New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1915-08-26
,src. which he might have quoted but

ofr,;J terribly. in this war, whether
we are in IL or whether we stand aside.
81 leave il to any one, outside OF
Germany. in any neutral country, 10
settlc for himself whether those are
tho words of a man who had desired
and MANNED a European war, or OF one
Who had labored to avert 1t. Inc e%-
tent of the German Chancellor's mis-
ennlication of the isolated sentence
which he quotes will be obvious to any
one who reads the full context OF the
speech. ..x;b
"As TO the other statement attrib-
uted 10 me. not even when we were
nerfectlv free, when Japan. who was
our allv. had not entered the war. and
when we were not pledged to the other
Allies as we are now By the agreement
Of September 5, 1915. did | say any
thing so ridiculous or untrue as that
II was in the interest of Germany that
we had gone to war and with the OBJ
iect of restraining Russia.
Could Have Averted War.
"The war would have been averted
IL the conference had been agreed TO-.
Germany on the Aimsiest pretext shut
the door against it. ! would wreak
nothing on the point Of form and ex-
pressed myself ready to acaulesce IN
sny method of mediation that Germany
could suggest if mine were not accept
able. | said was ready to cooperate
in any method Germany thought posi-
BILE il only Germany would press the
button in the interest OF peace.
"The German Chancellor, according
IN his speech. encouraged nothing ex-
cept direct discussion between Vienna
and Petrograd. But what chance had
that of success when, as we heard al
terward. the German Ambassador at
Vienna was expressing the opinion that
Russia would stand aside and was con-
veying to his colleagues the impression
that he desired war from the first and
that his strong personal bias probably
colored his action there?
"Some day, perhaps, the world Will
know what really passed between Ger
many and Austria respecting the ulti-
matum to Serbia and its consequences.
It has become only too apparent that
in the proposal for the conference,
which we made and which Russia, Italy
and T-ane AGREED to, and which Ger
many vetoed, lay the only hope of
peace. And it was such good hope.
Serbia had accepted nearly all the
Austrian ultimatum, severe and violent
as it was. The points outstanding
could have been settled honorably and
fairly in conference in a week. Ger
many ought to have known, and must
have known, that we should take the
same straight and honorable part in it
that she herself recognized we had
taken in the Balkan conference, work
ing not for a diplomatic victory OF the
group, but for fair settlement and
ready to side against any attempt to
exploit the conference unfairly to the
disadvantage of Germany and Austria.
1.-THE refusal of the conference by
British participation in the war, did, in
fact, decide the question of peace or
war for Europe and signed he death
warrant of the many hundreds of thou
sands who have been killed in this war
"Nor must it be forgotten that the
Emperor of Russia proposed % the
German Emperor that the Austro-Serb
dispute should be settled by the Hague
tribunal Is there one candid -oul in
Germany and AustriaHungary who,
regret that neither the British nor the
"And what is the German programme
as we gather it from the speech OF the
Chancellor and the public utterances in
Germany now-Germany to control the
destiny of all other nations, to be the
shield of peace and freedom of big and
small nations? Those are the Chan
cellor's words-an iron peace and a
freedom under the Prussian shield, I'M
der German supremacy Germany su-
preme.
Germany Alone Would Be Free"
Germany alone would be free--free
TO break international treaties, free to
crush when it pleased her, free to re-
fuse all mediation, free to go to war
when it suited her, free when she did
go to war to break again all rules OF
civilization and humanity on land and
sea, and while she may not act thus all
her commerce at sea is to remain as
free in time of war as all commerce Is
in time of peace.
"Fredeom of the sea may be very
reasonable subject for discussion. DELI
milton and agreement between the ma
tions after this war, but not by itself
alone; not while there is no freedom
and no security against war and Ger
man methods of war on land. II there
are to be guarantees against future
war, let them be equal, comprehensive
and effective guarantees that bind Ger
many as we'll as other nations, includ-
ing ourselves. M
Germany is to be supreme. The
freedom of other nations is to be that
which Germany metes out to lem.
Such is, apparently, the conclusion to
be drawn from the German Chancel-
lor's speech. And to this the German
Minister of Finance adds that the
heavy burden of thousands of millions
must be borne through decades not by
Germany, bu by those whom she is
pleased % call the instigators of the
war In other W DIS, for decades TO
come Germany claims that all the ma
tions which resisted her should labor
to pay her tribute in the form Of war
indemnity.
"Not on such terms can peace be
concluded or the life of other nations
than Germany be free or even toler-
able. The speeches of the German
Chancellor and Finance Minister make
it appear that Germany is fighting for
supremacy and tribute. II this is so
and as long as it is so our allies and
we are fighting and must fight for the
right to live not under German su-
premacy, but in real freedom and
safety"