Goldsboro weekly argus. [volume] (Goldsboro, N.C.) 191?-19??, 1915-11-11


shall be able to make good use of the
in tile WIZ of preduc-
ton. III A6NRt we divert the mon
ey from useful channels and spend it
all on battleships and arms and am
munition we shall have wasted
oM -MbEey if the war does not
come; : and if it does come, the
chances are hat before it comes
metho@s of NErfMb will
very much 4educe ne value of the
preparation In which Ne hayemVested.
But as some may be ME interested
in having the &plupde of 1oanable mon
ey increased than in having good
roads 1 present another calculation.
TheetotalA capital and surplus of all
the bankN of the United States-na-
tiohal, State and private-aggregate
a little less than foul billions of dol
lars; with five billions we could dupli-
cate every bank, double the loanable
bank capital and surplus of the nation
and have a billion dollars left with
which to celebrate prosperity.
Europe has had machinery for war,
but not for peace. The nations of Eu-
rope could go to var in a minute, but
they we're not sufficiently supplied
with machinery for the adjustment of
difficulties that def1ed diplomatic set
tlement. And we cannot be harsh in
our criticism because, until recently,
this nation was almost as poorly sup
piled as the European nations with the
machinery for the preservation of
peace. Until within three years u
best treaties were those known as the
Arbitration Treaties" and they had
two serious defects. First, they only
ran five years and then died. And
when one Of these treaties died it
had to be renewed by the same for
malities required for it's negotiation.
It had to be ratified by tWo-thirds of
the Senate, which meant that though
the President might desire to continue
it and though a majority of the Sen
ate might desire to continue it, the
extension of it's life could be prevented
if a minority of the Senate, more than
one-third objected. But a still more
that these treaties did not cover all
qOCO "IAOy SACOpIOu 4O0SI1OuS VI
honor, questions of independence, vi
tai interests and interests of third par
ties, the very questions out of which
wars are apt to grow. When a man is
angry every question is a question of
honor, every interest a vital interest.
Man angry is a very different animal
from a man calm; when a man is an
CRY he sWaggers about and talks about
what he a do, and he generally over
estimates it. When he is calm he
thinks about what he ought to do and
listens to the voice of conscience.
We now have thirty treaties with
nations representing t~hree-fourths of
the world and these treaties cure the
defects of which 1 have spoken. In
the first place, instead of dying at the
end of five years they never die. They
run on and on and on until twelve
months after one side or the other has
asked that they be discontinued. |
believe that neither side will ever ask
that these treaties be discontinued. I
have such faith in these treaties thai l
believe that a thousand years from
now the name of Woodrow Wilson and
my name will be linked together in
the capitals of the world and that
these treaties will preserve the peace
of our nation by furnishing machinery
by which peace can be preserved with
honor.
But what is more important than
length of life, these treaties contain no
EXCEPTIONS; they cover all disputes of
every kind and character. Each one
of these thirty treaties provides that
every dispute that deies diplomatic
settlement, ii moi by some other treaty
submitted for final settlement, must be
submitted to an international commits
sion for investigation and report. Each
one of these thirty treaties also pro-
vides that the period of investigation
may last a year, and each one of these
treaties further provides that during
the period of Investigation neither side
shall declare war or begin hosilities.
Here are three provisions, new to
treaty-making, which reduce war be-
tween us and the contracting parties
to a remote possibility.
We do not contend that war is made
impossible only wish it were posi-
bic to make war impossible. But in
order to secure the Investigation of all
questions it was necessary to reserve
to each nation the right of Independent
action at the conclusion of the investi-
cation. 1t any n believes that war
may sometimes be necessary, let him
find consolation in the fact that every
one OF these treaties specifically re-
serves the right of our nation to go to
war. If any desire war, all they have
to do is to stir the people up to fever
heat and keep them there for a year:
then If no other way out is found,
the nation is at liberty to fight it's
way out. And I so much believe In
the right of the people to have what
they want that 1 admit the right of
people to go to val if they really want
it. But l feel as a North Carolina Con
gresham expressed himself, that if
we are to ave war it would be better
for the people to vote it upon them
selves than to have others vote it on