Denver labor bulletin., 1916-10-21
az LABOR'S PROGRESS
By WILLIAM l.. CHENERY
In Life and Labor

haste at the behest of a governing class
does no violence to the pillars of the
republic TASTE at the behest of union
men. on the other hand, causes the very
foundations of liberty to crackle.
The Weak and the Strong.
The rule seems to be that weak
group wants arbitration and strong
group prefers to obtain its desires in
other ways. In 1894. when the Ameri-
can Railway Union staged its sympa-
thetic strike in favor of the Pullman
workers, the railway union, the mayor
OF Chicago and representative citizens
moved heaven and earth to obtain ar
bitration.
Mayor John p. Hopkins took a note
personally to the General Managers as
sociation. The general managers refused
to read a note asking for arbitration,
even tho the chief executive of a great
city made the request. Arbitration was
not sacred in those days. But when the
railway employees have risen to power
the situation is different.
Various manufacturers associations
lately took strong attitude in favor OF
arbitration when the railroad issue was
before the country. The same men were
silent when poor Chicago garment work
ers were crying aloud for an arbitrament
OF their case.
Moreover. the street railway men of
New York have been pleading for arbi
tration which Theodore p. Shonts, the
director OF New YorI's transportation
systems, has flatly refused. Isn't arb-
tration good principle for street rail
way unions? Yet none of the critics of
the railway brotherhoods have found it
in their hearts to accuse Mr. Shonts
OF doing injury to civilization
Servant and Master"
The New York street car strike has
raised an issue of which much is likely
to be heard in the future. Mr.. Shonts
has made use of sharp weapon in his
| fight against the unions. That is the
servant and master" contract.
This is new employment form SINH
lar, apparently to the contract by means
of which baseball players are bound.
Some $500 street railway men had signed
| these documents, according to General
| Organizer William B. Fitzgerald, before
the unions were aware of the menace.
BY the terms of the harmless looking
employment agreement, the street car
men pledged themselves not to ask for
an increase in wages, for shorter hours,
| or for anything else bettering their con-
dition, until two years have elapsed.
That effectually put an end to union
activity. Consequently the strike was
called. First, however, Mr.. Fitzgerald
offered to arbitrate the issue or to per-
nit the public service commission to
pass on it. la
Mr.. Shonts declined the invitation. In
newspaper interviews he said that the
| right to make contract was guaran-
'teed by the United States constitution
and that therefore it could not be arbi-
trated. He suggested that the courts
he allowed to pass on the contracts, even
tho thousands of separate suits should
be necessary.
The Eight-Hour Day.
Returning to the brotherhoods for a
moment, one fact is outstanding. The
eight hour day has been advanced i'm
mensely by President Wilson's espousal
OF the cause. The nations chief has de
ciared that in his opinion the judgment
OF society now sanctions the eight hour
day. That alone is vastly valuable.
Since his declaration the British
Trades Union Congress has announced
its universal eight-hour day campaign,
The extraordinary prosperity which the
Ford Motor company is enjoying, too,
has given weight to the eight hour move
ment. The Ford experiment is effective
in disarming opposition because of the
proof that the eight-hour working day
IS more productive, and more profitable
wholly from the standpoint OF financial
return. r.. 4
The entire philosophy of the shorter
working day must soon be passed on by
the supreme court of the United States
The Oregon ten hour law for men has
l,I tA L. Es,.l 4
Miss Josephine Goldmark and Professor
Felix Franlsfurter of Harvard university
have argued the case. Miss Goldmark
brought her previous study of the effects