The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1915-06-11
THE NOTE TO GERMANY.

| surely Tie explosion OF the Bryan
bomb was premature and also I'M
called for. 1t seemed to forecast that
the second note of the United States
! to Germany relative to the slaughter
of the innocents aboard the Lusitania
was a pronunciamento bristling with
threats of war. Such is not the case.
In no sense can it be construed even
as an ultimatum of finality. IT may
lead, of course, to a break with Ger
| many. But such a break might not
| necessarily mean war between the
| United States and Germany, unless
| Germany should go so far as to be
| the mover in declaring such a war.
| Nor does it follow that President Will
son would call congress together and
ask for a declaration of war against
Germany if the assurances we de-
mand are not given. In such an
event, and a possible consequent rup-
ture of our diplomatic relations with
Germany, the president undoubtedly
has plans of procedure and reprisals
other than those of actually engaging
in war. But these are exigencies of
the future.
The note. a matter of fact, is
merely another firm asSeveration that
the rights of our citizens be respected
on the seas. 1t presses home in I'M
mistake BILE language the purport of
the first note in the premises that
President Wilson penned and Bryan
signed as secretary of state. 1t asks
assurances of Germany that these
rights shall be recognized. This is the
essential point of the first note that
the German answer lodged. And again
it becomes Germany's move But she
1ct II Io ND int
plain. 1t would seem that she must
interrogation. And this apparently was
the thorn in the note for MIR. Bryan
But what would he have? Would he
discuss the Lusitania affair with Ger
many for a year, if needs be, and in
the meantime have us sit supinely by
and have our neighbors, who did not
see fit to heed his warnings to keep
out of the war zones, murdered in as
ruthless a fashion as were the victims
of the torpedotng of the Lusitania?
Such a method of procedure would be
intolerable. Its mere suggestion
savors of puerility.
And the activities of Mr.. Bryan
since his retirement from the cabinet
approach the objectionable. If ever
there were a time when the people of
these United States should stand
unitedly behind their president, that
time is now. He should be followed
by them into whatever ditch he may
lead. The controversy with Germany
| is the nations, not the presidents.
His position demands that he lead the
way. The requirements of the oc-
casion peremptorily order the people
to follow him. The great bulk of
them are in a mood to do so. The
unanimity and alncrity with which the
people as a whole have endorsed the
position the president has taken with
Germany, and the emphatic way in
which they have made known their in
tentions of following him wherever
he shows the way, indicate, and con-
clusively, that they appreciate their
responsibilities.
Notable in support of the president
have been the great newspapers of
the United States, regardless of their
political affiliations; many of them,
too, favoring party strenuously OPP
posed to the administrations politics.
At this critical hour the secretary
of state, who should be the first and
foremost to uphold and strengthen
the hands of his chief deserted him
in a moment. The erstwhile patriotic
Mr.. Bryan turns loose his volubility
in an effort to divide the people
into contentious camps on a ques-
ton that is so vital to the sub
stance of the nation that it is one on
which sides can hardly be taken
He would have them. or as many as
he can cajole with his glib tongue,
deny their own voice, or recant. For
Woodrow Wilson. our president, is
now speaking for the whole people,
not for himself. Does not the atti-
tude of Mr.. Bryan border on the
traitorous? And what spectacle it
is for one man to assume unto him
self proportions that are larger than
those Of his countryi