New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-05-13
The Bryce Report.

mao LCnunO burke reau the report OF
the Bryce Committee upon the Belgian
atrocities Il is hardly conceivable that he
would not have amended his familiar
declaration: 81 do not know the method
Of drawing up an indictment against
whole people"
For above and beyond all else the
Bryce report IS an indictment Of whole
people, and Il sees the light in the face
of circumstances, which, for the neutral
world, will translate 1t into mere corrobo-
raive testimony Of what has recently
happened. We Americans must inevita-
bly, see the tragedy Of Louvain with the
massacre Of the Lusitanis in the imme-
diate background
What the Bryce report deals with Is
not the mere repetition Of tales Of muir
der, rape and arson. It is not one more
study Of the consequences Of international
strife. II the German soldiers, individ-
ually, were guilty Of excuses, If there
were instances of plumber, violence, bru-
tally which were now to be recorded it
would be necessary for every one to recall
that these things inevitably follow war,
that similar offences have stained all
flags and remain as permanent reproaches
10 all armies.
But the thing that is vital in the pres
ent instance is not this. What the world
would know is whether the German Gov
eminent deliberately authorized, directed
its generals and its soldiers to do the
things which they did, that they might in
still a spirit of fear or terror into the
hearts Of the Belgian people, that they
might dispose of an opponent, whose
troops were only partially modified, by
such q reign Of fire and murder among
civilians as would intimidate the military.
In sum. the one pertinent question IS;
Did Germany in the opening weeks Of the
war. in the days between Liege and the
Marine, endeavor to apply the principle
and the policy Of "terribeness" with the
deliberate design Of destroying the nerve
and the spirit of the Belgian and French
people? Did she kill women and chill
dren, burn cities and villages, permit ex
cesses of a licentious character with an
end In view, a political end in mind?
Now, rightly or wrongly, until the sink
ing OF the Lusitania a very considerable
number Of Americans frankly hesitated
TO believe that Belgian atrocities" were
moro than the unfailing concomitant Of
war. Of all wars, ancient and modern.
civilized and neutral world, recalling
what It knew Of Germany and Germans,
found It impossible to believe that the
things reported In Belgium represented
German deliberate and reasoned policy.
All such incredulity, 30 far as the
United States is concerned, sank with the
Lusitania. We know now, we Americans,
reading the death lists Of our own citi-
zens. that German naval officers do kill
women and children. We know that they
wantonly and in cold blood slay women
and children when their purpose is served
by such a massacre.
Thus, the natural tendency TO reject
alterations Of violence, the natural cling
ing TO the faith that, despite differences
in race. religion and condition, men Of all
nations are united by common sentiments
Of kindness, humanity, pity, has been elimi-
mated in the German case. With our own
ewes. in the case Of our citizens, in the
daylight which hid nothing, We saw Ger
mans murder the helpless. All that the
Bryce committees report now asks US 10
believe, in addition, is that 70 murder
there was added passion, that while our
own women were only slain those Of
Belgium were outraged.
A more terrible a more fatal, prep
aration Of the American jury for the
new evidence than the Lusitania affair
is inconceivabe. In fact, the truth must
be faced with absolute frankness. What
the Bryce report alleges wi be implicitly
believed by millions who will care little
for the confirming evidence and the cor
roborating testimony. Lawyers know
nerfectly well the moment when some