New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-04-18


as these are naturally irreconcilaole
with the accusation made against Great
Britain. Accordingly, it was passed
over in silence.
Same method with regard 10 Russia.
DR. Dprnburg, 20 make il clear that the
Russian government had decided TO
have war. recalls first that as early as
July "a VI. Sasonof had declared that
Russia could not delay her mobiliza-
ton very long. He lays stress next on
the military measures taken success
sively by Russia. On the 29th she
orders against Austria partial moOl-
lization, transformed on the 3lst into
a general mobilization, and this, ne
says, without any reason IN justihca-
ton. Yet il is enough to re-establlsh
forgotten events, and the whole aspect
Of the thing changes completely. The
declarations of NJ. Sasonoff on July "a
F., prove only that he had foreseen the
war, not at all that he had wanted 1t.
His conciliatory disposition is clearly
seen in the fact that, although the de-
cree ordering mobilization had been
signed by precaution on the 25th, il re
NAMED unapplied until the 29th. NJ.
Sasonoff wanted to avoid even the ap-
pearance of n provocation as long as II
could be hoped that negotiations might
end peaceably.
If on the Goth the decree was pro
mulgated. il was because in the inter
val grave events had taken place which
DR.. Dernburg neglects 10 mention. Oh
July IS Austria had declared war on
Servia. Moreover she had declined the
conference VI. Sasonof had proposed 10
hold with her. Finally she had mo-
bilized in Galicia, on the Russian IRON
tier. II. on the 3lst, in the morning
and not in the night Of July 30 and
81. as DR.. Dernburg states the Rus
sian general mobilization was ordered.
il was because the same day, but early
in the morning Austria had taken the
same measure: (Who wanted war
Pages 81, So and an. The. military
preparations Of Russia were made in
evitable by the acts OF Austria.
We could mention many other sys-
tematic omissions; but we prefer TO
limit ourselves to one more particular
" characteristic example DR.. Dern-
burg undertook to prove that II Bel
GUM resisted the German injunction
Il was because Of the pressure Of Eng
land. He quotes first telegram Of
August 3, by which the Belgian gov
eminent informed the French govern
ment that for the moment they did
not intend TO appeal to the powers
guarantee, while reserving to them
selves the right 10 reconsider their al
titude. At this time indeed the lnva-
sion was not yet an accomplished fact'
and one could hope that the menacng
crime would not be perpctrated. After
quoting this message, Dr.. DernourG
followed il up Immediately with an
Il. do i J
in which the British government prom
ised all possible support 10 Belgium if
she would resist the German ultima
tun. Once these two texts are joined
together. Just as if nothing had taken
place in the interval, the trick IS
PLAYED "Does not the telegram Of the
Sd prove, asks Dr. Dernburg, that on
her own account Belgium was ready
TO vield?" Consequently, II was BRIT
ish Intervention which melted BEL
giun fanaticism" In DR.. Dernburgs
view, a small state which defends its
INDEPENDENCE is guilty of fanatlcism.
F Now if we open the Gray Book we see
that as early as 7 a. m. on August 5
(. e.. twentv-four hours before the dis
patch in question had been sent from
London. Belgium had declared to Ger
many NO. 90 and then nouhed the
powers No. 23) that she was nrmly
determined TO defend, by all the means
in her power, every attack on ,her
rights. The dispatch Of August 4 had
thus nothing 10 DO with the decision
taken the day before.
The author of the article knew the
GRAY Book well enough; he could Ger
ta;nlv not ignore documents p and -.
We shall refrain from qualifying such
,,otbods IF demonstration.
III.
Much has been said about the Ger
man atrocities, but till now their exist
ence has been affirmed only on The
faith Of oral evidence received from
the victims or witnesses, who belonged
in every case to one OF the belllgerent
nations. These deposItions are GER
tainly far from being negligible, and
occasion will be taken shortly 10 show
their demonstratiye value. But to
force the most reluctant conviction IT
has seemed better to rely at FIRST on
testimony which Germany herself could
not reject, that is. on German testl-
monv. This is what VI. Bedler has
undertaken in his pamphlet "Gefman
Atrocities" According TO regulations
the German soldiers are invited 10
keep a diary where they note all events
i'm which they are either participators
or witnesses. Many of these notebooks.
according to right recognized by the
Hague Convention. have been selzed
on the German prisoners by the French
military authorities. II is from this
. source only, or from orders Of the day
, Of German generals. or again from
officers letters published in the news
- papers under their authors signatures
} that VI. Bedier has borrowed the ele-
B. ments of his demonstration.
These documents show clearly the
81 characteristics of German atrocities.
OF course, there are perhaps no armies
IN the field where either soldiers or
even bodies Of armies are not al times
carried away into committing acts of
violence which the necessities of war
DO not justify. But then these are in
dividual acts, reproved and even re-
pressed by the military authorities.
The German crimes have this par
tcularity, that they are ordered by the
chiefs or by the general regulations;
they arc part Of the German system
for terrorlZing civilian populations.
They arc collective crimes, for which
the whole army is responsible. They
even express the mentality Of nation,
. That is why II is important TO de
scribe them.
Germany has felt the increasing
pressure Of the overwhelming evidence
against her. and she has tried recently
to weaken its effect. Unable to contra
dict the evidence given by her own
roldiers, she maintains that the eI-
tracts have been inaccurately trans
lated. These notebooks are, as a rule,
very easy reading. Yet, "a they have
been written hastily. sometimes in
stenographic style. where grammatical
correction has not always been OBJ
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