The Washington times., 1915-05-15

war but for peace. There are other
forces, both patent and subtle, max
ing for peace.
In Mr.. Wilson's note there was no
challenge to Germany to cross
swords. Nobody here, nobody
abroad, could trace in his state
paper the faintest strain calling for
war. Nobody Of discriminating
judgment, nobody of ordinary COM
mon sense, could attribute to Mr..
Wilson a purpose SO abhorrent to
his nature, so inimical to the i'm
mediate interests of his country.
What brought the American peo-
pie to Mr.. Wilson as one man was
that, without threat or bluster, he
told Berlin in language diplomatic
but of clear meaning not that the
things which Berlin had done had
determined this Government to take
up arms, but that no more of those
things could be done without the
consequences which this Govern
ment did not wish, but would be
duty bound to bring.
What drove the force of Mr.. Will
sons warning home to all the peo-
pies Of civilization was that the
American nation instantly stood
straight up with him, not because it
wished war, but because if acts
must be persisted in to make war
the whole United States would be
with Mr.. Wilson.
By all the standards of cold sanity
and serene perception Mr.. Wilson's
note was further a peace note be-
cause he demanded nothing that
either Germany would not be glad
to concede or which this Govern
ment itself would naturally not
press.
Let us make the point clear with
specific illustration. An informal
German message volunteering near
ly all that Mr.. Wilson demanded
was still echoing in the public prints
when his note called for the delivery
of those volunteered offerings.
This is true as to the treatment OF
neutral American ships carrying nc
contraband; this is true as to the
treatment of American ships carry.
ing contraband. This is true as tc
the treatment of neutral people
Berlin made those promises two days
before Mr.. Wilson's note invited
them, and demanded, let it be said
fulfllment of them.
On the other hand, it is hardly tc
be conceived that President Wilson
as his note indicated, would under.
take to enforce the inviolability o1
ALL NEUTRAL VESSELS. The in
formal German message, antedatine
Mr.. Wilson's note, did volunteer
proper treatment for vessels of al
neutral nations, but obviously it i.
not our obligation to insist upon anc
enforce protection of vessels of Hol
| land, say, or Denmark, or Norwa,
or Sweden, as we'll as for our own.
Again Mr.. Wilson seemed to de
mand the abandonment of the use O.
the submarine because of the vir
tual impossibility of submarines at
tacking the vessels of belligeren
countries without sacrificing non
combatant life which ought to b,
immune. Now to us the submarin,
is perfectly loathsome weapon O
war; but undoubtedly Mr.. Wilson
while protesting the improper us'
of submarines in destroying limo
cent lives, would not attempt to in
terdict the use of submarines fo
home defense, against an invading
enemy.
If there are points, therefore, OF
which Mr.. Wilson, after his note
cannot yield with credit to himsel
and with honor to his nation, ther
are points on which he can yiel,
both with reason and with justice t,
all.
1t is in this really marvellous elias
ticity of his note that Mr.. Wilson
gives Berlin every opportunity t
do gracefully what it is eager to dc
Berlin beyond question breads tn
very thought of the Lusitania sine
she was destroyed-and being at tn
same time prepared, in a fai
give and take, to concede what Ger
many may reasonably insist upon
it is in this elasticity we repeat tina
he sets up almost an absolute guar
antee of continuation of peace be
tween Germany and the Unite
States.
LET US BE FAIR WITH OUl
GERMAN-AMERICANS
II is repOrted that there arc ir