The Wheeling intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1903-1961, 1914-03-19

None the less. without impugning
their motives. I do disagree most en-
phatically with both the fundamental
philosophy and the proposed rene
dies OF the MARKHAM Socialists These
Socialists are unaltef ably opposed TO
our whole industrial system. They be-
heve that the payu.ert OF wages
means everywhere and inevitably an
exploitation of the laborer by the en-
ployer. and that this leads inevitably
TO a class war between those two
groups. or. as they would say. be-
tween the capitalist and the proletar-
lat They assert that this class war
Is already upon US and can be ended
only when capitalism is entirely de-
stroyed and all the machines. mills,
mines. railways. and other private
property used in production are con-
fscated. appropriated. or taken over
by the workers. They do not as
rule ciaim-although some of the sin
ister extremists among them do-that
THIS class war IL war OF blood and
bullets. but they do claim that there
between two great cIa,ses' whose In.
terests are opposed and cannot be rec
| onciied: In this war they insist that
the whole government national
state and locals on the side OF the
employers and is used by them
, against the workmen. and that our
law and even our common morality
are class weapons. like a policemans
club or a Calling gun.
have never believed. and do not
to-day believe. that such a class war
Is upon US. or need ever be upon us:
nor do / believe that the interests OF
wage-earners and employers cannot be
harmontzed. compromised and ad-
Justed- IL would be idle TO deny that
wage earners have certain different
economic interests from, let US say.
manufacturers or importers. Just as
farmers have different interests from
sailors. and fishermen from BANKERS
There Is no reason why any OF these
economic groups should not consult
their group interests by any legiti-
mate means and with due regard TO
the common. everything interests OF
All: I 90 not even deny that the ma
have less property and less Industrial
security than others and because they
90 not own the machinery with
which they work (as does the farm
err are perhaps In greater need OF
acting together than are other groups
In the community.
Partners In Industry.
But i do insist (and I believe that
the great majority OF wage earners
take the same view that employers
ana employees have overwhelming In
lterests In common, both as partners
In industry and as citizens Of the Re-
public, and that where these interests
are apart they can be adjusted by so
altering out laws and their interpre-
tation as to secure to all members OF
justice
i"Standino Pat" on Industrial InIustlee
4 L nave always maintained that onr
worst revolutionaries to-day are those
reactionaries who do not see and will
not admit that there Is any need for
change. Such men seen, 10 believe
that the four and half million Pro-
gressive voters. who in 1912 register
ed their solemn protest against our
social and industrial injustices. are
let III enough alone. IN these reac.
tionaries had lived at an earlier time
In our history they would have adj
vocated Sedition laws. opposed free
speech and free assembly. and voted
asai , 'free schools; free access by
chanics. lien laws. the prohibition OF
truck stores. and the abolition of i'm
prisonment for debt: and they are
the men who to-day oppose minimum
: ware LAVISH. Insurance of workmen
against the ills OF Industrial life. and
the reform of our legislatures and our
courts. which can alone render such
measures possible. Some OF these re-
dictionaries are not bal men, but
1 merely shortsighted and befsted. n
7 however. Who.
/ by standing pat" on Industrial in.
justice tnctte inevitably to Industrial
revolt, and IL Is only we who advocate
political yand Industrial democrac
who render possible the progress OF
our American industry on large con-
structive lines with a minimum OF
friction because with a maximum OF
| justice.
The Wage Worker Should Share.
Everything possible should be done
TO secure the wage workers fair treat.
ment. There should be an increased
wage for the worker Of increased pro-
lductiveness. Everything possible
should be done against the capital q
who strives, not to reward special ef-
Z f1cfency, but 20 use II ns an excuse
for reducing the reward OF moderate
efficiency. The capitalist Is an I'M
worthy citizen who pays the efficient
man no more than he has been con
tent TO pay the average man. and
nevertheless reduces the wage OF the
average man. and effort should be
made by the government TO check
and punish him. When labor-saving
machinery is introduced. special care
should be taken-by the government
~ necessary-to see that the wage
worker gets his share OF the benefit,
and that II is not all absorbed by the
iemployer or capitalist
A Case In Point.
| The following case, which has come
20 my knowledge. illustrates what
]