The Irish standard., 1916-09-16

tary was hooted by a crowd in the
streets. Major Haig, the officer in
charge, Immediately gave orders for
the military to fire on the unarmed
populace. This they did killing and
wOunding men and women. They
finished up by charging with the bay.
onet. No one was ever punished for
this affray-indeed Mr.. Harrell is now
one of the government censors and he
has been able to act vindictively to
one of the Volunteer Commanders
who got the better of him on that
fatal day. Such an instance shows
how Ireland is governed-by irrespon
sible clubs and coteries.
Now we can see the bearing of the
two interrogations we have drawn at
tention to on the governmental sys
TEN in Ireland. The Lord Decies who
is referred to In the first interrogation
is the husband of one of the Miss
Goulds. He sends his official notifica
tions openly from the militarist and
landowners Club, that is from the
headquarters of those whose strongest
idea is to keep the bulk of the Irish
people out of all places of authority
The intolerance of these people has
given rise to the second Interrogation
One of the concessions that the late
Liberal government made was to ap
point a Catholic and a Home Ruler
that is to say one in sympathy with
the faith and the aspiration of the
bulk Of the Irish people-to a place
of some authority. Lord Chancellor
O'Brien has been allowed to. draw his
salary by the Bureaucracy but he has
been stripped of all real influence. Mr.
Asquith, in reply to the interrogation
made about him gave an evasive
answer.
Mr.. Asquith: there are certain mat
ters in relation to the administration
OF Ireland on which, in my opinion
the Lord Chancellor ought to be con
suited, and l know that the new
Chief Secretary takes the same view
There is no ground for the suggestion
in the latter part of the question.
Mr.. Loudon: Is it not fact that
for the last two years the present
Lord Chancellor has never been con
suited about anything?
No reply was given.
The Unionists of Ireland in resist
ing Home Rule are fighting for power
and place. 10 understand their po
sition we must begin by thinking OF
an Ascendancy that was once as com
plete and as extensive as the Manchu
Ascendancy in China. Numbering
one tenth of the population, the Epis
copalian Professionals at the close Of
the eighteenth century held five SIXTH
of the landed property Of Ireland, &C
cupied the magistracy and the mum
cipal governments, had practically {
monopoly of all the professions, con
trolled the Parliament and the Gov
eminent, enjoyed all the patronage
and had their established church t.
which the Catholics had to contribute
one-tenth OF their substance. Sine,
the first quarter of the nineteenth
century great and successive rent'
have been made in the fabraic Of thi!
endency-Catholic Emancipation
Reforms OF the City Corporation-Dis
establishment of the Church of Ire
land-EXtension of the Franchise
Then members of other religious de
nominations, having attained equalit,
Of opportunity, have taken places il
the professions and the public serv
ices. In 1881 legislation took a turf
which was destined to plant the Cath
Ollie peasantry in the soil and to leav,
the Protestant landowners state pen
sioners. In 1898 the self-elected Prot
estant grand juries were replaced b!
popularity elected local councils. To
day the Episcopalian Protestant
number 100000 while the Presbyte1
ians number 100000 and the Catholic
three and half millions. But still
the Episcopalians are the better hal
of that conservative element whicl
is only one-fifth of the population ant
yet takes more than one-half tn,
places in the Bureaucracy. The Irisl
Privy Council consists of 43 Episco
9 Presbyterians; eight out of ever,
ten Deputy-lieutenants of the coun
ties are EpiscOpalians. Through thei
Clubs and Associations this small ant
| powerful class are now governing Ire
land.