Evening public ledger. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1914-1942, 1915-05-14
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Swiss decided on a policy of national defense.
IT is the virtual guaranty of tho independence
of brave people who have too much sense TO
put their faith in international guarantees OF
neutrality and enough spirit to be willing to
face the military issue instead of feebly evad-
ing It. with Belgium we come to the opposite
case.
Belglum's attitude had many points of
semblance to that of this country toward the
military problem. She was ensrossed in one OF
the most remarkable outbursts of industrial
energy that the world has seen. Labor prob
lens and social reforms had become urgent She
concentrated her attention herself. She
was impatient, one is almost tempted to say
naturally impatient, at any thought of spending
money and foresight anything so irrecon-
cilable with her ideals as her army. And the
upshot was a haphaSard, negectfu ineffective
treatment of the problem. Then she woke up
one fine morning to find her country wrecked
and in ashes
Let us hope that all who understand will sup
port those few gentlemen who in Congress and
elsewhere are striving to improve our national
defenses. To say that the is stupid and
wicked may be true-most people nowadays are
agreed on this point-but 1t does not dispose OF
the question. 1t is only in the kindergarten text
that 1t takes two to make a quarrel. as every
page of history demonstrates. If war Is stupid
and wicked, to encourage others to make war
by remaining defenseess is stupid, wicked and
criminal. And to avoid that crime 1t is not
necessary TO threaten. We have merely to raise
our army to standard that will place II about
on a level with those of the second or third
rate European Powers-say somewhere between
that this would be n departure from old
time policy, that 1t would alarm Europe weaken
our moral power and forth, is cheap clap
trap for very ignorant and foolish audiences.
1t would. of course, have precisely the oppo-
site effect.
One Of the most prominent of our peace
advocates, David Starr Jordan. writing in
the Survey (4), argues that we should face
the issue squarey:
In the London Morning Post these statements
appear: after ALL the British Empire is built
up by good fighting, by its army and navy. The
spirit of war Is native to the British race. Only
by militarism can guard against the abuses
of militarism." Parallel is the motto given by
the Crown Prince of Prussia some two years
ago: THE earth rests not more securely on the
shoulders of Atlas than Germany on her army
and navy"
The real struggle behind this great war is
not that between military Germany and the
Allies of military Britain. That will very likely
end in a drawn game, of itself settling nothing
the great conflict of our century is that between
law and anarchy Law involves the rule of
Justice between nations between men.
Anarchy is the rule of men by force and by
fear. BY fear armies and navles have vainly
posed as insurance for peace BY force they
may make for victory never for peace
NO amount OF armament, large or small ewes
made for peace. certain amount of armed
force may be useful even in a democracy II is
the business of American statesmanship to find
out Tor ourselves the line of safety and, to hold
TO that line. Militarsm existing for it's own
democracy is the minimum consistent with
safety. 1t may be that we have not exceeded
that minimum, but we have certainly never
fallen below IT,