The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1914-11-15

ate during the war and Recons ruCto,
he never wavered In his stand for IN.
inviolable supremacy OF the mic.
but In the heated sessions OF thos. d,,,
of trial by fire his conciliatory d'sp,.
ton was a power for good and an n.
valuable restraint upon the no. pa,
sions OF the time. He was acute % De-
ceiving the real point and tendency a,
debate. forcefully direct or iugeniomv
indirect in his argument. as the cas-.
might demand; ready speaker ou,cs
at repartee though not witty, with
well stored and tenacious memory Use
full In the refutation of careless t..
unfair statement; always courteous
20 much so that enemies might acvus.
him OF willy subservlence In respect of
means to attainment Of the create
end: a man whose qualities revealed
but far outwelghed the natural defec,.
OF their composition.
Sumner hit the nail on tho head when
he referred to Johnson's "nimblcness ~
speech" in ranging over "a vcrv .y
tenslve field In a speech SUMMARIZED
by Mr.. Steiner
He thought too much time was sn.nt n
discussing the negro question. Public luir
mpnt opposed poiltlcbl anu Npflhl f0uAIfr
Negroe. should have au the rights nreoss.t,
TO enable them to protect life and pro1e-ty
but when we como TO the questions -
political rights and social enjoyment th.f.
nre other considerations that enter into such
Inquiries" Prejudice must then he considered
Some negroes have as much intellect FL,
white men. but Il would not be wise ~ h,v.
them IN the Senate. There Is no more tlrh
TO exclude a black man from a car designed
for the transportation OF white persons than
there Is a right 20 refuse to transport IN d.
car designed for black persons Whit men
should have no objection 20 ride IN car
with them provided they we're clean; and
have Just as much objection 20 sitting along
side OF a dirty white man az TO -l,tirr
alongside OF a dirty black man" he ad-
mitted. however. that ladies objected. Save,
he added. were ~ a rule kindly treated ".
ne was glad that slavery was coming 20 A.
end and, with Washington. he thought thai
II hurt the value OF good land about The
Chesapeake.
He limited the clause "all men ar.
created free and equal" to . connotstion
of equality jurlstic, not political or
social.
The sound Americanism of the man
shines in some OF his Senatorial utter
ances apart from the bulk OF them On
the war and restoration OF the old Fed
eral status. Speaking against popular
election OF judges, he called II "a system
productive OF nothing but unmixcd mis-
chief" encouraging strife for reelec-
ton. while the course OF a man once
elevated to the bench should be forever
more wholly apart from the ways o.
politics. He believed the negroes should
he counted for the apportionment OF
Representatives, but was opposed 20
giving them the vote; suffrage he con
sidered not an inalenable right. hut "a
privilege TO be granted or withheld Nv
Government. The war grew out OF 4
difference Of constitutional opinion" iG
which the South was honest though us
view was wrong, dangerous, unconS'-
tutional and inconsistent with the con
unuance OF the Union" He often too.
the floor on questions of interstate and
foreign commerce. Under the author g,
to regulate commerce he held that:
Congress has no power 20 cons,ruc'
bridge unless It owns the land on either Sit.
but the authority TO construct Il Is vest.
IN the states alone. when the states h, a
Jurisdiction on both sides OF the river o..
which the bridge is to he thrown. Cong.
however, has the authority under the co...
mcrcial power, to prescribe what draws
necessary in order to avoid any impedimr
20 navigation. or whether bridges are g. ar
built without draws and with an elevate.
which viii remove all danger Of impeachment
20 the river.
A. Minister to England in 1858 and 1869
johnson had the advantage of a pop
larity gained in the course OF a sotOuf.
in England fourteen years earlier whcs
he argued a claim before a Joint con-
mission; and the disc advantage. as tie
event proved, of conflicting views and
purposes at Washington, full of thrca,
against the success Of his d!plumac,.
Although the Johnson Clarendon trca So
for the settlement OF the Alabama claims
was rejected by the Senate, the minister
had procured from England recognition
OF the justice OF the American couter-
ton, and paved solidly the way for ul'
mate adjudication. Lowell wrote that
the country was "blushlng at the maud
lin barney of Reverdy Johnson thai
made the old red spot where We fc,
that our cheek had been slapped str =
again" Gideon Weles, who wasted uo
love on Johnson, and had once seen III
to write him down "a ian old politict.
prostitute" noted in his remarkable u.
airy that johnson Is doing neither him.
self nor the country credit in England
An influential American publication
which had described the American Min
lister as cutting a pltiable figure sad
after his death
Even his Alabama negotiations now this
the passions OF the time are no longer &C
tive, must be acknowledged to have he.r
creditable TO him, and Il requires q Eood
deal or discrimination 10 make out whrreir
the settlement obtained by him f.U sho''
or what was sfterwsrd obtained by c.
Grant The real objection 10 his treaty w.
that II was negotiated by a Johnsonian Den
ocrat who was too polite 10 the British ari.
tocraoy at time when we hated the Brlt-
ish aristocrsoy
Reverdy Johnson was an able and
faithful public servant, with little OF
creative genius evident in his career. but
rich In the solid qualities that make
Tor usefulness. A man OF excellent
gifts, his greatest perhaps was that NJ
dilisent application. His life was free
or tragedy. but full Of experience. re
was not. like the few greatest Amer
leans, predestined and foreordaned 20
the suiferings and huge labors OF q
washington or a Lincoln. He was N,
Jostled by frisky fortune into high
places. nor was he taken up by the pro-
fessional manipulators Of politics and
slated for political preferment Te
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