Richmond times-dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1914-current, 1914-11-20
OUR "VISIoNARY'' PRESIDENT
From an Article by George Cree in Century Magazine
Cine o, the hay. Best

serving these rules on terms of abso-
Lutte equality" Language could not
be more explicit.
The forces OF privilege. however. had
the same Vital interest In compelling
the violation of this treaty AZ In se-
| curing the recognition OF Huertn. for
In toll exemptlons the coastwisc ship
ping monopoly saw chance to obtain
the subsidies denied by fixed public
policy
II was the first test Of strength be-
tween an awakened idealism and an
| intrenched .naterialism Who can have
forgotten how, I'm the opening days OF
the debate. servants OF privilege leaped
at whnt seemed fair opportunity to
work the Presidents defeat and humil-
( iatton? Does any one imagine that
these practical politicians were moved
to ultimate support by any softening
process OF idealfsm? II liz unthinkab BILE
Opposition was relaxed because they
felt the menace of "a peoples anger.
Too much significance cannot be at
tached to this victory. The ISSUE war
clean-cut between money and Justice,
between practically and principles. be-
tween tho arrogant privileged Inter
ests and the unorsanizcd mass. In
, the utter rout Of the profit -monSers.
| 1t may be seen how little they ex-
pressed or represented the deep, under
lying passions of America
The tarir furnishes still another case
in point Even though the Democratic
promise of revision downward had
been explicit, the fact that many Dem
ocratlc States relied heavily upon pro-
tected Industries soon evolved spirit
OF compromise and evasion. Had
Woodrow Wilson been a thinker along
! practical lines, as laid down by years
OF custom. he would have conciliated
the protectionists in his party BY con
senting to less than absolute redemp-
tion of the tarin pledge.
The larger good OF the Wilson poll
cics. To he sure. is found In q peo-
pies recovery OF faith. ideals. and self
respect but there are tremendous re-
turns. nevertheless, that can be meas
ured In dollars and cents. In summing
UP these tangible benefits. there lis an
almost Indecent exposure OF material
!sm and the sham practically that IL
has been preaching.
Woodrow Wilson Is in no sense a
herald. The revolution OF betrayed
idcalism has been In progress for more
than century, and In thesast decade
particularly there has been steady as.
snult upon evil and outworn institu-
tons. These passionate groupings of
the spirit In the direction OF ideals pro-
fessed and not practiced have merely
lacked great leadership and authori-
tatlvc expression. This liz what Wood
row Wilson gives lie comes as .
leader, as a indicating force. as q clear,
rallyinG cry 10 the almost mystic pas
sicns that are peculiarly the domi-
nant note OF the day. He iits tho
heed OF the bloodless revolution as skin
fits the hand, bringing purpose and
courage TO the struggle for nobler full
hlmcnt uf the hopes and aspiration.
that thrilled those who first sought
refuge in the new world from tho op-
prcss.ons of the old-the struggle for
real democracy.
II is contended that the Roosevelt
administration ushercd in new order.
and In certain sense this is true. He
denied the established assumption that
great magnates could do no wrong, and
with his cry of personal guilt" aroused
the conscience of the people TO fever
heat. There Is no intent to take away
from the value Of his services. and
yet his activities. although honest.
were essentially oligarchic, and miles
removed from an understanding OF
democracy.
Mr.. Roosevelt differed from his prede.
ccssors only In that he demanded pun
ishmept for the evil-doers of special
privilege. 1t was not the system with
which he auarrcled, bat with indi-
vidual malcfactors. Under analysis he
Is seen to believe In control, not free
dom. and in protection rather than In
the abolition OF the evils that necessi-
tate protection.
. His Intent was to do good for tho
people, according TO his own ideas OF
good, rather than to let people do good
for themselves according to their Ideas.
1t cannot be found that he dssented
Fundamentally from tho bland theory
that all intelligence is vested In n
choice few or that prosperity Is class
product, and even to-day he betrays
a feeling that-the radical movement Is
the pet property of high minded lords
of thea manor with leisure on their
hands
AS IL matter OF fact, there is every
ground for the assertion that Mr.
Rooscvelt's contributions to the cause
OF democracy werc far less important
than those OF Mr.. Taft. Where the
former worked In Kaleidoscope colors,
the latters effects were in unrclievcd
black and white. Mr.. Taft's belief In
the necessity and virtue of ruling
class was religious in Its fervor, and
In no wise did he attempt to hide il
or confuse 1t. As Il consequence, lie
provoked conflict. challenged com
PARSONS, gloried. In solemn assevera-
tions OF his faith, all to the end that
the battle-lines were clearly drawn.
Mr.. Roosevelt colored and obscured the
aristocratic features of American life:
Mr.. Taft isolated them so perfectly tina.
the hour Of revolt was hastened Inn
measurably. Both of them, In their
Woodrow Wilson.
Let II he said again that not since
lincoln, not since Jefferson, has any
man o-'felt and expressed the pas.
sionate iaealism that Is tho soul Of
America. To revolt that was vague
and sporadic, he brought no beggarly
contributions OF expediency and oppor-
tunism, but the clear, Inspiring GER.
families Of a lifettfna.