations are neither academic
nor remote They are immediate
and imminent. Drift we can not
much longer. What course shall we
sleerG Who are our friends? Whose
interests Or ambitions are in conflict
with ours2
Let us think as Americans OF the
twentieth century. in order that we
may act consistently and foreslghtod-
" in consonance with our interests
and responsibilities at home and
abroad.