Tulsa daily world. [volume] (Tulsa, Indian Territory [Okla.]) 1905-1919, 1916-07-16

fessed II on mutual hostility and mu-
tual injury. That conception has
been repudiated in the sharpest
terms both by Mr.. Asquith and by Sir
Edward Grey. When the German
chancellor complained that we had
set before ourselves as the chief of
our war aims the destruction Of Ger
man well-being and German trade.
the prime minister lost no time In dis
mean that the enemy will, after
peace, be the enemy still They
mean that, even at the admitted risk
OF injury to ourselves, We shall seek
to limit his trade and diminish his
prosperity. II half Europe is seeking
to exclude the other half from its
markets, to penalize its industry and
to cut off its supplies OF raw ma
terial, ii is useless to talk of confer
ences and leagues to enforce peace.
If we persist in this mood, let us at
least realize what il means 1t means
that peace itself can be only n sullen
truce. War after peace means penal
tariffs, closed markets, and barred
harbors But it also means all the
old rivalry in armaments, the old
conflict of alliances, and. once more
and in an aggravated form. the work
ing of all the causes. moral and eco
Loss of Trade.
The effect of these resolutions is
virtually to enforce for number Of
years after the war prohibition of
trade with our present enemies which,
without being absolute, is none the
less intended to be reflective The
most favored nation clause will he
denied them, "A provision which tacitly
Implies that we shall adopt general
tariff. 1t is hardly necessary to en-
large on the confusion and loss to
trade with which all these measures,
and their corresponding relations,
would scourge our commerce. They
must impoNerish considerable tracts
of northeastern England.
There is something speCious in the
concession that these drastic meas
uros of virtual prohibition shall he
transitional for number of years
only The teaching of economic
history is that such temporary regimes
bring about, at heavy loss, a readjust-
ment of commerce on both sides
which tends to be permanent. The
protected British industry will acquire
a vested interest, and argue that any
lowering of the tariff under which it
has grown up will mean its ruin. The
German market. which used to take
our half manufactured CottOns or
woOlenS, will have set up the plant to
produce them for itself. The pres
sure of the allied boycott will itself
have brought about perfOrce the
doubtful danger which we dread, the
consolidation of a central Europe un-
der German leadership.
Before the term of years is up,
the neutrals will have been driven by
the pressure of the two colossal rivals
into one camp or the other The po-
litical mischief, meanwhile, Will have
been wrought exactly at Il moment
when German opinion is malleable.
1t is in the few years after the war
that we hope for some change OF
front in the German democracy. Pre-
Ciscly in those years we propose to
close its markets more eff CtIvoiy to
strengthen the arguments of the Ger
man government when it rallies the
tagging energies of its people with
the cry that they are engaged in de-
fensive war against coalition which
envied their prosperity and begrudged
their future"
Hungary Fearful.
Turning from the allied conference
and the plans it has endorsed, an eX
animation of the German zollVereln
scheme shows the same plan eX
pressed privately in almost the same
language, although no official program
has yet been announced. There are
tremendous difficulties in the way of
carrying out the economic war, the
allies are wrestling with the question
of tariffs between one another and
between the douinIons ana Great
Britain; in central Europe the main
difficulty lies in the jealousy and fear
of Germany felt by Hungary and, to
a lesser extent, Austria
Many conferences have been held
between the statesmen of Vienna,
Budapest and Berlin, and so far as is
known here no agreement has been ar
rived at, though the program of the
Paris conference is almost certain to
overcome the scruples of the less
powerful allies of Germany. Hun
garian feeling towards the ZOllverein
is most bitter, but Germany has one
there, the most powerful
man in the kingdom, Count Tisza. He
has staked his political career and the
existence of his government on the
Zollverein. His opponents contend
that Germany. as the most powerful
member of the alliance, will gain
political control where she has tho
economic power. and Will stamp out
the Magyar ascendency. The average
Magyar likes Prussian about as
well as an American likes Il Turk, 50
the situation is not a simple one. The
also object to free trade
between the central powers, claiming
that their infant Industries, and in
dustries yet unborn, must have pro-
lection from Prussan dumping.
The jealousies between Berlin and
Vienna about the control Of the
have also delayed economic
negotiations The Austrians ana Hun
garians feel bitterly that Berlin is