New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1916-12-12

of Europe is quite academic. 1t occupies
much attention now. and history may dc.
bate the problem for centuries, but the
fact is that the progress Of the war has
given Germany something approximating
a European mastery, which, If it were 70
endure, would make Germany as great a
menace 20 the liberty of Europe as France
and Spain were in other centuries.
BY crushing and occupying Belgium
Serbia, Montenegro and Rumania, by en-.
listing Turkey and Bulgaria and obtain
ing the upper hand in Athens, Germany
has. with her Austrian ally, become the
master Of huge areas Of conquered tern.
tory and many millions of people. We
must recognize, also, that Austria has
come 70 occupy something Of the position
in this war that Spain held in the wars
Of the Spanish Succession and of Napo-
leon, when French kings sat on the span
ish throne and French commanders d.
rected Spanish armies.
Peace to-day, on the basis Of the map
of Europe that exists, would give to Ger
many alone, in the conquered territory
touching her old frontiers, a new area
nearly half as great as that Of 1914 ana
q population increased by at least third.
In this population, too, the German Gle
ment is insignificant. Actually Germany
would become the arbiter Of the fate OF
millions of Latins, Slavs and non-consent-
ing Flemings. Possession Of Belgium, Po-
land and Lithuania would make Germany
so much greater than any other European
nation that the other nations would have
TO choose between new wars and the sur
render Of their liberties, while the con
ouered provinces would become new
Reichslands.
In the same fashion German mastery
IN Vienna. in Sofia, above all in Constan-
+inople. would mean that new causes for
war would arise rapidly, and Italy along
the Adriatic and Britain at Suez and IN
India would be constantly menaced by Ger
man ambitions and German plans in the
Near East. We may perceive without diff
fcultv that the coming Of peace now on
the basis Of the present map of Europe
would be but the prelude to new wars, just
as the several peaces of the Napoleonc
time were but interludes between hos
.ilities.
on the other hand, 1t is necessary to
recognize that there is a growing tendency
i'm Germany TO concede that the German
peace terms will not be based upon the FIR
ing lines of Europe-that, TO be precise,
Germany will not demand the annexation
of Belgium or of Northern France. We
nav see also in the creation of a Polish
state. limited, to be sure, TO the territory
of Russian Poland, first step toward re-
signing complete control at Warsaw.
And it is necessary to recognize at this
point the clear distinction between the real
ssues of the war, which are summed up IN
the preservation Of the balance Of power
and the issues which are the result of the
ambitions or the aspirations Of Allied
powers. Thus, in the matter Of Poland,
granted that Poland were established as
free country, granted that neither Russia,
Germany nor Austria controlled its gov
srnment. the result would be quite as clear
w in accordance with the main necessities
Of Allied purpose as would be restora-
ton Of Poland to Russia
The question Of Constantinople is an
7ouall% good illustration Of the same truth.
The domination Of Turkey by Germany
would mean the eventual peril to all Brit
sh. Russian. French and Italian colonies
Inhabited by Mohammedans which the
possession Of the machinery Of Islam by
Germany would constitute. Nor Is it to be
believed that Russia, having for two CEN
turtles fought to free her Black Sea trade
from the controi &c the Turkish master Of
The Dardanelles, would permanently &C
,ept the control Of her main door to open
water by the Germans.
On the other hand, the control Of Tur-
KEY by an international commission IN
which both the German and the anti-Ger-
man nations had equal voices, or the es-
Enlistment Of Turkey upon basis which
would abolish German control and the peril
Of Russian annexation in the future, would
satisfy the demands Of the balance Of
power. In a word, It is not necessary to
the preservation Of the balance Of power
in Europe that Poland should return TO
Russian control or that Constantinople
should fall to the Cars. What IS essen
tial is that Germany shall not permanently
control either Turkey or. Russian Poland,
since such a control would give her dis
proportionate strength in Europe and
thereby lay the foundations for new wars.
Now. outside the area Of those ques-
ions which are vital 10 the main issue,
namely the preservation Of the balance of
power in Europe, there are other questions
which must be faced. These are the
questions Of Alsace-Lorraine, Of Trieste
,d 4bo T,ar+;po 81 the fate OF Serbia