Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1915-10-03
SAYS THE PRESENT
IS MEFOR PEACE
Emily Greene BaIch Believes
Neutral Powers Should Begin
Negotiations in Europe.
DISCUSSES THE TERMS
LIKELYTO BE DEMANDED
Thinks Each Belligerent Nation De;
sires Cessation of War at Earliest
Practicable Moment.

41dCLlCdUlc Q4OuCUts
Emily Greene Balch. professor of
political economy at Wellesley College,
has prepared for the Survey Press Blu
reau- an article entitled THE Time to
Make Peace" in which she endeavors
to controvert the widely accepted idea
that the present is not the time to
endeavor to bring about cessation of
hostilities, and in which she declares
there is every reason to believe that
the psychological moment to make
such an effort is really at hand
As a member of the American wom-
ans Peace Party. Prof. Balch attended
the woman's convention at The Hague
last summer, and she later made tour
Of various European countries. She
talked with Sir Edward Grey in Lon
don. NJ. Sazonoff minister of foreign
Affairs at Petrograd. King Haakon VII
and Mr.. Zahle. the prime minister of
Norway. and Mr.. Wallenberg. the prime
minister of Sweden.
In her article. Prof. Balch points out
that the question of peace is a ques-
tion of the terms upon which it can
be made. She says:
Every country desires peace at the
earliest possible moment at which it
can be had on terms satisfactory to
itself. Peace is possible the moment
that each side would accept what the
other would grant. but from the inter-
national or human point of view a sat
fsfactory peace is possible only when
these claims and concessions are such
as to forward and not to hinder human
progress
Two Kinds of Peace.
The making of peace involves not
only questions of the character of
the terms, of demands more or less ex-
treme; it also involves the question
of the principle according to which
settlements are to be made. There are
two conflicting conceptions.
"On the one hand is the assumption
that military advantage must be repre-
scented Quid pro quo in the terms-so much
victory. so much corresponding advantage
In the settlement There is even the COM
mercial conception of war as an invest
ment and the idea that the fighter has
right to indemnity for what he has spent
On the other hand, it is assumed that
the war having thrown certain inter-
national adjustments into the melting pot
the problem is to create a new adjust
ment such as shall on the whole be as
generally satisfactory. and contain as
much promise Of stability as practicable.
Balancing the Scale.
The equilibrium Of opposing claims
might be secured by balancing unjust
acquisition against unjust acquisi-
ton. or by balancing magnanimous
concession against magnanimous conces-
sion A neutral mediator or mediating
eroup acting in the interest Of civiliza-
ton in general and Of the future might.
without throwing any weight into the
scale Of one or the other side, help them
to find the equilibrium on the higher
rather than on the lower level.
THE settlement Of a war by outsiders
mot their mere friendly cooperation
I. something that has often occurred. ex-
hibiting that curious mixture of the Grass
est brute force with the most ambitious
idealism which characterizes the conduct
Of international dealings. The fruits of
victory were refused to Russia by the
congress of Berlin in 1873, Europe forbade
Japan the spoils of her war with China
the results Of the Balkan wars were
largely determined by those who had done
none Of the fighting.
"A peace involving annexation of un-
willing peoples could never be a lasting
one. II might put an end to military
operations, but it certainly would not
bring peace if we give any moral con-
tent to that much-abused word. Europe
4.
nor Ireland for long before, nor Poland,
nor Alsace. nor Finland. Any community
which. II 1t could, would fight to change
its political status. may be quiet under
coercion. but 1t is not at peace.
The question, then, is what sort of
peace may We at least hope for now
on what terms. on what principles?
Swap and DECKER.
I'VE may be sure that each side is
ready to concede more and to demand
less than II is ready to advertise The
summer campaign. in which marked
advantages are most likely. is nearly
over and a winter in the trenches will
cost on all sides money and suffering
out of all proportion to the advances
that can be hoped for. It must be re-
membered. too. that the advantages
hitherto gained not all on one
side. but that each has something to
concede. The British annexations of
Egypt and Cyprus may be formal
rather than substantial changes. but
large and small and probably Russian
gains at the expense of Turkey in the
near east give bargaining power to
the allies. So. also. even without sue
cess in the Dardanelles. does their
ability to thwart or forward German
enterprises in Asia Minor and Meso-
potamia.
Friends of Finland and of Poland
must see to 1t that the debatable lands
of the eastern as well as of the west
ern frontier are kept in mind. From
the point of view OF Poland the ma
thing to be desired Is the union of the
three dismembered parts - Russian.
German and Austrian Poland-and
their fusion in some sort of buffer
state. independent, at least essen
TALLY autonomous. Concessions to Ger
many in Finland and Poland are at
least conceivable and would make the
concessions of complete withdrawal in
the west easier for her to make.
Still more important are the conees-
sions in regard to naval control of the
seas. which Great Britain ought to be
willing to make II the safety of her
commerce and intercolonial communi-
cations can be adequately secured
otherwise. and this would seem to be
the natural counterpart of substantial
steps toward disarmament on land.
War Deadly to All.
But all this !, speculation. The fact.
obvious to those who look below the
surface. is that every belligerent power
fs carving on war deadly tn ttzaIf.