New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-07-11
The New Crisis.

First. that the note itself is completely
unsatisfactory: second, that the character
of the communication indicates that we
are rapidly approaching the most serious
international crisis since 1898.
Stripped of all else, the German note
essArts the principle that German neces-
sitv is above international law, and the
conduct Of Germany's enemies absolves
her from all duty to respect the rights Of
neutrals. In sum, she asserts that there
is a higher law" than international law
a right superior to neutral rights, and this
is the right of Germany to strike her +oes
as she chooses.
Now, this is nothing more nor less than
Won Bethmann-H ollweg's principle enun-
ciated on the morrow Of the invasion OF
Belgium. This is an application and ex-
tension of the doctrine of "the state OF
rocass;tv~ This state warranted German
invasion. 1t now justifes the muroer Oh
American citizens on the Lusitanla' IL
is hereafter to authorize German regula-
ton of the rights of Americans travelling
on the high seas.
The United States, President Wilson,
has twice asked Germany to disavow the
massacre of the Lusitania and give guar
on+sos that the offence will not be repeated
?, .,o frs+ German answer German action
was partially defended by the suggestion
.,o+ tho Lusitania was armed. So far So
-. e the Lusitania had been armed
con action was defensibe in interna-
+;oral law and it was incumbent upon 'nis
country to disprove the German claim
r.. ov when President Wilson has
disproved the claim, Germany aOand0Ns 1t
"a bottoms her whole case on the doctrine
.h.+ the conduct of her foes permits her
n disregard all rights, not merely OF her
foes but OF neuIIdls'
oor M more be debated than accepted
prosidont Wilson has asked Germany 70
live within international law, and German
d;n,omacv responds that the war has atol-
;.Lod International law-that British &C
ton has supplied German warrant Tor
numbering American citizens.
We are then frankly at the end of the
resources of diplomacy. When Germany
told us of her submarine blockade we
,vorred her that we did not accept her
,,r;nc;nles and would hold her to strict
accountability" for the invasion OF our
rights. When despite our warning spe-
cifc and complete, she massacred our clti-
zens on the Lustania, we demanded DIS
ovoval a reparation and guarantee that
there would be no repetition.
What we now have is reputation
of international law, a proclamation that
of all our rights only fraction, under
certain conditions, will be recognized. and
save for these limitations German subma-
rines will henceforth murder our women
and children at their pleasure and when
ever it can serve a German purpose.
With every desire to preserve peace, to
continue friendly relations with Germany,
what is the use of blinking the fact the
present German note creates? We cannot
under any condition consent to overlook
mast murders or permit future slaughter
of Americans merely because they exer-
else rights hitherto unquestioned, susce2ti-
bic of questioning only on basis of force
and not of law or right.
Let us not deceive ourselves. The Ger
man note is not to be read by itself, but
to be interpreted in the light Of all Ger
many has done since August l, 1914. The
doctrine now promulgated explains the in
vason of Belgium, the use of poison gases,
the murder of the Americans on the Lusi-
tania. 1t is the solemn and unmistakable
proclamation of the German belief that
there is no law when German interests are
at stake, that custom, treaty, the familiar
principles of common humanity become of
no force. are as nothing when they inter
fere with German plans, purposes, ambi-
tons, .interpose between the Germans and
their necessities"
The most pacific of governments, the
martial of all nations cannot accept such