Der Deutsche correspondent. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1841-1918, 1916-08-19
A FREE POLAND.
From The Irish World.

A cable announces that Germany
and Austria will within a few days
proclaim the political independence
of Poland as a result of recent con-
ferences between the German Chan
cellor, the German Foreign Minister
and the Emperor of Austria. The
forthcoming proclamation of inde-
pendence will empower the Poles to
make their own constitution, grant
ing them at the same time autonomy
under certain guarantees. 1t is
fifty-three years since the Poles made
the last great effort to recover their
stolen liberties. The Polish uprising
of 1868 was squelched in blood, as
was the Dublin revolt of the present
year. The Polish patriots, though
defeated, did not abandon all hope
for the final liberation of their
Fatherland. They refused to regard
themselves as conquered people
doomed to foreign servitude for all
time. Like the Irish they kept up
the fight against the alien rule,
which weighed upon them so heavily.
At last the day OF their deliverance
is about to dawn for the Poles. Free
dom will come to them as a gift of
the Teutonic Powers who, unlike
England, have not been proclaiming
to the world that they are the cham
pions of oppressed nationalities. And
yet they are restoring to the Poles
their country at the very moment
England is enforcing martial law in
Ireland with the purpose Of coercing
the Irish people into dumb submis-
sion to Dublin Castle. You may say
that the contrast between the course
adopted by the Central Powers and
the loud professions of England
about being the champion of liberty
and of small nationalities brings out
England's hypocrisy. The light shed
upon this hypocrisy by the contrast
we are dealing with is no stronger
than the one turned upon it by the
London Times in the first year Of the
war.
1t will be remembered with what
nauseating reiteration the English
press and our own pro-British or
gans announced day after day that
England was fighting for humanity,
civilization and smaller nationalities.
The London Times in it's issue of
March 8, 1915, effectively disposed
of these assertions in this manner:
not lighting for the love of little
nations nor for the suppressing of
militarism. We are not fighting for
France nor for Russia. We have
drawn the sword for ourselves, be-
cause we wish to remain masters Of
the sea and of the commerce of the
world" The readers Of the London
Times were told in the same article
that England's interests would have
compelled her to join France and
Russia even If Germany had never
Invaded Belgium. 1--WE joined the
triple entente" continues the Lon
don Times article because we
realized, however late in the day,
that the time of splendid isolation
was no more. We reverted to our
historic policy of the balance of
power, and we reverted to it for the
reasons for which our forefathers
adopted it. They were not, either
for them or for us, reasons of senti-
ment. They were self-regarding and
even selfish reasons"
Reading these words Of the Lon
don Times we can see how little there
was to the grandiloquent professions
about England acting the part of an
international knight errant, who
with lance in hand had gone forth
to right the wrongs Of oppressed
smaller nationalities. The fact was
that little Serbia and little Monte
negro and little Belgium were left
tot heir fate while the self-styled
champion of smaller nations was
grabbing up German undefended ter
ritory in Africa.
And now whilst this Champion of
smaller nationalities" is standing be-
tween famine-stricken Poland and
American charity, the much de-
nounced "Huns" are on the point Of
restoring the kingdom of Poland. In
doing that they will establish pre-
cedent, which, in case England be
beaten to her knees in the present
war, will impose upon them the
moral obligation Of doing for Ireland
what they will have done for Poland.
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