New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-08-08

kill his tormentorS. Inc hlHsts"Se "''"
The two peoples lies in the fact that tne
North American considers i bad for himself
10 tease an animal that is his mental INFERIOR
Ii the individual does not think this OUT Tor
himself the thinking members OF his commu-
nifty do so for him. But the spanish NINA
.,oes not-in general-think back Of the mere
hull and red flag and the consequent excite
ment
This same collective" viewpoint explains
much of the tradtionalism and consequent
backwardness of the people They are con-
tent to pay dollar every few weeks for a
lottery ticket, on the chance of some fine day
Getting ten thousand dollars which does not
belong to them They do not--in general
realize that in this instance. by the nature Of
the laws of chance and regardless OF
morals" their claim to the ten thousand
.!ollars is not good" until they have paid in
xactly that amount.
With regard TO the present European war
the sympathes Of Spain, as a nation, are
again subject to this superficial point of
view. All things are personal and particular;
there is no ntrospection and little generali-
zation. The motto "a Spaniard does not for
get" is but another way Of stating that his
r.ind retains only the individual instances,
II
Bearing this in mind, let us consider the
nations at war; in the first place England
Here the problem is very simple; disregard
;ng the graves scattered over Northern
Spain graves of Engishmen who fell in aid
ing the Spanish against the French, the Span
lard remembers Gibraltar-and hates Eng
land He does not-in general-realize
that if Gibraltar belonged to Spain 1t would
oe barren rock He does not see that for a
roverty stricken nation. without a navy or
foreign possessions, Gibraltar would be not
only untenable, but useless He fails 20
understand that as England has no designs
Oh the God-forsaken stretch of country i'm
mediatcy to the north of the straits, Spain
is much better off, much safer. with British
fort at Gibraltar than with no fort there.
With regard to France the problem is more
complex. In the first place, the fanatically
religious" element in Spain desires to see
France punished for having separated the
church from the state This seems perhaps
fantastic to some Americans, who have been
brought up in comparative religious freedom.
he Spanish who sympathize with France,
however. admit that this religious" party is
enc of the strongest if not the strongest, Of
.hc anti-French element in Spain. There
gre, of course, particularly of the
"high society class-who feel il their duty
IS mobiles and traditionalists to take the
-tand of the clergy. There is also a middle
class faction which is ant-French principally
because they wish to be distinct from the
.abble, the mob. the socialists, who are re-
Eublcans and pro-French.
Another considerable element is that Of
he Historical" or national" party. These
men, students or lovers of national history
largely, "do not forget" the wars of Napoleon
ard their consequences in spain.
These are the particular anti-French
classes There is, however, a sentiment
which is not of class, but which runs through
all the educated classes. Many who recog-
nize the position that France has held, and
holds, among the nations feel the keen jeal-
cusy that is only found when one sister race
utdistances another in material progress, in
Intellectual excellence and in wealth. 1t is
bitter thought to the Spaniard, who has
cCnscientiouSly played the lottery, that the
Frenchman has drawn interest on his earn
ines There is no hate which equals that Of
the inefficient for the eficient-especially if
the two be of the same family. The pros
rerity of France, and of England, to some
degree, this type of Spanard regards in the