New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-02-27

made tho violation seem more shocking,
rested at FIRST on statements which
needed confirmation, and any govern
ment might feel that before protesting
against the treatment Of non-combat-
ants II needed further evidence which
would carry certainty 20 every fair
mind
add to this ground for caution the
fact that tho United States have al
ways, following tho advice Of Wash
ington, endeavoreG TO keep themselves
clear Of entsnglcmcutS in Old World
diplomacy They would, Of course, hold
themselves TO be bound IN their own
action by The Hague Convention OF 1907.
for they signed IL, but the Secretary OF
State IN his instructions 10 the United
States delegates in 1907 expressly
called attention TO the need for sdher-
ing TO the traditional principle.
Whether or not il would have been
better TO deliver a protest, the mischief
had been largely done before any could
have been delivered, and no neutral
power In either the Old World or the
new has in fact protested.
Questions Of international law and
usage have been raised between the
United States and the belliGerents on
both sides. do not propose 10 dis
cuss any Of these. for | should, OF
course. he accused Of bias in favor Of
my own country. But whoever recalls
previous wars between naval powers
will remember that IN all Of them dis
putes have arisen between noutrals, de-
string the widest possible immunity for
their ships and goods. and belligcrents
seeking to use their naval strength
TO the utmost limit permitted by in
ternstionsl practice.
"Some such differences must always
be expected. because the few interna-
tional rules arc not as well defined and
positive as are the laws that prevail
within civilized state laws the
meaning Of which can be referred %
tho states own tribunal, and there
promptly settled. When neutral GOV
eminent is urged by its citizens TO 70
monStrate with a belligercnt upon the
exercise Of any rights the helllgercnt
claims il cannot. unless convinced that
there is no substance TO the grievance,
decline 10 represent the case of its
subjects. This the United States ad-
ministration did as respects the right
of search, and they did so with coGr-
tesy and moderation, which our own
government reciprocated, and which
has enabled the discussion to proceed
with good temper and good feeling. II
should be added that the unemployed
problem was exciting much concern in
several great American ports two or
three months ago. and that some social
reformers desired the abatement Of any
impediments to trade which might in
crease the difficulty Of the problem.
Complains Of L. s. Action.
"The controversy with Germany be-
gan by her complaining of the sale of
ammunition by the United States
traders to Great Britain and France.
Well established usage Of the nations
permits that sale. So we argued in
1870; so the American Secretary Of
State has argued now, ruling the point
in favor Of the Allies in his letter to
Senator Stone with a clearness and
cCgency that could not be improved
upon. The pro-Germans have com
planned Of il As far too friendly to
Great Britain. If il is suggested, as |
think it has been somewhere, that in
the matter of contraband and right Of
search powerful pecuniary interests
have tried to influence the sdministra-
tion, those who have watched the re
cent developments IN America will
agree that nothing is 50 unpopular
there as what is called big business
ard that any administration, supposed
10 be yielding 10 its pressure, would
CO 50 a, IT'S peril.
80 lar IS / can Judge from MY prj-
waite spondents. belonging to both
sides in United States politics, there is
no foundation for any such notion.
Even those Americans who wish that IL
had taken a pro-British attitude find
no want of fairness in its raising tho
question Of the way in which searches
lave been conducted, and th)ugE many
Gisliked on constitutional grounds and
disapproyed on political grounds the
nil, now virtually dropped, under which
foreign shipping might be purchased,
they recoGmzi that a measure Of some
kind had been considered before the
war broke out and that the administra-
ton never intended il to benefit Ger
many.
Il doubt whether VIC in England have
yet fully rsalized either the magnitude
of the service which the United States
government and its representatives
broad have rendered in protection of
British subjects i'm the Jclli.erent
countries or the noble spirit that has
animated them in that service.
Their embassies and legations have
become enormous business Offices,
manned mainly by voluntary workers.
The looking after our prisoners OF war
i'm Germany alone has become a gigan-
tic task.