The silver state. [volume] (Winnemucca, Nev.) 1909-1925, 1915-02-09
AMERICA MAY RETALIATE

The San Francisco Chronicle sug
gests that there is doubtless such 9
thing as an international conscience
prompting the desire for justice be
tween the nations, but that conscience
is neither expressed nor protected by
the diplomatic fiction known as inter.
national law.
N%eutrals, the largest as well as the
smallest, were told by the belligerents
that they had no more rights than they
had powers to enforce them. Both
sides in the great struggle are equally
guilty in the violation Of the rights
which are supposed to belong to neu-
trail nations. On the one hand there
were invasions of neutral territory by
Germany and Japan and on the other
negotiable and arbitrary restrictions
upon neutral shipping by England. 1t
is with these latter that America IS at
present most concerned. We nave been
told by Great Britain, if not in so ma
nv words at least in equivalent deeds
and threats, that contraband is not a
matter for agreement by International
treaties or definition by international
law, but of despotic dictation by the
strongest navy or combination of ma
vies. The United States may presume
to proceed in accordance with what be-
fore the war was the internationally
accepted definition of contraband, bat
England, backed by her claim as mis-
tress Of the seas, warns us that IN
less we accept her arbitrary interpre-
tation of the term she viii seize our
vessels and their eargoes and pay no
compensation.
That is the plain prose OF the stu
alton, and there Is no escape from its
meaning. England is banking first up
on her navy and secondly upon her III
depreciation Of American sentiment as
being too friendly TO the allies and too
strong for peace for the possibility OF
our participation. Leaving the British
navy as one of the war instruments
still on their trial it may be said that
whatever sentiment t0I the allies may
exist in this country it IS not SO strong
as the overwhelming sentiment for
equitable treatment OF American inter
ests, and that our desire for peace IS
not to be mistaken tor d particularized
aversion to European miltarism. We
are just as averse to an arrogant ma
yalism, which presumes to establish a
despotism over the seven seas. In this
war America asks the European ma
tions for nothing more than the priv
lege of selling to all belligerents on
equal terms. If a thing is contraband
for Germany, it must also be contra
band for England, and what we can
l~egitimately sell to the latter we should
be permitted to sell to the former.
If England refuses this just treat
ment to neutrals, there is no occasion
FOR any one of them going to var over
the mat5er. There is a much simpler
remedy, and one. which would not only
settle the shipping 6Iliculty, but close
up the whole European war in less than
a few months. 1t is All agreement
among the leading n~eutrals not to sell
anything in the way of food or yyaT
supplies to the belligerents. The | SIS
of United States supplies alone would
have a crushing effect, but it is more
than probable chat other neutrals
could be prevailed upon to cooperate.
1t is not a remedy that we should be
in any haste to apply. Due notice OF
our intention might bo more than sui
fcient for Great Britain. Even if the
threat were not enough, and the EN-
barge were applied, we would reap IN
the restoration of peace a profit more
than offsetting the temporary losses,
which, in the matter OF food supplies,
would not be an Important loss if a
loss at all. The American consumer
is paying dearly for the food sent to
Europe. This policy is not spoken Of
as a probability, but as a very strong
possibility if this evaporation is ear
ried beyond the limits Of national self
respect.