The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1914-10-16
OUR FREEDOM or SHIPMENT.
The Commercial Rights Of NcutraIs.

I
by this great war. II now appears that
are returning to plague us, vagaries con
corning our position as tho great non
cosnbatant nation. Some representative
Germans have discovered a new applica-
ton for the opinion OF tho Secretary OF
State, rendered concernin. the proposed
loan OF money OF the opening OF credits
by our citizens to tho French Government
They argue that tho violation OF the
spirit OF neutrality asserted 10 els;
In the financing OF shipments OF grain and
tobacco through a public loan IL still
moro apparent In the fulfilmcnt by our
merchants Of orders from tho several
belligerents for military stores It Is
conceded that such shipments are en-
tirely allowable according to the rules NJ
international law and form part OF the
legal business of neutral nations. But II
Is sought to erect the recent announce
ment OF the State Department into a
precedent binding on this country and
available TO impair tho important trans
actions In which our citizens are now
engaged as producers OF guns. ammuni-
NADis hVNOI NhIs nOIStsnutN' lOpANtolt
foodstuffs and numerous other articles re-
qulred by armies in the field.
The proposition to shut down so many
departments OF our commerce n about
the most fragrant assault upon our rights
as neutrals that has been attempted dur
ing this great war. II emanates from
nationals who cannot oeneht by any ship
ments from this country while the Eng
llsh navy commands the North Sea II
they can prod our Washington depart
ments into official obstruction to this
vast American Industry. II they can effect
this result by claiming an analogy with
our own rulings. the German object will
be accomplished. England and France
could get no more military supplies from
the United States, and the incidental loss
TO American trade would be the least con-
alteration to our sympathetic Teutonic
friends. AS our authorities have already
drifted away from recognized rules OF in
ternational law in the EFFORT to create a
new and impracticable standard OF neu-
trality. II is desirable to get our bearings
concerning our right to trade in time OF
war.
10 reduce our sthtus OF ncutrhis 10 It's
simplest expression. II may stand in this
form: There is no Limitation in our re-
lations TO belligerents except that our
country shall not be the base for military
or naval expeditions 1t Is familiar
knowledge that this principle Is now
systematized as part OF our municipal
law by act OF Congress. Any objection
able act by neutrals. such as improper
coaling OF belligerent vessels. is trace
able 20 some phase OF this military In
fraction of neutrality.
on the commercial side of neutrality
there is no limitation TO the initiative OF
neutrals. They have tho same right In
time OF war that they had In time OF
peace 10 sell army and navy supplies,
foodsiuffs or anything else 10 any bellig
erent. and to ship them in any bottoms.
Contraband OF war or conditional contra
band being subject 10 capture. this met
dent interests the neutral vender only
according TO the arrangements he may
have made with the purchaser as to the
passing OF title to shipments. These
being the unquestioned rights belonging
to neutrals according TO public law, MIR.
Bryan's declaration In tho French loan
matter is not available to annul this free
dom OF neutral trade. On the contrary.
that freedom indicates the error in the
Secretary's position toward monetary
transaction, whatever may be the charac
ter OF the resulting shipment.
To view the subject in the concrete.
II Is plain that tho German contention
would result In ennulling the great mass
OF our trade with tho allies until the war
had terminated. This would follow from
the extreme scope OF tho principle OF con-
ditional contraband. This doctrine is in
tended to prevent belligerents from re-
ce!ving shipments which may not De es-
sentially military but which are highly
available to support hostillties. such rs
foodsturs. The German invocation TO the
spirit OF neutrality proposes to stop all
this American commerce. not by captur-
ing II on the high seas but by arresting
It's departure through departmental or
ders or suggestions from Washington. In
short. Mr. Bryan Is invited TO act ms
substitute for the German navy. In this
way an official fallacy is to be elaborated
for tho sole benefit OF Germany
II IS needless 10 say that II would re-
qulre bold politician to accept this Teu-
tonic invitation. Let us look at the fa,-
tors II would encounter Immense por-
lions OF our civilian commerce are sus-
pended In such articles as cotton, copper
and many others a large proportion OF
consumers mounting into millions are ac-
lively engaged in warfare. while tho re-
mainder have IN great part become in
capacitated as buyers. The commerce OF
Europe has beon transmitted into tho
purveyance OF supplies absolutely or con-
ditionally contraband. To these condi-
tions our country Is In no way con-
tributor. From these conditions we are
greatly sufferers. Yet we arc asked 10
Increase our own surerings by refusing
to trade in the principal merchandise
which militant Europe requires. II we
accepted tho imposition of this kind OF
neutrality We would soon be on the road
to national poverty.
There is still more unjust phase u
the German proposition. Besides involv-
ing tho impairment of our contemporary
commerce. It really involves the most I'M
neutral conduct. We are willing TO sell
and ship all kinds OF merchandise to all
the belligerents with tho most perfectly