The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1914-07-01
Only One Case OF weIching.

The commission should be able to ascer-
tain on complaint or on its own motion
whether a monopoly in fact exists and IL
IL does exist the basis OF its monopollstic
power.
"Second--The power directly to pro-
hibit all unfair trade practices within It's
jurisdiction. This power would enable
the commission TO stop all monopolies
based on unfair and oppressive trade
practices. Whenever monopoly liz based
on such practices what Is needed is not
the right to recommend that suits he
brought by the Attorney-General or by
any one else. What is needed is the d.
rect power in the commission itself to
stop the wrong.
"ThIrd-The power to end the exclusive
control OF a factor necessary to produc-
tion by an order adapted to the crcum-
stances OF the particular case. The order
may involve changes an organization, In
management or In the conduct OF the
business Where exclusive possession OF
natural resource Is the basis OF the
monopoly 1t may he necessary to subject
its possession to the obligation OF public
service: that ia, the obligation to sell to
others a reasonable amount at reasonable
rates.
"Contrasted with this programme we
| have the Democratic antitrust pro-
gramme now under discussion in the SEN
ate OF the United States. That pro-
gramme proves the inadequacy OF the
Democratic party for the present and the
| future OF the nation. Ii Is. and always
will be, the States rights party. the party
opposed to strong Federal action, the
| party afraid OF power
I'VE cannot control our great national
businesses without power, national power.
But the Democrats dare not use power
themselves nor let any one else have II.
Their "a q - IN.
day In made futile by this fear
| "rheir official Administration bills pro-
pose a weak Federal trade commission
with no power except to investigate and
report. They fear to give the Govern
ment the strength to cope with corporate
abuses, They fear to give the commits
sion power to prevent unfair trade prac-
tees,
by long and disappointing experience
we have had several cardinal facts ham
mered into us.
First, we cannot and do not want e
destroy all corporations We must have
large units to do our work.
Second, We cannot make every mar
compete with every other man; we canno
go back to 1850, still less to 1850.
Third We cannot destroy monopoly b,
, attacking all forms OF concentration
: whether monopolistic or not.
Fourth, we cannot destroy real mo
nopoly by attacking its legal form. w,
must ma out and take away the rea
economic basis OF monopoly, which Is
very different thing
e Fifth, we can get no effective result
= through the courts. with their slow AM
: restricted procedure.
{ sixth, We must encourage honest bust
] ness and allow that business concentration
4 which viii give the power necessary I
D serve us. This policy OF the encourage
7 ment OF decent business Is as importan
. to the welfare OF our people as Is GU
other policy of effective warfare ngains
I corrupt and unfair business
Seventh. there must DO cooperatio
: among business men. among wage work
, ers and among farmers.
j "The real business problem is the ques
0 ton of that great mass OF corporation
n which are neither monopolies on the on
= hand nor individual businesses on IN
e other. These constitute our real bushes
I machinery. these are the corporation
that We must regulate and yet encourage
O and any attempt such as the Clayton bl
o makes to destroy all combinations wi
d also destroy this business machiner
IS which Is not monopoly. which is necessar
II to modern life and which only needs I
n be regulated for the public good
q I'VE have had now twenty-four yea
II experience with trying to regulate bus
ness BY destruction. The result has bee
,e nearly Hat failure. The only aftermath,
lie is the Progressive plan, which is sane. e.
j. fective and fair,
The policies OF tho Administratio
\. should be rebuked ny the people and Sci