The Washington times., 1914-11-27
BELGIUM'S FUTURE.


ticle, seemingly written by Dutch
man. but presenting the decidedly
German view of the future of Bel
gium. He protests that Belgium
must be made a part of Germany,
for that empire cannot permit the
maintenance of a semi-independent
country that England may use as an
offensive and defensive arm. "The
German army" he declares, "has
, not made so many sacrifices in Bel
gium for nothing"
This German view is what has
been expected all along. Germany
will make every effort to retain BEL
gium. Without much doubt, in maj
ing a peace Germany will try to
trade Alsace-Lorraine back to
France for Belgium; hoping in that
way to win over French support for
the extinction of Belgian nationality.
At the same time, it may be expected
that Germany will seek to bargain
for Russian support in this particu-
! lar matter, by offering to make some
territorial concessions to Russia in
the east, German Poland being the
obvious place for them.
Thus in the diplomacy at the end
of the war England will have to be
| the chief sponsor for Belgium, unless
the three allied powers demonstrate
more moral and intellectual solid
arity than allies commonly display in
such circumstances. 1t will be Ger
many's effort to divide the allies in
interest, so that while they are dis
agreeing she may get away with the
best possible terms for herself.
That will not be so difficult matter
as might be imagined, for the reason
that even if Germany is beaten, there
will not be a great deal Of spoil to
be distributed. Russia will want to
get an outlet to the open sea, and if
she cannot be given Constantinople
in full sovereignty, she will insist on
territorial concessions at the north.
Germany could we'll afford to trade
some eastern frontage for Belgium.
In making such an offer she would
hope not only to win Russian sup
port, but also to arouse Russian an
tagonism against England. For if
England feels compelled to deny
Constantinople to Russia, and at the
same time to refuse Belgium to Ger
many, it will be difficult to keep the
Russians from a feeling that they
have been used as a catspaw with
out getting any of the chestnuts.
The apparent outcome must be the
concession of Constantinople to Rus
sia, or else to one of the Slavic
states of Balkania, that may be
counted upon to remain in sympathy
with Russia, and thus make Russia
the dominating influence, even if not
the nominal sovereign, at the old
Byzantine seat.
Of one thing it is possible to be
very certain. England will never
agree to a peace that involves the
destruction of Belgian independence
German intimations that this de-
struction is sine qua non are simply
equivalent to insistence that the
war must go on to a complete oblit-
Grafton of the military power of one
side or the other There will be lit
tie use talking about peace until it
is agreed at the outset that Belgium
is to be restored. Even disarma
ment agreement would carry little
conviction to the British public if it
were accompanied by a German in
sistence on holding the Belgian pis
tol at Britain's head.
It is plain enough that Germany
cannot be dismembered as one of
the prices Of peace. Germany, if she
is defeated, will presently be reor-
ganized into a comparatively demo- !
cratic state; and democracy and mill !
tarism do not travel together. De-
stroy her militarism, and she will be-
come democratic in due time; or re-
verse the process, make her demo-
cratic, and she will abandon her mill
tarism. But Russia will be the new
seat of militaristic ideal, and Ger
many must be maintained as a
strong state in order to strengthen
the arm of the democratic west
against the autocratic east and
north.
Belgium will be the cockpit of the
diplomatic warfare, as she has been
the theater of the western fighting
in arms. Her sovereignty will be |
the first prize for which the peace