New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-07-29
We and the English.


been reported, an evidence of a change in
British policy in dealing with the differ
ences between Britain and the United
States.
There ought to be a clear perception in
London Of the American point Of view, and
vet there is no evidence on this side of the
water that there is such perception. This
is easily applicable as a natural conse-
ouence Of the state of mind produced by
war. But there is. unfortunately, reason
to believe it derives partially from a mis-
understanding of the character of Amerl-
can sympathy with the Allied cause. Such
misapprehension, if not removed may ultl-
mately lead to unfortunate consequences.
Americans who sympathize with the Al
lies may be roughly divided into two Who'll
~ diverse groups. There are, first Of all,
rot few Americans whose personal atfec-
ton for England or France, sentimental
and sympathetic feeling for these two ma
tons. makes them unreservedly champions
of the Allied arms. Many Americans de-
sire England to win because they like Eng
land, feel a sense of loyalty to nation
bound to us by language, by literature and
by a common history up TO the latter hall
of the eighteenth century.
Now this fraction of American opinion
is not without influence value weight. 1t
accepts the whole British cause without
reservation, and it would be satisfied to see
the United States join in the war on the
British side, or at the least 50 to interpret
American rights as to give British naval
operations the least possible hifdrance.
But it is necessary to point out that this
fraction of the American population IS not
more numerous or politically more intiuen-
tial than that which is of Germanic origin
and is quite as intensely and devotedlyI
German in its sympathies.
What it is essential for the English to
remember is that the very much larger
fraction of the American public which is
frankly pro-Ally is not the least infiu-
enced by any personal or sentimental emo
tons. 1t desires the Allies to win because
from the morning on which German SOL
diers entered Belgium it recognized in the
German methods and in the German idea
something wholly alien to the American
vision. 1t decided then and defnitively
that the defeat Of Germany was essential
to civilization, humanity, liberty-Ameri-
can ideals quite as much as they are
French or English.
Above ALL it accepted the German phe-
nomenon as an attempt to set aside the
conventions of international law, human
liberty and the elementary considerations
Of life and the right TO live. This was the
decisive thing in shaping American SYM
pathy. American opinion, exception being
made for the FRI ction which is Germanic
by derivation, is with the Allies because of
the German course, not because Of any rea-
son of sentiment or kinship.
In this situation it is easy to see how the
English might conclude that the American
point of view would bring with it q great
tolerance of British Interpretation Of in
ternational law and real patience in endur-
ing hardships which do not affect life and
contribute to the ultimate defeat of Ger
many. But this is precisely the point on
which English opinion will go astray.
The mass of Americans believe that it is
the duty of this country to maintain intact
and inviolate, so far as is possible, the
whole spirit Of international law. They
have turned their back to German appeals
for sympathy because Germany invaded
Belgium, turned treaties to scraps of
paper" and INDUCED in assassination at
sea because of a estate of necessity"
But by exactly the same token Americans
believe that they should steadfastly OPP
pose any British invasion of international
rights, any effort on the part of the British
to establish in milder fashion, but for the
same purpose, the doctrine of necessity, the
idea that reprisal against an enemy should
permit the curtailing of the Liberties of
neutral
The deciding fraction of American pub
lie opinion conceves it to be the duty of
the United States to repulse all invasion
of international right 1t has so far given
its sympathies to the Allies because the
German attack upon international conven-
ton was immediate, fragrant and has been
persistent. But this sympathy will not ex-
tend to suffering or condOning British at
tacks upon the same principles.
Since England's differences with US do
not involve life, we shall not in any case
be brought to the edge Of war, as we have
been with Germany. But what the Eng
lish must understand is that obstinate and
extreme insstence upon the privilege Of
abrogating or curtailng American rights
at sea will contribute tremendously toward
arming the German sympathzers who are
trying to procure an embargo upon the ex-
port of ammunition and will disarm the
friends of England and the Allied cause,