The Lynden tribune. [volume] (Lynden, Wash.) 1908-current, 1914-09-24
(By =. d. Pangborn. }

defined in the most explicit languag
possible, the rights, functions and
limitations Of the three departments
of which the government is formed,
legislative. judicial and executive.
They are intended to be and are at
least in theory Independent, inter-
dependent and coordinate. that is,
each was invested with plenary au-
thority within its own domain, and
yet was dependent upon the others
when it exercised its governmental
functions. They were likewise of
equal rank and authority. The faith
ers were greatly concerned lest The
Legislative overslaugh the executive,
and the President become mere
tool in the hands Of Congress.
Strange is 1t not, that after living
for more than century under the
constitution. the political pendulum
should swing to the other extreme
and the executive become the ag-
gressor. The tendnecy has con-
stantly been for the executive to en-
croach more and more ON the juris-
diction and to arrogate to itself the
functions of the legislative. The
functions of the legislative and ex-
ecutive are totally dissimilar and
for that reason. neither should en-
croached upon the domain of the
other. That governmental consis-
tency and integrity be preserved is
OF paramount Importance.
We have now in practical opera
tion the unicameral form of govern
ment, the house being reduced to
fnt. CHI RI
why not eliminate the house from
the governmental scheme and there
by save annually a large sum from
the expense of running the govern
ment. The task of the legislative
Is creative, constructive, that of the
executive to give concrete express
sion to laws enacted. The same
charge (encrOaching on the legisla-
tive) has been made against the jul
dietary, but careful scanning of
the history of the Supreme Court
will not justify such a charge. Pal
pably there must be some power
other than Congress to interpret
aud determine whether a given leg
islative act is within the limits
which the states created and reserv-
ed for the exercise of Federal au-
thority. Where there may be
found one Interpretation that is mar
row and illiberal, you will find
score in which the judges have gone
to the iuttermost limits of judicial
construction in order to uphold the
legislative power. The President by
virtue of his office occupies a posi-
ton of commanding leadership In
his party, becoming at his Inaugural
ton not only the titular but the ac-
tual leader of the same. This be-
lug true he becomes the interpreter
of its Greed, and the expounder of
its policies.
Thus the vital legislative prob
lens that confront every administra-
ton and of which the President Is
the exponent. may be decided lar
gely by the potency of the Presi-
dents influence rather than rea-
son and conscience. The two forces
which a President may use with
deadly effectiveness, for the ac-
complishment of partisan purposes
are his personal popularity with
the country and the thumbscrew of
patronage. However this does not
minimize the danger. When
President transcends the boundaries
OF his executive limitations and in
terferes with individual initiative on
the part of our national legislature,
he strikes deadly blow at our
representative form of government
"a government in theory, at least
Of, for, and by the people. Just in
the exact measure that President
substitutes his will for the will OF
the people, does this government
gravitate toward Autocracy. Infall-
Utility and absolutism are not at
tributes of the Presidential office.
Power ever tends towards tyranny
Precedents are dangerous things.
Given u President avaricious OF pow
or and no restrained by keen sense
of duty and responsibility to his
countrymen, and he becomes grave
menace to his country's liberties.
No less eminent a parsonage than
Grover Cleyeland in his first inau-
gural address gave utterance 10
these words of wisdom. In the
discharge of my official duty l shall
endeavor to be guided by a just
and unstrained construction OF the
constitution" careful observance
OF the distinction between the pow
ers granted to the Federal govern
ment and those reserved to the states
or to the people and by eau
TIOUS APPRECIATION OF THOSE
FUNCTIONS WHICH BY The
CONSTITUTION AND LAWS HAVE
BEEN ESPECIALLY ASSIGNED TO
THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH OF
THE GOVERNMENT" De Toe
quiville, the eminent French politi-
cal philosopher writing in the last
century, clearly and succinctly de-
fines that delicate balance which
should subsist between the differ
ent departments of our government
in order to safeguard the common
wealth. "If legislative power
could be so constituted as to rep
resent the majority without being
necessarily the slave of its passions
an executive so as to retain GER
tain degree of uncontrolled author
ity, and a judiciary independent OF
the other powers, government
would be formed which would still
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