Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1914-06-18
THE BRITISH CRISIS
xxxIII.-Property in
Politics.
By Frederic J. Haskin.

LONDON, June G-"Property" is the
shibboleth of British politics. 1t is the
open sesame to which all doors swing
wide. and he who has it not must content
himself with looking at the outside Of the
wall. Property is the cement that united
the British aristocracy and the British
plutocracy. 1t is the philosophers stone
that transmutes middle-class brass into
aristocratic gold.
There is little to be said of the mere
rights of property in the English polit-
ical situation, since it is the privileges Of
property that really count The land
owning classes for centuries have been
the governing classes of England. For a
long time. even after the rise of the
modern industrial system. they held the
citadel of their power against the as
saults Of the wealthy manufacturers and
merchants. But when the plutocrats
were once within a castle they joined
ing democracy of labor.
Take it at the beginning. The right to
vote for a member of parliament in
Britain is not based upon citizenship.
but on the ownership or use Of property.
1t Is true that by successive reform bills
this property element has been reduced
to very small amount. but still the
agricultural laborer. who neither owns
nor rents property. is not entitled to a
vote. Even the militant suffragettes I'M
der Mrs. Pankhurst, earnest as they
have been and violent as they have been,
have never yet demanded votes for wom-
en-. The most they have asked for at
any time are votes for some women, and
those Some women" the ones that
either own property or occupy property
in their own name.
Holding office has from time immemo-
rial until quite recent years been regarded
as the prerogra-
Held Prerogative Of tive of the prop
Property Glass. ber s ' of narlia-
ment have always served without re-
muneration, although the expenses Of an
election are much greater than they are
in the United States. since member of
parliament has to pay for all OF the &C
tual election machinery as well as his
campaign expenses.
The present parliament enacted a law
paying members $1,000 a year. and that
fact is counted as the greatest scandal
of the present liberal administration. 1t
is argued that no man should be elected
to parliament who has not sufficient pri-
vate means to pay all his expenses and
maintain himself in the dignity of the
Office without accepting any aid or COM
pensation from the state.
1t is true that very high salaries are
paid to members of the cabinet and other
high officers of the imperial government.
but these sums are looked upon as being
necessary to meet the unusually large
expenses of the office
In even SO socialistic a city as Glas
gov the rule of custom Is that the lord
provost corresponding to the lord mayor
of English cities) must be a millionaire.
1t is the theory that only a millionaire
will properly appreciate his civic respon
sibilities and be able properly to repre-
sent the city in entertaining distinguish
ed guests
A very great proportion Of the public
men of England, liberals as well as
unionists, are wealthy men who have IN
herited their estates. SO that they have
never been compelled to devote them
slves to business in any way. They
have been trained for public service IN
the universities. have entered public life
on attaining their majority and have
given freely Of their time and efforts
to the nation without accepting any rec
ompense.