The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1915-06-11
CONSERVATIVE
AND RADICAL

Throughout the years, in every hui
man association, two classes of men
have jostled, ridiculed and derided,
but seldom understood each other
the radical and the conservative.
Each has assumed that his own par
ticular attitude embodied the highest
virtues and that little but vice belong
ed to the opposition. This has been
especially true in the labor world.
What has been the result? Organi-
cations have been denounced and the
character of individuals assailed, but
every brick thrown has been a BOOM
erang. misunderstanding has result
ed where there should only be mutual
good will. Division has been perpe-
trated in the name of solidarity;
crimes have been committed against
progress in the name of the revolu-
ton.
1t is time to think instead of to de-
nounce, to analyze the elements of
success and failure in the labor world.
Without exception the avowed pur-
pose of every union is to improve the
condition of it's members. 1t is to be
judged by it's achievements rather
than by its professions or by the de-
nunciations of it's critics. 1t may have
largely restricted it's activities to the
improvement of the conditions of it's
own members, if it's victories have not
been won by the betrayal of other
unions-there is very little to criti-
else.
When a union seeks improved con-
ditions, do not they always ask all
that they think it possible to get?
There is no difference between the
radical and the conservative in that
respect
When one considers the generally
unorganized condition of labor, unions
should be classed as more or less radi-
cal, rather than as radical conserva-
tive. Any group of men who seek to
extend the benefits of fraternity to
the bounds of a craft or industry has
progressed far beyond the man who
recognizes no claims beyond his own
fireside and is in advance of those
who expect others to bear their bur-
dens.
Policies have been misnamed. Many
radicals have denounced the time con-
tract and the check-off as ultra-con-
servatism. But they laid the founda-
ton of the strongest labor organiza-
ton in the world, brought all the
workers in the respective districts in
the industry into the organization, i'm
membership, built up treasury, de-
veloped information in regard to the
conditions of the contract, paved the
way for unity of action, gave larger
number of workers a voice in the
terms of employment than had ever
before participated. If those results
be the product of conservatism, give
us plenty Of it.
1t is rather the product of common
sense The employer will give larger
concessions when it assures stable
conditions in the industry for defin-
ite period than he will if the demands
conceded today may be followed by
others a month hence. Do not forget
that the worker is as vitality interest
ed in stable conditions as is the en-
ployer. Gains secured through con-
ference rather than by a strike ap-
peals to the common sense Of man.
kind.
Each line of action has its dangers.
Unions may become so conservative
that they die of dry rot-so radical
that they meet disaster. But the de-
feats of the labor movement have
come frequently from trying to go too
far and too fast than from excessive
caution. When men are gathered in
hall they sometimes forget that
there is a big world outside. l have
known men who were ready to ask
any sacrifice of others, but would
make none themselves. They are the
men who demand impossibilities of
the labor movement.
The conservative models his pro-
gram on the world as he conceives it
is; the radical, on the world as he
thinks it ought to be. We can only
achieve the ideal by keeping a fast
grip on the real.
When the labor movement becomes
wise enough to contribute to gen
eral defense fund, its benficiaries care
fully selected with reference to their
need and their chance to win-we
shall have fewer strikes. but larger
measure of success. Men have little
claim TO the aid of others until they