New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-09-06

49, 20 VIZ % '''' 20
have been sown for more labor trou-
bic than this country ever saw be-
fore. Trains are running as usual.
The country has been saved. From
what? According to Mr.. Wilson it
has been saved from tragic ma
tional calamity. According to Sen
ator Newlands it has been saved
from a civil war. According to
Mr.. Gompers it has been saved from
"the inconvenience a demonstration
would necessarily involve"
A great many people bitterly crit
icise the Administration for having
encouraged the brotherhoods to in
sist upon the eight-hour concession
in an arbitrary manner, rejecting
the principle of arbitration as to
that major issue. The spectacle of
Congress, a deliberative body, be-
having in a panicstricken way and
surrendering its right even to de-
bate so important a thing as a stat
ute by which the hours of labor
are fixed in interstate commerce, is
not to be regarded without feel
ing of humiliation, except on the
part Of the benefciaries, who per-
haps regard it with contempt. Above
every other emotion is a feeling of
uneasiness. 1t arises from this un-
expected and theatMal demonstra-
ton of a power against which So
ciety's first defence has been that of
surrender.
1t is futile to denounce the pos
SCISSORS of power or to rail at their
abuse of it. The remedy is intelli-
gently to limit it. Mans passion
for acquiring and exercising power
is unlimited. He has always abused
it. The brotherhoods have done
with theirs only what men have done
with power invariably. Those who
have it will exercise it, and for the
most part selfshly. 1t is the bust
ness of society to protect itself
against an excessive amount of it
in the hands Of any one group. To
do so entails effort, discomfort and
some sacrifice. And now we come to
the point.
For what was the country saved?
Was it saved only to be prosperous?
One might think so. A strike would
have meant great loss temporarily,
some of which perhaps could never
have been made up. 1t would have
meant loss of wages, loss of profits,
loss Of business, and besides, of
course, considerable privation, if not
actual suffering. The cost of hold
ing out against the brotherhoods was
pictured in these terms, with much
exaggerations of rhetoric. If a Sen
ator insisted upon his right of de-
bate, he became responsible for all
that ruin and waste. To do so was
"unpatriotic" Nobody dared to as
sumo this responsibility except the
brotherhoods, and they were deter
mined to assume it, if necessary to
win their ends.
1t ceased to be a question of wages.
There are reasons enough why
wages should go up. The cost of
living has enormously increased.
1t ceased to be a question Of an
eight-hour day. There is much to
be said for shorter hours Of labor.
They have been too long. 1t is ir-
rational really TO maintain that a
sufliciency Of goods cannot be pro-
duced in this country by eight hours
of labor in twenty-four.
The only question in the end was
whether the people should surrender
to the power of the brotherhoods
without "arbitration and so-called
investigation And they did sur
render. Why?
This whole historically important
incident is symptomatic. Congress
did not yield until it was convinced
that a majority Of the people wished
strike to be averted at any price.
II is the business Of Congress tc
sense what a majority of the people
wish. On the whole, it fairly sue
ceeds. IL knew in this case, or be-
lieved, that what the American peo-