The Washington herald., 1915-09-20
Great Britain's Dilemma.

Neither France nor Russia have ever lost sight of
this fact or failed to give to their ally the fullest
credit for the way in which she has performed both
of these tasks. 1t was understood in addition that
small British expcdtionary force would be
rushed to the Continent, unless conditions within
the British Empire rendered that impossible. there
to render such assistance as it might while France
was gathering her forces for the fray Such an
expeditionary force sent. 1t was probably the
finest body OF fighting of its size that was ever
put into the field And it performed vaantly.
Both before and at the battle OF the Marne and
at the first battle of Ypres the British army rem
dered vital service Neither France nor Russia and
least of all Germany, if Bernhard and others are
to be believed, imagined that Great Britain would
be able to put into the field any army larger than
the three corps or so that constituted the original
cxpedtionary force.
Notwithstanding the way in which France has
poured out her wealth, it has always been under
stood that Great Britain was the allies financial
standby. Her expenditures have far exceeded
those of either France or Russia and in the future
her proportionate contribution will be still greater
1t has been equally clear that if Britain was to
maintain her credit and her ability TO finance the
allies she must be allowed, in the language of Win
ston Churchill to do business as usual during the
war; at least far as possible. Her ability to
finance the war depends upon the ability OF her
merchants and manufacturers to pay for the war
when it is over Wholesale conscription or other
dislocation meant putting these men out OF busi-
ness and dealing fatal blow to England's credit
Britain has raised an army OF 5000, 900 men
since the outbreak of the war by voluntary enlist
ment The value of the volunteer system has been
not that better soldier forthcoming, but that
for the most part the whom the business OF
the country could best spare were the ones to take
I'D arms lot of nonsense was talked about the
men who preferred to stay at home and make
money when their comrades dying in the
field In many cases of course this was Just
criticism. But for the most part the men who
STAYED in the counting houses and factories were
playing the countrys game just vitality as were
the men at the front 1t was only to be expected
that the conservatives comprising the landed
aristocracv and the service men-and all the
people with early Victorian idcas-should have
demanded conscription. Their heads are as thick
as their hearts are stout. They have fought mag
nhcenty and sacrificed magnihccntly. To ask
them to be intelligent in addition is too much Nor
is it to be wondered at that the men in the trenches
should demand compulsory service for the loaf
ers' at home. To these men it seems incredible
, hat anv ono not traitor to his country should
oppose the measure But to the statesmen the
matter has a far graver import
That the conscription question will be settled
in manner satisfactory to all parties concerned
is highly probable As is usually the case in Eng
lish politics the most violent partlsans are those
| who know least of what they are talking about.
| And there are unfortunately always men like
Northolife whose methods and motives only
bring wholesome condemnation of the cause they
| cspouse
lotto &c IcS,r nh n
Britain is obvious, if only from economical
| nont of view The men who cannot be replaced
should be kept in the factories and mines and ship
wards and fields and distillcries. The men whose
places can we'll be taken by women or who have
no work or whose work is not asset to the
country should 60 to the war. There is no doubt
| that the purpose OF the registration act was to
pcrut OF an industrial we'll military con-
scriDtion along the lines indicated. But there
! seems little doubt that its object has been but
| dimlv understood by the mass OF the British
people For example day or two ago 1t was
announced in Parliament by labor member that
the railway mems unions would call general
strike if conscripton was put into force. But
whyo Under an act calling for the scientific KIND
of conscrption that Britain needs scarcely rail-
road man would be called to the colors. As a
matter of fact the kind OF man that Britain is after
| does not as a rule, belong to union. Some
trades might be affected, but for the most part IT
is the small shopkeeper. the vendors OF tape and
tripe and the innumerable Ais and Georges that
hold UP the walls of every village public house,
that the government desires to reach.
| But the chief objection to this kind OF con-
scrption is that it will hardly add a substantial
! number to the men already under arms. 1t has
been computed that the most men Britain could
raise without taking away from useful work
that cannot be done by women is 100000. And
she is likely to get that number in any event.
| 1t is said that Lord Kitchener is opposed to
Iconscription If so it is undoubtedly because he
thinks the war can be with the armies he
already has at his disposal. And his guess ought
to be good one even it it does not please Lord
Northcliffc 1t is said that Lloyd-George favors
conscription If that is may be sure that
his views are based on economic reasons and that
| he has in mind some scientific scheme for increas.
ing the efficiency of the country at large rather
than the mere idea of swelling the bulk OF Eng,
! lands armies
These things will be revealed in time. In the
meanwhile stories of dissensions in the cabinet
and conspiracies hatehed by the sinister hand oi