Washington standard. [volume] (Olympia, Wash. Territory) 1860-1921, 1916-02-04

ter 20 be worked out-as it inevitably
will be, in some natural American
way which We cannot yet even pre-
dict
THE present fact is that the pres
ident is held responsible for what
happens in Washington in every large
matter, and so long as he is COM
manded to lead he is surely entitled
to a certain amount of power-all the
power he can get from the support
and convictions and opinions of his
fellow countrymen; and he ought to
be suffered to use that power against
his opponents until his work is done.
1t will be very difficult for him to
abuse it. He holds it upon suffer-
ance, at the pleasure of public opin-
ion. Every one else, his opponents,
Guided, has access to opinion, as he
has. He must keep the confidence of
the country by earning it, for he can
keep it in no other way.
Make 1t Two Terms.
"Put the present customary limita-
ton of two terms into the constitu-
ton, if you do not trust the people
to take care of themselves, but make
it two terms (not one, because four
years is often too long, and give the
president a chance to win the full
service by proving himself fit for it.
"!f you wish to learn the result Of
constitutional ineligibility to re-elec-
ton, ask any former governor of New
Jersey, for example, what the effect
is in actual experience. He will tell
you how cynically and with what
complacence the politicians banded
against him waited for the inevitable
end of his term, to take their chances
with his successor.
Constitutions place and can place
no limitations upon their power. They
may control what governors they can
as long as they please, as long as they
can keep their outside power and in
fluence together. They smile at the
coming and going Of governors as
some men in Washington have smiled
at the coming and going of presi-
dents, as upon things ephemeral,
which passed and were soon enough
got rid Of If you but sat tight and
waited.
GAS things stand now the people
might more likely be cheated than
served by further limitations of the
presidents eligibility. His fighting
power in their behalf would be Inn
weakened. No one will fear
a president except those whom he can
make fear the elections.
I'VE singularly belle our own prin-
ciples by seeking to determine by
fixed constitutional provision what
the people shall determine for them
selves and are perfectly competent to
determine for themselves. We cast
a doubt upon the whole theory Of
popular government.
II believe that we should fatally
embarrass ourselves II we made the
constitutional change proposed. II
we want our presidents to fight our
battles for us, we should give them
the means, the legitimate means, the
means their opponents will always
have. Strip them Of everything else
but the right to appeal to the people.
but leave them that; suffer them to
be leaders; absolutely prevent them
from being bosses.
I'VE would otherwise appear to be
going in two opposite directions. We
are seeking In every way to extend
the power of the people, but in the
matter Of the presidency we fear and
distrust the people and seek to bind
them hand and foot by rigid consti-
tutional provision. My own mind ID
not agile enough to 90 both ways.
II am very we'll aware that my po-
sition on this question will be mis-
but that is matter Of
perfect indifference to me. The truth
is much more important than my rep-
utation for modesty and, lack of per-
sonal ambition. My reputation win
take care Of itself, but constitutional
questions and questions Of policy win
not take care of themselves without
frank and fearless discussion.
= Not Urging Own Reelection.
II am not speaking for my own re-
election; am speaking to redeem
my promise that I would say what
really think on every public question
and take my chances in the court OF
public opinion"
The circumstances in which the let
ter was written are interesting, Sell
bold adds. Congress had before 1t
resolution introduced by Senator
Cummins (Rep.) rof, Iowa, and him