The Washington times., 1915-10-29
NO PEACE TALK YET


munitions, replying for the British
premier, answered in the commons
yesterday the direct question
whether there had been unofficial
communications between London and
Berlin regarding the possibility of
peace. Certainly not" was his re-
ply. He added that the government
stood back Of the early declaration
of the premier that Britain would
not sheathe her sword until the
freedom of Europe was assured"
and renewed the pledge that it
would mot think Of entering any
peace negotiations except in COM
mon with our allies, in accordance
with the agreement made in Sep
tember, 1914"
1t is natural that Germany should
at this time be putting out peace
feelers. The wars results to date
are favorable to her. She occupies a
considerable and very valuable area
of enemy territory, east and west,
and is pressing her way south. The
Balkan campaign is a desperate ven
ture for Germany, despite that to
date it has seemed to be producing
results entirely to Germany's ad-
vantage. 1t has been undertaken
from realization of tho need to reach
some vital interest Of England, in
the hope that such an accomplish
ment might bring that country to
consider peace while conditions still
favor Germany. In fact, however,
the chances are that bringing the
war thus close to the empire will
arouse Britain to more determined
efforts than ever. Calais was want
ed by the Kaiser as threat against
Great Britain; Constantinople is
wanted as a menace against Greater
Britain-the empire. Constanti-
nople in German control would be
the beginning of project for ORR
entail dominion; and if that project
should succeed to the extent of max
ing the Suez canal an impractical
trade route, it would cut the en-
pire in two. Britain will defend the
empire with as much zeal as it
would devote to protect the soil of
England, Ireland, Scotland, and
Wales.
Peace at this time would have to
be based on a compromise between
the status quo of today, and the
posture Of European affairs before
the war. No matter how much Ger
many might concede to her enemies,
she would not give them back all
she has taken. From present indi-
cations, it will be a long time be-
fore peace on any such terms as
that will be possible. Germany will
have to be beaten back, probably y on
the western front, to her original
boundaries, and threatened with dis
aster inside her own territory, Peace,
with German power consolidated at
, Constantinople, with Germany hold
ing the fealty of the aggressive ele-
. ments in Balkania outside Serbia
would mean that there must be an
other war later. No permanent
J peace is possible in such crcum-
stances, unless the allies are first
conclusively beaten, their armies de.
stroyed, their power Of resistance
broken. 1t is impossible to think
, of such conditions coming, when the
I world believes today that on the all.
, important line in France and Bel
gium the allies are actually in the
majority in numbers and superior
in effectiveness, and when there il
p good deal of evidence that the al
h lies are perfecting plans for thu
4 long delayed great drive to SWEEP
8 back the invaders.
S Against an enemy so magnificent
ly prepared as Germany was in tn,
|, beginning, it was inevitable that th'
G allies should have to experienc,
G much disaster in the early stages o
e the war; there was grave DANCE
t even that they might suffer ulti
i mate defeat. In the beginning i
was a question whether they coul,
d withstand the first shock of tn
i German onset. They have don
r that; now the question is whethe
5. German efficiency can overmatch tn
It numbers and resources that the al
n lies, because of their control of tn