davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
CURLING the Motor Maniacs.

In seeking to have revoked the licenses
of forty-eight chauffeurs and owners Of
automobiles who have violated the laws,
Police Commissioner Woods is taking &C
ton which should have been taken before.
Of these offenders there are taxicab and
private chauffeurs who have been found
guilty Of driving cars while drunk or have
been convicted three times as speeders, or
Of fleeing after having injured persons,
and owners who have violated these vari-
Gus sections of the law. Only neglect Of
some official, a breakdown Of the compli-
Gated system for the punishment Of motor
criminals, has permitted them to be driv-
ing about the streets as usual, endangering
lives.
Now, magistrates or judges before
whom violators of the motor laws are con-
victed fail too frequently to make the for
NAL demand after the third conviction,
without which the Secretary of State may
not revoke drivers license. 1t is possible
that, because of convictions, owners of
cars have been unable to have their
licenses renewed, but such cases are few.
The local Bureau of Licenses has from
time to time disciplined taxicab chauffeurs,
but alone cannot administer all the pun
ishment which the safety Of the public de-
mands, since q chauffeur, though barred
as driver Of taxicab, may still obtain
job as private chauffeur if he holds his
state license. Though the law provides
what seems to be an adequate system Of
punishment for reckless, criminal drivers,
the practical, cold fact is that the system
doesn't work.
Commissioner Woods thinks that placing
the licensing power in the hands Of the
Police Department, which would keep card
indexes and perhaps finger prints of con-
victed motorists, would meet the need.
Judge Swami, District Attorney-elect,
thinks thorough and complete prosecution
of every offence against the motor vehicle
law might make the streets safer for the
public. but is not sure whether the present
laws are adequate. 1t seems pretty evident
that they are not. Ihere should De al leasJ
a rigid system of licensing not only chauf-
feurs, but every person who drives mo-
tor car, and simple method of revoking
those licenses for cause, for the enforce
ment of which there could be no divided
responsibility. Then, with the criminal
laws thoroughly enforced, there might be
some curb on the motor maniacs and Grim
nals.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
WHAT WAS TO BE EXPECTrn,
Millions Misrepresented by a Wes.
Administration,
To the Editor of The Tribune.

To the Editor Of The Tribune.
Sir: Permit me to express emphatic a.,
prevail Of your fine editorial this mOrp,,s
which follows others equally strong that h,,.
recently appeared in The Tribune. thInl !,
high time that there should be some for,,.,
concerted action on the part Of million, =.
citizens who condemn the attitude Of TIA Al
ministration. Those whose opinions A.
leve voice in this matter contend that nj,
great neutral country failed grieyously in \.
duty when 1t neglected to record a sole,,
protest at the moment Germany invaded RAJ.
GUM. They contend that this first pro,s,,
should have been followed by others a. eseh
of the subsequent violations of international
law and the laws Of humanity and ciylli,s.
ton.
The Lusitania murder, the most horribl.
crime ever committed by a civilized nation
staggered the world. 1t was clean-eut and
deliberate; there were no doubts connected
with it after couple of days; moreover. 1,
was cumulative, differing only in degree from
previous similar crimes. There was a gen.
eral expectation that even Germany would
not admit responsibility for this awful act,
but would disavow it, When, in the answer
to the note of Mr.. Wilson, the German gov.
eminent not only did not disavow the deed
but defended il, when it was clear from the
utterances of the German press that the ns.
ton, as a whole, was proud Of this slaughter
Of women and children, when there were even
school festivals 10 celebrate the success Of
the German submarine, it did seem that
further exchange of polite notes was impOs.
sible. Diplomatic relations should have been
promptly and completely severed, and Bern.
storff and the rest of them should have been
sent home and our representatives recalled
Was anything of the kind done? No, indeedl
More beautifully worded notes. Naughty
naughty! Mother held up her finger at Mary.
Six months have elapsed, when we should
have closed the incident six days after the
first German note was received.
What kind of democracy is II that allows
one man to speak for and to misrepresent
millions? At every step during all these
months the word has been given out, no.
that the President had summoned the leaders
of the nation into consultation, not even that
he was consulting his Cabinet officers, bu,
that he was "very calmly" considering the
situation, and, later, that he had announced
his decision TO the Cabinet. The egotism
and arrogance of this are almost unthinkable.
man who assumes responsibility Of this
kind should be of far larger calibre than
Woodrow Wilson.
believe that the man who has forced
millions of citizens into position which fills
us with shame and modification will be
buried beneath an avalanche Of adverse votes
next fall, whoever may be his opponent
IRVING PUTNAM.
New York, Nov. %, 1915.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
Not All towards.

