The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1914-04-04

lined, they have been put "in white
and black" as Sir Edward Carson
desired; they give Unionist Ulster all
1t has ever demanded short of the
total and permanent exclusion of the
Province Of Ulster from the Home
Rule Bill. But the way in which
Bonar Law and the Carsonites have
received the concessions has proved
too much for even Mr.. Winston
Churchill, whose speech at Bradford
on Saturday night is clear intima.
tion that the concessions represent
the utmost limit to which the Govern.
ment will go, and that the Cabinet
and the Liberal Party are determined
to stand no more of Carsonite and
Tory bluff and threatening and intim-
idation. The Carsonites have actual
ly browbeaten the Premier in the
House of Commons in order to get
an assurance from him that the forces
Of the Crown would not be used
against Carson's egregious Army"
once 1t took the field, not against the
Cameras, but against any attempt to
administer Home Rule. Well, they
have got their answer now from Mr..
Churchill, whose speeches mark i'm.
portant stages in the progress of this
Home Rule fight. The passage in
his speech referring to the menace of
Civil war is so important that it de-
serves to be quoted in special para
graph.
Plain Words to carsonites.
In the course of his speech, Mr..
Churchill said:
"Ah, gentlemen, after this offer
has been made, any unconstitutional
action by Ulster can only wear, in
phrase which Mr.. Gladstone once
j used on another occasion, the aspect
| of unprovoked aggression, and l am
sure and certain that the first British
soldier or coastguard, bluejacket or
Royal Irish Constabulary man who
is attacked and killed by an Orange
man, will raise an explosion in this
country of a kind they little appreciate
or understand, and will shake to the
very foundations the basis and struc-
ture of society.
1--WE cannot let ourselves be bullied
by threats of force, or, let me add, by
force itself from doing justice to the
rest of Ireland, and from making good
arrangements for the future of the
whole of Ireland and maintaining the
authority Of the state.
"Mr. Bonar Law says in effect If
there is civil war in Ulster it will
spread to England too. l agree with
him. go further. Once resort is
had to violence by the leaders of a
great British party, Ulster and Ul-
ster's affairs will dwindle to compare.
tive insignificance. They will become
matter mainly Of local concern. 1t
will not be an Ulster question with all
it's intricate and perplexing tangles,
when we shall have to face a much
larger but much simpler issue. This
will be the issue: whether Civil and
Parliamentary government in these
realms is to be beaten down by the
menace of armed force. 1t is the old
battle-ground of English history; it is
the issue fought out 25O years ago
on the field of Marston Moor.
1--WE do not like threats ourselves
and SO we will not use them to others.
So far the violence has been all on
one side. They confront us with the
menace Of civil war, or what they are
proud to say will be civil war. We
meet them with fairness. We meet
them with Parliamentary majority,
and in due course, we will meet them
in an appeal to the people. But we
also must meet them with firmness.
There must be only one law. 1t
must be the same for the rich as for
the poor. It must be the same for
Tory as for the Liberal or the Labor
man. It must be the same for Or
ange as for Green. 1t must be even
handed in its enforcement. It must
not be swayed by fear or favor. Law
and order must prevail in this coun-
kSxy ut oil 10 nt all fro
Mr.. Devlin, Mp, and the Crisis.
Mr.. Joseph Devlin, MP, spoke at
Bradford on Sunday, and no man
speaks with greater knowledge on the
Ulster question. He pointed out