The Birmingham age-herald., 1915-05-05
From the New York Times.

From the New York Times.
 N HE attitude of an overwhelming
 majority of Europe's socialists to-
 ward the war was simply that of emotional human beings in whom the racial ego is aroused. That was evident from the beginning. What was not so dramatically clear at first, being partly obscured by the opposition of the laber party's leaders in England, is now un- mistakable, namely. that labor's attitude toward the war Is equally devoid of class consciousness. That is to say, there $ no distinctive labor attitude, just as there is in fact no labor vote in this country except in everybody's magma ton just before election. Talk of an in ternational ''strilke" to end the war is only something to put in place or a futile, disappointed dream, which was that labor being the source of all things could and would by a simple revolution ary act prevent war from taking place. It was only necessary that everybody should stop work at once. That would make war impossible. The effect desired was certain provided the first causs could be made to operate, but, alas that was beyond all human command
 In the French Yellow Book" docu- ment B. is a report on the state of pub lie opinion in Germany in 1913. Among those in Germany opposed to war and constantly in favor of peace 1t enumer- ates 'the bulk of the workmen and artisans and peasants, who are peace T.. tr1,f have been said of the corresponding classes in England France and Belgium. And their peace loving instinct had been powerfully organized. The syndicalists of France to guard against being taken un- awares by war, in 1911 adopted a resolu- tion defining the attitude to be taken by the working classes. The declaration of war should be flor every worker the command for an immediate stoppage of work. To every declaration of war the workers must at once answer by a gem eral revolutionary strike In Paris the trades councils of the Seine on July T last made a demonstration against war in which 100000 persons took part. But when war was declared socialists and syndicalists took up arms together, as by one impulse, because France had been attacked by Germany
 And how did the German working classes view their own hated Prussian military systems assault upon demo- cratic, socialistic, syndicalistic France? Why, just as if they had never thought of themselves as an International class at all or even as a class with g para mount interest in peace and a greater horror of war than other classes. Ed ward Bernstein, social democrat, In lecture to the metal workers on October "A, remarked that "even among the work ing people the annexation of Belgium is demanded" He himself deplored that attitude and steadily thereafter was n- clined to oppose the government. so that woifgang Heine answering him through the yolksblatt fur Anhalt, wrote:' 'Whether we wish 1t or not, we must fight in the west. England has decreed 20 years war against Ger many, and English labor leaders have adopted this goal of war annihlation.' The official organ of the.Building Trades union, the Grundstein. declared it noth- ing less than scandalous that little group in Germany should hold out against the majority and fall on the back of brother workingmen who are on the field of battle,' killing workingmen of other nationality.
 In England the vehement political op- rosition of labor leaders to the war cre- ated the assumption of a. labor attitude or consciousness apart from that of the whole English people. The independent labor party and in general the labor press. has been extremely critical of the English governments part in the war. its motives and it's intentions, and there Is very large hostile pamphlet litera- eration of Trades unions has pronounced for the destruction of the Prussian mil itary caste.' That is purely the English attitude. English labor in particular sit- uations, as on the docks and in the mu- milton works. has been recalcitrant, has threatened to strike, and has demanded higher pay. until the government was forced almost to commander labor like any other commodity, by threat of fore
 ing the men to submit to martial discip- line. but none of that could be rightly construed as labor protest against the war It was mainly a protest against what labor thought an unfair distribu- ticn of the profits and hardships of war Wages at first did not rise as fast as pricss. although some of the manusac-