Goldsboro weekly argus. [volume] (Goldsboro, N.C.) 191?-19??, 1915-11-11

Fist. ! am proud of the profession,
though not a4thamamhers- Qfit-H
we have war, l shall insist in the name
of the journalists of the country that
the first battle line shall be made up
of jingos editors that they may have the
glory Of dying before any one else is
hurt.1
These thirty treaties will, in my
Judgment, go far toward preserving
peace and I believe that the principle
ought to be applied to all nations. If
the plan is good enough to offer to all
nations-and the offer has never been
withdrawn; if the plan is good enough
to be entered into with nations repre-
senting n billion three hundred mil
lions of people; If the plan is good
enough to be endorsed in principle by
Germany, Austria n Belgium, coun-
tries with which treaties of this kind
have not yet been negotiated-it is
good enough to be used with any coun-
try before we go to wal with that
country.
But I will go a step further; even if
we use the treaty plan and it fails to
49, VIC 1d1l "
use it and reach a point where we
must decide, either to- go into this war
or to postpone ina settlement of the
dispute until this war is over-if we
must choose between these two alter
natives, I believe it would be the part
OF wisdom to postpone final settlement
until the war is over. First, because
postponement would make war unnec-
essary, n that would be a sufficient
reason for postponing it. We would
have no difficulty in settling any dis
pute which we now have or which may
arise during the war but for the fear
of the effect of the settlement upon the
war itself.
But even if a postponement did not
prevent war, it would be better to have
our war after this wal is over than
during his war, because it would then
be our-own war with the country with
which we a III dispute and we could
not only go into the war at pleasure,
but come out at will. But this wal is
not our War-it is everybody's war
and it we go into it, we cannot come
out without consulting others, and 9th
ers would determine also what we
would fight for while we were in
and o forbid that we shall ever tie
Yourselves to the quarrels, rivalries and
ambitions of the nations of Europe.
And now bear with me a moment
while l present three reasons why it is
1mperatively necessary that we shall
not enter this war. I shall not present
these reasons in the order of their i'm
portance, rather in inverse order. First.
no one a tell what it would cost us
in dollars to enter this war. It is not
like n other war and therefore es-
Inmates based o the past would be
of little value. Let those who glibly
talk of war give us a guess as to what
it would cost to take part in this wal
and then give a guaranty that their
guess is high enough. Many predic-
lions have been made in regard to this
war, but SO far none have been veri
fed. Would it cost one billion? One
OF the lingo papers insisted a few
weeks g that Congress should be
called together Immediately to vote
a credit of one billion dollars in antici-
patton of a possible war. 1t would be
more likely to cost US five billions OF
ten, but eve if 1t cost ten billions
that would not be the greatest objec-
ton to war. There are two other OBJ
jections that are more important.
The second objection is based upon
the possible loss of life. How many
men would it cost us to take part in
this war? A hundred thousand? They
have already killed over two millions;
one hundred thousand would hardly be
enough for our quota in such a war.
If we go into this wal we can not go
in in a stingy way or as a miserly ma
ton. If it is manly to go in, it will
be manly to play a mans part and be
prodigal in blood and money.
The danger of war with Germany
now seems to be passed and the coun-
try is relieved to have the American
, position in the submarine controversy
accepted. But while there was a pos
sibility of war-while the question was
acute-some of our American papers
were insisting that we ought to go to
war with Germany at any cost. 1 do
not believe that our people would be
willing to send one hundred thousand
brave Americans to de.ah because a
little more than a hundred took ships
that they ought not to have taken into
danger n about which they fully
understood. It is not that our people
did not have a right to take those
ships. Under international law they
did have a right to sail on those ships,
but great international questions can
not be settled on naked legal rights.
There are duties as well as rights.
Let me illustrate. Every young man
when he becomes of age, has a legal
right to leave his home and make a
career for himself. He is not com
PEELED to consider either the wishes or
the needs of his parents. But, for.
tunately, most OF our young men put
their duty to their parents above
their legal rights and inquire about
the welfare Of their old folks before
{ lthey leave home.
And 81 every American citizen has
: u dutieS as we'll as rights 10 vo, Gov