New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-12-11

I
tltion is not in moral level any hlgnel
than running politics upon the basis o.
organization rather than upon the pa
sis of statesmanship and achievement
Organization is necessary 10 poiitic'
and 1t is necessary TO business, but th'
, object Of organization ought not 10 d.
exclusion; it ought to be efficiency.
Object of Organization Efficiency.
"The only legitimate object OF or
ganization is efficiency. II can never
be legitimate when it is intended fol
hostile competitive purposes. l nave
never entertained the slightest jealousy
of those processes Of Organization
which led tSgreater and greater com
potency, but have always peer
Jealous of those processes OF organ
cation which were intended IN I'M
spirit Of exclusion and monopoly.
Because the spirit of exclusion ant
monopoly is not the American spirit
The American spirit is a spirit OF op
portunity, and of equal opportunity
and of admitting every man 10 h'
race who can stand the pace. 80 ! say
that we Lave reason to look back upooI
the mast of American business WITT
some dissatisfaction, but !, Tor my
part, look forward to the future o.
American business with greatest con
fidence. ,, a.,
American business has altered it'
point of view, and in proportion as II
has altered its point Of view II mas
Gained in power and in momentum
have sometimes heard celebrations "a
the effect that politics ought not 10 De
injected into business. 1t is just as
important that you should not in!ec'
business into politics, because so raj
as the business Of this country is con
cerned there ought not to be any poll
;ics
81, gentlemen, am a Democrat, as you
probably have heard, and ! am mill
tant Democrat, but il is because ! be-
lieve that the principles of Democracy
will be Of more service to the country
than any other kind Of principles: MOI
because | believe Democrats are better
than Republicans; IT is because ] THINK
Republicans are mistaken and Demo
Gratis right, and hope and believe that
I hold that conviction in no narrow par
t:san spirit.
Cites Bill of Rights.
81 find that am one of the few men
Of my acquaintance who absolutely be-
lieve every word. for example, OF the
Virginia bill of rights. Most men use
them for Fourth of July purposes and
use them very handsomely, but ! stand
before you and tell you that ] believe
them. For example, the Virginia bill
of rights cite that because it was
one of the first bills of rights; the
others were largely modelled upon II
or run along the same lines-the Vir-
GINA bill Of rights says that when a
government proves unsuitable to the
life Of the people under it Il am not
quoting the language, but the mean
ing), they have right to alter or abol-
ISL it in any way that they please.
"When things were perhaps more de-
batable than they are now about our i'm
mediate neighbor to the south of US,
do not know how many men came TO
me and suggested that the government
of Mexico should be altered as we
thought il ought to be altered, but
being a subscriber to the doctrine of
the Virginia bill of rights ! could not
agree with them. The MeXcans may
not know what to do with their gov
eminent, but that is none of our bust
ness; and so long as / have the power
to prevent it, nobody shall butt in to
alter II for them.
THAT is what | mean by being a
Democrat built on the original plan
of the bill of rights.
"Now those bills Of rights say some
things that are very pertinent to bust
ness. They assert the absolute equali-
~ Of right on the part of individuals
to access TO opportunity. That is the
reason | am opposed 10 monopoly, not
because monopoly does not produce
some excellent results of a kind. but
because 1T is intended TO shut out q
lot of people VINO ought not 10 be put
out; and I believe that democracy is
the only thing that vitalizes a whole
people instead of vitalizing only some
of the people of the country.
al am not fit to be the trustee OF
prosperity for this country; neither
are you; neither is any group of men
TT TO be the trustees for the economi-
cal guidance of this country. | be-
lieve in the common man.
81 believe the genius of America 10
be that the common man should be con-
suited as 70 how he is governed and
should be given the same opportunity
with every other man under his gov
eminent.
81 believe that that spirit is the
spirit of the average business man in
America. / am sure that it is the spirit
Of the average business man in Ameri-
ca, because, although it is current
theory that the President Of the United
States IS a very much secluded per
son. a good many people talk 10 him, |
assure you, and he takes particular
pains to know what the people are
talking about who do not talk directly
10 him.
"Nobody who has been bred in the
atmosphere of American societies from
one end Of this continent to the other
can mistake the spirit of the average
man, and | am for the average man.
The country consists of him. He is
the backbone Of the country. The man
who is above the average uses him,
and ought to respect his tool, ought to
respect his instrument, ought to re-
spect the veins through which the very
life blood Of the country flows.
America Worlds Reserve Force.
"Now, with regard to the future OF
business in this country no man can
speak with confidence, because it hap
pens that the distressing events of the
months since the great European war
began have put America in peculiar
relation to the rest Of the world.
at looks as il we would have to be
the reserve force of the world in re-
spect to financial and economic power
It looks as if in the days of reconstruc-
ton and recuperation which are ahead
Of Europe we would have to do many OF
the things, many of the most importan,
things, which hitherto have been done
through European instrumentalities.
"No man can say just how these mat
ters are going to shape themselves, but
every man can see that the opportunity
of America is going to be unparalleled
and that the resources Of America must