The Washington times., 1915-05-14
THE NOTE AND THE CRISIS

whole question Of Germany's meth
DDS of maritime warfare squarely up
TO Germany. He does it by indulg-
Ing some of those curious assump-
tons that are permitted to diplo-
macy, even though in the candid dis
course of other walks of life they
would be rather ludicrous. For ex-
ample, he writes that
The Government of the United States
cannot believe that the comma nders Of
tne vessels which permitted these acts
OF nwlessness did so except under a
misapprehension Of the orders Issued
py the imperial naval authorities. It
takes 1t for granted that e. the
commanders OF submarines were ex-
pected to do nothing that would involve
SAFETY Of neutral ships.
If the Government of the United
States is entirely self-revealing in
that expression, it has some inner
thoughts to reveal that the rest of
the people of the United States have
not. The crime that is advertised in
advance, and that is committed ex-
actly on schedule of time and man.
ner as advertised, is not committed
under "misapprehension."
But by indulging the diplomatic
privilege Of such polite indirection,
the President does succeed in making
his case against Germany the more
difficult for Germany to meet. He
leaves the German government no
chance to escape confession of ma
tional responsibility, save by dis
avowing the particular things for
which it has heretofore assumed the
most public and complete responsi-
bility.
In tone and temper the note as
suredly does not err on the side of
belligerency or aggressiveness; but
IN substance it goes far enough to
make nothing desired. It reflects.
according to the best judgment that
can now be formed, Just about the
attitude of the American public: re-
nects it vastly more accurately than
did the unfortunate phrase from the
Philadelphia speech that has been
quoted the world over, and that has
created a misapprehension about this
Governments attitude which will
make the firmness of the diplomatic
communication the more unexpected.
The Presidents note does not
cling closely to the mere question of
protecting American shipping and
American lives. He makes his de-
mands broader than this. Beginning
with a presentation of the case for
American commerce and lives. he
protests against the German war
zone program as IAN abbreviation of
the rights of American shipmasters
or of American citizens bound on
lawful errands as passengers on
merchant ships of belligerent ma
tionality." Thus far he confines him
self to insistence on the rights of
his countrymen at sea. But then he
goes on to development Of this
view and its application to sub
marine warfare generally: to subma-
rtne warfare even against belliRer-
ents. Thus:
The objection to their 1.-The
oermansl present method u attack M
against the trade of their enemies lies
In the practical impossibility OF en-
ploying submarines In the destruction
or commerce without disregarding those
humanity which all modern opinion re-
CARDS as imperative. 1t Is practically
impossible for the officers OF a sub.
marine to visit merchantmen at sea
ana examine her papers and cargo. 1t
IL practically impossible for them to
make prize Of hsr; and II they can
not put prize crew on board ~ her
they cannot sink her without leaving
her crew and all on board of her TO
the mercy of the sea in her small boats
Manifcstly submarines cannot
be used against merchantmen, as the
last few weeks have shown without
an Inevitable violation OF many sacred
principles Of justice and humanity.
1t will not escape attention that
this is a much broader condemnation
Of submarine warfare than it would
be if it merely protested against sub
marine warfare against American
ships and American lives. 1t is a
declaration that the United States
opposes any use Of submarines
against merchantmen, on the ground
Of common humanity; and that,
whether American life, American
property, American shipping, the
American flag, is involved or not.
In this regard the American Gov
ernment aligns itself for the whole