The Washington times., 1914-11-24
PRESIDENT AND SENATE,

There is room for some argument
whether the suggestion of the Presi-
! dent sitting with the Senate in ex-
ecutive session, would in experience
be found very useful expedient. II
is true that the President has con-
stitutional authority to do so; but
so has the Electoral College constitu-
tional authority to elect a President
and Vice President to suit itself and
quite regardless of nominations
made by political parties. The Elec-
toral College long since abdicated
its constitutional rights, and our
Government has developed around a
different theory; so different, in fact,
that if an Electoral Colleee should
now seriously undertake to repudiate
the instructions of the voters it
would be considered a sort of trea-
son.
Likewise, Presidents have not seen
fit to take part in the deliberations
of the Senate, and the Senate has
developed system of doing business
independently.
1t is pointed out, of course, that
the President is in effect the pre-
mier under our Government; and
that for him to take part in legis-
lation would parallel the method in
countries that have responsible par
liamentary government, and in which
cabinet members, headed by the pre-
mier, sit on the government benches
and present the governments pro-
gram.
But there is this very essential diff
ference: that our country has not
Cabinet responsibility. The admins
tration in Great Britain, if defeated
in the popular branch, retires. That
is not the case here. The Admins
tration may be defeated on every
thing in its most cherished program;
but neither the head of the Govern
ment nor any member of the Cabinet
is affected.
Thus a very different situation
presents itself. Our Chief Executive
is often said to be the most power
full in the world. Considering his al
most complete lack of responsibility
to the legislative division of the
Government, and weighing the
patronage power which he holds
over members of the legislative
branch, it is within reason to saw
that he probably does WELD a greater
political power than any other ex-
ecutive.
The personal attendance of the
President, particularly in sessions
where his appointments were to be
considered, might very easily be
construed as Sort of espionage.
Very much of what transpired would
be in a fashion personal to himself.
If Senators indulged the complete
frankness that is understood to char
acterize executive sittings, the re-
suits might be anything but pleasant
to the Chief Executive; while if the
fact of his presence caused Senators
to refrain from that complete can
dor, it might be a misfortune to the
public service.
A President, in short, has power
over the legislative branch, without
responsibility to it. He can punish
members if they bring themselves
under his displeasure, but they have
no chance TO retaliate by turning him
or his Cabinet out of office.
II is a matter of the most common
that in recent years the
public has been developing an in
creasing disaffection with the legis-
lative end of the Government. The
feeling has been that it does not hold
itself Independent and vigorous
enough. Would it not be yet more
liable to this kind of criticism, if the
President placed himself in position
to make Legislative discussion of his
program and appointments take on
a pointedly personal character?
1t is easy to believe, looking back
to the years when Mr.. Roosevelt was
President and his enemies were
charging him with bossing Congress,
that an announcement by him that
he intended TO sit with the Senate.
would have caused a great uproar