New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-04-03
LITERARY CRITICISM
AND BOOK NEWS
Senator Lodge on Representative Government
Professor Muensterberg Returns to the
Charge-Mr. f. V. Lucas in Venice.


the non-votcrs. In an autocracy I'M
autocrat represents the rest OF th'
community. 1t is, therefore, not I'M
representative idea, but the compilca
ton Of the representative system th'
separation Of the executive, legislative
and judicial powers and the hard-and
fast balance established between thu
different agencies of government
which is "the great contribution o.
modern times 70 the science Of gov
eminent" That system of comp!lca
ton reached ITS climax IN our own fed
eral system.
Representative" too. has a confusing
connotation. As applied to governments
nowadays, it suggests close reflection
in governmental agencies of the will
and purpose of the governed. The most
common charge made against repre-
sentative governments is that they are
on-representative or mis-representa-
tive-that is, that they fail TO give
effect TO the will either of the electors
or Of the whole mass Of the people. II
is this confusion as to what repre-
sentative means, for instance, which
has led most New Workers TO put Z
more or less humorous valuation or
Mr. William Barnes's voluminous eX-
positions of what ne contends is rep
resentative government
The real contrast is between govern
ment more or less direct by the
electors, and government by agents of
the electors once. twice or thrice re-
moved The trainers OF the federal
Constitution applied the indirect theory
with extraordinary sagacity. The value
Of their work, as a whole, is seldom
disputed. The system which they ere
ated was full of intricate checks and
balances: three coordinate depart
ments, each jealous of the encroach-
ments Of the other two; the veto power
of the President on legislation. and the
veto Of the Senate on Presidential APP
pointments; the participation of tho
Senate in the treaty making function;
the equal representation of all the
states in the Senate; the requirement
OF a two-thirds majority in each
branch Of Congress for the submission
of constitutional amendment, and OF
the consent of the legislatures Of three
fourths of the states for an amend
ment's ratification all these compiled
tions Of the machinery OF popular gov
eminent gave the federal union an eX-
ceptional stability and protected the
rights Of voting minorities and Of non
voters TO an extent never before at
tanned The federal Constitution es-
tablished security and liberty by guard
ing an unframed democracy against its
own excuses.
In a hundred and twenty-five years
we have got away from the indirect
model Of the Fathers in only two i'm
portant respects. They left the choice
of q President 10 an electoral college
whose members could be named by the
state legislatures, if the legislatures
so chose. There were two middlemen
between the voters and the Presidency
Up TO Jackson's time, so far as tho
Presidential Office was concerned, we
had government of small groups OF
politicians, for such groups in Con
gress generally designated the candl.
dates for whom the electoral middle
men voted. jackson brought in the ma
tionel convention, which reduced the
Electoral College TO a mere registering
board. Only recently the popular de
sire for more direct control Of cleo
tions to the federal Senate has com
PEELED the adoption of a constitutional
amendment providing for the election
Of Senators by popular vote.
Considering the time and effort il
took to bring about these two change.
4 (Which were changes not in principle
but only in machinery, what chance
would there be for radical innovation.
like a federal initiative and referendum
the recall Of decisions made in the fed
eral courts or the recall by popular
vote Of federal judges? Nobody has
worked out a scheme for the election o,
federal judges. and there is far less
reason for agitating for the direct cleo
ton of Supreme Court Justices, 70,
instance. than there is for agitating fol-
the direct election of Presidents Thu
President appoints the justices. and il
choosing a President the people inves
him with latent power to make owe,
the court. After playing for two year
with the idea Of direct Presidential
primary, the present administration ha
had TO put it aside as unconstitutional
and impracticable.
The proved stability OF the fedora
system is its greatest vindication. Mr.
Lodge properly argues that the indi
rect government which the federal Con
stitution has provided ought to b.
judged by its fruits. II has worke,
well for century and a quarter. l
will probably continue TO work we'll 70
a long time to come Americans car
more for results than they do 70
theories. So far as the nation is con
cerned, there is little dissatisfaction
over our failure 10 align ourselvc
with more advanced democracies Xix
Switzerland and Australia. The indi
rect system, being so interconnecte,
with the federal system, is hardly wi
L !