To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: 7 have just read your mastery e',
torial. what Was To Be Expected" and "'n
to express my appreciation Of your Cow
PAPER. There is one thing which looms
up bigger every day, and that is the mem
cheney and inaction Of the present son'"
istraton. To any one with courage, prias Sns
strength of character the present stt'U0e :.
the official United States can but De h4.os
ating. Were l not woman would De i'Aos
to defy such leadership and seek the compAn!
of drawer men, but still hope that me uD'.
may come when we will show the worid ma
we are not all towards. Let US all turn =, :
man whom we believe 70 have courage sDn.
ity and some solicitude for our nationai PRIV
and honor and boost him for our next ffe'''
dent THEODORE ROOSEVELT. l. L. D.
New York, Nov. %, 1915.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
Insanity and Hair.

The connection between hair and music
is unouestioned. The head that is full of
harmonies is plentifully, often luxuriantly,
thatched-"such sweet compulsion doth in
music lie" There is no known hair oil
can duplicate music's charms; and yet,
how can we reconcile this truism with the
capillary fertility discovered by DR.. Clark,
of Monroe, Wis, among the insane?
81 have examined several hundred pa
tents as to their sanity" the doctor tes-
titles. 81 have had the opportunity Of
studying many insane asylums of the coun-
try, and in all my experience I have yet,
with a single exception, to see an insane
man who was bald headed"
Insanity is discord, the negation Of har-
mony, "like sweet bells tangled, out Of tune
and harsh" The insane consciousness is
cut of step with the universe, chip of
being plunging through space like a
meteorite, a rebel against the music Of the
spheres. Meteorites are barren-why not
such mad domes, seething with hallucina-
tons? Cool harmony and hot discord-
how can both enrich the scalp?
The doctor offers us no explanation. But
the poet has said:
SO discord ofte in musick makes the sweeter
lay.
There may be the germ Of an answer in
this.
+ In the meantime, it is suggested that
baldheaded men console themselves with
their sanity, which sounds little like say
ing that goodness is its own reward.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
Smoking in Theatres.

A dispatch from London announces that
the Lord Chamberlain has decided to sus-
pend the prohibition against smoking in
theatres while the war lasts. 1t is difficult
10 account for this decision offhand, for
The relation between war and smoking is
by no means obvious.
II is easy enough to understand why
the war should have an influence on drink
ing in theatres. Regulations relating to
the use Of alcoholic beverages have been
revolutionized in England, and the thea
tres and music halls have been affected as
profoundly as hotels and railway stations
But that facilities for smoking should be
increased while more and more obstacles
ore placed in the way Of drinking is
paradox not easily explained by reference
10 the war.
It may possibly be accounted for by an
increased demand for a certain kind OF
license. Peculiar restrictions are COM
monty attached to various licenses. Thus
as general rule, music licenses granted
% moving picture theatres allow instru-
mental music only, or IL singing is per-
mitted the singers are forbidden TO appear
in costume. Then again permission TO sell
drinks goes with some licenses, but not
with others.
kind OF performance that apparently
suits the present temper Of the public is
the reVue, so-called. Very possibly many
Of the theatres formerly used for regular
plays are now given over largely to revuea
and 20 vaudeville as a more profitable sort
Of entertainment. There seems TO be a
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
Uniustifiab BILE Slaughter.
or of The Tribune.

