The Bemidji daily pioneer. [volume] (Bemidji, Minn.) 1904-1971, 1914-04-20
REVIEWS FIGHT OF
LABOR FOR FREEDOM
Brief Of Compers in Behalf Of Bacon
-Barelett Bill is Remarkable Docu-
nt-Sketches History
LABOR AND CAPITAL, NOT ALIKE
1t is Impossible to Legislate Equit-
ably For Both Under the Same
Law" He says-Approves Strikes
By Congressman G. Fl. Tavenner.

By Congressman G. Fl. Tavenner.
Washington, April 20,-Samuel
Gompers' brief and appeal to Con-
gress to enact the on-Bartlatt
bill exempting labor unions from
prosecution under the antitrust laws
is a remarkable document.
Mr.. Gomperps begins by sketching
the history of the struggle of labor
for freedom. At first all workers
were slaves. The barbarians in
vaded Europe and it was necessary
to give men their freedom from sla-
very to induce them to be soldiers
But the overlords retained the own
ership of the workers. labor power,
and this was serfdom The black
plague in England upset serfdom by
creating a scarcity of labor, and
made labor free for the first time.
Then came the factory system In
dividual relations between employer
and employee became impossible, and
collective action-the union-be-
came necessary for the protection of
the rights, interests and lives of
workers. Employers called this con-
spiracy, and it took years to bring
relief from the old conspiracy laws
Finally, when labor seemed to have
won the right to act collectively, the
Supreme Court turned the Sherman
law against the unions.
After showing that the trainers of
the Sherman law never intended it to
apply to labor unions, Mr.. Compers
turns to his argument in favor of
specific exemption now.
ut is a common CUSTOM he says
''to couple together the words la
Dor and capital as though they stood
for things of similar natures. Capital
stands for material, tangible things,
things separate and distinct from
personality; labor is human at
tribute, indissolub1y bound up with
the human body. It is that by
which man expresses the thought,
the purpose, the self that is this own
individuality; if he is a free man he
has the right to control this means
Of self expression. This he values
above all, for if he lose this right
to decide the granting or withhold
ing of his own labor, then freedom
ceases and slavery begins.
"Under the present inductrial or.
der, with it's concentration of indus
try on the one hand and the divi-
sion and subdivision of work on the
other. the individual WOrkingman is
unable to maintain his right of self
assertion unaided, hence workers in
stituted organizations and banded to-
gether to secure for themselves Wild
er freedom Of action to regain the
economic and social power they lost
by the conditions mentioned. 70
classify these ombinations, not for
profit and without capital stock, in
the same category with corporations,
trusts and monopOlies, is forcing an
indefensible classification and
grouping together things of a direct
ly opposite character.
at is impossible to legislate equit-
ably for labor and capital under the
same law. Certainly it is not class
sions for two things inherently dif-
ferent, aiming at different purposes
and employing different methods.
This is no special privilege or 'ex-
emption' that organized labor asks.
"The right to cease work, to strike
to Withhold labor power, is essential
to the maintenance of the freedom OF
the workers. It would be impos-
sible to retain present advantages
Or to increase wages, or to better
conditions of work without the right
to strike as organizations. To make
acts in furtherance of these purpose:
enjonable or punishable takes from
the associations of workes that which
gives them virility and effectiveness
Labor power is not a product; il
is human ability to produce. Be
cause of its very nature it cannot bt
regarded as trust of corporation
formed in restraint of trade. Any
legislation dealing with the subjec
of organizations, corporations o.
trusts which curtail or corner the
products of labor can have no true
APPLICATION to the association of free
men in the disposition or withhold
ing Of their labor power"