New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-09
What Are We Going To DC
About 1t!

that country and our own there exists
treaty making such disposition compulsory
in all matters of difference whatsoever
As American citizens. then, we are quite IN
tho nosition of a client who accepts with
confidence the statement Of his case by
his counsel. For US all the note to Great
Britain is our brief, which will naturally
be- adopted as correct and just.
Rut the main question does not arise on
technical points or ultimate arbitration
What is essential TO know at once is what
steps. If any. the Administration means 10
take 10 impose its view upon Great Britain
IN all future cases I'm other words does
Mr.. Wilson mean to pause, having stated
his case. and leave all past and future IN
cidents 10 arbitration. or does he mean 10
O., outside of arbitration hereafter when
British acts infringe on American rights
What is in everybody's mind, of course
+. the question: VIII Mr.. Wilson favor
resort to an embargo to coerce the BRITISH
government into following the American
;nterpretation of international law in tut
nre dealing with American interests!
This is question that no one, probably
not even Mr.. Wilson, can answer at the
present time
To fall back upon the Lusitania case
onolooists for Mr.. Wilson's course in this
explain that he was prepared to take
action had the country indicated a desire
for action. But these apologists insist that
Mr.. Wilson. satisfied that the country did
not want action, relapsed into a policy OF
''watchful waiting" until the Arabic incl
dent provoked demand for more vigor-
Gus course.
In other words. our message to Great
Britain will be translated into action pre-
cisely as the American people in the next
few weeks show their desire for action or
acouiescence. This is exactly what one
must expect of a foreign policy which Is
sheerly opporturistic, which amounts to
taking a popular referendum on each ques-
tcn that arises. Mr.. Wilson is now walt
inc to see if the American people will be
satisfied with words or will demand action.
Such a policy carries its own perils, as
the German affair has shown. 1t is, in fact.
no policv. but a mere game of setting your
sells to the prevailing wind. Thus terrlflc
oItburst of German sympathizers, care
fullv manufactured and arranged, might
conceivably hurry the Administration into
q course repugnant TO the majority Of
Americans.
Yet even an embargo is not simple
solution Of our difficulties. 1t is easy to
prevent the export of munitions of war to
Great Britain if the British decline to
follow our wishes or respect our rights
Bpt shall we extend the embargo to all
England's allies. TO France, to Russia, to
I.aly, to Japan? And if we do not, what
effect can the embargo have, for what was
intended for Great Britain can be shipped
IN France without doing England any ma
terial harm. On the other hand, If we put
an embargo on the export of munitions to
England and her allies, we invite reprisals
from most Of the non-blockaded nations Of
the globe and practically destroy our own
markets outside of South America.
More we cannot do in any event because
our treaty prevents our making war upon
Great Britain. Why, then, should Great
Britain pay attention TO our warnings?
Here is the real vice of our present for
eign policy. On July p we sent note to
Germany asking disavowal of the Lusi-
tania Massacre. So far no reply has
come To judge from present indications,
not the smallest intention exists in Wash
ington now 10 insist upon German dis
avowal. II we can give Germany three
months in which to disavow murder how
long shall we allow Great Britain TO dis
svow larceny for which she is willing TO
mako restitution after arbitration?
There is no disposition 10 justify the
British offending Great Britain is now
violating international law, under which
we would live, because she desires to strike
Germany. Not only Germany but the
United States suffers. For this there is no
defence, no excuse, no explanation but the
German claw Of necessity"
On the other hand, when Germany fol.
lowed the same course we did nothing bu,
write notes, ana Germany was able 10 carry
on her illegal operations until the British
mastered the German submarine campaign
and put an end TO 1t. Our dispute with
Germany, in fact, was settled not by Amer
lean diplomacy, but British naval power.
Mr.. Wilson's victory" was won in British
waters by British sailors.
Now. the situation in the case Of Great
Britain is wholly different. Her blockade,
legal or illegal. and we believe it TO be
Illegal, is growing more and more fatal TO
German hopes. Every disoatch from Ber-
lin testifes 70 the suffering or inconyen-
fence incident to failing food supply. If