New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1914-12-30
BRITISH PRESS COUNTS
ON MUTUAL FRIENDSHIP
london Papers Believe Issues Raised by United ota'e'
Note viii Be Satisfactorily Settled with
Little if ANY Friction.

comments editorislly on the American
protest as follows:
"The dispute between this country
and the United States, which has pro-
duced a note from President Wilson, is
one OF the penalties which accompany
the command Of the sea. 1t Is only a
belligerent, supreme in given waters
which can endeavor TO bring pressure
90 bear upon the enemy by restricting
his commercial intercourse with neu-
trail countries. Inevitably the attempt
TO do this results in friction with neu-
trail states which suffer from war IN
which they have no direct part
English history teens with IN
stances. and on one lsmentable occa-
sion we allowed a dispute OF this kind
with the United States 10 lead Us into
war with that country. Happily there
ia no need 10 fear any such calamltous
DEVELOPMENT to-day. IL is hard 70 rec
oncile the military interests OF beliig-
erents with the commercial interests
of neutrals. but the attempt can be
made and the characters Of President
Wilson and Sir Edward Grey offer the
surest guarantees that no effort Will De
spared 10 reduce friction 70 minimum
and to consider every problem with
single-minded determination 10 find an
equitable solution.
1--WE have not at present the full
text OF President Wilson's note. but
only a summary The points II raises
are serious, but perhaps not as serious
as close students of this controversy
might have anticipated. The tone 10
eminently friendly. Undoubtedly what
we are doing has interfered with the
trade OF the United States, but there
was never a war IN which neutral COM
merce did not suffer. The American
government, and, still more, the Ameri-
can people, should bear that IN mind
and take as large a view as circum-
stances allow.
Cites American Practice.
zone consideration which should
weigh with them is that the prize law
which this country is now enforcing
is very similar TO American practice.
Another relevant consideration is that
the actual commerce under dispute,
though Of high military significance 20
us, is not of very great pecunlary value
to America, while the gain 20 the
United States by a shortening OF the
war as a result of the Allies blockade
would vastly outweigh any temporary
loss due 20 restriction of American
trade with Germany.
"These are arguments which may
legitimately weigh with Americans who
are determined not 10 depart b. hairs
breadth from neutrality. On the other
hand. il is for the British government
TO consider carefully the relative values
Of certain Of its regulations and OF
American good will. America, without
passing outside of her strict rights,
might reply TO what she considered un-
warrantable regulations with measures
the prohibition of the expectation OF
arms and ammunition. for example,
which would hit the Allies.
an all controversies Of the kind
balance must be struck by both parties
between loss and gain. With the two
governments as determined as the
American and our own 70 smooth away
friction and TO do justice 10 one an
other the search for an equitable ar
rangement ought not TO be very pro-
longed.'
Time Well Chosen.
"The Times" says:
"lhe note is dated December "a. and,
although the idea may seem fancifll.
we canuo; help imagining that it was
by no accident that the eve Of the
great festival Of peace and good viii
was chosen for the dispatch Of this
friendly communication from one OF
the great branches OF the English
speaking communities TO the other.
ar anything in the telegraphic sum-
mary Of the note as received here
should seem peremptory, we feel as
sured that this appearance is entirely
due to the necessities OF compress
sion. and will vanish when the text
of the document is before us. We
fully realize the inconvenience ard INC
loss the conduct of the war must Jcca-
sion 10 America and other neutrais
We also are confident that when the
note is published we shall find that
President Wilson and his colleagues
arc not irsensible 70 the imperious -e-
quirements of our military situation.
I'VE co not suppose this is a dispute
Of our right as a belllgerent TO prac-
/ tise such interference with commerce
between neutrals as is manifestly nee
essary for the protection of our ma
tional safety. What they do question,
as we gather il, is whether the action
OF our ships does not in some cases eX-
coed the manifest necessity"
Proceeding TO state that there are
many peculiar conditions arising from
the war which justify Great Britains
policy, the editorial continues:
THE note deals throughout with un-
shaken faith in our sense of justice.
That trust we shall assuredly do our
best to preserve. II is quite inconceiv-
able that two sensible peoples on the
freudliest Of terms with each other
should not succeed in devsing a modus
vivendi in accordance with the general
principles Of international law which
will az the same time meet the peculiar
facts and circumstances Of this unpre-
cedented war"
The Daily Chronicle" saws:
"A certain amount Of inconvenience
IS, we fear. inseparabie from the pres
/ ent state Of worldwide war, and IL has
undoubtedly been increased as a result
Of the novel methods Of maritime war
fare inaugurated by Germany. While
! Il properly desires 20 secure on behalf
Of it's citizens the fullest practicable
/ facilities for their trade. we must as
sumo that the American government
has no intention Of departing from its
much priced neutrality so far as TO in
fringe the belligerent rights of Great
Britain and her allies.
Language implying such an inten-
ton has. it is true. been used by pri-
waite, though eminent, Americans One
might instance that of President David
Starr Jordan some while ago. but il
is 10 be supposed that Official Wash
ington sees more clearly. The Allies
are quite legitimately subjecting Ger
many and Hungary 20 a species
Of gigantic siege, and upon the efficient
maintenance Of that siege their sue
cess in war must largely depend. II in
dividual American traders wish 10 DEFY