To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: After reading your editorial "The
New Amercanism" may | express the views
Of an American, not hyphenated and truly
neutral Of sympathizing with the suffering
people of az nations constitutes neutrality)l
In regart to your comparisons Of ITO
and 1861, it Is reasoning unworthy OF Inc
Tribune's heretofore high standard to say
we have done it before, therefore we must
DO it again You say " men, tribes
nations, however much they valued life, VAL
ued certain things more highly BY certain
things you mean honor" and by honor IN
this case you mean revenge on the Kaiser
and protection against possible repetltlohs
of the really inexcusable offences. II
were only the matter Of the loss Of few
million lives I would say you were right
But need say that the loss Of life is the
smallest toll Of the war? The best ana
strongest men, who should be the fathers Of
to-morrow's America, will be killed and mu'
tilated. and killing and mutilating while the
weaklings and detectives will be reproducing
the next generation. Art and science viii
have to wait while we add one more nation
to this worlds madness. OF course we have
cause" for war. So has every fighting ma
ton in Europe Does that justify nn
" holesale slaughter?
As for your theatrical pictures OF the n''
meted. mustached villain in various avn
tudes of cruelty, they are unworthy Of yc0'
LILLIAN FENDLEh
New York, Nov. 20. 1915.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
From an Admirer.
To the Editor of The Tribune.

To the Editor Of The Tribune.
Sir: | have followed your editorials TO
garding the present policy Of the admini'Na
ton as TO the relations between the Oh''''
States and the Teutonc powers, and have %.
mired the way you have upheld the Ane'''.~
ideslism, quite in favorable comparison :.
THE New York Times" to which paper hs.s
been subscriber for many years and am NV .u,'
disseminating TO become subscriber OF LUG
Tribune. 8.
Trusting you will keep up this att,o'e
/ am, r. GUE"0'
Bloomfield, n. j., Nov. 49, 1915
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
Closure in the Senate.

Some of the Democratic leaders in the
Senate are still talking about putting
through a closure rule before they get
down to the real work of the next session
But the nearer the opportunity to limit
debate approaches the more reluctant will
the Senate majority be to seize it. Many
Senators admit in theory that the great
est deliberative body on earth" ought to
be made a little less deliberative. But
few of them are really dissatisfied with
the present system. They lack that SIN
cere belief in the necessity for change
which led Thomas b. Reed to exclaim
when he had reformed the House rules
"Thank God, the House of Representatives
is nc longer a deliberative body!"
The reason for this lukewarmness is
clear. The power Of each individual Sen
ator is magnified under the rule Of per-
hitting unlimited debate. The minority
retains a considerable authority In shap-
ing legislation, although escaping all re-
sponsibility. Even a minority within
minority can hold out against meas
ure obnoxious to it and force com
promise. Legislation thus becomes a
matter of bargaining, of give and take,
of adjustments behind closed doors. In
such a process individuals count much
more than they could expect to count if
every issue were put publicly to vote
and decided by the mere weight Of
numbers.
The Democratic leaders know what it
means 10 be members of the minority.
They cannot look forward to many more
years of control. The rules they make,
if at all oppressive, will return to plague
them when the Senate again becomes
Republican. 1t is no secret that many OF
the successful flibusters in the Senate
have had covert support from the ranks
of those apparently engaged in driving
through a bitterly contested measure.
The present rules allow Senator to
square himself with the party leader and
dispenser of patronage at the White
House and at the same time to assist in
defeating a bill which he thinks unwise
and harmful.
Senators would be surrendering privi-
leges of great political value if they should
adopt closure and thus enable a President
or a few party leaders to crack the whip
over them and put them on record on any
question on which final action could be
demanded Human nature is strong, and
we fear that the sponsors for the pre-
vious question will discover this fact when
they try to get the Democratic majority
to indorse a change in the rules which
will leave the Senate at the mercy Of a
majority. Senatorial courtesy is toe
hardy flower Of custom and self-interest
TO be cut down overnight by the agitator'
who want TO put lawmaking on prosaic
above-board, counting machine basis.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
Haldane and Roberts.

