New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-14

To the Editor Of The Tribune.
Sir: Thinking II would interest your read
ers, have clipped from "The Morning Post"
and send you verbatim report OF the IA
nous speech made in the Greek Chamber on
October II By ex-Premler Venizelcs, just
after his retirement from Office and the for
nation of the zaimis Cabinet. R. W. j.
London, England, Oct IL, 1918.
The developments In our political situation
during TIE last seven months show that the
foundations Of our free constitutional regime
are shaken. For II the representatives Of the
nation have still the right Of controlling IN
ternal matters AZ regards foreign affairs and
the shaping Of our national policy, we are
face 10 face with n distinct ignoring not only
81 tho vote Of Parliament, but also Of the
verdict given hy the Greek people Mt tho lnst
election. But 80. day I will nor Insist on this
point The position I, moro critical thnn por-
hapn any that our country faced since W
liberation In spite Of tho fact that this
House ceased 10 represent the rovcrclgniy
~ tho people and has been turned into N
moro assembly ~ Greek notsbler, think Thai
IN circumstances like The present ~ would
DO too iisky 10 seek ISOLATION ~ the thorny
internal question ny throwing ihe country
into in,ernecine strife and thus weakening
iin power 10 face dinicultes ~ The srtgruai
situation. I hint, gentlemen. that sm ful-
hling high duty " he country and "
government In pointing out The fear and
unsasinsss I feel iest the policy ~ tho poy
eminent. which if not quite defined ny uF
declaration 81 tho Premier. ESSENTIALLY differs
from that which J have lfid down.
a. Ne declaration he Roysfumert toss not
msko any mention Of our treaty with serbis.
That IL Why cannot touch o. the question.
viii do something better VII suppose -
81 moment that the treaty never existed. Car
we doubt that the foundation of our foreign
nay. 81 our national policy must be the
preservation by oil means % he balance ss
established by the Tresty u Bucharest' J be
leve that on This point there cannot be tUo
opinions in ne country. AL governments
must have definite and entirely coincidlng
opinions on such questions, because only thus
is Or possible g. avoid lsunderstsndings Ike
those which were lnstrumental In bringing
about the Bulgarian mobilization and which
caused similar measure 20 be taken by Us.
Can we suffer "a Balkan state intervening IN
the great European war 70 contribute By It's
own force 20 the annihlaton Of another
Balkan state. which forms part Of the balance
Of power On the Near East, and with the
result that the aggressor would grow alb
normally stronger IL is quite natural that
after two recent wer. we should endeayor 20
avoid third one. but the problem must be
faced by the nation manfuliy
The question, as I unders tand Il. IL not
whether we must 80 90 war or not, but when
we must 20. Il is to our interest 70 go 70
war now. since unfortunately one Of the
Balkan states pushes It's claims IN all direc-
tions. and / may SAL especially toward our
frontiers. Can We afford 10 see with equa-
nimity the abnormal growth of our greatest
opponent, who will fall upon us and try TO
crush us tomorrow when we are deprived OF
our allies and friends? | know, gentlemen,
that your answer to these questions would be
il, the affirmative were II not for the present
European war. Those who do not agree with
me that we ought never TO allow Bulgaria TO
crush Serbia, in spite of Bulgaria's declara-