The Washington times., 1914-03-23
THE CLASH IN ULSTER

THE CLASH IN ULSTER
Ulster is the northern province OF
Ireland, and contains about one
fourth the area of the leland. Its
chief center is the great and pros
porous city of Belfast. where many
of the greatest ships in the world
are built and which is become one
Of the most important industrial
centers of the United Kingdom.
The ancient feud between the
Orangemen and the rest of the Irish
is simply the feud between the
north and south Of Ireland. The
north Of ireland is preponderatingly
Protestant, the rest is overwhelm-
ingly Catholic. But there has been
less of religious difference between
tie sections than of race and tradi-
tional division.
Ulster does not want to be ruled
by parliament at Dublin, because
it would be in the minority in that
parliament and fears that its inter-
ests would be sacrificed. The oppo-
sition Of Ulster to home rule legis-
lation has always been one Of the
pretexts for unionist opposition to
that measure. It is difficult to de-
termine, today, how much basis
there is for this Ulster antagonism.
It has been fostered and encouraged
for many decades by the great Brit
ish landowners whose holdings in
Ireland are 30 important to them,
and who fear that a parliament Of
the Irish, sitting in Dublin, would
be highly disadvantageous to the
nonresident owners. The alien
owners are doubtless right in their
fears; but the people Of Ireland, and
the liberals of Britain, have long
been committed to the view that the
millions Of the loyal people of Ire
land are entitled to more considera-
tion than the hundreds of landlords
whose largest concern for Ireland
has to do with squeezing high rents
out Of the people.
Under Gladstone home rule meas
ures were passed by the liberal
commons, only to be rejected by the
peers The present liberal regime
had that same experience, but was
not contented to let matters rest
there. The peers, the country squires
and land-owning interests gener-
ally, completely control the upper
house of parliament. They are
everlastingly opposed to home rule,
because they represent both the
ownership of land in Ireland, and
the general sentiment of opposition
to all change in institutions that
looks toward giving the people more
power in their public business.
When the Asquith- Lloyd George
regime came into control, and the
revolutionary Ioyd-George budget
was rejected by the lords because it
proposed to increase the burdens
that should be borne by the land
owning classes, the liberal party
forced the adoption of the new
measure under which the lords veto
is limited. They may reject the
measure that has been passed by
the commons; but the commons is
given the power to pass it over the
veto.
This is just what has happened
IN the case Of the present home rule
bill. 1t is about to pass over the
veto Of the lords; and the lords, the
land-owning aristocracy, and tory
sentiment of the whole kingdom, is
arrayed in a last-ditch fight to de-
feat it. If it cannot be defeated by
parliamentary measures, they are
willing to bluff at making war; per-
haps actually to precipitate civil
war, though it is yet difficult to be-
lieve they intend to go so far.
Sir Edward Henry Carson, union
ist member of parliament for a
long time, formerly solicitor general
for Ireland in a conservative cabi-
net, is the man who more than all
others organized the great and au-
dacious plot to bring the country to
the verge of war in Ulster, as a last
desperate resort in the hope of
frightening the liberal ministry
away from the home rule program.
1t must be understood that home
rule is not the real issue that the
British tories are worried about.
Home rule, with them, is just a pre-
text, a sham, a false front behind
which they are organizing their
opposition to Asquith's ministry and
the whole progressive order it rep
resents. Asquith and Lloyd George
would compel the land and the in
comes of the great landowners to
pay taxes; real, business-like taxes.
Tho GREAT 1apded oct ofaS ~ Pr;foip