The conception of Lord Haldane as Ger
manophle pacifst, who weakened our fighting
forces is a grotesque travesty OF the facts
Truth 70 tell, Lord Haldane had clearer
view of the German peril than any of his
colleagues, and did more han any other
statesman to prepare for it. He was the
greatest War Minister that England has ever
had. He vitalized the General staff; doubled
our staff college; created our expeditionary
force; gave us our first organization into
army corps and divisions, our first efficient
system Of war reserves; created army
supply service which has been the admira-
ton Of all our Allies and is the author Of
the Territorial Force, whose praise has been
sung BY every British commander in the field,
from Sir John French downward. Your
travesty of Lord Haldane's attitude is based
on pictures painted in glarng colors by some
Of our conscriptionist politicians, whose real
grievance is that Lord Hsdane killed con-
scription.
What more might we have done in military
preparations? % We might have adopted
Lord Robertss scheme. but some of our eX-
perts hold that it would never have worked
we'll because its details were ill-suited to our
social and industrial conditions. Lord Rob
crts, though brilliant general. was one OF
the least successful Of our military admins
traitors (2) We might have adopted a more
scientific scneme to provide US with huge
army on a compulsory basis. But in this
case could we have kept up our naval suprem-
acy? No nation. in modern history has been
prominent at the same time on land and on
sea. Is it possible 10 impose compulsion for
oversee service? No nation in Europe ever
has done so, and even Lord Roberts's scheme
for a national army contemplated home SER
vice only. The leaders of the Conservative
party were always against CONSUMPTION
What Lord Haldane did was TO make our
small army far more efficient for defence and
rs a striking force. He scrapped artillery
which was obsolete and built up new terri
.orial army on strictly military lines in place
OF the old volunteers and militia. He created
reserves, which were never before organized.
He projected and organized the Expeditionary
Force. He planned it so well and with so
much foresight that the mobilization went
through on the declaration of war without a
hitch, and our troops were fighting in France
before the enemy knew that they had crossed
the Channel. There was no shortage OF guns
or OF rifles or Of ammunition for an army Of
its size. Whether the countries on the CONT
ncnt, which are military powers, had similarly
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28

are doing their utmost to bring about fur
Their restrictions, and it is probable that
some of these will be effected in spite Of
all opposition. But the government
learned some months ago how dangerous
it was to attempt radical reforms in the
matter of drinking, and will probably go
about the business cautiously, trying on
every occasion to determine beforehand
how much the public will bear.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
Opportunity for German Americans


To the Editor Of The Tribune.
Sir: The Belgian Relief Commission .
asking for winter clothing for three milN0"'
OF destitute Belgians, who are prisoners :"
their own country. This would seem an ca
cellent opportunity for our German ieh0"'
citizens to demonstrate the innate righteous.
ness of the German character. II they cas-
only bring themselves to admit that there >,
such place as Belgium, that it is oeeup'e.
by German army, and that, because OF 'ns,
occupation, the population is beggared' "
would be eminently proper for them 10 ei
hibit the efficacy of their particular brand -
Kultur by furnishing the clothing neeesss,'
to keep those unwilling disciples Of the hiss'
est civilization from freezing.
Hoping that they will look with fsyorao'
eye upon this humble suggestion. ! suosesi0'
myself A BARBARIAN.
Rhinebeck, N. Y, Nov. IS, 1915.
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
To the Editor Of The Tribune.

