Evening journal., 1914-07-07


sive antitrust bills
But the Clayton bill goes hope
lessly wrong in that it forbids speci-
iically any combination or agree
lCnt i'm interstate commerce between
any two or more corporations, firms,
o. even individuals which in any way
lessons or restricts the competition
between them. This Is the hub OF
their whole position. They propose
TO force every man to compete with
every other man. They hold that
two farmers selling milk across a
State line cannot cooperate; and
that two men doing any business
across a State line cannot form a
partnership or cooperation They
insist that there must be no big bust
ness power concentrated power, or
large enterprise anywhere, and that
our business must go back to the
period OF not merely 1850, but 1850
to the cobbler's bench the grist mill
and the blacksmth's forge
An Economic Absurdity.
This is economic absurdity. We
live in the twentieth century, not the
seventeenth. II was unlimited com
petition that created the great trusts
ana is chiefly responsible for child
labor The new freedom is merely
the exceedingly old freedom which
permits each man to cut his neigh
bor's throat.
THE Progressives are Of the TWEEN
tieth century They face the facts
OF today. They are not afraid OF
power, either in business or in
! government. Their progress will
I allow business concentration. in so
far as each concentration gives social
I and economic efficiency and good SER
vice. But it will also give the
| government full power TO see that
! business concentration does serve
these necessary ends, and that it is
not used for unfair competition or
ior monopoly or for the unfair treat
ment of labor OF for any other anti
social end
CARDINAL Business Facts.
This is the only tenable position
on the trust problem, for it faces
the facts and does not try TO turn
back the hands of the clock. By
long and disappointing experience we
have had several cardinal facts ham
mered into us
''first-We cannot and do not want
to destroy all corporations; we must
have large units to do our work.
Second-We cannot make every
man compete with every other man;
VIC canno, go back to 1850, still less
10 1860.
"Third-We cannot destroy monop-
oily by attacking all form of concen-
tration, whether monOpolistic or not
"Fourth-We cannot destroy real
monopoly by attacking its legal
form. We must find out and take
away the real economic basis OF
monopoly which is very different
thing.
"Fifth-We can get no effective re-
suits through the courts. With their
SOW and restricted procedure
SiXth-We must encourage honest
business. and allow that business
concentration which will give the
power necessary TO serve rs. This
policy of the encouragement Of de-
cent business is as important 10 the
welfare OF our people as is our other
policy Of effective warfare against
corrupt and unfair business.
"Seventh-There must be coopera-
ton among business men. among
wage-workers, and among farmers.
Cooperation the New Law of Busi-
ness,
THE Progressive party is the only
party which recognizes these facts.
Our program deals with twentieth
century conditions, and faces the
Facts of twentieth century business
II recognizes that competition was
the law OF business in the nineteenth
century, but that cooperation is the
law OF business in the twentieth cen
tury, and that this law of cooperation
must apply TO business men, to far
mers, and TO wage-workers alike, but
that the movement toward coopera-
ton shall be supervised and regu-
lated by the government.
The real business problem is the
question of that great mass of cor
porations which are neither monopo-
lies on the one hand nor individual
business on the other. Here is the
truth that so many overlook. If we
view the whole area of our business
We find at the one end. covering a
small section. a part of our business
which is still small and individual
We find at the other end and also
, covering small section certain
great businesses which are substanti-
, ally mOnUpOlistic But in between
these two extremes. and Gov ering by
lar the largest area of our total bust
ness. is mass of corporations. hav-
! ing greater or less degree of bust
, ness concentration. but not indivi-
dual, on the one hand nor i'm any
{ sense monopolistic on the other hand
These constitute our real business
machinery; these are the corpora
B. uons that We must regulate and vet
encourage; and any attempt such as
5 the Clayton bill makes TO destroy all
r combinations will also destroy this
{ BUSINESS machinery which is not
: monopoly. which is necessary 20
modern life, and which only needs 10
( be regulated for the public good.
, Regulation by Destruction Fails.
b. we have had now "A years ex-
b. perience with trying 20 regulate bust
b. ness by destruction The result has
e been nearly Hat failure. The ad-
T. ministraton proposes q policy OF
: further destruction, even more unin-
! telligent in conception, and certain
D &c be more futile in performance. than
p the existing policy which II amends.
! THE only alternative is the Pro
r gressive plan, which is sane. elfec-
tive, and fair We propose TO pro-
Z vide a strong commission. getting
10 prompt action by direct administra-
D tive process; with power in that com
|. uission TO attack directly all unfair
] az s.r,n sarfn q.