The Washington times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1902-1939, 1916-06-13
WILSON THE MAN OF WORDS
HUGHES THE MAN OF DEEDS

Those who believe or pretend b
believe that Charles E. Hughes is to,
much like Woodrow Wilson to jus
tify popular upheaval in favor O
a new Executive Of the nation ar
due to receive before this campaign
is over a stunning shock. Fol
Hughes is as much like Wilson al
black is like white, inertia like mo
ton, puerility like power.
Hughes is not merely a man Of
quick, clear judgment and deep con
victions; he is a driving engine fol-
the application Of that judgment anc
the enforcement of those convictions
He has ideals, not only to talk about
them but to work for them. He as.
sumes duties, both to acknowledge
them and to fight for them. He
doesn't suppose, he knows; he
doesn't stop at thinking, he goes or
to doing.
Nothing could better illustrate Mr.
Wilson's indifference to obligations
or incapacity to perform them than
his disregard in this very campaign
Of the pledge Of his party's conven-
ton four years ago and his implied
acceptance Of that pledge against a
second term. There was no reason
on earth why the Democratic party
should have made that pledge; but it
did make it. There was no reason
on earth why Mr.. Wilson should have
bound himself to it; but he did bind
himself to it. Now he is the same
candidate Of that same party for a
second term.
Why platform does not mean to
Mr.. Wilson something definite and
concrete to be lived up to practically
and solidly may be understood from
his manner Of making any of his
public and official declarations and
his manner of almost invariably
drifting away from them afterward.
To him the form of expression, the
rhetorical flourish, is everything, the
performance nothing.
Wilson loves to prate upon what
individuals, communities, and ma
tions should wish to do; Of what they
cannot do without offending good
taste, affronting public opinion or de-
flying righteousness. Wilson philoso-
phizes on the beauties Of reasoning
with unreason, sermonizes on the
virtue of being too proud to fight.
Hughes takes a commission from
a legislature to investigate vast in
surance scandal and does it; from
the people of New York to be their
governor and he is their governor.
He talks very little-never unless he
has something to say. He does not
talk mere rhetoric.
Read Hughes acceptance Of the
Republican nomination, with his af-
firmation of the Republican plat
form, and see the difference in the
mental equipment and the moral
fiber, the aim and the will, the direct
ness and the force of the two men.
Hughes does not say to the Repub-
lican convention that he is honored
by its call. Hughes says, 81 cannot
fail to answer with the pledge Of all
that is in me to the service of our
country"
Hughes does not look with favor
upon; Hughes STANDS for the
firm and unfiinching rights Of Amer
lean citizens on land and sea-"
Hughes does not simply deplore
hyphenism; Hughes uncompromis-
ingly declares, eve do not for an in
slant TOLERATE any division of
allegiance"
Hughes does not say we should
look to peace and security; Hughes
says we "MUST have the strength
which self-respect demands, the
strength of an efficient nation ready
for every emergency"
Hughes does not say that the
future bespeaks our attention, but
we "MUST make industrial and eco
nomic as well as military prepare
tion." Not that the tariff merits con-
sideration, but we MUST readjust it
in accordance with sound protective
principles. Not that wage-earners
are our dearly beloved brothers, but
we MUST conserve the just interests
of labor. Not that capital has some
thing to be said for it, but that we
MUST secure the foundation of hon
est business. Not that transporta-
ton is a serious problem, but that
we MUST conserve the essential in
strumentalities of progress.
Wilson sees things to be talked
about gracefully, POLITICALLY, even
spiritually-and that is all. Hughes
sees things to be grappled with man