To the Editor Of The Tribune.
Sir: In q long editorial which was pub
lished in the New York Tribune on October
20 entitled "The SHAM" you make a strong
indictment Of the policy of the Liberal gov
eminent with reference to the war. The arl-
Gle misrepresents the actions and principles
which have guided the Liberal government
during the last ten years, and does not state
correctly the determining factors Of national
policy which have been in force in Great Brit-
ain for many years irrespective Of party.
| have so much respect for the opinion OF
The Tribune and the influence which it exer-
cises in America that beg the courtesy Of
your columns TO place before your readers
what conceive 10 be the right Interpretation
Of the Liberal policy which you condemn.
You stated In so many words that ii was
the duty and business of the British govern
ment either to have prepared for war with
Germany or 10 have arrived at an understand
ING with that country similar to the entente"
with France Such an understanding was i'm
possible. as the state of feeling between
France and Germany was such that Great
Britain could not be on the same footing OF
friendly understanding with both at the same
time What our statesmen endeavored to do
was TO make our relations more friendly with
Germany without lessening our ties with
France in the hope of creating in time a
letter understanding between France and
Germany and spreading the entente policy
throughout Europe, so as to prevent the terri
bic catastrophe which has now befallen hu-
mainly What Germany wanted, however,
was 70 arrive at an understanding with us
which would destroy the entente" with
France. France looked with suspicion on
every step we took in the way of creating a
better understanding with Germany. We
we're, therefore, on very delicate ground, and,
but for the wisdom Of our diplomstists, we
might have ended by alternating both France
and Germany and producing an entente" be-
tween them against ourselves. German for
cign policy was merely material, and it mat
tered little to the Kaiser what combination he
brought about so long as he achieved the ends
he had in view.
Great Britain and Germany worked hand In
hand to prevent the Balkan wars involving
the great Powers, and curlously enough the
differences between the two coun-
tries were in course Of settlement In the early
part of 1914 We had arranged a treaty for
the settlement of our interests in Asia Minor
which would have given Germany a new
sphere Of influence in Mesopotamia. A treaty
was to be drafted to harmonic rival interests
in Africa which would have given Germany a
further place in the sun" The Liberal policy
was, therefore, making progress without i'm
pinging on the entente" with France, and but
for the duplcty Of Germany, and the Kaiser's
determination to plunge Europe into war, it
would have succeeded in postponing and, very
probably, In averting the present catastrophe
New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-11-28
Working Steadily for Peace.

On the other hand, you say the government
could accept the German fact and face It.
IL could begin TO prepare for war that was
Inevitable" The whole policy of the British
Liberal government and, for that matter, of
other British governments, has been 70 en-
deavor to maintain peace and not to provoke
war. We are an island power, the heart-cen-
ire of a great peaceful empire, and we in
Britain live TO a large extent on imported
food. For these reasons sea power is vital to
our existence. But though it is an axiom with
US that our navy ought to be more powerful
than the two next strongest navies that might
corceyably be in combination against ia, we
always regarded the navy as an instrument of
defence and not of aggression. As for our
army, il was simply an expeditionary force
for the defence of the empire Even Lord
Roberts, the chief advocate of national ser
vice, only had in view an army of about half
million men, and that for national defence,
not for service overseas. The naval and mill
tary strategy Of the empire, however, is really
determined rot by the government in Office
for the time being, but by the Council of
Imperial Defence, which is non-party body.
and includes both naval and military experto
and statesmen of both political parties. The
Council of Imperial Defence might on occa-
sions make greater demands on the House of
Commons than were granted, but the relative
parts which the feet and the army were TO
play in the scheme of defence were decided by
this supreme authority. The whole question
Of conscr!ption was thoroughly studied by il
and rejected as contrary to our interests.
There was no difference between Liberal
and Conservative statesmen concerning the
general outlook with regard to Germany.
Both parties were animated by supreme de-
sire to maintain the peace of Europe, and
they considered that the best way TO attain
this object was to bring influence 20 bear on
Germany so that the constitutional and
peace-loving party in that country would be
strengthened against the sinister designs of
the Prussian military autocracy The fol-
lowing are examples Of the attitude of Con-
servative leaders in Great Britain toward
Germany: