The Washington times., 1915-01-12
AMERICAS POSITION

AMERICAS POSITION
The London correspondent Of the
Chicago Daily News, in 4 well-tem-
pered and serious dispatch, expresses
the opinion that America is, by its
policy toward the warning nations,
isolating itself from the sympathy
and regard of all Europe and all
sides in the struggle.
This correspondent. Edward. Price
Bell, is of opinion that the United
States has not pleased either side.
It did not enter protest against the
violation of Belgium neutrality, did
not insist upon the sacredness of in
ternational treaties, did not make it.
self felt in urging against the al
legged crimes against civilization
that have marked the conduct of the
war.
But, while standing unmoved in
contemplation of these things,
America did spring forward to pro-
test against the interference of the
war with it's trade. 1t could not see
the great moral considerations, but
it was ready with vigorous insist
ence upon it's right Of "dollar-chas-
ing" To use Mr.. Bells language,
Eve abdicated ignominiously and
ran away when great questions of
morals and humanity were con-
cerned, but promptly recovered our
sense Of duty and our courage. when
the state of war threatened to re-
duce the profits of the copper kings
and otherwise penalize America ma
terially."
1t would seem probable that Mr..
Bell gets inspiration for, these views
from his conversations with repre-
sentatives of British public opinion;
the fact that he writes from London
suggests that source of his views
But he insists that all the warring
countries feel. displeased with us;
the Germans because we have
"cringed" before Britain's control OF
the sea.
If the Britishers think we are
mere dollar-chasers because We
made the protest, and the Germans
think we are cringing because We
didn't make it strong enough, OF
didn't make it early enough, o,
didn't start a fight about it without
delay, we would seem to be main
tanning our neutrality pretty sue
cessfully. If either side were alto
gether pleased with us, there woulc
be ground for suspicion that we were
not properly neutral. With botf
sides disaffected, each, apparently
because it is disappointed at not get
ting some advantages through oul
amiability or our. cupidity, it ap
pears that we are playing on pret
ty even balance.
1t is very easy to understand how
British and French may feel thai
the United States ought to plunge
into the war and help them. Like
wise, it was easy in 1861 to un
derstand how Americans felt tha'
British sympathies ought to be will
the Union cause, which stood fol
human liberty in quite as obvious ;
way as do the allies now. But il
fact both Britain and France, for
getting their principles Of devotion
to the humanities, were distinct!
hostile to the Union cause; The af
fair Of Mason and Slidell nigh
have brought on a war if the British
minister in Washington had been a.
truculent as his home government
would seemingly have liked him tt
be. The outfitting of privateers il
British ports to prey on American
commerce, the constant effort o
Britain to aid the South in order t.
get its cotton-these things .savo
quite as much of pounds, shilling
and pence, as the American protes
against present shipping condition
does of dollars.
| America, we are told, did not pro
test against the violation of Bel
gium. What good would protes
have done? The thing was "A fai
accompli before anybody knew it Wa
threatened. After it was, done, pro
tests would have been perfectly use
less. The Belgiums did not nee
protests then; they needed proven
der. And they got it; got it chief
from the United States, too. 1t
declared that never in history ha
there been such magnificent re
sponse to such a need. as came fror
America.
, The United States need not be cor
cerned about the fear Of "isolation
from Europe. We have thrived O
, isolation. Isolation was BIRTHS
policy for centuries. Looking theI