New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-06-12

supplies she might think necessary dot
tho continuance Of the war, then re-
sumo on some pretext her submarine
warfare. In simple terms. Great BRIT
ain is not prepared 70 accept any Ter
man promises.
The situation would be different,
however. If Germany's promises we're
definitely guaranteed by America.
There might be some arrangement on
that basis. but nothing short Of tri-
partite agreement, with America spon-
sor for Germany. would make it pos
sible.
Germany's attitude now naturally be
comes q matter Of the first importance.
Most persons believe that the German
government, already in the hands OF
mad men, will refuse 70 give M the
submarine warfare. on which great
store is set, il being Germany's only
naval weapon Of utility or value.
There was discernible here consider
able sympathy toward Bryan Yesterday
No one agreed with his views, but he
vas looked on as man standing by
his convictions and, therefore, consid-
cradle admiration was expressed. To-
day, with the publication Of his re-
markable manifesto, the kindly feeling
has disappeared. He is no longer
given credit for being simply an hon
est but misguided man. He is now
considered a fanatic of dangerous
type who by initiating his peace propa-
canda at this critical iuncture is en-
barrassing the late chief immeasura-
bly, in a decidedly upatriotic fashion.
Bryan stood TO retain the respect at
least, Of the British public Yesterday.
To-day he does not.
Gives Germany Chance.
"The Chronicle" says: president
Wilson's note gives Germany every op-
portunity of saving her face II she de-
sires to do so. Not only is IL phrased
in the most friendly terms, but it in
vites the submission or further evil
dence regarding the Lusitania's alleged
guns and even the resumption OF nego-
tiations with Great Britain through
American intermediary.
Here are vistas OF negotiation
which might keep the diplomatists OF
Berlin and Washington happily en-
ployed till war is over. Only the Presi-
dent insists once more that the sub
marine outrages must stop while nego-
tiations are in progress.
at is this last point firmly submitted
at the end of the note which gives
significance to the whole. Obviously
without it the note would be nothing
but an abdication on the part of the
United States, and il is because IT is
not that that Mr.. Bryan disapprcves it.
1--WE do not question the sincerity of
Mr.. Bryan's attachment for the cause
of arbitration. but II is strange that he
does not see what disservice he does to
arbitration by accepting and preaching
a travesty of il.
when there is litigation between
individuals over an alleged wrong the
first condition is that the wrong shall
stop for the itnerim-a result effected
through an interim injunction. Between
nations there is no judge TO grant such
an injunction. 1t has TO be obtained
by mutual consent. unless il is obtained
by arbitration. II simply means Ii
cense to the wrongdoer to continue his
wrongdong for as long as he can make
the arbitration last, which. where time
is important, will be all that he wants.
ITO accept such a doctrine, as Mr..
Bryan apparently does, is simply TO put
a premium on wrongdoing and very
heavy discount on arbitration"
Mystery of Bryan Resignation.
1.-THE Daily Telegraph" says; "The
spirit of the second note is exactly
that of the first. The tone throughout
is not only diplomatic but friendly.
The phrases are those of appeal and
warning, rather than of stern denun-
citation.
ITO have been content with any
thing less than the assurances de-
manded would hardly have been con
sistent with the selfrespect Of the
American nation"
"The Daily News" says: "The essen
tial point of President Wilson's note
10 Germany, il is clear, is contained in
the last sentence. The first and nee
essary conditions of any further dis
cussion are the assurances the Presi-
dent demands from the German gov
eminent that American lives and Amer
lean ships will be safeguarded. 1t is
this demand which was, presumably.
the occasion Of Mr. Bryan's resigna-