Newark evening star and Newark advertiser. [volume] (Newark, N.J.) 1909-1916, 1914-10-19

the trade commission bill and In the
Clayton bill, to make men in a small
way of business as free to succeed as
men in big way and to kill monop-
oily in the seed. Before these bills
were passed the law was already clear
enough that monopolies once formed
were Illegal and could be dissolved
by direct process of law and those
who had created them punished as
for crime. But there was no law to
check the process by which monopoly
was built up until the tree was full
grown and its fruit developed, or, at
any rate, until the full opportunity
for monopoly had been created. With
this new legislation there is clear and
sufficient law to check and destroy
the noxious growth in its infancy, and
the new trade commission has power
to forbid and prevent unfair compe-
tition, whether upon a big scale or
upon a little. Monopoly is created
also by putting the same men in
charge of a variety of business enter
prises, whether apparently related or
unrelated to one another, by means of
interlocking directorates. That the
Clayton bill now in large measure
prevents. Each enterprise must de-
pend upon it's own initiative and eff
fectiveness for success and upon the
intelligence and business energy of
the men who officer 1t. And so all
along the line-monopoly is to be cut
off at the roots.
Justice to Laborer.
incidentally, Justice has been done
the laborer. His labor Is no longer to
be treated as il 1t were merely an
inanimate object of commerce discon-
nected from the fortunes and happi-
ness of a living human being, to be
dealt with as an object of sale and
barter. But that, great as 1t is, is
hardly more than the natural and in
evitable corollary of law whose OBJ
ject is individual freedom and initia-
tive as against any kind of private
domination.
"The accomplishment of this legls-
lation seems to me singularly sig
nificant thing. If our party were to
be called upon to name the particular
point of principle in which ii differs
from its opponents most sharly and
in which 1t feels itself most definitely
sustained by experience, we should
no doubt say that it was this: That
we would have no dealings with mo-
nopoly, but reject 1t altogether while
our opponents We're ready to adopt it
into the realm of law and seek merely
to regulate it and moderate it in it's
operation. 1t is our purpose to de-
stroy monopoly and maintain compe-
ttion as the only effectual instru-
ment of business liberty.
1--WE have seen the nature and the
power of monopoly exhibited. We
know that 1t Is more apt to control
government than to be controlled by
1t, for we have seen it control govern
ment, dictate legislation and domi-
nate executives and courts. We feel
that our people are safe only in the
fields of free individual endeavor.
where American genius and initiative
are not guided by few men as In
recent years. but made rich by the
activities of a multitude, as in days
now almost forgotten. We will not
consent that an ungovernable giant
should be reared to full stature in the
very household Of the government
itself.
"In like manner by the currency
bill we have created a democracy of
credit such as has never existed In
this country before. For a genera
tion or more we have known and